THE BABYLONIAN EXPEDITION

THE BABYLONIAN EXPEDITION 

OF 

THE UNIVERSITY ' 0 PENNSYLVANIA 

SERIES A : CUNEIFORM TEXTS 

EDITED BY 

H. V. HILPRECHT 

VOLUME XVII, PART 1 

BY 

HUGO RADAU 

ECKLEY BRINTON COXE. JUNIOR. FUND " 

PHILADELPHIA 

Published by fhe Department of Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania 

1908

ql The Editor determines the material to constitute a volume and 

reports to the Committee of Publication on the general merits of 

the manuscript and autograph plates submitted for publication ; but 

the Editor is not responsible for the views expressed by the writer.

LETTERS 

CASSITE KINGS 

FROM THE 

BY 

HUGO RADAU 

$. 

Szxtyeight Plates of Autograph Texts. Twelve Plates 

of Halftone Reproductions 

PHILADELPHIA 

Published 6y the Deportment of Archaeology, University of P~nnsylvanio 

1909

MACCALLA & Co. IBC., lJrinters 

C. H. JIUER. Lithographer 

WEEKS PHOVO-EN~RAVIPIR CO.. ltalftones

'Co 

Vrs, Sallie Crozer nilprscbt 

)Wp Benef actre33 

Rs a very small token of profound and 

lasting gratitude

PREFACE 

ABOUT the same time when the children of Israel were invading the land of 

Canaan preparatory to their final conquest these letters were inscribed on 

clay. They form part of the "Temple Archives" (DUB MUm"") of the Cassite 

period, situated on the west side of the Shatt-en-Ntl. In all probability these Archives 

were found in one or several buildings (connected with each other), known as the 

A DUB sh6 O.GAL and including the Temple Library and the Temple School. The 

Cassite Kings at this time were the chief administrators of the affairs of the Temple of 

Enlil at Nippur; for they are known by the title shakkanakku Enlil, characterizing 

them as the representatives of Enlil on earth, who had "to put the seal" (kanhku) 

of 'the god to each and 'every transaction made by and for the Temple. Nothing 

could be done without their consent, approval, or authority (seal). While the 

"Temple Archives" proper give us a picture of the business methods of the Temple 

administration, under the chief supervision of the King, these letters represent the 

correspondence about those met hods. 

Among them we find complaints from governors about non-delivery or delay in 

the delivery of goods by the chief bursar of the Temple, medical reports about the 

sickness of certain ladies connected with the sanctuary, complaints about goods 

asked for, but not received, accounts of the disposition of taxes gathered, requests for 

wages, building material, food, clothing, and the like. 

The Temple of Enlil being a richly endowed institution, royal officers kept watch 

over its proper administration and welfare and reported about the various affairs of 

Enlil's property to his earthly representative, the King. Thus we find reports about 

the deplorable condition of canals, about the prospects of the harvests on the fields be- 

longing to the Temple, about building operations with suggestions as to desirable im- 

provements, about certain expeditions undertaken in defence of Enlil's earthly 

possessions, etc. 

Though most of these letters are addressed to the "Lord," i.e., the "King" who 

had his residence at least temporarily in Nippur, some of them may be classified as 

part of an "official correspondence between Temple or State officers." There are 

even letters in these archives written by the kings themselves (comp. Nos. 75 and 93). 

vii

. . . 

Vlll LETTERS TO CASSITE KINGS 

This collection of official letters from Nippur forms an exact parallel to the 

letters from the so-called Kuyunjuk collection of Nineveh, which constitutes the 

remains of the famous library of King Ashshur-bicn-apal excavated by Layard and 

Rassam. 

The letters here published have been copied during the winter of 1906-07 from 

the originals to be found in the Babylonian Museum of the University of Pennsyl- 

vania. Nos. 33a, 59a, 60a, 73a and 95-99 have been added after the plates had been 

arranged and prepared for the press (November, 1907). With the exception of three 

(Nos. 33a, 84, 85) these letters are mostly fragmentary, badly damaged, and poorly 

preserved. This being the case, it was my aim to reproduce, as nearly as possible, all 

the marks and wedges of every sign in question, bearing in mind that a reliable 

copy must and ought to be an exact reproduction of the "original" as it presents itself 

to the eyes of the copyist, and not of his "thoughts" or of what he "expectsJ' to find 

in a particular passage. This principle having been strictly adhered to, I came to the 

result that the following signs are used interchangeably: (1) di and ki; (2) ti, bi, ni, 

zr, lit, sha; (3) ib, ur, lu; (4) ish, ma, ba, zu, shag (libbu), su; (5) Icu, shh, lu; (6) im, 

ah, a', mur; (7) du,ush, ta, shh, ra; (8) az, u.g; (9) ad, si, mir; (10) be, nu; (11) al, shit, 

etc., etc. 

As the texts here submitted have been written by more than fifty scribes, and as 

each scribe has his own peculiar ductus, I tried to imitate that ductus in the best 

'manner possible. This is the reason-apart from the copyist's own ability of writing 

cuneiform signs-for the varied execution of the copy of the letters here published. 

The copyist, in fact, did not try to give in the following pages an exhibition of his 

ability in copying inscriptions, but he rested content with a faithful reproduction of 

all the peculiar characteristics of the ductus of the several scribes. After the letters 

had been copied and translated, the copy was once more compared with the originals. 

In this wise I flatter myself to have obtained an absolutely reliable copy. It is, 

therefore, the fond hope of the copyist that the prospective decipherer will not commit 

a mistake like the one the writer of No. 45 complains of when he writes to his "Lord" : 

"I have written concerning 'pots' that they be brought down, but they were 'straw'! 

What for has my 'Lord' sent this?" The "Lord'sJ' order-filler misread apparently 

* 

the two signs: = KAN.NImSh = diqar&ti = "pots" for 

mesh = INmesh = 

tibnummh 

(Hebr. j2n) = "straw" ! 

These letters forming, so to speak, the connecting link between those of the 

Hammurabi and Amarnaperiods on the one hand and those of the later Assyrian and 

Babylonian on the other, it is, of course, quite natural to find that they show the

FROM TIIE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUX. ix 

several characteristic features of the periods mentioned. Thus the sign PI is still 

used, at least sometimes, for wi; a t does not yet exist; we have di-im, te-e-ma and 

NE-ma. The latter ought to be transcribed rather by de-ma than by ,te-ma. The 

q begins to make itself felt in quite a good many instances. Yet, wherever ki is 

written for pi, I transcribed accordingly. 

It will be noticed that I read the name NIN.IB Errish(t). This reading I arn 

still prepared to maintain, not only onaccount of the gloss urash, but also on account 

of the identity of *IUNIN.IB and 'lUEr(r)ish, see The Monist, Vol. XVII, No. 1 (Jan., 

1907), p. 142. The Aramaic transcription of NIN.IB is not nVVN but nVljN, 

as is now beyond question, it being plainly written in the latter fashion on several 

unpublished tablets in Constantinople, and also on an ostracon from Nippur preserved 

in the Babylonian Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania 

(private communication of Prof. Hilprecht; see also p. 41, note). r'lfllj~ apparently 

does not represent the pronunciation (this is Errish(t)), but an attribute of 

X LETTERS TO CBSSITE KINGS 

ciful one" (ri?mi?nd, K 128 = Jensen, Kosrn., p. 470), the "merciful god" (ilu ri?m&nd, 

1 H. 17 : 19), the "one who gives life" (qa-ish 171.LA, I It. 17 : 19), "who gives 

the spirit of life" (qic'ish napshhti, Jensen, Z.C.), "who quickens the dead" (muballit 

me[tdti], Jensen, LC.), who delivers the dead out of the nether world: "who has been 

brought down into the nether world, his body thou bringest back again" (sha ana 

aralla shdrudu paqarshu tuterra, Bgl, the Christ, p. 45, note 2; cf. 2C ixl. 15, "God 

will redeem my soul from the power of Sheol"; or 4 xvi. 10, "For thou will not 

leave my soul to Sheol"). 

From these considerations it follows that the "Son" of the Nippuriarl Trinity 

(Enlil-NIN.IB-NIN.LIL = Bau) was the prototype not only of Nin.Girsu in the 

Girsu Trinity (Enlil-Nin.Girsu-hTlN.LIL= Bau) or of Marduk in the Eridu Trinity 

(0.8-~arduk-Damkina = Sarpanitum), but even of Christ in the Christian Trinity 

(Father-Son-Holy Spirit); in each and every case the "Son" was the Saviour, 

the en usdti; hence Christ was rightly called the "JesusJJ and was greeted, when 

entering Jerusalem, with joyful "Ilosannahs," k?J-Yzfl;I, "Save (now, 0 Lord) !" 

While writing this Preface, there lies before me a copy of "The so-called Peters- 

Hilprecht Controversy." Prof. Hilprecht's critics make so much ado about the 

"probable" place of provenance of the so-called Lushtamar letter, all of them claiming 

that if the envelope were opened and the contents read, its place of origin would be 

settled for all time to come. This very clamor proves better than anything else that 

those gentlemen never have read a Babylonian letter! To help clear the atmosphere 

a little in this respect, I may be permitted to say a few words about the place of 

origin of letters in general. 

1. In no letter thus far published is there ever found an absolute reliable indi- 

cium about its place of origin. The only thing in a letter which might possibly help 

solve such a question is the so-called invocation frequently found after the address. 

If, e.g., for the protection of his correspondent, a writer invokes certain gods wor- 

shipped in a certain city, it is probable that that writer hailed, resp. sent, his letter 

from that city the gods of which he invoked. Cf. here No. 89, where the writer 

Phn-AN.GAL-lu-mur invokes the gods of Ddr-ilu for the protection of the addressee; 

hence the probability is that the writer hailed and wrote from Ddr-ilu. But this, as 

I said, is and must remain a probability only, for we find in the letters here published 

another example in which the writer invokes the gods of Nippur. This letter (No. 38) 

has likewise been found in Nippur. Now it is not at all likely that the writer, when 

sending his letter to the "LordJJ at Nippur, was himsel) in Nippur. If he were, he 

would most assuredly have appeared before the "Lord" in person, thereby saving 

himself the trouble of writing a letter, which had to be baked, encased in an envelope,

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES Ol? NIPPUR. XI 

addressed, sealed and handed over to a messenger in order to be delivered. What 

then is the inference from this invocation? Does the invocation prove that the 

letter was sent from Nippur to Nippur, where it was found? Such a thought would 

be simply ridiculous. All we can say is this: the writer of No. 38, because he invokes 

the gods of Nippur, was in all probability a Nippurian, but was away from Nippur 

when writing that letter. The invocation of that letter, then, does not prove any- 

thing at all with regard to the place whence that letter has been sent. 

2. Prof. Hilprecht has some very good, convincing, and absolutely reliable 

reasons why he assigns the Lushtamar letter to the business or administrative 

section of the Temple Library of Nippur. We believe his words a thousand times 

more than those of his accusers, which, at the very best, are merely hearsay. In 

fact, his critics have absolutely nothing to bring forward in corroboration of their 

claim that "the Lushtamar letter did not come from the ruins of Nippur, but from 

those of Sippar." In corroboration of this hearsay talk Prof. Hilprecht's critics now 

point out that the seal impression of the Lushtamar letter mentions certain persons 

who are known from tablets that have been found at Sippar. What is there on the 

envelope of the Lushtamar letter to justify such a strange conclusion? Besides the 

address "to Lushtamar (a-na Lu-ush-ta-mar) ", I find a seal impression which reads: 

Ilu-shh-Ba-nz dam-qar I m&r I-bi-"l"NiN.SHAff 1 ardi ""NiN.SHAH-ge. The same 

persons occur again on a tablet published in B. E., VI1, 50 : 19, 20, which tablet 

was "probably" excavated in Sippar. The critics draw the conclusion, it seems, 

that, because the same persons occur on both tablets (the Lushtanzar letter and B. E., 

VI', 50), and because B. E., VI', 50, was "probably" found in Sippar, the Lushtamar 

must have been found in Sippar likewise. But can anyone imagine that Ilu-shu-Ba-ni, 

a resident of Sippar, would write to Lushtamar, another resident of Sippar, which he must 

have done if the letter had been found at Sippar? If Lushtamar had been a resident of 

Sippar, like Ilu-shu-Ba-ni, is it not much more probable that the latter would have 

gone in person to the former and communicated to him his wishes orally? Instead of 

this contention being against Prof. Hilpreeht, it much rather speaks decidedly for him. 

We may admit that the ilu-shh-Ba-ni of the Lushtamar letter and the ilu-shu-Ba-ni 

of B. E., VI', 50, are both one and the same person; we also may admit that both 

were residents of Sippar; but from this it by no means follows that the addressee, 

Mr. Lushtamar, 'lived likewise in Sippar. On the contrary, the fact that ilu-shi~- 

Ba-ni, a possible inhabitant of Sippar, did write to Lushtamar would prove a priori 

that the latter was not a resident of Sippar, but was, as Prof. Hilprecht, for reasons 

given in his "Controversy," quite rightly and correctly claims, a resident of Nippur. 

In conclusion, I must apologize to the Editor and the Publication Committee for

xii LETTXRS TO CASSI~E KINGS 

the length of the Introduction to the letters here published. In view of the extra- 

ordinary importance of these letters for the history, religion, language, grammar, 

and lexicon of the Babylonians, but more especially for a correct understanding of 

the terms "Temple Archives, " "Temple School'' and "Temple Library, " it was 

absolutely necessary that the wrong impressions created by those who hold a con- 

trary view should be set aright. If I have done nothing else but created a basis 

upon which to reconstruct the system of administration, education, and worship of 

the Babylonians at 1500 B.C., I shall be more than repaid for my labors in connec- 

tion with this volume. 

It only remains to thank here the Provost of the University, Dr. C. C. Harrison, 

and the Director of the Museum of Science and Art, Mr. S. F. Houston, for their 

hospitality, kindness, and courtesies shown to me during my sojourn in the Museum. 

To express my gratefulness to Mr. Eckley Brinton Coxe, Jr., through whose gen- 

erosity the Museum is enabled to publish the following pages, gives me special pleasure. 

I am sure I voice the sentiments of all Assyriologists when I say that this noble and 

unselfish benefactor erects by these publications, the elegance of which is not attained 

by any other similar works, much less surpassed, an everlasting monument upon 

which all scholars look with admiration and gratefulness. To my friend and teacher, 

Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecht, who so generously and freely assisted me in words and 

deeds during the course of the preparation of this volume, whose valuable time, 

profound scholarship, and learning were at all times most abundantly at my dis- 

posal, who not only read the proof-sheets, but who constantly and continually helped 

me most liberally with his valuable advice, I am especially most grateful. I only 

hope and pray that the work of the pupil may be worthy of the master. It is a 

special delight to be able to express publicly my sincere gratitude to Mrs. Sallie 

Crozer Hilprecht for her most generous benefactions l~estowed upon me during the 

last two years while here in Philadelphia. Were it not for her help I never could 

have written this book. May she graciously condescend to accept this work as a 

very small token of my profound and lasting gratitude. 

HUGO RADAU. 

Philadelphia, Pa., May 1, 1908.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. 

-- 

A. P . ............. Hugo Winckler, Alto~ientalisehe Forschungen. 

A. .I. S. L. I,. . .."The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literstur~s," edited by R. F. Harper. 

Bruno Meissner, Bsilrngc zum AtlbahyIonisehcn Prisatrecht. 

Paul Haupt, Akkadische und Sumerische I

. 

PAGE 

I . TIME AND AGE OF THE LETTERS .............................. , , 1-12 

111 . LETTERS BETWEEN OFFICIAI~S OF THE TEMPLE OR STATE AND THE KING 29-58 

IV . RESULTS: 

(a) The Genealogy of the Cassite Kings of this Period ............ 59-71 

(b) The Seat of Residence of the Cassite Kings . ................. 72-76 

(c) The Nature and Purpose of the so-called Temple Archives and 

their Relation to Royal Archives . ......................... 76-93 

VI . CONCORDANCE OF PROPER NAMES: 

I . Names of Persons: 

1 . Masculine Names . ................................... 145-150 

2 . Feminine Names ..................................... 150 

I1 . Professional and Gentilic Names . ........................... 150-152 

I11 . Names of Places . ......................................... 153-154 

IV . Names of Gates . .......................................... 154 

V . Names of Houses and Temples . ............................. 154-155 

VI . Names of Rivers and Canals ................................ 155 

VII . Names of Gods . .......................................... 155-157 

VII . DESCRIPTION OF TABLETS: 

(a) Autograph Reproductions . .............................. 158-172 

(b) Photograph Reproductions . .............................. 17%173 

(c) Numbers of the Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum . ....... 173-174 

VIII . CUNEIFORM TEXTS ....................................... Plates 1-68 

IX . HALFTONE REPRODUCTIONS ............................... Plates I-XI1

'PIME AND AGE OF THE 1,H'l''l'k~XS. 

All the tablets here published are Letters-DUB, dup-pi, dup-pa, 141. 

They were excavated in Nippur during the second to fourth expeditions1 of the 

University of Pennsylvania (1889-1900), and form part of the so-called Temple 

Archiveshf Nippur, partly published by Clay, B. E., XIV and XV. The facts 

that these letters were found, when unpacked by Prof. I-Iilprecht, intermingled with 

the tablets of B. E., XIV and XV, which are all dated in the reign of certain Cassite 

Kings, that they are of the same peculiar "color of clay," have the same "form" 

and "writing" as those of the Temple Archives, would, a prl'ori, make it reasonably 

certain that we have to assign them to the Cassite period. Apart from these criteria 

there are others which prove, beyond a doubt, that the letters here published did, 

and actually do, belong to the reigns of either one or the other of the following Cassite 

kings (see Hilprecht, R. E., XX', p. ,52, note 1) : 

.. ! - ~ ~ 

Burua-Burirrsh 11.. .......................... ..................... 

! 

................................................................... 1 ............... 

Icuri-Ualzu4 11.. ............................... I 25 2YS 

Nazi-Maruttash (son). ........................ .; 20 

1 24. 

1450-143d B.C. 

................. 

1421-1306 B C. 

1396-1370 B.C. 

I 

Kadrrshman-Turgu (son).. ..................... i 17 

16' 

1369-1352 B.C. 

I

2 LETTERS TO CASSITE KINGS 

Among these criteria and indicia may be mentioned (a) that the persons intro- 

duced in these letters are to be found-to a great extent at least-also in the dated 

documents of the Temple Archives. The following few examples will illustrnte it. 

"'In-na-an-ni, who figures so conspicuously in the texts of B. E., XIV, as one 

who transacts (2-nu q&t) the business of the Temple's storehouses at Nippur and 

elsewhere'yuring the 18th,I4 2lst,'%nd 23d'"ear of Kuri-Galzu" and the 1st1%nd 2dr0 

~ 

p~~p~- ~~-p- 

~p 

at least twent,y-seven years, according to a fragtnerltary tablet of the Cassite period recently catalogued by him (No. 

12907), which tliougll insufficiently dated: "Sl~abStu, 12th day, 27th year,'' according to internal pvidence must be 

assigned to the reign of Burna-Buriash or Icuri-Gslzu, in nll probability t,o tlic forrner. Alter an osntnination of the 

personal proper names occurring an thiu tabkt I agree entirely with P~.of. Hilprecht's eonolusions. 

'That this Kuri-Calm has to bc identified hotli uitli " liuri-Galzu, the son of Hurna-Huriash," and with "Kuri- 

Gdzu sibru, the son of IZadashman-Harh~," will ho sliown below- s ~ "Clironology," ~ b pp. li31i.; hence the "gap" between 

Hurns-Buriash and Ruri-Galzu. 

B. I3., XIIr, 38 : 151. [a75u. . . .] iLmu shnltu ~ 3~~"' i'u[Kt~~]-e-[Ga]l-m, 

R. E., XIV, 86 : 16i. (Cas~) a'b"ASH.A .AN li?nrL 17~"~ shattu ~ 4'"~ Nn-zi-Mu

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 3 

year of Nazi-Maruttashl-i.e., during a period of at least ten yearsz-is represented 

in our texts as the recipient of four letters,"wo4 of which have been addressed to 

him by iiiUNIN.IB(resp. iluMASH)-TUR.USH-SE-na." From the contents and 

the tone of these two letters it is apparent that Innanni was the "chief bursar" 

of the Temple's storehouses, where nothing could be either received or expended 

without his knowledge and consent, and that Errish-apal-iddina was likewise a 

person of no mean rank; for he hires workmen, and dares to command Innanni: 

"Thou, hurry up, give the seed corn to the city.""pparently then he was at the 

head of a city. More th:tn this, he even had certain prefects (hazanndti) under 

him, for he requests Innanni in another ,letter: "Thou shalt not accept the sesame 

of the prefects."' This latter passage shows that Errish-apal-iddina, because he 

had authority over hazanndti, "city prefects," must have been a "governor," a 

"b6l ~ah&ti."~ Comparing these results with the texts of B. E., XIV and XV, 

we learn that a certain place, called either Ddv i1U2VIN.1B-TUR.USH-SE-mkis 

or BZt-m il~MASH'o(resp. rn iiuNZN.ZB")-TUR.USH-SE-na", flourished as a "barley 

depot" during the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu'hnd the 19th,13 22d,14 and 24th1"ear 

of Nazi-Maruttash-i.e., during a period of at least thirty-two years, including 

The statenlent in B. E., XIV, p. 8: "All tl~c t,ahlctsin which this name (i.e., Innannu) occurs, with thc exception 

of one, which is dated in the reign of Nazi-Maruttssh, belong to the reignof Kuri-Galzu," will have to he modified 

accordingly. 

ZCf here also the Bit-"'In-ne-amni (situated in Nippur, B. E., XV, 115 : 5; 135 : 6) whicli flourished from at 

least the 22d year of Kuri-Galsu (B. E., XIV, 36 : 2, 11) to the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash (B. E., XIV, 65 : 7, 14). 

Add here to Bit-Innanni of B. E., XV, the following references: 66 : 6 1 117 : 2 1 141 : 22 1155 : 20, 22. A Mdr-rnIn-na- 

a[n-ni is mentioned in the 6th and the 7th year of Sl~agaralcti-Shuriash (B. E., XIV, 132 : 22). 

Nos. 83-86. 

' Nos. 83 and 84. 

6 Possibly to be read Errish(t)-apal-iddim. For the possible reading of NIN.IL1 resp. MASH as Errish(t), see 

The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), pp. 140ff. Clay reads tlris name either NIN.IB-mGr-iddina (B. E., XIV, p. 49a) or 

NIN.IB-apal-iddina (B. E., XV, p. 380,). Why this change, considering that in all the passages lcnown to me tile 

writing TUR.USH = apal is found? 

8 No. 83 : 24 3 at-ta &a-mu-ut-ta al-ka-am-ma SHE.ZER a-na Glu-ki i-din, see p. 112. 

q No. 84 : 3, SHE.GISH.NI sM ha-za-an-na-a-ti la la-ma-bar at-ta, etc., see p. 114. 

8 This follows dso from s comparison of, e.g., B. E., XIV, 9Oa (pl. 59 = E. A. H., 195): 4, 7, 16, 26, 29, 41 with 

B. E., XIV, 168 : 59, 51, 26, and especially 1. 40, i.e., in this latter tahlct, which is an "inventory of cattle," the "shb 

Bit."' iiWN.IB-TUR.USH-SE-na" apparently stands fur @hat "' i12L~~~.~~-~~~.USII-SE-na. 

0 B. E., XIV, 18 : 7 (notice that KI-I1 refers back to Ilar- of I. 6). In B. E., XIV, pp. 49a, 586, this name 

is read NI~.lR-mi~rid*lina~~ resp. NIN.IB-mdr-iddim, but in LC., p. 58a, D~IT-~ iLu~~N.~B-mdr(read: =pal)-iddinaki. 

lo B. E., XIV, 76 : 2. 

1' R. E., XIV, 79 : 4 1 81 : 2. 

1% B. E., XIV, 18 : 7, 1. 

IS B. E., XIV, 76 : 2, 8. 

"B. E., XIV, 79 : 4, 11. 

16 B. E., XIV, 84 : 2, 9.

4 LETTERS TO CASSITE ICINGS 

the time during which Innanni was the "chief bursar" at Nippur. Hence 

Innanni and " i""lrish-apal-iddina, t,he founder, owner, and occupant of Dar 

(resp. Btt)-" il"Irrish-apal-iddina, were contemporaries.' 

Again in No. 9 : 21 a certain mBana-a-sha-ih&i'arduk, when writing to his 

"Lord" (be-li), states that he has, in order to corroborate the truthfulness of his 

communications, "made to be his witnesses" a certain i'uNergal-Ba-ni, the prefect 

('a-za-nu) of Rakanu, and the prefect (ha-za-an-nu) of Bit-"Xi-din-ni; upon whom 

his "Lord" may call, if he desires confirmation of the truth. The "prefect" of 

BEt-Kidinni was, of course, Kidir~ni.~ This statement of Ban$-sha-Marduk, no 

doubt, indicates that he stood in some kind of a relation to the prefect Kidinni. 

What this relation was we may gather from a tablet,qated in the 20th year of 

Kuri-Galzu, which reports that Banbsha-Marduk received certain cerealss "on the 

authority" or "by orderJ' of6 mKi-di-nu47-the latter apparently being the superior 

of the former. But we can go a step farther. B. E., XIV, 99a (= E. A. H., 195) : 35," 

' Cf. here also B. E., XV, 124, where a certain "Ri-csh-Shamshu(-shu) or mRi-esh-Shamshi-shu (this reading preferable 

to Clay's Ri-csh-td-shu (B. E., XV, p. 40b) or tli-esh4mi-shu (Z. A,, XX (1907), p. 4171.) in view of such names as 

mlti-esh-na-pa-ah-shli, B. E., XV, 24 : 7, and "~i-esh-~'~~n-lil, l.c., 19 : 16) receives from (irm qdt) Innanni a certain 

arnount of grain as KU.QAR-wages, wllich grain was talten from that belonging to (ina libbi SHE shd) " i luMA~~~- 

TUR.USH-SE-na. The tablet is datcd in the 22d year (sc. doubtless of ICuri-Galeu). In B. E., XV, 136 (datcd the 

23d year, sc, of Kuri-Galzu), Innsnnu endorses t,lle payment of GIG ( = kibdtu, "flour," Jensen, I


informs us that there lived in the llth year of Kadashman-Turgu (1. 46) a certain 

"Ki-cli-nu-u who was one of the prefects, hazannhti (LC., col. XV : 22), belonging 

to the pi-bat of iluEn-lil-b&l(=EN)-nish&mssh-shu (1. 41). Now, as "Ki-&-nu,-$ 

- - p~ p~~ -- - -- -- - -. 

collections" (see LC., p. 73), while No. 99 in tile same volume is pronounced to be a "reoord of the collection of 

taxes in animals" (see l.c., p. 69). 1111 three tablets just reforred to are imentories. Cf., e.y., 99a : 46 (and see 90 : I), 

mi-nu LIT.GUDE1.A iL G.4ArA~M.I,U~I.A NIN.AN~~'~, "the number of large and small cattle belonging to the 

NIN.ANmesh." The latter were two "beiilg8"; one was called NIN ANGAL, 11. 13, 31 (cf. B.E., XIV, 89 : 1, 9; 

104 : 3; 131 : [I], 18; 156 : 16; 138 : 31), and the othcr IVIN..IN.TUR, 1. 44 (cf. B. E., XIV, 59 : 1, 16; 136 : 29 (!)), 

and, per analogy, wr. ought to expect a NIN.AN.TUR also in 1. 21. What these NIN.AN"~~" were, cannot be 

made out as yet. From Letter Nu. 85 (see p. 115) I would like to infer that Inbi-Airi was surh a N1N.AN or 

qadishtu. From the arrangement of the tablet in question we might draw the conclusion that tlie "large cattle" 

were under the chicf supervision of the kash-shu (not = Cassite) rnICi-lam-du, 11. 1, 2, 14; while tho "small cattle" 

were under that of the kash-shu ""Amel-Ba-r~?~-2i (if kash-shu werc = "Cassite," Amel-Ban0 would be one wit11 a. guoil 

Rab,vlonian name), ll.22,23,35 (the t,rar:es givenin B. E., XIV, are, no doubt, wrong). Each kash-shu, it sccms, had several 

(three or more?) be1 pihdti under him. And as, according to uur tablet, thc three pi-bat included in the kas?~--sku of 

Iiilamdu are exactly the same as those of tho hh-shu of ilmel-BanO, it is xriost likdy that a kash-shu is the gcncrol 

oversew of cither the large or Lhe small cattle, irrespectCue of tewitorg; in other words, n koshshz~ llas the supervisioll of 

all small ur of all large cattle of a NIN.AN scattered over all the different provinces (pibdti). I propose, therefore, 

to derive kashshufrom W3, "to gather" (Jensen, K. B.,Vll, pp. 322,562), Irere in tile sense of "one under whose jurisdictiorl 

are gathered a number of bdl pibdti," i.e., "goveri~or- or overseer-in-cliief." A b&l pibhli, on the otbcr hand, 

is rasponsihle for the flocks of both the large and nrnall enttlc herded in his territory, wllich responsibilily is always expressed 

by pht = "per", see 11. 11 (ef. 1. 7); 12 (vf. 1. 4); 17, 20 (ef. 1. 16); 32 (notice the G(!) itnd cf. 11. 29 and 26); 42 (cf. I. 

41); hcnce we have to translate, e.g., I. 11, "total 10 (sc. oxen of six years) a-nu za-ha1 RU.QAR amelu~~Q zi KA.ZID.LI.4 

qdt (-- S H ~ ) 7Lilu~hv~ash-n&din-nbdmee'b," by "(arc employed) far thc carrying (tabdl = inf.; ef. our KO. 34 : 40, 

i-na Q"~MAR.GID.DA IN ki-i az-bi-la, when I was hringing straw in the harvest (lit. "long") wagons, tho horses, etc.) 

of the lfU.QAIl-wages of the vegctablo- and grain-gatherers 'per' (sc. order, information of) Sh;tmash-nadin-ah (tlic 

bC1 pi-& 1. 7)"; or 1. 17, "total 83 oattle, the property (na-kam- tun^) of MAr-Idfnanni-Shamasil,, 'per' (order, inlormittion 

of) Enlil-bgl-nish& shu (tile be1 pi-& 1. 16)." The territory of a pi-bat was suhdividcd into two to six (ci. 11. 

2, 3 and 35-10), or possibly more, bazanndti, and each hazannu or "p~.efect" had one (cf. 11. 2, 3, ete.), two (cf. 11. 27, 

28 md 36, 37) or more na-gid or "shepherds" under hi~n. The r~c~cid, bazannu: bL'1 pibriti, kashshu of this tablet correspond 

exactly to thc nagid, nz~-hamla(-gud), PA, pa-to-si of the "inventory" lists of tho Ur dynasty tablets, as pirblislied 

in E. B. H., pp. 333-361 (for nu-iranda = huzannu seo, c.g., Mcissner, Ideogramme, No. 1150). It will be noticed that 

the cattlointroduccd by TA = itti or 8N = adi are never counted, hence TA = itti cannut mean here "together witlt," 

nor can adi be translated by "in addition t,o". T.4 = itti has to be rendered by "besides," and BN = adi by "apart 

from." For TA cf. e.g., 1. 43, TA 15 ki-is-hu, is., "besides 15 (that were given far a) sacrifice to the dcad." Fur 

kisbu see, besides Zimmern, Ritualt., p. 160, 11; Jenscn, If. B., VI', pp. 446, 517; also B. E., XV, 185, I : 5; 200, I : 6, 

ki-si-bu d ri-im-ku. For EN = adi el. 1. 5, EN 1 shul (not lam, as Clay's copy gives, see XIV, 168 : 16, EN 5 shul-mani 

and cf., LC., 1. 15, shul-ma-na-a-turn; XV, 199 : 21, 22; shul( = Dl)-ma-nu)-ma-nu, i.e., "apart from one (that was 

given for a) peace(-offering)." Cf. also 1. IS, EN 2 GUD MU-4 zi 1 LIT sh6 i-no. I~~T-EN.RUR.I~UR~~ bu-uk-ku-rn, 

i.e., "apart from two oxen, four years old, and one cow which arc being taken care of in Khr-EN.KUR.KUR." For 

bukkura cf. also XIV, 168 : 55, ah6 i-na shattu lkam bu-uq-p(!)-ra, and l.c., 1. 16, tab-kd-ir-(XIV, 990, : 10, tab-kir(!)ti)tum 

shA ma-du-tu d-pa(!)-ak-ki-ru-ni, whioh shows that we have here a verb baqdm = paqk = Hehr. lpl, Pi& 

"to clcave, discern, to look after s thing"; rnet wit11 $so in Neb., Winekler, I : 18 (quoted by H. W. B., p. 181b), 

where mu-ba-nk-ki-ir ga-ar-ba-a-tim sltould hc translated by "wlio looks after the ficlds," i.e., "who tnlies care of them." 

A teppirlu, accordingly, would be a "flocl.: wliich requires special treatment," a "spcrial loolring after," and XIV, 168 : 

16, quoted above, might be translated: "the Huck(s) requiring a, special looking after of the several shepherds they 

take care of them." Lastly cf. 1. 43: EN 20 w-bit-ti MU 1lkam, i.e., "apart from 20 (special) 'holdings' of the llth

6 IJETTERS TO CASSITE ICINGS 

(the haz&nu ant1 superior of Ban$-sha-Marduk') is only another writing for '*I

PROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUK. 7 

'(scribes"' and show that they lived during the reign, or were contemporaries, of 

one or the other of the above mentioned Cassite kings. Seeing that such an investigation 

would lead too far here, we reserve it for Series C. 

We need not, however, rely entirely upon the "personsJ' introduced in these 

documents to establish for our letters a. Cassite origin and age. There are other 

means at our disposal which lead to the same result. Among tjhese might be enumerated 

: 

(b) The Cassite names of the persons mentioned as, e.g., mGu.-xa-ar-AN ( = ilu?); 

"Si-ri-da-a~h,~ il.liLr-m~-su(!)-ub-Shi-pulc,4 Micr-"o-da-shci-ci~h,~ "Na-xi-i"En-lil," 

' ".4,di-(7ASII,.i.V ( = Belit), tlre writer of 41,. 5, is mentioned in R. E., XIV, '10 : 30 (dated in the 21st ycdr 

of I


"Me-li-Shi-palc,' and lastly "Me-li-iLuShu-ya-mu-na; who, as regards his name, is 

a thorough Cassite, but who, as regards his national sentiments, was a good Babylonian 

citizen, for his sonqears the unmistakably Babylonian name " $"PA.KU- 

SHESH-SE-na = Nusku-ah-iddina.' 

(c) Certain cities or places peculiar to both, our letters here and the dated 

tablets of the Cassite kings. Among these may be mentioned "'YArdi-GASHANki 

( = Be*lit),s Btt-m~i-din-ni,"~~.~~~"i,7 """DGr-EN.KUR.KURki,B DGr-

PROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 9 

li~&i.".""".ki, , d"Ddr-Ku-ri-Gal-zu,2 and lastly "dtuA.AB.BAki.3 

'No. 39, : 21, or writtcn also ~lir~~~En-lil~'.~~~', 

No. 3 : 33, 38, 41, which latter is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 

5 : 10 (11th year of Burra-Buriash) and I.c., 78 : 4 (22d of Nazi-iV1aruttash). A ""~Ddr-i~~En-lilh~~-~ we find in 

B. E., XIV, 118 : 1, 30 (5th year of Kudur-Enlil), and a " "~~d~.~"En-lil~~~~-~ 

in LC., XIV, 127 : 4 (beginning of tlie 

reign of Shagarskti-Shuriash). In this last passage the sanv city is nrentioned in 1. 7, where its nnmc is 6L"~dr-i1"Enlil-li-eki-a. 

most interesting writing, showing that even at the time of the Csssite kings i ' u ~ was ~ pronounced 

. ~ ~ ~ 

and read Enlil resp. Ellil, or still bcttcr: Enlilil with n plural Enlilt, the long ti or F still betraying the fact that we have 

here s. Serr~itieieed Somerian word. Fat. such formations cf., c.g., gu-ra = icussa = Rebr. KG?, “throne." Clay's 

view, A. J. S. L. L., XXIII, pp. 269f., that Enlil was always pronounced Enlil must be modified, as will be shorn 

elsewhere. The name Enlil, signifying originally the chief god oI Nippur, was in course of time applied to each and 

every god that played the same rble in the religious concoption of the Babylonians as did Enlil of Nippur. The same 

holds good of NZN.LIL = BPlit, ~ .KUR = temple, ""lnnanna = Ishtnr = goddess, AN = ilu = god; cf. the German 

word "I


(d) Certain peculiarities which our letters here have in common not only with 

~ ~ - 

-~ ~ 

at the instigation of Harnmurabi, see King, Letter.?, So. 14 : 6, where it is called a'h~~~~-i"hnanna I I ~ ~ It ~ was - ~ ~ . 

not recognized in B. E., XIV, p. 62, No. 12, wliere the month is lcft out. 

- ~~ ~~ 

NOS. 22 : 15(?) 1 37 : 10 = m6tiLTamtim, tlia "sea country." For the close rclation between Babylonia and tile 

sea country at tlie time of the Cassites sco Weissbaell, Babyl. Miscellen, p. 7, where (B. E., 6405) s certain 0-la-Bu-ri-inash 

appears hot11 as "king af m"l"A.AB.BA" and ss "son (TUIL) of Bur-na-E~L-vn(!)-ri-ia-ash" (probably the same as 

Burns-Burial1 11, the am of Kuri-Galsu I, see p. 71). Cf. now $so King, Chronicles concerning Early Babylonian 

Kinas, and Winekler, 0. L. Z., November, 1907, where it is recorded tliat Ulnm-Bu~.(i)ash, the hrotl~er of Koshtilinshu I, 

conquers the "sea country," and tlmt Agum, the son of IZashtiliashu I, "goes out against" t h same ~ i:ountry and "captures 

D~PE.A." For the occurrences uf A.AB.Btl = "sea" or "sen country," sce also E. E., XIV, 58 : 501 53 (13th year of 

Nssi-Msnrttah) 1 168 : 18,22,23 / XV, 199 : 26,27,33,38,40, and the GIR.RI A.AB.BA in B. E., XIV, 147 (= E. A. H., 

182) : 6. In connection with the reading and tllc signification ol the last mentioned rxpression, Clay, B. E., XIV, 

p. 3, finds s~~fieier~t reason to eorrcct n statement ~rlade in E. A. H., p. 329, wliere the qucstion was asked, "Is tiis 

latter (i.e., GIR.RI A.AB.B.4) to be classed among the kings of this dynajty?" He, altl~ough adrrlittiug that "it is 

not impossible tlist it is n ruler's name," tllinka, howcver, tlint "tlio faot that there is no gap in that part of tlte list 

of kings whiclr th~sc arehive represent, into which it would fit, speaks against it being a rulcr's name." However, 

what is assumed by Prof. Clay to be a [nit, can only be regarded as a tlleory-n theory from which other seliolars, 

the present writcr included, beg to differ. No valid reason has as yct becn brooglrt forward to show that, eg., l

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 

the "Temple Archives," but also with the letters from the Hammurabi and the 

Amarna periods. Among these may be mentioned : 

(a) The use of Blu-ki,' or a-li-ki,' "city," for simple dlu. 

(p) The use of DISH before he-li3-a ~eculiarity so far met with only in 

tablets of the .4marna4 period. 

to thc sea." There is lastly a text wlricli is of tlre higliest importarice in this ronncctiom licre, but which has not been 

referred to by Clay, it being quoted by him neithet. under Gim~ (B. E., XIV, p. 58a) nor under """I~R.TuR~' (Z.C., p. 

576). Its importance consists in the fact that tbcre is to be found hetwrrn K.IS ( = girru) and BAR.?'UR~' the detcrminstivc 

for "city," lilu, thus showing co~ielusively that I


(y) The use of hal,' also written cish-cish, to express the plural. 

(e) Even glossesz seem(!) to appear in our letters-an observation showing 

that we have to do here with an originally non-Babylonian people. 

No. 33n : 3, 21, illuha" l.e., 1. 15, an-nu-%turn ( - plural) dlu@'. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 58a, is inclined to regard 

this in l.e., 166 : 25 (read 24) as a. new city, "yfAL or Bdd, but there dluhal is it plural, 6s R. ca~nparison ~ 6th 11.4, 

8, 13, 16, 19 clearly shows. An abfJ.4L (Clay, corrections in Z. A,, XX (1907), p. 417s.) does likewviso not exist in 

B. E., XV, 132 : 1, where wo are told whet amounts of grain were paid out (md-nu) in the cities (dl&"') of Islitarapal-iddina, 

who, therefore, must have been a b&l pihati with several bazanndti (city prefects) under his command. 

For other ocourrences of &l = dsh-dsh see, e.g., B. E., XITT, 18 : 2, bludsh.68h; B. E., XV, 185 I : 6 1 200 1 : 7, 

$ ANdsh.dah; B, E,, XV, 178 : 3 1 200 IV :9, MUdsh.6ah (Clay's copy gives in the last quoted passage zer for MU, but 

this may be a peculiarity of the scribe). These passages quoted frorn Vols. XIV and XV for the Us0 of bl as a plural 

sign may be eo~npared with King, Letters, 39 : 5, Bhia dluhal, and Beaold, l.c., p. 71, under Alu. 

%While we have in No. 6 : 7 only ISH, and in No. 24 : 9 ip-ru, we find in No. 53 : 36, [ . .] + 10 gur ZSII e-pi-ri, 

with which ef. Amanrzr, I,. 10 : 3, ZSH, i.e., e-bi-ri. Is No. 28 : 24, A mu-li ma-a'-& 71'1 zi-na-nu it-tal-ks, to be compared 

with Anlama, I,. 31 : 10, A"'~~', i.e., mi-ma?

FROX THE Ti-:-.D.IPLE ARCHIVFA OF NIPPUII. 

The letters published in this volume may be conveniently subdivided into three 

classes : 

(a) Letters of diverse writers addressed a-nu he-h-ia, "TO MY LORD," i.e., letters 

written by various royal and Temple officials and addressed TO THE ICING, NOS. 1-74. 

(b) One' letter from a king (LUGAI,) to Amel-Marduk, or, more specifically, 

a letter of King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff-in-chief and attorney of state 

(G~.EN.NA), No. 75, see pp. 132ff. 

(c) Letters of several writers to certain persons named in the address; in other 

words, letters constituting an official correspondence bet,ween officers of thc Temple 

and the State, Nos. 76ff. 

For the sake of convenience and in order to show the fundamental difference 

between the letters of Class (a) and those of Class (c), as regards their "address" 

and "greeting," we begin with the letters between Temple and State officials. Among 

these letters we find: 

1. OneQddressed by a father to his son. Both hold official positions in storehouses 

(karri), but neither the name of the father nor that of the son is given. 

2. One3 written by a certain " iluA-shur-shum-$~r(KAR) to the governor4 

" il"Er~-lil-[b&l( = EN)-nishdm""-shu]; who flourished at the time of Kadashman- 

Turgu. 

3. Two written during the reign of Burua-Buriash by the celebrated trader in 

slaves, " iluEn-lil-ki-di-ni,%nd addressed 

111 all probability No. 93 is a irl~grrlent of a royal letter. 

"11. 76. For a trnrlslation see below, p. 144. 

"0. 77. 

'Tile b&l pibiiti; this iollows iron, thc greeting in 1. 5, zi a-na pa-&a-l[i-ica] lu-ii shubmu. 

' Thus I propose to r d his name, identilying him wit11 the btl T/ihOli ~nentioned in R. E., XIV, 99a : 16, 41; cf. 

ibid., 11. 17, 20, 42 (dated the 11th yem ai Kadashman-Turgu). Ile was a conternporsry ol the l~aziinu mI'i-di-nu-d 

and of *Bana-a-si~a-'~~~arduk, the writer of So. 9, see p. 5. 

"or iurth~r details see below, pp. 54ff.

14 LETTERS TO CAPSITE ICINGS 

(a) To mA-hu-shi-na.' 

(b) To "'Zm-gu-1-2." 

4. Eight letters, addressed to certain officials, in which the writer calls himself 

"brother," ahu,bf the one to whom he addresses his letters. Among 'these the 

following are to be mentioned: 

(a) One' written sometime between the 12th year of Nazi-Maruttash and 

the 14th year of Kadashman-Turgu and addressed by " "'"En-lil-mu-kin-apul 

( = TUR.USH)"o mA-mi-[l]i-ia.6 

(b) Two from mE~ba-"uMarduk7 and addressed 

(a) To the sheriff-in-chief at the time of Kudurri-Enlil, "Ahu-6-a-Ba-n~,~ 

(8) To '"""'Da-ni-ti-ia." 

' No. 78. An "'A-bu-shi-na is mentioned also in II. E., XIV, 25 : 12, 15, 23 (17th year of Iiuri-Gilleu) and in 

l.c., 167 : 11, 12 (25th or better 26111 year, which can rcfer only to the reign of Bunla-liuriash, because Enlil-kidinni 

is menliaued in all ather tablets as living only under tlret ruler's reign). From tliis we may infer that King Bums- 

Buliash reigned in fact at least twenty-live or twenty-six ycars. See also p. 1, notc 3. 

'No. 79. This porson, although not mentioned in W. E., XIV, XV, lias to be identified with '"Im-gu-rum, tlre 

writer of Nos. 22, 23. See introduction to No. 23, bclaw, p. 04. 

This, no doubt, is to be undcrstood cum pmnu salis and pardlel to Burnn-Buriash's calling l~irrrself "thy brother," 

when writing to the king of Egypt (cf., e.8, .4ma7nn, L. 2). That we are in mtny cases forbidden to take tlie ternr 

"brother" literally is sllou,~~, e.g., by C. T., XXII, P1.3, No. 11, where tlre writcr ~ -sHEsII~~~~-Mu-~~~M~~~u~ 

addresses 

his letter to his "brotliers," SIIESII"'"", arriong aliotn is ta be found another m~~E~~mesh-~~-iL"~Marduk. If 

"brother" were to be talien in its literal sense lierc, we would have two 6rothe1.s o/ the same na7ne-a thing impossible evon 

among thc Babylunians. Abu in tliis connection meins probably nothing lnorc than "friend." 

' No. 80. 

Wf. U. E., XIV, 55 : 4 (12th year of Nazi-Maruttasli); l.c., 6Ga : 24 (13th year of ditto); l.e., GO : 2 ( 62 : 2 (14th 

year uf ditto); LC., 65 : 12 (15tll year of ditlo); l.c., 990. : 20 (11th year of liadnshmnn-Turgo); Z.L.., 106 : 2 (14th year 

of ditto). 

In tl~is form it is found nritller in B. E., XIV, nor XV. Is mA-mi-lu the ma(!)-hi-su (sic! not ZU.EI.SU, Clay, 

B. h'., XV, p. 266; cf. H. W. B., p. 400a, and Meissncr, A. P., p. 115, note I), l.c., XV, 37 : 15 (13th year of ?) to be 

compared with Amili-ia as "Kossname"; ef. the German "mcin Jfdnnchen." 

' Erba-MarduB, the autllor of No. 81, hailed either fro111 Lnrsa or more probaMy from Sippar, while tho writer 

of No. 82 was, no doubt, a Nippurian, see p. 23. Tlre latter I would identify uith the DUB.SAR Erba-Marduk of 

B. E., XIV, 127 : 14 (dated in the beginning of the reign of S1ragal.akti-Shuriash) and with tlie writcr of Yos. 13, 11. 

The former, bcing s, contemporary of A&%-ii-Ba-ni, livcd during tlre time of Kadasliman-Enlil (see following note) 

and Kudur-Enlil. Cf. also Mdr-Znnibi, 81 : 9, with Znnibu, B. E., XIV, 56a : 20 (13th year of Nazi-Maruttash) and 

Zlu-MU.TUK.A-rEmu (Meissncr, Ideogr., No. 3857), 81 : 16, with the person of the same name in H. E., XIV, 116 : 6 

(6th ycar of Iiadashman-Enlil) and l.c., 124 : 17 (8th year of Kudurri-Enlil). For possibly still another Erba-Marduk, 

see introduction to No. 35, p. 121, and ef. p. 107. 

8 No. 81. A mn of A&%-6-a-B[a-nil, Niir-Slluqamunn by name, is mentioned in B. E., XIV, 119 : 32 (5th year 

of Kudurri-Enlil). The fatlicr, then, probably lived during the time of Kndashmsn-Enlil and possibly was still alive 

during Kudurri-Enlil's reign. 

WN 82. Hefore Damitia there is neithcr a DISH nor a SAL to be found. As in tho tcxts of this period all 

nom. prop?. have either the "male" or "female" determinative, it is apparent that Daniti-ia must be a kind of "Kosename" 

or possibly ano signifying a "profession!' Notice in this oonnection the difference between TUR.SAL "'(!)Md-


(c) One' from "Gu-za-ar-AN2 to the Temple official "In-n~-iL-a.~ 

(d) OneVrom "Picn( = #HI)-A N.GAL-l~-rnur,~ an inhabitant of Dar-iluki, 

bo a high Temple and State officer of Nippur, "NIN-nu-G-a.This letter, although 

it had been sent to "uUD.KIB.NUN", i.e., to Sippar, where "NIN-nu-6-a 

happened to be at that time, was found by the Expedition of the University of 

Pennsylvania at Nippur. 

(e) Onebritten during the time of Burna-Buriash and addressed by "1-li-ippa-bsh-ra7 

to ["]Da(?)-li-!i-~h[ci?].~ 

(j) One-rom " ""Sin( = XXX)-&rish( = ENGAR)"h,Lo a storehouse official, 

- - ~-p 

dl'-du (B. E., XV, 163 : 13), on tile one hand, and TUR.SAL (sic!) ma-an-di-di (B. E., ST', 1.55 : 7 1 164 : 4) rcsp TUR 

slid-an-gi-e (I?. E., XV, 168 : 17) on the otlier. Cf. also our "Smitl~" and "srnith." Noticc furtlser that xvltenevcr n 

nom. propr. is found without the determinative DISH (or SAL) it does not signiiy the name uf a pcrson (kings are 

pxccpted because tlrey nrc gods !), but a place c~lled after tirat person, sea, e.g., i"'~hnmnsi~(=UD)-tu-kul-ti (sic! without 

dlu, DISH, and ki), lG : 8, 12; i2u~ir-ra-yn-mil, 3 : 13, 17, 20, but also "iu~ir-ra-ya-mil, 3 : 38, 40 + fr. d, resp. 

A"Uiu~ir-m-ya-mil, 3 : 31. Tlie name Daniti-in by itseif loolis li1-c a. feminine of Dan6 (for which cf. 8. n'. B., p. 

223a)+ ia, but il it wcre a fc~ninine then the kn-shb (1. 5) and tn-ash-pu-ra = second pars. (1. 10) would be, to say 

thc least, quite strange; we would crpect knshi resp. tnsl~purz^. Thc name is not to be found in B. E.. XIV. XV. 

'No. 87. 'For tixis name see p. 7, n. 2. No. 80. 4Sccpp.19ff.;25,n.4;27,n.8. 

In vicw of tho [net that NIN llas "cry often not only the pronunciation NI but also that of IIV, we would 

be justified in identifying "Nin-nw6-n (No. 89) with "1n-m-d-a (30. 87). For NJN - NI cf., e.g., '" (ni)h'~AT. 

IM(""")~~, 111 R. 68, No. 3,51, and see I1 R. GO, 23n + 2%; i'"NIh'(ni)-sa-a, 111 R. 69, No. 5, 64; il"h'IN(ni."u.7" ). 

GA KAS, 111 R. 69, No. 4, G4 (scc also il"E~'(~a.Ta). GA .ICAS in I11 R. 68, 21~); i'"N1~.~l~~ lias the gloss ni(=NZhr) 

+ ki-li-le (= PISII), 111 R. 68, No. 3, 46. liar >\TIN = IN cI, e.g., i'"(in)hr~N ner-gill nin-e-no-ge = 'luditto e-tel-lit 

he-li-e-ti, A. S. I

stationed, as it seems, at different points' at various t,imes, and addressed, no doubt, 

to "Ir2m(Meissnerj Ideogr., No. 3857)-shu-"'"NIN.IB,"he chief bursar at Nippur 

during the time of Kadashman-Turgu. 

(g) One written by the royal official (probably it$) "Il-li-ia4 during the reign 

of Nazi-Maruttash and addressed, as it seems, to the chief bursar of Nippur, Martuku." 

5. Four"letters addressed to "In-na-an-ni,' the chief bursar of the Nippurian 

Temple storehouses during the reign of Kuri-Cc .a 1 zu. 

(a) Twohf these were written by the governor " i'uNIN.IB (or MASH)- 

T UR. USH-SE-nu.' 

(b) And two%y a lady of high rank, in all probability aNIN.AN.GALl0 or high 

priestess, 'In-bi-Ai-ri" by name. 

6. Onelz from rn i'"D(T)ar-hu-ndr( = SAB)-gab-b~,'~ a merchant, to "[Dltn 

=[DI]-KUD)-li-[mur]." 

In B. E., XIV, 86 : 3 llc appears as n witness at s transaction in tho storcllouse of i


7. To this class have been added, after the plates and the MS. had been prepared 

for the press, several fragments, of some of which it may be doubtful whether they 

belong here or to the letters addressed "to my 1,ord."' 

As only one. letter from this period has been published so far, it would seem 

advisable to treat of this class of literature in its general aspects more fully here. 

Each and every letter consisted originally-as it does at our present time--of 

two integral parts: the ENVELOPE and the LETTER proper. None of the ENVELOPES 

of this class of letters has been preserved to us-an unmistakable sign that all these 

communications ha,d been received and read by the addressee. From the analogy 

of other letters known to us and partly preserved in the collections of the University 

of Pennsylvania, we may, however, conclude that the envelope originally exhibited 

(a) an address, reading either (a) a-nu "Y., i.e., "To (here giving the name of 

the addressee)? or (P) dup-pi "X. a-nu "Y., i.e., "Letter of "X. ( = writ-er) t,n "Y." 

( = addre~see),~ and (b) the seal' impression of the writer. In no case, however, 

wa,s a date or the place of the writer or addressee ever put on the envelope-an 

omission which seriously hampers us in determining the time when or the place 

where or to which each letter was written. 

The fact that all of these letters have been found at Nippur does not yet justify 

us in maintaining that they have been originally addressed to that; place; for it 

can be shown that at least one of them, though found in Nippur, was yet sent to 

Sippar, whence it was brought back to the city of Enlil and deposited there with 

the rest of the Temple Archives. The purpose of the envelope, then, was to insure (1) 

privacy, (2) safe delivery to the person named, (3) authenticity. 

The contents of the LETTER PROPER divide themselves easily into three parts: 

' Nos. 93ff. 

ZTllis is to be found in F. E. Peiscr, U~kunder~ ous der Zeil der hilten bab2/lunische~~ Dynastie in Urscl~rifl, 

Umschriff und Uabersctzung. Berlin, 190.5, under P. 114. Its iritroduction reads: 

A-na "A-mur-ri-ia ki-bd-ma 1 [zcrn]-ma " i'uSin(= XXX)-IMU-[SE]~~ SHES>/-kc-mn 1 i'%Si~~ (= XXX) a-ub 

AN"^^'' kul-laf 1 nnp-shd-ti-kn li-iz-zu-ru, whielr cannot be rendered witli Peiser by "Sin der Vatcr der Giitter moge ail 

deine Seelen hewnhren," but rnust be translated by: "Sin and(!) t,lre fatller of gods rnay protcct all tlry souls"; this fallows 

clearly frorrl li-iz-zu-ru = plural! Although this lctter is very fragmentary, yct this lnucil can be rrlade out wit11 certainty: 

The boundary stone of n certain pice~ of property could not be found, and llenee its boundaries could not bc dstcrmined 

exactly. A certain " iluSin(= XXX)-tab-ni-u~ur knew the position of that stonc; hc, therefore, was asked: al-ka-ma 

mi-ip-ri-ti kul-li-im li ku-du-[~~r-m . . . .], i.e., "come, show the boundaries and tile boundary stone." The rest of the 

lctter is too fragrnentsry to warrant any translation. . 

Cf. the celebrated Luslitamar tablet wit11 the nddrcss n-na "lu-ush-la-mar or the letter from thc Sargonic 

period whichis written a-na Lugal-ushumgal. 

' Cf. per analogy tire address of No. 24, dzap-pi mIial-[bu] a-na be-li-shli. 

Traces of n seal impression are still discernible on No. 24. On the Lushtamar and the Sargonic tablets the seal 

is quite distinct and elcar. 

3


(a) address, (b) greeting, which is coupled in some instances with an invocation to 

the "godsJ' to bless and protect the addressee, (c) subject matter. With the exception 

of No. 76, where the subject matter of the communication is introduced quite 

abruptly by "thus (saith) thy fatherJ' (um-ma a-bi-ka),' the address of these letters 

is clad, in sharp contrast to those published under Nos. 1-74, into one of the 

following two formulas: 

Into (a) a-na2 ki-be'-ma-m-ma "X.-ma,' is., "to Y. speak, thus saith X."' 

or 

Into (b) a-nu6 ki-b6mahurn-ma "X. ahun-ka-mag, i.e., "to Y. speak, thus 

saith X., thy brother."'" 

In none of these letters, then, does the writes ever call himself "thy servant," 

nor does he ever express the humble petition, "before the presence of my Lord may I 

come!"-an observation which is, as we shall see, of the highest importance for the 

correct understanding of the nature of the letters here and those of Nos. 1-74. 

The greeting, whenever it occurs in one of these letters, invariably takes its 

place after the emphatic -ma terminating the address." Its simplest form is a-nu 

kicsha" I.iL'~hulm~,'~ i.e., "unto thee greeting." If the addressee happens to occupy 

an especially high position in life, the writer may extend his greeting, as is done in 

No. 77, even to "the house" and the "domain" of his correspondent: a-na ka-a-shci 

' This pcculinr introduction ol wlint the father had to say to his son is, no doubt, dne not so lnucli to the parental 

or any other relation ns to the mental strain under which tlie father labored at tile time wllen writing the letter. The 

son was negligent in making his report (di-L-ma) Lo tlie "barley averscer" (be-el SHE.BAR), who in turn caused the 

"father" to dclny his report to thc "Lol.dU or King. Far n translation of this talllet see bclow, p. 144. 

Nos. 77, 78, 79, 83, 84, 85, 86, 91. 

Also written ki-bi-ma, so in Nos. 77, 81, 82, 88, 91. 

' Tllis emphatic -ma is invariably found at tlie end of thc adclrcss, and a5 sucli n -ma lengthens tlrc preceding 

syllnble, the name of tho writer of No. 85 cannot be ~ZTL-bi-Ai-ri-im, but lnust be fin-bi-Ai-ri. 

Tliisis zl~o the stereotyped formula used by Hammurabi when writing to his subjects, such as, eg., Sin-idinnam. 

For s. justification of the above givrn translation of this formula spe I

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIIJl'UR. 19 

bi;[ti-ka] ic. a-nu pa-ha-t[i-ka] luQ shul-mu, i.e., "to thee, thy house, and to thy pahict 

greeting." In many cases there is coupled with this greeting an invocation to the 

gods of the writer's city in the form of a prayer for the well-being and protect,ion of 

the addressee. These invocations are of the highest importance, both for determining 

the exact domicile of the writer and for a correct understanding of the 

religion of the Babylonians. To illustrate &his by one example I may be permitted 

to quote the "invocation" of No. 89 in extenso, gathering from it the facts that (1) 

Pkn-AN.GAL-lu-mur (i.e., "May I see the face of AN.GALH), the writer, was a 

resident of Ddr-iluki,' whose gods he invokes, and that (2) the "divine court" of 

Dar-iluki was formed after the pattern of the Nippurian court, as such consisting 

of Father (AN.GAL), Son (TAR), and Mother (NIN.LIL)-three persons, though 

distinct, yet one: a veritable Trinity in a Unity.' It reads (89 : 4f.) : 

4 AN.GAL" i " ~ i l ~ " ic. ~ ~ . AN.GAL ~ 

and ~ NIN.LIL, ~ TAR and GU, 

GuG U 

' Sec also 89 : 24, 26. 

=Cf. l'he Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 148, and Old Penn, V, Nu. 21 (February 16, 1907), p. 3, eol. 111. 

"lint the divinity AN.GAL cannot he here = ""Ai (11 R. 57, 13a), the wife of i " ~ (= Enlil, ~ Sin, ~ ~ . ~ ~ 

Rarnmhn, Shamash, Marduk), a female, but must bc a. male, is apparont irom his being cuuplcd with i l u ~ ~ ~ . ~ ~ ~ . 

AN.G.4L tL ilu'NIN.L~L are male and ielnale, husband and wifo. A nlale AN.GAll as gud of DQr-iluki occurs also in 

Jensen, I


he., Enlil; ef. Marduk apil Eridu, where Eridu, the city of god E.A, stands for the god himself), or by "Kadi is the 

dabi (= SIIACH = bumgirt' = "pig," tlic crnblem oi i\'IAT.IB, see The Monist, XVII (January, 1907), p. 143) of Nippur 

(= Enlil)." Again, ii NlN.LIL, "tRe mistress or queen of Nippur," beoonles tlie wiie of AN.GAL, thc highest god oi 

DOr-ilu, she ipso fnclo acquires also thc title "mistrcss or queen of Di~r-ilu." This now llelps us ta understand thc 

passage in Meissnor, Bauinsehrifftn Assarhnddon's, B. A ., 111. p. 238, 421. = l.c., p. 297, 42 (K. 2X01), together with its 

parallel text and variants in lc., p. 307, 34f. (K. 221 + 26G9), wliieh has been complctcly misunderstood by all who 

took AN.GAL rcsp. Kadi to he a fernale. Thc passagc reads: ANGAL shar-rat Der-iluki i'xgiv 'lu~e-lit-balb!i 

(= TI.LA) i"~dr(= KUj-ru-ni-tum "USAG arhuBu-bi-e ki-rib bili o-na Dlir-iluki dli-shu-nu d-lir. It will be seen 

that in this passage the gods of Dbr-ilu are not connected by "and," but arc simply enurrreratcd in their succession. 

Ft.om what was said abov* it follows tlrnt we havr llerc "three pairs" consisting of husband and wife; have, therefore, 

to translate: "ANGAL (and) tlre quecn (= NIN.LIL = bilit = sharrat) oi DOr-ilu [vari~;nt: i l u ~ d (= ~ Belit, ~ ~ A ~ 

nristrcss of) Di-ri (= Ili~iln)], $ir (and) the BElil-boldti (= "mistress of life") [vnriant: i l u ~ ~ . = ~ ~ "lord . ~ of A 

life"!], Dlir-ru-ni-tum (= fern of i1"~i~(du"2"'La)~.4, 111 R. GS, 9a) (and) SAG in tlie montli 1ju-bi-e into the tenlplc 

in DOr-ilu, their city, I brought." 

According to tlie Nippurian pattern wt: earl now cstpblisb the following Trinity for Dbr-ilu: 

AN.GAL (Fatlicr) Sir (Son) 

Belit-baldti (wife of the Son) Shawal Dnr-ilu (Mother) 

BElit Di-ri )-i 

wl>ich corresponds exactly to that of Nippur, viz.: 

,/ ( Ba-ti (Cula) (wifc of the Son) ) 

i NIN.IB (rnasc.!) 

) EN.LIL (Fatlier) NIN.IB (Son) { = A'INLIL (Mothw) 

NIN.DIN.DUG.G.4 

NIIV.EN.I,IL~' 

In the Nippurian pattern NIN.IB appears as the ur-sag, "chief servant," or sukkal, "prime minister, ambassador," 

or apil, "son" of Enlil, and8ir is called in the DOr-ilu Trinity the me-ru, "son" (or if read ship-ru, tliei~ = "n~essenger") 

of (shd) iluKa-di, sce Scheil, I'eztes &am. SEm., I, p. 91, 23 (= Plate 17). NIN.IBis tl~ea~ild-shhr-?a, andin 

V R. 52, I : 19, 20 iiu~ir is identified with ii~he-ra-ah and termed tile ra-bi-is &-shbr-ra. "the watchman of Esharra," 

i.e., of the house of the totality, the Universe. NIN.IB as "UL or as '"En-kur-kur is the ssrne as his fathcr Enlil. and 

in V R. 31, 2, Rev. 30, i"&il. is identified with his iather il"~

FROM THE TEIUPIX ARCHIVES OF NIPPUK. 21 

last observation is this: (1) tho wife of tlie Son is not only one uitll the Son, hilt is also the samc as the "hIother"; 

(2) thc Mother being identified with the Father, tlre Fatllcr is thus proven to be one with the Muthcr (or third person) 

nnd one with the Son (second person); in other words tllr divine court of each and every city, though consist,ing of 

three persons, clearly distinct: tilt begctter (Fnther), the conceiver (Mutlrer), the begotten (Son), are yet one: clea1.1y nml 

~~nmistakahly a veritable Trinity in n Unity. 

But how are we to account for il"~tir-m-ni-tum and 'lu~A(; on tile one, and "UTAR and 'luGU on thc other 

hand? 

If "~Dlir-ru-ni-tum be not only a iem. of ilu~u(r)mna, but also tile wife of "USAG, ns was clairned abovc, it 

would fallow that 'luSAG is the same as '"'Du(r)runa, the masc. af Durrunitum. From I11 R. 68, Oo we learn that 

'"'Du(r)runa was the first (SAG) ai tile sewn [gt~d?]-balnngn (or is [yudl-halanga to be read 1let.e = mbigs?) AN.NA-ge, 

i.e, " tambotirincs" ( = tambourine-beatem heralds, creatures who procll~ilrl t'tliegloi.y of God") of AN.hTA. In Pinches, 

J. 16. A. S., January, 1905, p. 143f. (= 81-8-30, 25), Obv. eul. 11, 7, 6, i t u is ~ eallcd ~ ~ SAG.GBR, i.c, "Houptmacher" 

= captain, ehicf (= thc first (SAG), ei. Ilu(r)runa, tile first of the "sevi?n"!) and is idi+ntified with i l u ~ ~ ~ , 

which latter is according to I.c., 11. 18, 20, not only = '~UIM, "tlie god af liglltning," but also = En-di-zu-yim= GU 

(Pinches, l.c., 1.4). In our lrtter 'lu(;U is coupled with ""TBR, wlio is to be rcxd aceuriling to I11 R. 68, No. 2, 53, kitam-ma, 

and is enlled there the LUGII or sukknllu i121~in-di-ge, i.e., "the (chiei) messenger of ICn-di." Taking all these 

passages together wc might derive the following results: 

1. God TAR, the messenger of Kadi, bring coupled with GU, lrlust he the latter's 11osband~-in other words, 

GU is here a jcmule. 

2. GU, although a female, appears also as a male, being idontificd not only with MIR but also with IM-both 

male gods, and gods of thunder and liglltning-nay, even wit11 S4G. 

3. SAG bcing coupled with thc fernale ii"~?ir-ru-ni-tum, arid being identified with M116, IM and GU, must be 

a male and thc mase. counterpart of Dlir-ru-ni-turn, i.e., he is tlre same as lju(r)runa. 

4. GU, the wile of TAR, is the satne as SAG, tlia husband of Durrmliturn-i.e, hushand and wife are ONE, hence 

also male and female. (Cf. for TAB -i- GU also AN + K I = shame + i~sitim = Anu + Anhm = husband and wife = 

AN + AN = AN, BAl, the Christ, etc., p. 20f. Is thr '"Tar-gu an artificial (foreign, Cassite? or Elnmitic?) name, 

consisting originally af iiu~ar and "UGU = liusband mld wiie = one: i'u7'myu?). 

5. "1"S.4~, brcsuse called "Hauptmachcr" and identified both with the "god of stot.~n and lightning," and with 

iiu~ur(r)una, thc first of the seven heralds of AN.NA, ,nust have been the "Huuptmecher" or chief, tho first of tho 

"seven," wliich sever, can only he tlic "sevenfold manifestations" of the powcrs of nature, i.e., uf thc lightning and 

star~rl. Tlrc "seven" correspond on the one lrond to the "seven sons" of Bau (Creation Story, pp. 45 and 23, note 6), 

and an the other lrsnd to "the sevcn gifts of tlic Nuly Ghost" or the "seven arclrangela," or tlre "seven virgins," tho 

emblem of tlic choreli, the sphere of the FIuly Gliost, the "bride of the Lamb,"" tl~ruouu(!) ui Cllrist." Tlicsr "scven" 

werein the l3abylonia.n religion always identified not only with the "Son" wllosr "servants" (nu-ban&= ckdliti = hnzdnu) 

they were, but also with the "Mother," resp. "tile wife of the Son"--hence Labarlu (Myhrman, Z. A,, XVI, 153 = Wciss- 

bach, Ilahyl. IMiscellen, p. 42) and Ishtar had "seven names" (Reisncr, Hymnen, p. 109, 571.), hencc also tlie remarkable 

name of it"("JIhr.I~~~=) NIY.GAL in V R. 30, 40n, where slit is called ""~i-b'lf-bi, i.e., "the goddess Sevm!' (Ci. 

liere also the Seven names of il*~\l~~.~~~,, I11 R. 68, 5e, dff. = 111 R. 67, 20a. hi., t,lic iourtll of which is 'tuSu-lcur-ru, 

who is identified in Tlmresu-Dangin, 12. T. Ch., 10 : 3, with Im-gig-ghu, a cognomen of ilu~~in-~b-s~ = i t b ~ ~ the ~ . ~ ~ , 

god of thunder and lightning. See further the "sevcn sons" of ""I\~IN.ICII SI ur it"(Ei~ri-is)~l~ (the wife of ICa-di), 

111 R. 68, No. 1,26e. fff.; "thoseven sons" of ihPep-nigin-gar-ra and il"Nis-pop-niyin-gar-~a (i.e., of NIN.ZB and Gula) 

in 111 12. 67, Xo. 1,2de,dff.; the sever, sons of itu13%-me-shh.r-ra, I11 R. 69, No. 3,64a, b, etc., etc.). This nameshomrs clearly 

that "the sevcn" wereconsiderod to be "one" (notice also tlratin the religious textsveryoften the singular is ilsedin eonneotion 

wit11 tliei121~~l-bi)-j~~t as the "sevenfoldgift" of theIIoly Gllovt is theHoly Ghostin her (!ruabisfe~ninine) cornpletcncss, 

or as the "sevcn virgins" are "the Church," tlie "bride of the La~nh." These "aeven," when pictorially repre- 

sented on sed-cylinders, ctc., appear as seaen wraponssix of them are to be found generally on the back of the god or 

goddess and one (tho twin-gad = Shirr-dr and Shiir-yaz, etc.) in his or her hand, or as seven curls, braids (Gilgamesh! 

Samson: in the hair lics tlic strength!), or as seven rays 01. brnms of light, etc., ete. And as these seven reprcs~nt the 

f~~lness of the power of the divinity, the number seven became in course oi time the " rlulnhcr of tlie ful~iess of the


5 A P h a-shib E-DIM.GAL- the gods that inhabit a-DIM.GAL- 

KA1,AM.MA' KALAMAIA, 

6 nap-shh-ti-ka li-is-st-ru 

7 lci-bi-is-ka li-shal-li-mu 

8 libbihi a-na a-ma-ri-ka 

may protect thy life (lit. souls), 

keep thy steps! 

(How) my heart has urged me 

9 is-;i-ha-an-nix to see thee! 

10 man-nu pa-ni-lca ba-nu-ti li-mur" Whosoever may he permitted to see thy 

gracious face 

11 & da-ba-ab"[gI ( = ticb)""]' and who is of "good words," 

12 ki(?)6-na 

NIN(?)-[ . . . .] to .... 

-p~~ ~ ~~ ~ 

godhead," it becatno tlio divine and sacred nu~rlber par ezecllence. Cf. the ~ever~iold candlcsticl

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUE. 

13 lish-&[me] may listen! 

14 um-ma-[a a-na a&-ia-ma] The following to my brother: 

Again, Nos. 81, 82 seemingly appear to have come from the same writer, Erba- 

Marduk. Yet the fact that tho writer of No. 81 invokes "Shamash and Marduk,"' 

while he of No. 82 implores "the significant lord,"%peaks, no doubt, in favor of a 

separation of both writers. I believe, therefore, that the author of No. 81 was an 

inhabitant of either Larsa or Sippar,%nd that the writer of No. 82 hailed from Nipp~r,~ 

being at the time when this letter was written away from his seat of residence. To 

deduce from the invocation in each and every ease the exact domicile of the writer is, of 

course, not possible, because we do not know as yet all Babylonian cities with their 

chief gods. Thus it would, e.g., be useless trying to determine the habitat of the 

writer of No. 87, who invokes for t,he protection of the life of his brother "the gods 

that inhabt the great heaven^."^ An argument ex silentio is rather precarious, yet 

the complete absence of any form of greeting or blessing or endearing term asUbrother" 

in all letters addressed to "In-na-an-ni,O the severe and sometimes disagreeable' 

chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at N'ppur, is significant. 

The subject matter of a letter, following, as it does, immediately upon the address, 

or, if the address be coupled with a greetingS resp. an invocation, upon the latter, is 

'No. 81 : 4, '"UD iL

24 LE~TERS TO CASSITE ICINGS 

invariably introduced directly, either without' or with the help of um-ma-a,' or 

um-ma-a a-nu "Y.-ma.' As most of the letters published in this volume do not 

deal with one subject only, but discuss, on the contrary, very often as many as ten 

different affairs, it is of the highest importance to be acquainted with certain particles 

and phrases that are employed to introduce either (a) a completely new subject 

matter, not referred to in a previous communication, or (b) the answer to a former 

inquiry or note. 

Among the particles or phrases used by the writer in order to introduce his 

answer (um-ma-a4) to a former note or inquiry may bc found the following: 

(1) cish-shum"; (2) shci" (3) i-na bu-ut'; (4) shci ta-ash-pu-ray (5) shci X.X. shci 

'So itn~r,ng other places also in Nos. 76 : 2 1 78 : 1 1 84 : 3 1 85 : 3. Cf. here ior tlrs letters discussed under 

(~hap.I11,So~.3:4]7:48:3/12:4l21:4\22:523:4:+3:7135:4137:7140::349:2152:5. 

Sos. 81 : 5 1 83 : 3. This introductory urn-nza-a is not to he iourld in Nos. 1-71; cf. the following note. 

Nos. 80 : 1 1 82 : 8 1 87 : 7 1 92 : 4. To the urn-ma-a a-no "Y.-nin corresponds in Nos. 1-74 %n um-ma-a a-nn 

he-li-ia(-a)-ma, ~vliich is most generally Iounil in connection with tlre nddrrss: ad-ka mAX. n-nn di-m-an be-li-in 11~1-lik, 

where it follows either (a) immnediately upon lullik, so in Nos. 1 : 3 1 4 : 4 1 21 : 3 129 : 3 / 39 : 2 / 40 : 2 1 41 : 2 1 [45 : 31, 

or (11) upon the "greeting," as in Nos. 9 : 5 / 11 : 3 1 20 : 3 1 27 : 3 1 34 : 5-bnt in 39 : 2 it stands before the 

grerting!--or (c) upon the "invoention," so in No. 38 : 11. In corincction with tllr addrcss: a-nfi br-li-ia ki-hf-ma zrm-ma 

'"~.-ka ardi-kn-ma a-no di-nn-an be-li-ia 11~1-liic it is fourid in threc passages only, vio., in Nos. 13 : 4 1 14 : 4 / 17 : 6. In 

Xo. 26 : 3 me have wrongly he-li-io for be-li-in-ma. 

' Somctiines also um-ma, instcnd of um-mn-a, is iound. Noticr hrrr that llie um-ma-a I.PS~. urn-ma, in connection 

with thcse particles or plrmscs, may (1) inlroilnec Ll~c answer to an inquiry (= "I bcg to state th,zt"), (2) introduce s 

quotation from 3. pr~~ioll~ colnmtlnicati~n (= "s~ying"), (3) mity be le/l out ~ltogctbcr. For exalnples, see under the 

following notes, passim, and ef. below sub 11, pp. 26 and 27, note 8. 

Z.a., "as regards." Cf. 81 : BE., dsb-shum mii78mex" Ni-ib-bu-rum h d G'~.EN.NA-~~ ash-shll-mi-ka im-ta-na- 

"&ha-rum wn-ma-a n-na MBr-"Zwni-hi ir-no di-ni [ . . .]; i.e., "as rcgarils the Nippnrinns wlrom thy (deputy) slleriff 

has reeeivcd on thy account (=upon tliy command) (sc. for the purpose oi holiling them as prisoners), tlw iollo~vinp: 

'To Miir-Innibi for judgment [they linvc becn brouglit, or he 11m hraugllt tl~c:m].'" Cf. hcrr ;%Is" Sos. 11 : 4 1 14 : 5 1 

23:33126:8, 12,1727:15~28:534:1935:13,15,2.5,30/57:2,4~60:8/09:3. 

With the smne meaning as dsl~-sl~~~rn, i.e., "as rrguds," Sos. 83 : 8. 15 186 : 10 187 : 8 (f


ta-cish-pu-ra', or abbreviated, shci X.X. ta-Qsh-pu-ra2; (6) cish-shum X.X. shci ta-ash- 

pu-ray (7) a-na bu-ut X.X. shQ ta-ash-pu-ra4; (8) X.X. shci tash-pu-ra resp. taq-ba-as; 

' "With regad to x.x. concerning whom (wl~icli) thou hast writtcn (lit. sent)," see No. 86 : 181: shd "E-mi-daiiv~~arduk 

shd ta-dsh-pu-ra ul na-kn-rum shii-li a-bu-ia um-mz a-bi-ta lu shii-pi-is-su nt-ta a?%-mi-ni ki-i ar-di Le-le-pu 

us-SU; is., " h regards ~ Emida-MarduG concerning wllom thou llsst written (.se. I beg to state = um-ma-a) 'heisnot the 

enemy (evil psrson), he is my brother,' (tlicrefore), pleziz (um-mz) grant him Ids wish, etc." Notice in this connection 

that 116 is connected here with the Imperative. Or have w to suppose tlrat shupissu is= shupussz~, Perlnnnsivc III1? 

Prof. Hilprccllt tr~tnslates differently, regarding tlir lu ss a mistakc for ku(=kn), "thy," and tal'irrg obitn in tlre sense 

of command, order, edict, in \vhich it generally appears in tlic letters of tlie I


(9) the "object" concerning which there was a reference in a former letter, and to 

which now the answer is to be given, is placed at the beginning of the sentence 

without any introductory part'cle whatever" (10) shum-ma ta-sap-pa-ra or ta-al-ta- 

al-ma7; (11) um-ma or um-ma-a9; (12) if more subjects than one are referred to in 

shd in-ash-p[t~-ra urn-ma-a] a-mi-li-e IC[U.DA] iri il-yu-&[nil il-lo-nl-sbli-?~~-ti ?i il-fa-an-nn ahii-nu-ti, is., "replying to 

-. ~ 

p~ ~- 

your recent corntnunicntioli [conccrnirrg Lhc judgrnent (or fate) uf tile mcn] I heg to st,stc tlr, f~llo~iing (urn-ma-a): 

'he has erntnincd tlre Inen ;~itcr tla:y llal taIieh nr Imve indnri, "Rul>eli~gcr"), and 

translate "he impriso led them"? Tlic "hc" according to the contrxt rnrlst he somc unnarr~ed GD.EN.I\'A, "slleriff," 

or possibly n judge or king. Among the letters addressed to thc " 1,ol.d'' we find ,z similar mpression, c.g., in 39 : 4, 

i-no hu-ut A.SHAG~~~" shd Tz~lc(= I

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUII. 27 

the letters, they are introduced either (a) directly or (b) by do or (c) by .ic and one 

of the above given particles or phrases.I0 

Letters not in answer to a previous communication are much simpler in form 

and construction. In these the subject matter is stated either directly," or the 

~~ ~ ~~ ~- 

Whcnever these pmticles are found they take up either (a) tlie urn-ma after ki-bLi-?~~a or (6) tlie urn-.ma-a of the 

introduction: urn-ma-a a-ne mY.-ma rap, urn-ma-a a-nu be-li-ia-nin or (c) some other um-inn(-a) in the text of the 

lettcr; tliey are, therefore, nothing but particles that introduce direct speech by quuting eitlicr from a previous communication 

or hy giving tile answer to an inquiry or note; sce p. 24 notes2, 4. For um-ma 86 : 1Sff. is instructive. 

Wllile 1. 19 contains tlic "answer" (with um-ma-a omitted) tu the 'Lord's' inquiry concerrdng Ernidn-Marduk, wc still 

find another sentence introduced hy urn-ma in 1.20. Tllis urn-n~n lriust tako up H, preceding um-ma(-a), to bc fuund 

either in tlic text of the letter or in the introduction, seeing that it othorwisc stands quite isolated I think we IWCL~ translate 

thiaum-ma by: '(seeing that this is so) therefore, please (um-ma), grant lriln his petition (or will), i e., let him do it 

(but ci. p. 25, note I).' For unz-mu-a cf., r.g., 89 : 2lf. L.c., 11. 17f. (seep. 25, n. 4), cotltaiin theanswer to nit inquiry 

of ".VIN-nu-ti-a with regard to tlic into (judgn~ent?) of ccrtair~ rnrn who had tahen (stolen?) wlicat flour. 1,. 21f., 

introduced by urn-ma-a. 1vhic11 Iattcr takes up tlle [urn-ma-a] uf 1. 14, contains nn answer to anothcr inquiry, resp. reprimand, 

which liad been exprcsscd (in s former lcttcr addressed to Pd~~-AN.G.iL-lli7nw) in probably some sue11 wonls as 

"Why haet tllou not conlrnunieated by a messenger the result of the trial of these lncn long ere this? Answer: I. 21f, 

um-ma-a mar ship-ri-in sh6 a-na ""EINLIL~~ a-nn rnuh sharri (= LUGAL) ash-pu-ru (erasure) Iri (erasure) i-nru-nt-ku. 

ma-la a-sap-rak-ku ip-ba-a uni-ma-a i-na G 1 u ~ ~ . ~ i ~ shu-Li l ~ . N mdr ~ ~ ship-ri-ia k i ul ash-pu-ralc-ku m6r ship-ri-ia 

a-na "l"~~.K~U.N~~\~ki al-tap-rak-lcu um-ma-a a-na "NIN-nu-d-a-ma de(= A'/$)-im-ka li shii-lum-ka shii-up-ra; 

i.e., "(But as regards thy reprimand in thy lettcr af recent date I bcg to assure thco of) the following 

(urn-ma-a): 'my messenger whom I had sent to Nippnv to tlie king was, wllen he saw (= would 

sce) thee, to hsvc told cvcrything I l id written thcc. But he (tht: mcsscnger, wllrn he had returned to mc) stid 

(um-ma-a): " he (i.c., "NIN-nu-d-a) is in Sippar," (This is tile rcason why) I have not sent my mcssenger to thee 

(and why) I have (*low) dispatched my mcssenger to thee st Sippnr with the followi~~gnote (urn-ma-a): "To "NIN-nu- 

6-a. Sc:ld thy news and thy greeting (i.e., will1 this letter, =king ior an answer by "return nail")!' "' The events discussed 

in this letter are the fallowing: (a) NIN-nu-Li-a of Nippur has written tu Pan-AlV.GAL-larnur of Dlir-ilu concerning 

tho fate of certain Inen who had tsl

28 LZTTERS TO CASSITE KINGS 

writer may use as a kind of introduction some such words or phrases as: enni,' 

eninna,%nanna,3 an~rnrna,~ be-li i-di etc., etc. 

'No. 10 : 8, [en?]-ni, "belmld." 

"(Behold) now." Written either e-nin, 34 : 6; or e-nin-nn, 34 : 41; or e-ni-en-na, 20 : 6 143 : 11 1 6g : 5. Cf. 

also the following note. 

"Now." CI. 3 : 19 (cf, with parallel passage in 1. 30, nilere we have i-nn-an-na-a(!), and sce a-nu-um-?nu-a, 

nste 4). 40 124 : 27 1 31 : 35 1 58 : 2 1 3 : 60, [i-m-a]n-nn ki-i shd be-li i-shd-pa-r[a]. Sco also d i-na-an-nu, 11 : 9; 

[ii] i-na-an-na a-na be-li-ia al-tap-ra, 3 : 23; ii i-na-amna be-l? it-ti-di, 24 : 26. CI. also precdding note. 

' "Now." Sce 88 : 8, and cf. an-nu-um-ma-a, 21 : 11, with i-na-an-nd-a, note 3. 

"My Lord knows that," 42 : 16 143 : 4; bc-1% i-di shd, 71 : 15; a-na be-li-ia nl-tap-ra be-li lu i-di, 11 : 28.

FROM THE TEMPLE AliCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 

LETTERS BETWEEN OFFIC:IAZ,S OF THE TEMPLE OR 

STATE AND THE KING. 

Even a most perfunctory perusal will and must convince the casual reader 

of the fundamental diference in language and address as exh'bited in the "letters 

between Temple and State officials" and those to be discussed here. In the former 

the writer addresses his correspondent, whose name he always mentions, simply 

by "thou": "thou shalt do this and that," "to thee I have sent," "with regard to 

what thou hast written," etc., etc. In the latter the addressee is invariably "the Lord," 

without ever being mentioned by name, and is spoken of as "my Lord": "may my 

Lord do this and that," "to my Lord I have sent," "with regard to what my Lord 

has written," "the following to my Lord," etc. Surely such a formality must have 

a historic basis, must have been required by etiquette, must have been rigidly 

enforced, and must have been absolutely necessary. Considering, furthermore, the 

fact that the various writers who sent their letters to this "Lord" lived at diverse 

periods during a space of about 150 years, it at once becomes evident that the 

term "Lord" here employed cannot have meant a single person, but must have 

been applied to several individuals holding the ofice of "Lord." Taking these 

a priori considerations as my guide, I was able to collect and publish in this volume 

seventy-eight letters (Nos. 1-74) addressed to the "Lordn--fifty of them having the 

address "to my Lord," etc., either completely or partially preserved, while the rest 

(twenty-eight) refer to the "Lord" in their text. 

In the Table of Contents has been given a complete list of all writers addressing 

their letters to the "Lord"; we may, therefore, dispense with a recitation of their 

names here, though this would, in many cases at least, help us materially towards 

a right appreciation of the exact position and relation of the various writers to their 

"Lord." An investigation of this kind would necessarily lead us far beyond the 

scope of these introductory remarks here; it must, therefore, be reserved for Series C. 

All we are concerned with here is to determine, if possible, the meaning of the expression 

"my Lord," be-li or EN-li; and by doing this we will, ipso facto, it is hoped, arrive at 

tangible results which are both absolutely necessary for a correct understanding of


the nature of these letters here published, and of the highest importance for determining 

the exact relation between Temple and State, or, to express it in more modern 

phraseology, "between Church and State," as represented by Enlil, the god of 

Nippur on the one hand, and the Cassite king or kings on the other. 

The question, then, has to be asked and answered: Who is the BE.NI, i.e., 

be-li, or "Lord," of these letters? 

When trying to answer this question it would seem necessary to discuss in 

extenso here all those passages which may or may not, as the case may be, shed any 

light upon this term. The most important amnng these passages are (I) the address; 

(2) the greeting; (3) such incidental references in the text of the various letters which 

elucidate the position of the "Lord" in his relation to thc writer or the Temple. 

All letters to he discussed in this paragraph, like those treated in tlie previous 

chapter, were orig nally enclosed in an envelope, which was sea'ed with the writer's 

seal and addressed, as may he gathered from No. 24,' where, fortunately, a portion 

of thc envelope has been preserved, as follows: 

dup-pi "X. (giving here the name of the writer) a-na be-li-shh; i.e., "Letter 

of X. to his 1,ord." 

The fact that a letter could be addressed to and safely received by a person 

called simply "Lord" suffices to call our attention to the pre-em'nence of the 

addressee: he~must have been a "Lord" par excellence, a "LordJ' like unto whom 

there was none other-a person who went and was known throughout the country 

by the title be-ti. 

TJnfortunat'ely for our investigation, there have not been published among the 

so-called "Letters of HammurabinA any that are written to King Hammurabi 

- 

himself. If such letters were known to us, it would be a comparatively easy task 

to ascertain how he as king was addressed by his subjects. And yet, thanks to 

Hammurabi's - well-known habit of quoting frequently from his correspondent's 

letters when answering them, we are able to establish the important fact that Bammurabi, 

though king, was yet addressed by his subjectskot as LUGAL = sharru, 

I licre we liave to rcad: dup-pi Vnl-[bu], ti-nn be-li-shti, "I

FROM TIIE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NJPPUR. 31 

"King," hut as be-li or "Lord." It must, however, be conceded here that at the 

time of the Hammurabi - dynasty the title be-li was not exclusively used of a king. On 

the contrary, several letters are known to us, written by persons calling themselves 

"thy servant" (arcli-ka) and addressed to the ' 'Lord," where the title be-li expresses 

nothing but the position of a "higher" with regard to a "lowerJ' person; i.e., where 

be-li indicates simply the rank of the "master" as opposed to that of the "servant" 

(anlu) .' 

Again, when we examine the so-called Tell-Amarna letters (written at 

about the same time as those published here) with regard to the usus loquendi 

of the title "Lord," we find that both governors"nd kings" may he designated 

by it. 

The fact, however, that the title "Lord" might be and actually was used both 

during the Hammurabi and the Amnrna periods as a title of the king is not yet proof 

sufficient to warrant a conclusion that the he-li of our letters designates in each and 

every case a king likewise. Such a conclusion must, in order to stand the closest 

scrutiny and severest criticism, be absolutely beyond the pale of skepticism and 

I Cf., eg., C. T., 11, p. 19 (Bu. 91-5-0, 29O), a-nn bc-l-io hi-bd-mo u,n-rnn Be-el-shii-nu mdi-ku-mo. C. T., 11, 

p. 20 (Ru. 91-54, 291), a-na be-li-ia ki-bi-nin orn-7nn i'~llll-rr~-hi-mn (.sic! without nrili-lca-nla). C. T., 11, p. 18 (Ru. 

91-6-9, 218,5), n-nn ba-ii-iu, ki-hd-rnn urn-ma ib-gn-lnm nrdi-lcn-mn. C. T., IV, p. 19 (nu. 88-8-12, 278), n-nn be-li-ia 

ki-be-ma urn-mn ~r~li-~~~~l-~nush-lum-~nn 

(witlrout nrdi-kn-ma!). C. ?'.,\'I, p. 27 (Hu. 91-6-0, 413), n-nn be-li-ili ki-bdma 

z~r,,-mn Tcr-tu(?)-ur-mn-lum nmal(= GIN)-Ica-ma. C. T., VI, p. 32 (Ru. 01-5-0, 685), a-na be-?-;a I~idC-mr~ lim-ma 

iluI;'N.~U-ta-in-a~-ma (nithont cwdi-lca-ma). Cf. nlso C. T., IV, p. 1 (nu. 88-6-12, 5), ki-nan be-li nl-fir ti-du-ti, with 

C. T., 11, p. 20 (see nbovc), I. 4, &-ma bc-li i-du-0.. 

VCf.. eg., Amc~~no, U. 219, [a-na] amo'G"I, mlSIV-[in Ici-1~6-nzn urn-ma] Ba-PI(= ia)-di nrdi-[/in-vm], to ~vl.iiic!t 

titlc Winckler, I

32 LETTERS TO CaSSITE KINGS 

reasonable doubt; in other words, it must be warranted by facts which cannot be 

controverted. 

Somewhat farther we would advance, it seems, if we were to compare the 

"address" as exhibited in the letters to the "Lord" with that discussed. in Chapter 

11. While the address in the "letters between Temple and State officials" runs 

simply "To Y. speak, thus saith X.," it rcads here either 

(a) "To my Lord speak, thus saith ""X. ( - name of writer), thy servant," which, 

with the exception of two letters (Nos. 8 and 46), is invariably followed by what 

might be called a "E10flzchkeits"-formula: "hefore the presence of my 'Lord' may I 

come"' : a-na be-li-ia-i-bBma um-ma mX. ardi-ka-ma"-na di-na-an4 be-li-ia luul(or 

lu1)-li-&(or lik)" or 

(b) "Thy servant '"X. ( = name of writer). Before the presence of my 'Lord' 

may I come": ardi-ka mX.-m(a)6 a-na di-na-an be-li-ia lul-lik(or lu-ul-li-ik)." 

The difference in the address between thc letters written to the "Lord" and 

those discussed in Chapter I1 is marked and fundamental and may be briefly summed 

up as follows: 

(1) In the letters spoken of above the writer never called himself ardu or 

I i servant;" on the contrary, if he wanted to express any relation at all, he did so 

by applying to himself the term "brother," ahu. 

(2) He never addressed his correspondent by be-li, "my Lord," but simply 

mentioned the name of the a,ddressee without any title whatever. 

(3) He never used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come." 

The last mentioned peculiarity is also the distinguishing feature between our 

letters here and those of the Hammurabi period, in which the writers, it is true, 

called themselves "ardu" and their addressee be-li, but in which t,hcy never used 

the "Hofiiehkeits"-formula a-na di-na-an be-li-ia lul-l~k. On account of the 

absence of this phrase the letters of the Han~murabi period prove themselves 

at first sight-without even considering their contents-to be nothing but simple 

epistles of an inferior (servant) to a superior person (lord). 

For a jnstification of tliis translation see belu~v, pp. 58, note 2; 101, note I. 

2 Sutice llere the differcncc betwccn the nddrcss of the lett~r proper and that of tlie envrlope. While the 

formcr is always addressed "to my(!) Lord," n-nn he-li-ia, the cnveiope liu "to his(!) Lord," a-m he-li-shli. 

3 Ti~at this ernplintic -ncrr indicates the end of tlio address proper we Imve seen abovc, p. 18, notes 4, 9. 

"0 &lwitys; a possihle di-na-ni has not yet hscn found in these letters. 

Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 1.5, 16, 17, 19, 20, 25, 30, 37 [43, 44, 49, 50, 511. 

6 For -7n0 eE. No. 4 : 1 [m]A-na-?~u-n~m-ma; 

tile -ma in No. 21 : 1, mIlu-MU.TUR.A-r6m~~ma 

(Meissner, Jdeogr., 

Xo. 3857), may(!) he a phonetic colnplelnent to ?μ 

for m cf. Nuknllim (Nos. 31, 32, 33), Shiriqlum (Xo. 38), 

Ubarrum (Nos. 39, 401, ctc. Tliis -ma or m terminates the sddrcsr; proper, see note 3. 

' Xos. 1, 4, 9, 11, 21, 22, 23, 20, 27, 28 29, 31, 32, 33, 33% 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42 [45, 47, 481.


It would seem, then, that a correct interpretation of the words "before the 

presence of my 'Lord' may I come," as regards their application to persons, might bring 

us somewhat nearer to a valid understanding of the term "my Lord." Examining 

all letters so far published with regard to the usage of the phrase a-nu di-nu-an be-li-ia 

lul-lik, we find that it may be employed in letters addressed either (a) to an official 

called amelxLUGH = sukkallul or (b) to the King, LUGAL "= sharru."ow, as the 

nm"~ukkallu as "ambassador" or "chief representative" (for that is the meaning 

of the term sukkallu in those letters) shares the king's honors, we might suppose 

that the be-li of our letters was such a chief representative of the king or kings of 

the Cassite dynasty. As representatives of the Cassite kings-especially with 

regard to the affairs of the Temple, resp. its storehouses-appear, as we learn from 

B. E., XIV, XV, a certain Innanni, the chief bursar during the time of Kuri-Calzu, 

and his successors Martuku (time of Kadashman-Turgu), Irfmshu-NIN.IB 

(time of Kadashman-Turgu and Kadashman-Enlil), et~.~ 'l'hat none of the 

three chief bursars just mentioned can be meant by the be-li here is obvious. Fortunately 

we posscss four letters, addressed to Innanni, which are absolutely void 

of any of the three fundamental criteria; in them the writers do not call them- 

' Seo e.g., II., VII, 748, nrdi-ka " ilu~lG-~i-shal-lim (cf. $so below, H., VII, 747, a letter by tho same writer 

addressed to the king) a-nn dGnn-an ame"L~~l~ be-li-ia lul-lik i'm-ma-n n-nn be-ii-id-n-mn. H., VIII, 781, ardi-ka 

rLuMarilr~le-~IJESH-ir a-na dl-n:r-an nm"lilLU~~ be-bib la-lik i'ud-ni,n u i"l,sh-tar [a]-na ame'uIJUGH be-ll-id 

lilc-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na a"ZeluLUGH be-li-in-n-ma. H., VIII, 805, ar~li-kn "Mar-duk azna dl-ma-an ame'7b[~UGH be-ll-in, 

cf.. 1. 51 lul-liic i " [li ~ iluMarduk] ~ a-nn be-&-id lik-ru-b[u urn-mo-a] a-nz ameii47,UGH be-ii-[ia-a-ma]. H., VIII, 844, 

ardi-ka illi~N-shu-nu a-na di-na-an a n e ' u be-li-ia ~ ~ ~ lul-lik ~ i'u~nrduk u i'21~ar-pa-mi-tum a-na be-1L-iiL lik-~t'-bt' 

um-ma-a a-na be-1L-ia-a-ma. 

In eorlnectian with a modified form oi address (=)-see p. 32-wc find it, e.g., in H., Tr, 516; a-nn LUGAL he-li-in 

ardi-ka ""EN-SE-na a-na di-nn-en LUGAL be-li-ia Ct~1-lik i"'AG u i"Maarduk a-nn LUGA L be-&-in lik-ru-bu urn-ma-a 

a-m LUGAL be-li-ia-a-ma. H., VIII, 793, a-na 7,UGAL be-li-ia (=Ashshur-~til-ill~~~, son of Ashshur-bdn-apal) nrdi-kn 

iluEN-ib-ni a-na di-%&-[an] LUGAL be-li-ia luFlili i "A~ u i'"[~ard~k] a-nn LUGAL be-1%-ia lik-[ru-bu]. 

In connection with address (b)-see p. 32-it occurs, e.g., in H., IV, 422, wdi-ka mAD-ia-ICI-in a-nu di-ne-an 

s"LUGBL.~1.N.4 (= Sharru-uktn) be-&-id [sc., lullik, lcft out here] 1z~-li [sc., shul-mu] a-na SiCLU~AL.GI.NA he-li-ih 

urn-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-1%-ih-*ma. H., VI, 542, ardi-[ka mX. . . . . a-na di-na-a]n SicLUGAL-zi-kin LUGAL SIIU 

( - kishshatu) be-li-ia lul-lilc ii'lA~ u i'zlM~rduk a-no. LUGAL lik-ru-bu um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-li-ia-o-ma z2mumu-us-su 

a-na ba-lac Z/"'~"(= nnpshdli) she LUGAL be-li-id i'uBN u 'lzlAG Csnl(= N1)-li. H., 1'11, 698, ardi-ka i"LEN. 

BA.SNA a-na di-nn-an I,UG.iL [sic! H., but nothing is missing] sha be-li (! - tlre Icing of thc lords) be-ii-ia lul-lik 

iluAG u il~l~arduk a-na LlJGAJ, be-li-ia liic-ru-bu u,n-ma-a a-na LTJGAL be-li-ia-a-ma. H., VII, 721, [ardil-ka 

m iiuMnrduk-MU-SE-na [a]-na di-na-an LUGBL be-ii-in lublik um-ma-a a-na LUGAL be-li-ia-a-ma. H., T'II, 747, 749, 

ad-ka ~IILAG-li-shal-lirn (749 lhas " iL~AG.III-im, ef. also above, H., VII, 748, a letter by the same writer addrcsscd to 

tho ame'wLUGH) a-na di-na-an LUGAJ, be-li-id lul-lik urn-ma-e a-na LUGAT; be-li-ii~-a-ma. II., VIII, 803 [ardi-ka 

" ic"Mar]duk-MU.MU a"ecuEN.[NA~ a-na di]-na-ni(!) LUGAL be-liia [lul-lik ""AG u Mar


selves "thy servant," nor do they beg to be permitted "to come before his presence," 

nor do they term him '[my Lord." 

Though we d d not yet arrive at a positive result, we may claim at least a negative 

one, and that is: the be-li of these letters cannot have been a representative of 

the Cassite king, such as Innanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouses at 

Nippur, was at the time of Kuri-Galzu. 

Trying to determine the exact significance of the expression be-li, we get, it would 

seem, agood deal farther in our investigation if we examine the formula of greeting,' 

a-na . . . . shul-muvwhich here, as in the letters above, is very often coupled with 

an invocation), and all those incidental rejerences in the text of the letters which allude 

to the personality of the bearer of this title. In doing this welearn that the Lord was in 

possession of (I) a "house," bttu" (2) a "house and field," bttu ti stru4 ; (3) a "house, city, 

and field," bttu &lu-lci .iL stru" (4) a "field," eqlu8; (5) a "city and field," &lu-ki .iL 

s5ru (resp. struki)'; (6) a "city, field, and house," &lu-ki stru (resp. ~i-ri) ic bttu8; 

(7) "large and small cattle," LIT.GUD""" .iL GANAM.LU"i.ag; (8) "young cows 

and oxen," l&ti bu-ra-ti ic alp& bu-ru-ti'" (9) "harvests of the land and [pastures] of 

the field," i-bu-ri shci m[a-ti ic ri-t]i(?) stru"; (10) "canals and ditches," n&ruLz, namga(r)-rat3; 

(11) "messengers," m&r ship-ri"; (12) "workmen," resp. "soldiers," 

'With the exception oi No. 39 to he found idways after tullilr :and herore the intruductory um-ma-a n-nu 

be-li-ia-ma. No. 39 Ira the greeting, quite strangely, niter the last mentioned introductury pllrsse. 

=Always written eithcr shd-al-mu or shul-mu; 1lZ(= shi~1)-mu 113s no1 yet Ilcen found. 

NOS. 22 : 4 1 23 : 3 (writer mZm-yu-ri~m); 35 : 3 (writer mZCi-s/~nb-bu-,ut, ei. ;tlsunatc 5): n-nn E hc-li-ia shli-ul-mu. 

Ci. also thc bdb shd E be-l-ia in 26 : 19 and thc NI.GZSIZ pish-sl~at 2 he-1%-ia in 27 : 12. 

No. 11 : 2 (writer ""Be-la-nu): a-na E iL EDZN shd be-I-in shul-mu. For EUZN of. p. 75, note 1. 

No. 34 : 2 (writer nZCi-sh&ab-bu-ut, el. also note 3): a-no $ be-&-in iilu-ki iL [EIIIN shd be-1)-io sl~~i-ul-mu. 

Wi. NN 44 : .5, A.SHziG-ka, "thy ficld2" i.e., tlic 1,ard's. 

No. 9 : 3 (writer mBom-a-sl~a-i'uMa~d~~k): o-na iilu-ki ii EI~II\' slxi be-h-ia shzi-ul-mu. No. 17 : 5 (writer 

"" i ' u ~ ~ ~ . ~ B - ~ ~ . a-ne ~ ~ dlu-lci - ~ iL ~ 1m3~1~"~ e 5sl~d 6 ) hc-li-in : sl~z~[l-mu]. 

NOS. 26 : 2 1 27 : 2 1 28 : 3 (writer "'I&-du-ra-nu): n-nn 61%-lci EDZlV (26 : 2, gi-ri) ii ?$ be-li-in shli-tcbmu. 

No. 51 : 4 (name of writer broken aww): [a-na LZT.GUD!J~.~ iL] GANAM.LU~~.~ shii [bc-li-ia sl~ul-mu]. No. 

16 : 4 (writer i ' ~ ~ ~ , ~ . ,I): . ~ a-m ~ I,I'I'.cuD~~~ - [ . ti GANAM.Lu~~-~ sh[d-ul-mu] ti sib& hc-li-io shzl-ul-mu, ie., 

"to the large and small cattle, greeting; and to all that belongs to my Lord, greeting!" For LZT.GUD~~.~ li GANAM. 

L~hi.a (= alp8 i~ gh8) cf. also B. E., XIV, 99 : 1 I 99a : 46 1 132 : 1 

lo No. 10 : 4 (writer [. . . ?'"I Mnrduk): [a-na LIl'mosh bu-ra-ti] iL GUDmeSh bu-ra-[ti]. Ci. also No. 60. 

"No. 25 : 4 (writer m ~ ~ - i 1 7 ~ ~ ~ ~ a-na . ~ i-bu-1.i ~ ~ . sbd D m[a-ti ~ ~ ii . ri-t]i(?) ~ J ~ RDZN ) : shii-ul-mu. 

'"He was st least co-owner, cf. No. 40 : 21 (writer "U-bar-rum): me-e """( = A.GUR) Ilu(=AN)-i-pu-us1~ ti 

me-e naru(= A.GUR) Ne-la-& me-e zi-it-ti shd be-li-ia; for translation seep. 132. Cf. also tho ma (=A) be-l-in in 1 : 11. 

No. 40 : 15, ii slu-li a-na pa-an nam-ga-ri shd be-li-ia n-shi-ib; l.c., 1. 20, nam-gar-ra sl~d be-li-ia li-mash-shi-ir. 

"No. 8 : 17 (writer n~a-il-ilu~ardulc): mdr ship-ri shd be-li-ia. CI. [34 : 211 / 63 : 37, mrir ship-ri-lca.

FROM THE TEMPLE ABCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 35 

ummicni (= SAB"""), p$b& (= &'ABn"ah)'; (13) "servants," arduy (14) shattnm 

and """""PA.ENGAR3; (15) it&; (16) "tax-gatherers," miilcisu" (17) "sheriffs," 

' No. 39 : 17 (writer ""U-bm-rirm): ,~:l~b~." shQ be-li-ia. CT. 46 : 0, ~AUh~-~{ka] and 58 : 12, QilRhCa sh6 be-li 

itn$u-ru. From 9 : 17, 100 $,4Bbi.~(!) gi-ir~-nn-ta ki-iig-ns-nn r~ilB"""(!) sl~d be-li-io ir-la-pi-is, it is appa~.cnL that 

tlicrescerns to have heen u. differeilae betmecn $.iB!+"-" i~rid SAIF~~'; tho Iurnn:r are = "men," wlrilo tlialntter are= "sol- 

diers"; for a tra~ralatiol~ seep. 106. 111 13. E., SIV, SV, $AB~~.'~ and &ABm'h a1.c uscd intcrcliangeably; cf., e.g., LC., 

XIV, 5Ca : 20, PAD 27 $AUme8" slid li-r/n-ri-e i-pt~-shu, ie., "f~od (witge~) for 27 'men' who lmve tilled (made) the 

fields," itud according to l.c., 1. 30, tlls a "n"f"~~~ and RA.ZlD.D.4 !lave $.1Bm"". 

' This follows not only from tlie temr "sol.vantn wllicll tile various writers apply to tlie~rlrelves when writing to 

thcir "Lord," but also from tlic Inct that very frequently otl~cr pct.so~ls i~1.8 referrecl to in tlrese lettcrs as "thy (i.e., the 

Lord's) servant," ardi-ica. Among tlie pcrsons tlius spoken of as thl: " I,ord'sn sei-varlt wc lind, e.g., "ErbaZi"~arduk, 

27 : 30, 32 1 20 : 4 [5] 1 35 : 17 1 ti5 : 9 (cf. here also "~rbn-~~"Mur~lt~k, the writer of 1ettcl.s Nos. 13, 14, 81, 82): 

rn iLu~WN.IB-SHICS~~-~~-no, 1 : 16, 17; ""I~A.SHA-~~~IIVI, 31 : 34, 35; n~-na-$.lf~/~.GAL, 2 : 32; rn i f u ~ l ~ T- ~ . ~ A 

Ba-ni, 14 : 18; "IZ~L-du-ra-ni, 35 : 31 (of. also the writer of Nos. 26, 27, 28); "l!41-li-Shi-palc, 17 : 32; 'niVa-ah-ri- 

[ifuMwd~l~], 42 : 12, 13; ""SHI$LSIf-shd-6sl~-~, 45 : 7; ~E.sAG.?L-zu-~.~-~~ [ardi-ka], 9 : 15. CI. 21 : 27,II ardi-ka. 

Ro. 39 : 3 (writer "U-bar-nun); [1T, : 4, name of writer bl.ol


GU.EN.NA" ; (18) na-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-a-ti SAL E-di-ir-ti ti bttu7 ; (19) ' 'cities," &lz~""" ; 

~- ~ ~~~ ~ 

aries-may they be those of property or 01 other business interests-of his master," "one who looks out that the various 

sides of his master's interests be protected." Such apnrson who "looks out" for his master's interests (as did Kalbu, 

after having been entrusted by royal grant with the administration of Mannu-gir-i'"~~) at the time of Ur-Ninna, king 

of Shirpurla, was called an A.NZ.TA = "one who is at his side." The latter, then, is the cxact Sumerian counterpart of 

the Semitic-Babylonian itii = itu + dju = "one who is at the side of somebody, who guards his interests'' (cf. 

Nipprri = Nippur-liju, onn who lives at, belongs to, Nippur, a Nippurian), "his administrator, llis representatioe": 

just as the sides (itil) represent a piece of property, guard it against trespassing, so an it5 represents and guards and 

looks out for the interests of his master. 

' No. 27 : 35 (writer '"ICu-du-ra-nu): ame'uSHA(= NIG).KUD.DA shd be-ii i~h-~ZL-[m]. For SHA.KUD.DA cf.. 

bcsides thc passages quoted in B. E., XIV, XV, also l.c., XIV, 5 : 51 18 : 2 1 125 : 14 1 XV, 122 : 7 1 131 : 17 / 157 : 25 1 

166 : 18, etr. 

'For this officer see intraduelion to No. 75, below, pp. 133f. 

'The passagcs in which this phrase ucc~~rs as part of the greeting are the Collowing, No. 36 : 3 (writer ['" i'u]~M. 

LUGAL.ANmESh) : [a-na . . . . SAIL E-di-ir-tim [ti ,!$ be-li-ia shlli-ul-mu [. . . . ma-a']-di-ish shzi-ul-mu; 31 : 3 

(writer mMu-kal-lim) : a-na ntr-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-ti ti % be-li-ia shd-ul-mu SAL E-di-ir-ta li-pi-tu an-ni-tam il-ta-pa-as-si(? or 

su?) a-na TUR.SAL '"Ku-ri-i ti TUllSAL mAhu(=SHESH)-wi shii-ul-mu shi-ir-shi-na da-ab; 32 : 4 (writcr mMuk[al-lim]) 

: [a-na] na-'i-ri-o na-'[i-ra-ti SBL] E-di-ir-ti [A] E be-li-ia shd-u[l-mu]; 33 : 1 (writer [mM]u-kal-[lim]): [a-no,] 

nn-'i-ri-e na-'i-ra-a-ti [SAIL E-di-ir-t[i] li be-li-ie shii-ul-mu. nd'ird, nd'i~dti are participles maso. and fern. plur. of 

lNl, wllicll l)elitasch, B. W. B., p. 4396, translates by "schrcien, brilllen." Jcnson, K. B., VI', p. 588, assigns to 

nd'ru a signification "klagend," We have to combine both significations here and translate nd'ir0, nd'irdti by howler^ 

(mese. and fern.) of lamentations" = "lamentation men and women," who began thcir operations, as is well known, 

at the time of siokness, death, or funeral of a person. This is apparent alsv lrurn the texts quvted above, for all of 

therrl are nothing hut reports of a physician about tlie progress 01 the sickness of certai~l ladies connected, nu doubt, 

with Enlil's sanotuary. Cf., e.g., 31 : 9f., shum-ma be-lt i-sap-pa-rn li-sba-nim-ma a-nu-ab zi-li-shi(!)-ma (for translation 

see p. 26, n. 7) sh6 TUR.SAL mMush-ta-li (el. 32 : 7) i-shd-ta-lu ba-al-da shd (cf. 32 : 13) pa-na i-qi-en-ni-~TL 

i-na-an-na ul i-gi-en-ni-ib sh6 TUR.SAL mIlu(= AN)-ip-pa-6sbra I1 i-shd-tu shd ub-bu-ra-turn shi-i-pa it-ta-di, etc. 

For i-shb-ta-tu, I1 Gshbtu cf. l.c., 1. 26, mi-ski-il i-shb-ta-ti [shd(?) uh]-bu-ra; 1. 28, i-shd-ta-tu shd gi-li (cf. zi-li, 1. 10= 

Hebr. 953, "side") shd ub-bu-ra, and 33 : 24, i-shd-ta-tum. Zshdtdtu (li, tum) is either a plural of ishdtu = "fire, 

fever" (for formation cf. Delitasch, GT,. p. 188), or, less probably, a. plural of ishdtu (= eshttu?), syn. of ka-ra-m-u, 

which Delitasch, H. W. B., p. 143b (sub eshilu), translates by "cuersiones!' The IZ i-shblu is, no doubt, "the double 

fever" in the sense of either "intermittent fever" or, rnore probably, of "eliills and fevcr." Da-al-da = Permansive 

I', third pers. plur. fom. after ishdtdtu. For gandbu cf. the Talmudic lexion sub nii = "to suffer iron angina pectoria," 

and for shtpa nadii, "to grow, become old," see Jensen, K. B., VI', p. 511; hore, bconusa used of sickness, it hits 

tlie meaning "to become chronic." The passage, then, might he translated: "With regard to the daughter 01 Mushtali 

(I beg to report that) the fevers are improving; what was suffering before is not suffering any more now. With regard 

to tho daugl~tcr of Ilu-ippashra (I beg to report tllat) the 'doublc fever' which is remaining (= third pcrs. sing. frm. 

I'errn. 11' after IZ i-sh6-tu = singl.) has bceom~clironie," i.c., it appears at regular intervals. Cf. also 33 : 7f., dmu 

~8(?)~'"' shd mu-shi ish-lc-en a-ka-la it-ti pa-pa-si d-ul d-ga-at-ti ba-m{a]r-tum ki-i ig-tu-d urn-mu [is]-sa-bat-si, and LC., 

1. 25f., .amu 2gkaam 'luCJD na-pa-[bi] mdr ship-r-ia ul-te-sa-a ki-i shll be-li iq-ba-a te(!)-e-im mu-shi a-lam-ma-=&[ma(?) 

i-n]a '~"uD nu-pa-hi a-s[hd]-ap-pja-?]a [lc-el-im su-ma-nu ajlam-]ma-ad-[ma ti(?) a-n]n m-hi-e a-[shd-alp-pa-ra [sh6(?)] 

duppa a-na [muh] be-ii-ia [ul-le]-6i-la. With the exception of ishUn akdla itli papasi everything is plain. Is this a 

food prepared with the papasi? For papast' cf. also B. B., XIV. 163 : 42, 111 du~tallu (= RZ) pa-pa-su i " ~ I . ~ ~ ~ , 

which shows that papasu was taken frorn the river, and is probably the "slimc" of the river: cf. also ICiichler. Medizin, 

p. 128, "Brei, Schlamm." Also in B. E., XV, 44 : 23 it is paid, like MUN, Gil.GAL, GiI.TUR, sibhi-li, to certain 

(wor1r)men; is, therefore, different from papposu, Delitasch, H. W. B., p. 534a (against Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 28, notc ta No. 

8, 1. 4). From the above given passage it appears that the ni'ir0 and nd'irdti began their operations (ba-ra-or-turn =

FROM THE TEXPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 37 

' 'guards," ma.ssartu" ifortress(es)," bi-ir-ta'" ; ' 'chariots," iP"narkabtun and sak- 

shup-par'" (20) "carriages,". ru-ku-bzL3; and last, but not least, (21) "creatures," 

. ~ 

- 

~ 

~ 

"lamentation"; Del., 11. W. B., p. ISSa, mentions only a bararum, syn. ikkillunr, " IYehlclage"; see also 47 : 4) while the 

lady was still under treatlnonl (ul ugalti) and sick. No wonder, thou, tirat she was ssizad with fever (urnmu) after 

those men and women had finished their lamentations. In lhe closing lints Mulvitllirn reports that howill send &t his 

messenger early at dawn of the 29th day, "as his 'Inrd' had commsnderl," in order to learn througll him how tho sick 

pernun lrad possod the night (te-e- in^ mwshi) and how tho su-ma-nu (= samiinu, the u un scoount of the m, H. W. B., 

p. 503; Jenscn, K. B., VI1, p. 574?) was progressing. Wornen, by the narne SBL E-di-ir-tum, are mentioned in U. E., 

XIV, 40 : 3, 12, 14, 19 (2lst year of Ruri-Galzu, 11. 31, 23) and a TUR.S.AL C.40 E-dCir-turn oocurs in l.c., 58 : 42 

(13th year of Nazi-Maruttaull). ilr this lady is closely oo~~~~cctod with the lamcntation in-n and womcn, it seems 

probable to suppose tlint slie was at the head of that profession. Wlrat tho real rnetning of li-pi-tu an-ni-tujn il-ta-pa- 

as-si (or su? = il-la-pa-at-shi or -sha, i.c., 1/%1, so, no doubt, better than a. "possible" I/Sjzi or n3W) in No. 

31 : 5 is, is not closr to mc. With lipit(t)u lapritz~ ef. Amama, B. 6, Rev. 3, 7, 9; B. 218, Rev. 3, 4. It is construed 

with double accusttivr, ar here, also in IV R., 15*, ool. I : 14, 15, np-pa u ish-di i-sha-a-ti tu-pu-2'1-ma ana mar~i si-bitti-sku-nu 

ai it-hu-u; but neither thc signification given by Dclitaseh, IZ. W. B., p. 382a, "umstiivzm, anvihren," nor that 

by Jenscn, K. B., VI1, p. 379, "benihren, schlagen, werien,'' nor King's (Letters of fJammurabi, 111, p. 279), "to overthrow, 

to destroy," nor Nagel's (B. A,, IV, p. 479), "~"gern, verzogern," nor evcn I

38 LETTERS TO GASSITE ICINGS 

NI(G)-G~L-~u~ nap-ti. On account of the difficulties that arc to be encountered 

in this expression it is necessary, it would seem, to give the passage in which it 

occurs in full. It is found in the "greeting" of a letter (No. 38) written by a certain 

"Shi-ri-iq-turn, an inhabitant of Nippur (&lu-ki, 1. 6), whose gods he invokes for 

the protection of his "Lord." The writer, unfortunately, is not mentioned in any 

of the tablets published in B. E., XIV, XV. Though a ""hi-i-riq-[twm] is to be 

~ 

~ - ~ 

$1) mMa7-tb-lcu, the clriei bursar of the SippurianTe~nple storeliousesdriring tllc rrigrr of Nasi-Mnruttash, 1 eta-na ZilG.SA 

(a metal, or a kind of lenthcr'!) a-na be-d(t)il (or -bib; -hat; -ziz) s1~ii"~nari;nblu; i.e., cilller for tlle "mounting" (metal) or 

"covering" (leather) of n ellariat. Seeing that s sak-shtip-par is in each and evc1.y ease closcly connected mith "cllariots," 

which hc may eomrnand wl,cm tlley are sent out on an expedition (seep. 139,II. ZXff.), we may eoncludc tllat a, sivup-par 

is a "charioteer," and a sali-shup-par, s "chief, commander, captain, general of the charioteers." Tlie ward shup-par 

has to be derived fom lDW, "to govern," irolrl whicli root, as Jcnsen, I

FROM ?HE TEDZPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPdR. 39 

found in a letter of "Gu-za-ar-AN to "In-nu-&a (87 : 8), we are still unable to 

assign No. 38 definitely. In all probability Shiriqtum lived sometime during the 

reign of Kuri-Galzu, i.e., somewhere between 1421-1396 B.C. That part of the 

letter with which we are concerned here reads (38 : lff.): 

1 ardi-ka, "Shi-ri-iq-turn a-na d[i-na-an] Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 

ence 

2 be-li-ia lu-h-ul-ti-[ikj of my "Lord" may I come! 

3 ""SUGH' iL shar-rat ""EN.LIT,[ki] SUGH and the queen of Nippur 

'From a religious standpoint this greeting is rnost important. It tcnelles us that the Xippurian Trinity-Enlil, 

NIN.IB, Ninlil or Gula (Bau)-was knolvrl also as 

SUGH (Father) NIN.IU (Son) i " N ~ ~ . ~ ~ ~ oi ~ tl~o ( wSon) i f= e shar-rat a'i'~n-lil" (Mother). 

Without going into details liere (scc my forthcoming volnmo on tila Religious Tezts /?om the Temple Library of 

Nippur), I may be permitted to show briefly that tile gods lncntioned in this letter forin indeed a parallel "Trinity 

in Unity." 

ilu~~~~i 

(tlius the sign llns to hc rend, anrl not IIAR (Jensen), see my fortl~eoming volume) was originally 

the name of a god playing tho rcle of thc "Son." This is still evident from I1 R., 57, Obv., I. 35, c, d, where 

"?SUCH (with the gloss Tishku) is identified with i " l ~ ~ who ~ . in ~ our ~ letter , occupies the position of the "Son." 

Ci. also "USUGIT EN urn-ma-ni, :'the lord of hosts," Zimmcnl, Shurpu, IY, p. 24, 71; (gloss sud) NZGZN = 

mu-bnl-lu-ti ai-bi, "the destroyer oi the enemy," IC. 2107, 19-two attributes of tho "Son," who, ns the personification 

of the powors of patore ("tlie sevcn," "tile Igigi" and "the Anunnal


4 nap(sic!)-ti be-li-ia li-is-su-rum may protect the life (lit. souls) of my 

"Lord"; 

5 ""NZN.IB u ;"NIN.MAGH a-shib NIN.IB and NIN.MAGH who inhabit 

- .~~~~ ~ - 

the dumu-ush (= apil) g-shhr-ra zi-kir-shu, Craig, Rel. Texts, I, p. 43 : 17; the apil 8-shiir-ra, IV 12. I, 34a. Seeing 

that the "cosmos" is represented by Enlil (= SUGH) and Ninlil (= sharrat 8nlilki)), NIN.IB appears also as the 

EN dumudi~irEn-lil-la.l-ye = mirr ifuditto, Reisnrr, Hymnen, p. 123 : 6f., or as the L d i ~ * ~ ~ dumu ~ . ~ dinolr~, 1 3 

I


6 shli dlu-ki NI(G = GAR, s ha)-~A~ the city (i.e., Nippur) may protect 

( = ik)-tum nap(sic !)-ti-ka thy creatures (subjects) ! 

7 li-ia-su-rum ma-an-nu pa-an1 Whosoever. 

8 ba-nu-tum shli be-li-ia li-mur may see the gracious face of my "Lord" 

9 [h?" man-nu da-ba,-ba tdb( =&I)"" [and] whosoever be of "good words" 

10 [a-n]a be-li-ia li-il-te-mi may listen to my "Lord" ! 

11 [urn]-ma-a a-[na b]e-l[i-i]a-[ma] The following to my 'Lord": 

Two peculiarities of this text require some words of explanation. The first is 

the word nap-ti in 11. 4 and 6. According to the greeting of 89 : A3 we would expect 

entitled Business Documents of Murash4 Sons of Nippw ( = B. Xi'., X ) I tried to show (see The Monist for January, 

1907 (Vol. XVII, No. I), p. 139) that N1N.IB was originally an Amurritish god coming from the "westland," where ho 

had been identified with iiu~~R.TU, and wlicre he was called 17TishuJ resp. Irrishtu. Three months after my review had 

appeared, Dr. Clay rrad a paper hefurc tlie American Oriental Society, on April 5, 1907, in which he lind reaehcd the 

same conclusion, via.: NIN.ZB has to be identified with i"~lMA~.T~. Though I naturally was sorry nut to find in Ids 

treatise any refcrence to my review, and to learn from p. 2 of the J. A. 0. 8. Tor 1007 that the reading Im.sh(t)u was 

known to him only from "private communication," I still greeted Clay's discovery with rejoicing. Upon the basis 01 

his investigations Clay thought to be justified in rejecting any and all readings of the name nWllK so far proposed. 

He accordingly proceeded, being encouraged in this by Jensen's reading ('nwusht = namz~shtu = namurtu), and identified 

nWllK (thus has to be read, see "Preface") with Emmshtu = Ensrnashtu = En-martu. The objections to such a reading, 

however, are evident to every Assyriologist: MAR.TU, a Summian idcogram, cannot he treatrd as an Asqrian wmd, 

mmtu, to which one applies Semitic-Babylonian phonetic laws (the change ol r to sh befure t), making martu rnashtu. 

Surely, every Assyrian would unhesitatingly translate a, word En-mashtu (martu) by "the lord o/ the daughter" or "owner 

of a daughter." A Sumerian ideogram MAR.TU, signifying "westlmd," according to Assyro-Babyloxian grammar, 

cannot hceome a "daughter," or martu. The god MAR.TU played in the weslland the same r61e as did, e.g., Enlil in 

Nippur, or Sin in Ur, or Marduk in Babylon, i.e., hc was thc high& god among the Amurrites, hcnee being identified 

not only with '"KUR.GAL, "the god of the great mountain" or "world" (an attribute of Enlil, Sin, Mardulr, etc.; 

this shows that KUR.GAL cannot he read in each and every ease Amurru, but must be understood quite 

frequently 01 Enlil or Anu or Sin ar Mxrduk, ef. i l " ~ = ~ be1 = Enlil and Ea), but also with 'Ur = YlK (cf. here 

also C. l'., 11, 12 (Ru. 88-5-12, 212), 1. 30, izu~arduk(!) h i "~n-zu""~rl~.~~, i.e., "Marduk and Sin-Amurru"). 

There were known in Babylonia a "Sin of Ur," a "Sin of Earran,'' a "Sin of Amurru," a "Sin of Nippur" (cf. here 

the date of Dungi, E. B. H., p. 256, 15: mu di'2dr~m-ki ~ m l i6a l ~ ba-tur. Of this Nippulian Sin we have quite a 

numbor of hymns and prayers in our Muscum), and many others. I also beg to differ from Prof. Clay's explanation 

of the dingir dingir in the name Warnd-dingir-diwir-Mar-lu, found in his paper referred to above (p. 7 of the reprint), 

in which, upon the suggestion of Prof. Jestrow, he states with regard to dingir-dingir that it is a ylurnlis majestatis 

corresponding to the Hebr. DV~. That name has to he read W ~T~~-AN-~~'~MAR.~'U 

and shows that MAR.TU was 

identified, as is to he erpeoted, with the higheat and oldest Babylonian god AN. AN-""MAR.TU is, therefore, parallel 

to the AN e-m-urn i i u ~ (Cod8 ~ of . gammurabi, ~ ~ ~ I : 1, see The Monist, Vol. XVI (October, 1906), p. G34) or to the 

well-known i i u ~ ~ ili . ~ ilnMarduk. ~ L Cf. also for the formation Warad-~N-~'"M~ll.l'U names like ~alu-~~"~a-t- 

Mar-tu (or is Mar-tu here a title?), Reisner, Telloh, 159, TrI : 23; G~~U-"~Z"DISH-AN, Reisner, l.c., 154, 111 : 4. This 

last name is especially interesting, shoning us that i " ~ ~ S ~ 

was not only iiu&.~ 

(Br. 10068), but also AN; notice also 

that DISH is = 60, which is the number of AN, and AN is = ilu. 

' For this and tlie following see above, p. 22. 

The traces visible seem to he against such an emendation, but the parallcl text, 89 : 11, justifies it, see p. 22. 

AN^^^ a-shib &.DIM.GAL.IZALAM MA napshd-ti-ka li-ig-gu-ru. 

6


here the word nap-sha-ti for nap-ti. Should the writer have made twice the same 

mistake of omitting shd, or have we to see in naptu a synonym, resp. side form of 

napshtiti? As I personally cannot imagine that our writer could be guilty of committing 

the same error twice in a space of orlly three lines, I prefer to consider nap-ti 

not as a mistake for nap-sha-ti, with the shd. left out, but as a synonym of napishtu, 

L L 

from the foot t)j~(?), soul," "life." The second peculiarity is met with in 

the expression hrl(~).Gri~-tum nap-ti-ka. If these two words have to be connected, 

thus taking ~I(G).Cz'i~-tum as the nomen. reyens of nap-ti, we will have to admit 

that this is a rather singular status constructus relation. We would expect either 

h'l(~).GkL-tum shci nap-ti-ka or NI(G).G~L(-~~, -at) nap-ti-lca. However, such 

status constructus relations may be paralleled, cf. e.y., ul-tu dmumu (for dm) sa-a-ti, 

Neb., V R. 64, I : 9; ktma pdrim ge*ri, hardnam namraga, quoted by Delitzsch, Gram., 

p. 192, n0t.e. If, then, ~I(G).CAl,-t~rnl, nap-ti-ka be one expression we may compare 

with it the well-known NI(G) .ZI.GAI, = shzknat napishti = NI(G) .~A~,-turn 

+ ZI = shikittum nap-ti = creatures-an attribute ascribed not only to iluNIN(var. 

SA L)-in-si-na, the dm kalam-ma ZI.GAL kalam gim-gim-me, ' 'the mother of 

the world, who creates the creatures (ZI.G~L = NI(G).ZI.GAL = shiknat napishti) 

of the world," E. R. H., p. 202, note I, 1, but also to Shamash, the be-el shik-na-at 

napishtimt", IIV R. 28, No. 1, 7, 8b. This gives us the important result that the 

writer Shiriqtum ascribes in this passage divine attributes to his "Lord, " which would 

be not at all surprising if it can be proved that the "Lord" was in each and every 

case t'he "King"; for we know that the Cassite kings of this period, like their Egyptian 

contemporaries, were deified, as is indicated by the sign ilu,' so very often found 

before their names. The intended signification of this passage, then, is clearly this: 

"May SUGH and the queen of Nippur protect 'the life of my Lord'," i.e., my Lord 

himself, "and may NIN.IB and NIN.MAGH that inhabit the city (sc. of Nippur) 

protect my 'Lord's' creaturesH-a prayer for the protection of the "LordJ' and his 

"subjects. "" 

'See Clay, List of Namcs, B. E., XIV, and rspeeially Hilprccht, B. E., Series 4, Vol. XX, Part 1, p. 52. 

'If it were possible to read instead ol ki (in dlt~-ki) = DUL (ci. Clay, List of Signs, B. E., XIV, No. 136) we 

rnight be tempted to transoribe 1. 6, shd ""uDuL.I\'I(G).GAL-~~~ nap-fi-ka, and translate: "that inhabit the 'rnountain 

of creatures,"' thus taking DUL.NI(G).GAL-turn to be nnotlier name for DUL.AZz1G, "tile lroly mountain" of the 

nether world, of which i z u N ~ was, ~ . as ~ we ~ know, the "king" (LUGAL). But this cannot be done, simply because 

ki is absolutely certain. A third explanation might be suggested by taking NI(G).GAL-turn nap-ti (1. 6) as standing in 

opposition to nap-ti = "soul" (1. 4); STJGH md the queen of Nippur lriay protcct the "soul" of my Lord, and NIN.IB 

and .VIlV.MAGH rrrlay protect "tlty body." This >~~ould fit aery well, for me Imow that the wife of NIN.IB was "the 

great physician," wlio enred for the "spiritnal" (napti) md "bodily welfare" (Nl(G).GAI,-luvi nopli) of her people. 

However, a signification "body" = NI(G).GAL-turn napti is not known to me. Hence the only translation that seems 

lingui~tically justified is the one given abovc. For Z1.Gd.L ci. also Jmsen, Z. A., VIII, p. 221, note 5.


Even though it be admitted that the "Lord" was in possession of all that has 

been enumerated above, it might still be objected that, e.g., a sukkallu or the "king's 

representative" was designated here by the title be-li, and this the more as he "appa- 

rently shared honors with his royal masters" ; for we saw on p. 33 that certain writers 

used the phrase "before the presence of my 'Lord' may I come" not only in their 

letters to the king, but also in those which they addressed to his "representative." 

Surely such a high officer of the king would naturally have been in possession of 

cities, guards, houses, lands, wagons, chariots, fields, cattle, and servants. Or it 

might be said that a governor, b&l pahdti, was meant by be-ti in our letters; for he 

as the head of a government and the superior of the hazanndti or city prefects had, 

as a matter of course, under his command cities, chariots, servants, houses, lands, 

etc., etc., and writers, addressing their letters to such an official, would quite natur- 

ally include in their greeting some kind of a wish for the prosperity and the safe- 

keeping of their "Lord's" possessions. 

Fortunately for our investigation here we have a letter, published in this volume, 

that has been written to a governor. And how does the writer address the governor? 

By be-li or "Lord"? Does he beg to be permitted to "come before the face" of his 

Lord? Does he call himself "thy servant"? Nothing of the kind. The writer 

simply names his addressee by name and extends his greeting to him, his house, and 

his government. An address in a letter to a governor at this period, then, reads 

(No. 77 : i ff.) : 

1 a-na ""En-lil-[b&l ( = EN) -ni~h&~~~~- To Enlil-b&l-nish&-shu 

shul] 

2 ki-bi-[ma um-ma] speak, thus saith 

3 """'A-shur-shum-&tir( = KA[R]i'-mu] Ashur-shum-6tir: 

4 a-nu ka-a-shci bt[ti-ka] 

to thee, thy house 

5 tl a-nu pa-Z4a-t[i-ka] 

and thy government 

6 lu-k shul-[mu] greeting! 

Again, in No. 24 Kalbu, the writer, itd, "dust and loving servant," after having 

reported to his "Lord" that a city and its gate had been destroyed, adds in 1. 29ff.: 

29 iL Mar-"[. . . .] Also MAr-[. . . .I, 

30 be1 pabati ( =EN.NAM2) a-na ardi- the governor, when he had come to thy 

ka ki-i il-li-ku um-ma-a servant (i.e., to the writer), said: 

For this emendation and for the time when this governor lived (11th year of Kadashman-Turgu) seep. 13, n. 5. 

a For EN.NAM = be1 pahati see Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 519b.


31 abulla(=~~.~~~)~" 

i-ma-ad-dil tu- "They make lamentations on account 

shci-an-nu-ma taddun( = SE)-naz (of the loss) of the gate. Duplicate 

(it)." 

In this passage the "governor" evidently is quite a different person from the 

be-li or "Lord"; nay, he, although a b&l pah&ti, has to go to the itd Kalbu with the 

request, no doubt, that the latter report the loss of the gate to the "Lord," in 

order that a new one be made. 

That also a "representative" or sulckallu of the king cannot be meant by the 

"Lord" in our letters is evident from a passage of No. 35 : 24ff., which reads: 

24 u libittu ( = SHEG) ia-a'-nu 

25 hsh-shum a-nu-ku i-tu be-li-ia 

26 al-li(? or la?)-ka a-nu "Erb~-~"Mar- 

duk 

27 shu-pu-ur-ma a-na "Ku-du-m-ni 

28 [lil-ish-pu-ra-ma sukkalmah_hu 

( = PAP.LUGH.WAGH) li-i[q-bi] 

29 libittu ( = AYHEG)""~ li-il-bi-nu 

There are also no adobes! 

As regards this that I, the itt2 of my 

' 'Lord, " 

have come (gone up to thee saying): 

"Send to Erba-Marduk 

that he send to Kudur&ni1'- 

" so may the sukkalmahhu (i.e., Erba- 

Marduk) finally give orders (sc. to 

Kudurhni) 

that adobes be made (lit. that they 

make adobes) ." 

A beautiful example of "red tape" for this remote period ! The sense of this passage 

is apparently the following: Kishahbut, - the writer and itd (p. 35, n. 4), living in 

Dilr-Nusku during the reign of Kadashman-Turgu, had at some previous time gone 

(up) to his "Lord" with the request that the sukkalrnahhu (a higher officer than 

a sulckal) Erba-Marduk be instructed to issue orders to KudurAni (the chief brick- 

' In view of the fact that matd = LAL (sb 142), which latter in tile Temple Archives of this period signifies 

"a minus," "a loss," one [night he inclined to translate "the gate is gone!' Against this must he said, hovever, that 

bdb-GAL.LA = abullu is feminine, hence we would expect tn-ma-ad-di. I-ma-ad-di I take, therefore, as a third pers. 

plur. for imattd. For %, instead of zt, cf. Delitzsoh, Gmm., p. 262, and for the signilicstian "klagen, sthnen u. dcrgl.," 

Jensen, K. B., VI', pp. 304, 557: "They (i.c., the inhabitants, or the German indefinite man) malie lamentations 

on account of the gate," i.e., "tliey deplore its loss." 

' lig translating as given above I consider tushannnmn tadannn as a eontimlntion of the "speech" of the governor, 

and not as a. request of the writcr. TI the lattcr rverc to be preferred wn should expect n pllrase bbcli lishnnnn-mn 

(= lushanna-ma), ef. I. 34, he-li a-ma-as li-mur-ma. 

give" = "thou shalt give again." 

Tushnnnma tirdanna is x tu did riuniv = "thou shalt duplii:atr and 

FQ~ P4P.LUGfZ = LUGH = mkkallu ei. 111 R. 67, 55, i l z r = ~ ditto ~ ~ (i.e., ~ '"LPAP.LUGH).


maker) that adobes be made. The writer, after having returned from his "Lord," 

and having waited for some time to see whether his request had been complied 

with or not, finds that this had not been done. He, therefore, taltes in this letter 

another opportunity to remind his "Lord" once more of his former request. "May," 

he says, "the sukkalmahhu Erba-Mardult upon thy command now finally issue 

orders for the making of adobes. This is very urgent, seeing that there are abso- 

lutely no adobes at hand" (1. 24). The "red tapeJ' in connection with this order 

(the itci writing to the be-li that he give instructions to the sulclcalmahhu that, this one 

issue orders to the chief brickmaker that the latter induce his men to make adobes) 

shows clearly that the sukkatmahhu was the inferior of the be-li: he had to receive 

instructions from his "Lord" before he could issue the necessary orders, and the 

writer, knowing this, does not write directly to the sukkalmahhu, but directs his 

request to the proper authorities, the be-li. Only by doing this could he (the writer) 

expect that his wishes were ever conformed with. The be-li, being here the superior 

of the sukkalmahhu, cannot possibly have been a sukkal. 

There is, however, still another and last possibility to be considered in connec- 

tion with this title. In Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 457a, we are told that the manzaz 

phi, i.e., "one who takes his stand before the king,"' was the "Ranghochster, 

hochster Wiirdenstrager" (sc. of the king). Is not perhaps this highest of all royal 

officials intended by be-li in our letters? The answer to this supposition is given 

by a letter (No. 48 : 27) in which the writer, whose name is unfortunately broken away, 

assures his "Lord," be-li:2 ul mu-shh-ki-luQ-nu-ku lu man-za-az pa-ni a-na-ku, 

i.e., "not a mischief breeder, but a manzaz p&ni am I." Surely, no manzaz picni 

could or would ever speak to anot.her manzaz picni in this manner, because (1) there 

was not or could not have been another highest(!) official by this name; (2) even if 

there were, no official would ever humiliate himself as far as to call his brother ofhcer 

"my Lord," nor would he humbly beg "to be permitted to appear before his equal's 

face"! Such things might be possible at present, but they are absolutely excluded 

and wholly unthinkable, nay, absurd for a period to which these letters belong, 

the time of the Cassite kings, when petty jealousies reigned supremc. If, then, 

the "Lord" of this manzaz piini could not possibly have been a "brother" officer, 

but was, as the title indicates, that official's "Lord," then the only conclusion to be 

Ct. Scheil, Tcztes $lam. Sim, I, p. $17 : 13, ma-an-za-as phi (= SKI) LUGIIL. 

' CE. 48 : 2, a-na di-[na-]an be-I[%-i]o lul-[lik], md LC., 11. 3, 26, urn-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-n~n. 

"11' of alchlu = nxishn'kiku, se. ywsL1, lit. "011~ tllitt nollri~tle~ ~ISC ~CCIIS~~~O~LS.'' Cf. llcre $80 Xo. 20 : 6, 

e-ni-en-ne an-nu-tu-ma-a ka-ar-?la-li-a-n shd a-na d"E"6c-li-ia i-leu-lum urn-ma-a diS"he-li a-nn ?in-ni-rh,ti al-te-ski-bn-as-ni, 

etc.


arrived at under these circumstances is that the "Lord" of the manzaz p&ni must 

have been and actually was the King. 

We need not, however, content ourselves with emphasizing merely what the 

"Lord" was not or could not have been. Thanks to the wonderful collection of 

Babylonian letters preserved in the Museum, of which only a very small part is 

published here, there are abundant direct proojs at hand which, if correctly explained, 

establish once and for all the truth of the conclusion above arrived at by a process 

of elimination. 

To enumerate all the data which furnish direct proof for our conclusion. would 

lead me far beyond the scope of the present investigation. I must content myself, 

therefore, with 'the following : 

(a) The address as it is found in No. 24 could never have been written to any 

official, high or low, but the King. It reads (No. 24 : Iff.): 

A-na be-li-ia: 

1 As-mi lu-ul-li-i z&ril ishtu( = TA) shame( = AN)-[el 

2 la ma-? an-ni gtk-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh,[i]' 

3 nu-tkr ah&( =SHESH)""'&-shu4 PI-in-di-e%a-ma-a-ri 

'In view of such forms as lu-zi-ul-li-ik, No. 38 : 2; li-ish-pu-u-ra-[am-]ma, No. 39 : 23, and many others, one 

might he inclined to see in this sign a variant of ik and read lu-ul-li-i-ik, "may I come." But against this is to he 

said that (1) in all texts of this pehd only the regular form for ik, as given by Clay, Sign List, B. E., XIV, No. 257, 

is to be found; (2) tho TA.AN [+ one sign] would he completely loft in the air; (3) Imving examined this sign 

repeatedly, 1 am absolutely confidcnt that it is nano other but ZER = zhu, "seed." The TA.AN then is easily amended 

to isi~tu shame-[el. E'or an analogous attt.ibute of a Cnssitc king cf. the inscription of Agum-Kakrimo (Jcnsen, R. B., 

1111, p. 134, col. I : a), where this king calls liirnself zerzl el-lurn shd ii24Shli-p-ma-nu, "the pure seed of Shuqamuna." 

Ci. also in this connection the sign of god, ilu, before the names of the Ciassite kings of this ~eriod. 

a So rathcr than la ba-b an-ni, "who does not deny grace." The attribute here ascribed to the "Lord" ha4 its 

origin in the fact that the writer had to report to his be-R rather sad news, which possibly might be attributed to his 

(the -miter's) negligence, sec 11. llff. 

For it-pi-shi see Hilpreeht, B. E., XX', p. XII, nute 7. 

'In this expression two divine attributes fall together, vie., nz2r mdti resp. d r dli-shti or nzZr gab-ba, ascribed 

especially to Sin, Shamash, and D(T)ar-bu (p. 16,". 13), and asharid a&-shu(sha), found in conneetian with N1N.ZB 

and Ishtar, i.e., with all gods who played the rBle uf the "Son" and "]xis wife." 

Delitssch, H. W. B., p. 532a, nlentions a word yinde, which he takes to be a. plural, quoting 111 R. 65, 9b, "wenn 

ein neugeborenes 1Cind pi-211-di-e ma-li voll ist von p." In our text PI-in-di-e is apparently a noun in the genitive 

(after ana, 1. 1) and the regens of na-ma-a-ri. As such a noun it is a fit'dl of mi: vit-di-e = vid-di-e = uindi-e 

= ui-in-di-c, n.11icli latter, when gmphically exprwsed, becomcs PI-in-di-c. This "Lord," being the "light," i.e., the 

first and foremost of his brothers, has, of course, the power, authority, and right to "order," "appoint" the namari 

-a funotion of the sun in the early morn; he is, therefore, identified here with the moon, who as "Father" asks his 

"Son" (the sun) to do his bidding: "to lighten the world." Hilprecht takes PI-in-di-e as a iat'al form : vaddnj= 

vaddd = vandd = vendd (a with following n ia often ohanged to e or i) = uindd = " appointer, commander."

LETTERS TO CASSITE KINGS 

8 ic mi-ish-ri-e1 ish-m-lcu-iL-sh& 

9 be-li-ia ki-be'-ma um-ma mKal-buZ ip-ru 

TRANSLATION. 

To my " Lord "- 

1 Glorious in splendor, Seed out of heaven; 

2 Not summoning punishment, Strong, powerful, wise one; 

3 Light of his brothers, Ordering the dawn; 

4 Ruler of mighty, Terrible lords; 

5 Food of the people, Platter of man; 

6 Hero of his clan, Whom the triad of gods 

7 Together with Belit Presented a fief 

8 Tending towards grace And righteousness- 

9 to my "Lord" speak, thus saith Kalbu, thy dust 

10 and thy loving servant: 

The attributes here ascribed to the "LordJ'-such as "the strong one, the power- 

ful, the wise one," "the ruler of weighty and mighty ones," "hero of his family"; his 

being identified with the gods, as such being called "seed out of heaven," "light of 

his brothers," "the orderer of the dawn" ; his holding in trust the administration of a 

"fief tending towards grace and righteousness", which was gratuitously given him 

by the gods of the whole world and not by any human being, shows absolutely 

and conclusively that we have here a divinely appointed ruler, who holds his king- 

-~ 

~ -- ~ 

~ ~ 

Enlil (kur-/cur= kalom, thc tevn finna, as consisting of t,he uppcr (= BUR.BUR) nnd tlic lowcr (ki-en-gi) finnument), 

fi.~ (torrcstrinl ocewi = apsn = Persian Gnli), scc BCI, the Christ, p. 14, note 3. Belit-ili, because identifild iri tlie 

inscriptions with Antum, Ninlil, and Damkina, represents herc tlrc feminine principle of the "world," "cosmos," 

Esharra. What tire writer, then, wmts to say with tlicse words is tliis: "tlic wlrok world, ;ls represented by its triad 

oi gods, united in besto~~ng upon thc J,ord the ki-ib-ti du-urn-ki ii mi-ish-ri-c"-not a. ruler rnade by man, hut a 

divinely appointed savercigo is tire "1,ord" of the \miter I


ship by the special favor of, and governs his people for, his gods in order that gracious- 

ness, truth, and uprightness may forever reign supreme. As such a divinely 

appointed ruler, he has, of course, also the bodily welfare of his people at heart- 

he is both their "food" and their "platter": by him and through him the gods are both 

the "givers" and the "gift." 

(b) To make the certain doubly certain we may be permitted to consider briefly 

another section of this letter. The paragraph, important for our discussion here, 

reads (24 : 18ff.) : 

18 u "uMan-nu-gi-ir""IM1 shci LUGAL Even the city Mannu-gir-Rammkn, with 

ra-in ga-[ti? which the King is entrusting me 

(i.e., which I hold as fief of the king) 

19 tl be-li a-na rid-gab& ( = MIR.NIT. a,nd which my Lord has handed over to 

TA3) an-nu-ti id-di-na4 these condcribers, 

' B city called after the nnmc of a pcrson. In such cnscs the DISH before the proper name is, if preceded by 

,llz~, dways omitted, cf. ""~drdi-BASHAN, 00 : 24; "'" i"~i 7%-ga-mil, 3 : 31; At"~i:ir-ra-ga-mil, 3 : 39; or only ""~irra-ga-mil, 

3 : 13, 17, 20; it"~~-tukul-li, 1G : 8, 12, bul Bil-mI(i-din-ni, 9 : 23, so allwnys after Uti- in our letters. The 

name of the person rnrans "who is like RSmnlnn," and corresponds to the Bomorisn A-ba-dinflir~~-gim. Tile gi-ir, 

therefore, in this natnc rcprcsents tlie Sumerian GIIM or the regular Babylonian icima (or ki). As the a in nna or ina 

rnsy be omitted and then assimilated to the next consonant, so the a of kima has l~cen omittcd here and them assimilated 

itself (by first becoming an n) to the following r, but tlris it could do only if il"~M WDY actually read it"Rammiln. 

This writing, thcn, provcs that i l u was ~ ~ not rcad, ttt thc time of the Cassites, Adnd but i'x~ammdn. For the change 

6f k tog eE. alcanna = agannn, p. 53, notc (3. 

a The ti which is broken away stood originally on the riglit edge of the tablet, in the brenlr indicated in the copy. 

Rn-in = ra-im, m bcfarc q (evcn ii the p belongs to anotllcr word, cf, ana, ina, kima above) may become an n, Dclitzseh, 

Gram., 3 49a. For OK1 c, double occ. sce H. W. B., p. 604a, 2, "Jem. mit etwas begnaden, d. h. heschenken"; hero 

lit.: "with which the king entrusted my hand." It is the term. technicus used in the so-called "boundary stones" for 

a "royal grant," cf. e.g.. Scheil, Teztes &am. Sbm., I, p. 89. Our -ter Iialbu, then, has received the city Mannugir-Ramman 

by "royal grant." 

MIR.NIT.TA. King, I,elters of Eamm?~mhi, 111, p. 99, notc 5, was the first to recognize that the sign which 

looks like $I has to be read MIR. It is found wit11 either two (Letters of flammurabi, 3 : 7, 11 1 26 : 10, 16 1 36 : 14 1 

43 : 4, 7, 19, 23, 27, 29) or three (B2, 418 (= C. T., VI, 27) : 14) or four (Letters ofgammurabi, 1 : 19, 22) wedges at 

the beginning. Delitzsch, B. A,, IV, 485, rend this sign BARA which in our letters looks quit* difi+rently, cf. 3 : 13 1 

41 : 8 (BBR = pamkku shd bu-lu-up-pi) 166 : 7 (pamkku ihEn-lil). CI, also 2. A,, XVIII, 202i. and LC., p. 393; Harper, 

Code of Bammurabi, List of Signs, No. 135. The latter quotation shows that thc signs wrongly read IP.USH or TU. 

USH (E. B. H., p. 423 passim) are to be transcribed 1MIR.NIT. Although Delitzsclr read wrongly BARA for IWR, 

yet he vlm the first to recognize its true meaning. While King, l.c., translated our signs by "captain of troops," "driver 

of slaves," and Nagel (U. A,, IV, 437) by "Truppenf~hrer," Delitzsch rendered it (1.c.) by "Militarbchordc." The 

an-nu-ti shows that MIR.NZT.TA must be masc. plur. TA apparently contains only thc "overhanging" xwwcl 

of USH = IVIT. MII~.IVIT.TA is = rid-gab$ = a. co~nposite noun in tire plural, in wliich clise only the last noun 

11% the plural form. Harper, Code of gammurahi, p. 183, probably gives thc best trmslation of rid-gabe, randaring 

it hy "recruiting officer; one who impresses lncn for the corv4e." In view of the fact that the phraae of the gamrnurabi 

Letters, ana MIR.NZT shatd-ru resp. mullO (Delitzscll, U. A,, IV, 487 = conscribere), corresponds cxaetly to our a-m 

MIR.NIT.TA nadhnu, I prefer to translate as given ahove. From this it is evident that Iiallbu held the city Manllugir-Ramman 

by "royal grant," subject to military service. All royal "grants" werc, therefore, ficfs. 

'iddim = relative after shd, 1. 18. 

7


20 i-na la-me-e' nu-di zu-un-na i-nu is destroyed by inundations: rains out 

sha-me-e of the heavens 

21 .iL mi-la i-na nak-biqi-i i-di-nu3 and floods out of the depths are, when 

#ha4-ku (after) he had handed her over, 

overflooding her! 

22 &lu-ki shd be-li i-ri-man-ni i-nu la- Yes, the city with which my Lord has 

me-e entr~t~ed me is destroyed 

23 nu5-di a-na ba-la-ad a-i-ka-a lul-lik by inundations! Where shall I go to 

save my life? 

Kalbu, "the dust and loving servant," reports here to his Lord, who is gracious 

and pardoning, that a great misfortune had overcome thc city with which he had been 

endowed by royal grant: a tremendous flood has destroyed it. As a result of this 

the writer is in danger of losing his own life, crying, therefore, out in despair: 

"Where can I possibly go to save myself?" The change of tenses in 1. 18 (ra-in 

ga-ti) and 1.22 (i-ri-man-ni) pictures quite vividly the progress of the flood. While 

in 1. 18 Kalbu is still the possessor of the city, holding it in trust for his Lord, he 

has lost it in 1. 22, appearing as one that has been holding it. 

If we compare in this paragraph the words "the city Mannu-gir-Rammhn 

with which the KING is entrusting me" (1. 18) with those of 1. 22, "the city with 

which my Lord has entrusted me," we will have to admit that the writer refers 

in one sentence to the KING and in the other to his LORD as the one who had given 

him (the writer) authority over the city. But if we admit this, then we will have 

to admit also the other, viz., that the I,ord (BE-~1) is the Einy (LUGAL). 

(c) And because the "LordJ' is the "King," therefore could our writer, in one 

and the same letter, speak of his master as be-li and as LUGAL, when he complailled 

in the closing lines as follows (24 : 36f.) : 

' La-me-e is apparently used here in thc same sense as cdtlu, 1. 15. Literally translated it means "is east into 

encircling." What this encircling wrn the words that follou* tell us: it was an encircling caused hy "rain and floods," 

hence an "inundation, a deluge." 

%To "rains out of the hcavons and floods out of the depths" ef. the parallel expressions of the biblical flood story, 

~:nwh-jmy+l and inn ri~:~?, Gen. 7 : 11.12 1 8 : 2. 

"0 i-di-nu, which refers back to id-di-na, 1. 19, hence = id-di-nu, el. besides 1. 37, i-&i-na-an-ni, i~lso 83 : 29, la 

ta-di-in; 87 : 17, shd ta-di-na and 57 : 18. IeEmu (= ICTJ) ma-ad-gon (cE. B. E., XIV, 106c : 2; XV, 181 : 4; Delitaselr, 

H. W. B., p. 436a) sh4 lu-ta-tu (root if^$?, Delitcseh, H. W. B., p. 366a, Jonson, R. B., VI', p. 442. Notice that 

lu'tu, pl. lu-la-tu is a syn. uf murgu = GZG.BII, which latter we find again in ICU.GZG.BA - kibiitu (Jensen, I

FRON THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 51 

36 % a-nu-ku i-tu b[e-li]-ia a-nu a-la-a-ki And I, the itri of my "Lord," though I 

have writtcn to the "King" concern- 

ing my going (away, i.e., leaving) 

37 a-nu LUGAL lci-iash-[pu-r]a LUGAL yet thc "King" has not given me (an 

ul i-di-nu-an-ni answer or permission to do so'). 

Kalbu, who was looking out for the interests of his "Lord" continually and in all 

directions (itd), feels somewhat slighted that he should be treated by the "King" 

in the way he was. He had, in a previous note dispatched to the King, asked 

"where to go" (cf. also 1. 23), but the King had not advised him what to do, hence 

his renewed complaint here. 

(d) At the same result we arrive if we study another letter published under 

No. 55. Though the beginninga and the end of that letter are broken away, yet the 

passage important for our investigation is, fortunately, preserved and clear. From 

this epistle we learn that the King (LUGAL, 1. 8), upon the instigation of "'"Enlil-hi-din-ni, 

commanded his messenger Mhr-m~-da-shci-cish to "go and send certain 

persons" (1. 10f.). But in 1. 20 of this very same letter the royal messenger refers 

to his King's command by saying (1. Zlf.), "when 'l"En-lil-ki-di-ni had spoken 

to my Lord (be-li-iu), my Lord (be-li) sent word to me saying: send the 

persons; etc." (follow the exact words which the king had spoken to his messenger 

and which the messenger now quotes, 1. 9f.). Here, then, again one and the same 

person is referred to as both King (LUGAL) and Lord (be-li). But this could 

be done only if the Lord was indeed thc King. The letter, as far as it concerns 

us here, reads (55 : 2f.) : 

2 iWhr-" 0-su-ub-shi-palc i-dz: % lu-iL Mar-Usub-Shipak knows. And with 

T UR.TUR[mesh]3 regard to the young slaves 

3 shci nu-shh-nuqli-il-ta-a'-a-lu um- whom we are holding prisoners let them 

ma-a i-nu a-[ma-as-su-nu] inquire as follows: 

'Or "adjudged rnc wartl~y oi an nnswer," scc p. 104, noto 5. 

20n account of the absence of the address it is "cry doubiiul whethet. this lctter belongs to those "addressed 

to the ' Lord' " or whether it ought to take its place behind No. 75. 

TUR.TUR~'~~, to be read according to I. 5, si-iE-hi-m-ti, are here "youngsters," "young slaves.'' Cf., however, 

H., 111, 289, a-mat LUGAL a-na amelu maL"l'am-tim-a-a ameluAB.BAmeah u TUXmesh(!) a7dimesh i~(i . (see also H., 

111, 296, 297, V, 518) with H., 111, 295, a-mat LUGAL a-rn amelu matuRa-sha-a-a ame1uA~.~Ame8h 

u &(= NE!)- 

ru-&ti. 

'Perm. I', first pas. plur. for nashd-ni of NWI; hero with the same meaning as, e.g., Lelters of Li'amrnurabi, No. 

1 : 23, ka-an-ki-im shd Ib-ni-il"~~~.~~ na-shu-6, "the contract which Ibni-Martu holds," is., "which he has in his 

possession, which he keeps"; it bcing above in opposition to mushshum, "dismiss," 11. 12, 13, requires here some such 

signification as "to hold as prisoner."


4 ma-ti shh-a'-ma-tu-nu1 ir. TUR. "When are ye finally going to decide 

T URmmh nu-shh-nu-ma" their affairs, seeing that we are holding 

the young ones as prisoners?" 

5 ~h~-~~sh(?)-~i-la-an-du~ ~i-ih-hi- After MAr-Ash(?)pilandu had committed 

ru-ti ki i-lci-bu-nu-$hi4 to us the young ones 

6 ki-i ni-il-li-ku a-nu "' i"En-lil-ki-din- and we had gone we spoke (as comni 

manded) to Enlilkidinni. 

7 ni-iq-ta-bi " il"En-lil-ki-din-ni a-nu And after Enlilltidinni had informed the 

LUGAL KING, 

8 ki-i iq-bu-ft LUGAL M~T-" &lashh-dsh 

the KING gave orders to Mb-Udashash 

9 di-ma" il-ta-ka-an um-ma-a shzi-pu- 

UT-ma 

as follows : ' 'Send 

10 nmeluDAM.QARme" tl TUR.TURmesh the agents and the young slaves 

'Shimu c. ina, "to decide," "determine the fate with regard to something," "to give a decisiorl witli regard to 

sametliing," "to decide an affsjr." 

ZSee note 4, page 51. 

The reading of this name is not certain. If the dsh rrlu'ch is written here strangely at the lower end of DISH 

does not bclang to the name we might read Mbr-"'Pi-la-an-du. Also same such readings a? Mdr-nAsh-pi-la-i2u~~ 

or Mdr-"~i-la-'"U~ might be possible. A rcading M6r-"'h'a-dsh-la-an-du (resp, i "D~) is, Itowever, less probable. 

'For ptpu (here c. double ace.), "to entrust something to somchody," see p. 47, natc 1. 

' Jensen,IZ.B., VI1, p.412, doubts whether shakdnu may be construed wi'th double accusative. Hcre and p. 125, 

n. 8, it is. Uima (=$ha) shakdnu e, acc.,lit. "to malro news to somebody," is., "to make them known to samebody," 

"to report," and as it is here the king who "makes these neNs known to his messenger," it is equivalent to "to order," 

"to command." It is intereating to observe that the following vet.bs may bc uscd in corlnectiorl with timu: 

(a) lamddu, "to learn news," here only with tho first pers. uf the verb, hence = "to inform one's self of a,metiling." 

Cf. 57 : 21, di-im E.[AA1] a-la-ma-ad; 33 : 28, te(!)-e-im nru-shi a-lam-ma-ad; :%3 : 30, [te-el-irn su-ma-nu a-lamma-ad. 

Seo also C. T., VI, 34 : 24, a-no. te-im a-wa-tim sh,6-a-ti la-ma-di-in,. 

(h) r~addr~u, "to givc news," "to infann." Cf. B. E., XIV, 114 : 4, shd UA(= fish) LUGAI, dl-e-mi ildin-[ . .]. 

(c) sha'dlu, "to ask for news about something," "to inqui1.c about it." Cf. Y2 : 8, di-im ?r~ur-$i-s/~d ki ish-a-lu-shi. 

(d) shakdnu, "to givo news," "to report," "to eommiu~d," "tu order." Cf. 59 : 10, di-e-ma i-sbd-nlc-ka-nu; 67 : 6, 

di-ma lu-ush-ku-%a(?); 80 : 13. di-ma shli-kun-ma; 92 : 21, 31, te(!)-e-rna shzl-kan; 9 : 16, si~alcin (= GAR)i" ds(= NE). 

mi (here not an "officer," but a permtnsive: "is reporting eoncer~~ing (shd) Bit-Sin-issabra"). From this it will be evidcnl 

that an amelzls?~aicin(-in) $&ni may bo (a) either a "reporter," who lcecps his "superior" informed aboutthc affairs of certain 

cities or tcrritori8s, etc.. or (b) lie rnsy bc (if he be, c.g, a king, etc.) one that "gives commands" to his inlcrior. Cf. 

furtliermore 55 : 9, di-ma il-ta-ka-an; 55 : 23, [di-ma 211-ta-ak-na-an-ni. In view of the two latter phrases we cannot 

explain 34 : 38, be-li di-e-?no tl-KU(!)-na-an-ni as standing for beli $&ma il-p(!)-na-an-ni-rile would bc without 

any scnsc-but we most, sceing that thc sign IZU has also the value tuk(g), postulate that value herc and read il-tuk(!)- 

na-an-ni, or we must suppose that KU could be read (besides tuk(g)) also tak(g): il-tak(=KU)-na-an-ni. In the latter 

case we would have here a ncw value for KU, viz., tak(g). 

(e) shapdru, "to send news." Cf. 53 : 40, di-irn ta-sap-pa-m-am-ma; 84 : 11, di-im la-ash-pu-ra; 57 : 17, di-e-ma 

li-ish-pu-ra-am-ma; 76 : 5, di-e-ma shzl-up-ra-am-ma; 94 : 8, te(!)-ma shii-up-~a; 89 : 20, de(= NE)-im-ku. .iL shzl-lum-ka 

shzl-up-?a-the latter ph~nse being used for "a. roquust of a letter in answer to a note sent." 

(f) turru, "to return news," "to advise," "8ericht erstatten!' Cf. 76 : 9, di-e-mi a-na be-el 1%-te-ir.


11 shh " '"En-lil-ki-di-ni shh-pu-ur-ma of Enlilkidinni-send, that 

12 li-mi-ish-shi-ru-ni' they dismiss them (i.e., set them free)." 

13 micr ship-ri LUGAL' a-na mu-ush- (Now) when the royal messenger had 

shi~-ri-nz~ come for the purpose of dismissing 

14 ki-i zl-li-ka shh-h ki k-si-bi-ta-na-shi us (i.e., of securing our release) (then) 

he, after he had seized us, 

15 a-nu mu-uh LUGAL ul-te-bi-la-na- brought us before the KING. : 

shi 

16 LUGAL a-nu ~icr~"d-da-sh6-hsh Whereupon the KING said to Mb- 

um-ma-a Udashash: 

17 shh-al-ma-at4 aq-ta-ba-alc-ku um-ma "Have I not sent greetings (i.e., a letter 

18 ta-al-ta-pa-ar-ma T UR.T URmeah 

19 shh " "'"En-lil-ki-din-ni un-di-ishshi-ru-ni-is 

20 Micr-" d-da-shh-hsh a-ka-an-na-a8 

iq-ta-bi 

21 um-ma-a iluEn-lil-ki-di-ni a-nu 

be-li-ia 

22 ki-i iq-bu-h be-li a-nu ia-a-shi 

- 

containing greetings) unto thee and 

commanded thee saying: 

'Thou shalt send that they 

dismiss the young slaves of Enlilkidinni'?" 

Mkr-Udashash answered under those 

circumstances 

as follows: "After Enlilkidinni had 

spoken to 'MY LORD,' 

'MY LORD' 

23 [di-ma ill-ta-ak-na-an-ni um-ma-a commanded me saying: 

24 [shh-pu-ur-m]a m"e'UDAibI.QARm"h 'Send [that they dismiss] the agents and 

iL TUR.TURm["""]' young slaves [of Enlilkidinni], etc."' 

Stsl~ds for lu + .m~ashahiril-wi. IAL i u- (if 3 pe1.s.) or lu + i- = li, so ahunys! For the iin mi-ish = mush cf. also 

un-di-ish-shi-ru-ni-i, 55 : 19; li-*&el-li-lu-ma, GG : 22; e-ki-ir-ri-irn-inn, 23 : 10; li-ri-id-dt~, GO : 13; li-sL4i-ta-na-ski, 55 : 14; 

li-~Gbi-tu-shzi-nu-ti, 58 : 11; i-di-ik-ku-11, 40 : 7, etc., hence l~rl elnpliatie a with i preceding or fallawirlg lrmy bcconle 

all %. 

The royal messenger liere rcicrred to is Miir-" G-do-shd-dsh, 1. 8. 

"it. "for our dismissal"; the infinitive being Lrei~ted lierc ils n noun, hence -ni fur -na-shi (11. 14, 15). 

' Shd-al-mn-at here not n plur, uf shulirnlz~, but a perrnsnsive = (lu) shalmdl(a), "pence (greeting) be unto thee." 

This would makc it appear that the Cassito Lings, wllerl writing to their subjects and using any grccting at all, e~nployed 

tho iollawirlg formula: shulmu inshi 111 shalrn8la, "I am ~ ~11, ~naye~t thou he well.'' The later llabylonian resp. Assyrian 

kings said, as is well Ik~lom, in its stead, shz~lv~u iashi libhaka 2iZ thbka (rcsp. libhakuntc 112 tdbkunushi). 

Unrlishshira = umdashshiril. Tlle long i in ni-i I take as the sign of n question, hencc standing for original u: i 

instead of u on account of the i in ni. 

CE. here illso o-ko-en-na, 3 : 35, 37 141 : 4 1 63 : 2 1 95 : 8. B. E., XIV, 2 : 13 / 8 : 10, 13; a-ka-an-na-ma, 67 : 7. 

Sec also e-ka-an-na-am, 52 : 25, on the one and a-gan-[na], 21 : 9, 14; a-ga-nn-na, 71 : 9, on the other hand. Fur the 

last ef. $so Behrens, L. S. S., II', p. 2. 

'To be completed and translatsd according to 11. 91.

54 LETTERS TO CASSITJ3 KIXGS 

We need not, however, be satisfied merely with the result that the "Lord" is in 

each and every case the "King," but we can go a step farther and identify definitely 

the King of No. 55. 

Enlilkidinni,' who plays such an important r81e in this letter znd who clearly 

must have been a person of influence and affluence, he being in possession of "young 

slaves and agents" and having access to the King (who listens to his entreaties and 

acts accordingly), appears also as the writer of the two letters, Nos. 78, 79, and is as 

such a contemporary of Usub-Shipak; of M$r-Udasha~h,~ of Ahushina (78 : I). The 

last is mentioned as patesi in the 17th year of Kuri-Galzu (B. E'., XIV, 25 : 12), 

receiving PAD LU.ARDU in the 26th(!) year (of Burna-Buriash, B. E., XIV, 167: 

12, cf. 1. 11) and KU.&AR 'fUnarkabtu in the 3d year (of Kuri-Galzu, B. E., XV, 21 : 7), 

and is found together with a certain MurAnu in a tablet from the time of Kuri-Galzu 

(cf. Innanni, 1.25), B. E., XV, 194 : 7,8. This Mur$nu4 was a son of Meli-Shah and a 

patesi, living during the 18th year of Kuri-Galzu, B. E., XIV, 28 : 5. A "son of 

Mudnu," Micr-mMu-ra-ni, who likewise is a patesi, is mentioned not only during 

the 13th year of Ku[ri-Galzu, sic! against Clay], B. E., XIV, 125 : 6, 8,13, but he 

appears also in the letter No. 78 : 4 as a contemporary and itd(!) of Enlilkidinni. From 

No. 79 : 1 we learn that Enlilkidinni was a contemporary of Imguri, who again, as 

writer of Nos. 22, 23, is contemporaneous with J&uzalum (22 : 6) and Kidin-Marduk 

(23 : 23). But Huzalum as well as Kidin-Marduk figure as witnesses in certain 

business transactions executed between Enlilkidinni and some other parties at the 

time of Burna-Buriash, more particularly Huzalum5s mentioned as witness in the 

21st year of Burna Buriash (B. E., XIV, 8 : 30) and Kidin-Marduke in the 

19th (or 18th?) year of the same king, B. E., XIV, 7 : 34. Taking all 

these passages together, there can be absolutely no doubt that the Enli kidinni 

of Nos. 55, 78,79 is the same person as the one who appears in the tablets of B. E., 

XIV, as liv ug during the 3d (LC., 1 : 6, 30, Clay wrongly 1st) 6th (l.c., 2 : 7, 19, 

29), 19th (LC., 7 : 14, 38) and 21st (l.c., 8 : 22, 25, 33) year of Burna-Buriash. From 

this it follows that the "Lord" and "King" of No. 55, the contemporary of Enlil- 

kidinni, was none other but King Burna-Buriash. 

Having established the identity of the King, we can now more specifically de- 

termine the occupation of Enlilk'dinni. Above we saw that Enlilkidinni was in 

I Written either iluEn-lil-ki-din-ni, 55 : 6, 7, 19, or ile~n-lil-ki-di-ni, 55 : 11, 21 178 : 3 / 79 : 3. 

Identical with Uzub-Shipak in Gchcil, Teztes $lam. Sdm., I, p. 93, I : 3 (a kudurru from the time of Kashtilihshu). 

'The name of this royal messenger is, so far, not mentionod again. 

The Mur8,1lu of B. E., XIV, 128 : 8, living at the tirrle of Shagarnkti-Shuriasl~ (1st year) is another person. 

6 son ,f m iluzn.lil.b&(= #N).A~ne*h 

The father of ml'a-ki-skum.

FROM TIfE TEMPLE ARCIIIVES OF NIPPUR. 55 

possession of agents (DAM.&AR), young slaves (TUR.TURmah = ~i-ih-hi-ru-ti) and 

of an it&, "one who looked out for his superior's interests." If we compare this 

with the tablets of R. E., XIV, we find that Enlilkidinni was the son of i'niVIN. 

IB-nu-din-SHESHh (c., 1 : 6 1 7 : 1 here: SE-SHESH.SHESH), living in B2t- 

" i'"~n-lil-ki-di-ni (LC., 2 : 8), where he kept slaves (NAM.GALU.LU . . . . Ica- 

Iu-l~, I.c., 2 : 6, 8), whom he bought from (KI . . . . IN.SHI.IN.SIIAM, LC., 1 : 4, 

8 17 : 12, 15) other slave-dealers (DAM.&AR, l.c., 1 : 4); he had even his own 

agents (No. 55 : 10, DAM.QARmmh) and representatives (it&, MAr-Murani by name, 

No. 78 : 4) who had continually to look out for their employer's interests. Here 

it is especially interesting to note that one and the same person could be a pa-e-si 

and at the same time also an ita for a dealer in slaves, as was the case with MAr- 

Murkni. This bus:ness must have been quite profitable and must have carried with 

it a great influence at the King's court, for Enlilkidinni nced only appear before 

King Burna-Buriash, requesting the release of his slaves, and his wishes are instantly 

complied with. No wonder then that the "house of Enlilkidinni" became rich and 

powerful, flourishing as late as the time of KammAn-shum-usur and Meli-Shipak. 

The boundary stone, London, 103,' the provenance of which is unknown, has been 

stealthily abstracted (by some workmen employed by the B. E. of t,he University of 

Pa.?) from the ru,ins of Nippur. On this stone are mentioned not only the GU.EN.NB 

or "sheriff" of Nippur (I : 20,48, 111: 7) and the "pihat of Nippur" (I11 : 42)-which 

by themselves would show whence that stone came-but also such names as Btt-m "'Enlil-ki-di-ni 

(IV : 29,44; V : 31) and Ahu-da-ru-iL, the "son" (miLr,?,e., = "descendant") 

of iluEn-lil-ki-di-ni (IV : 13, 40; V : l),"ho was, as we just saw, a rich 

and influential slave-dealer at Nippur during the time of Burna-Buriash. Cf. furthermore 

the writer of No. 25: 2, m ~ r - i ' " ~ ~ ~ . with ~ ~ the ~ person . ~ ibearing ' ~ . ~ ~ , 

the same name In London, 103, I : 6; also the "'"Parak-miLrik"l. c., V, 15, with our 

No. 53 : 38) and the "canal of D&~-~'"Enlil," Nam-gar-D&r-i"'EnliI, I. c., 111, 23, with 

'Preserved in the British Museum, No. 103 of tlrc Nilnroud Central Salon, and published by Jlelser, B. A,, 11, 

p. 187f. A translation was given by F. E. Peiser in I


our Nos. 3 : 33, 34, 38, 41 1 39 : 41; B. E., XIV, p. 58a; XV, p. 52a; X, p. 70a. 

Such identity of names and places cannot be accidental. 

(e) If now it be admitted, as it undoubtedly must be, that the "Lord" of our 

letters is always and invariably the ' King," then, of course, it is not at all surprising 

that we should find in this collection epistles written by the King himself. Prof. 

Hilprecht informs me that he has seen several of them (one of them sent by King 

Nazi-Maruttash) while examining in Constantinople the tablets of the Nippur find. 

Fortunately I am in the position to publish at least one1 of them here. It is a 

"royal summons" sent by King Burna-Buriash to his sheriff ' (G~.EN.NA), 

mAmel-i"Marduk, to arrest certain men accused of lbe majestd." 

(f) At last we are in a position to account for the peculiar characteristics of 

the Amarna Letter, B. 188-characteristics which put this letter into a class all by 

itself, as such separating it from all the rest of the Amarna Letters, whether they 

belong to the Berlin or the London collections. The peculiarities of this letter 

consist in the wording of its "address" and its "greeting," forming, as it were, an 

exact parallel to the address and the greeting of all of our letters addressed to the 

"Lord," be-li. Seeing that this letter does form such a striking corroboration of 

our contention, I shall give it in full, though its lamentable condition would hardly 

warrant a complete and satisfactory translation. The letter3 (Amarna, B. 188) 

reads: 

1 a-nu mbe-li-ia To my "Lord" 

2 ki-b6ma um-ma speak, thus 

3 TUR.SAT, LUGRL-ma saith the princess: 

4 a-nu ka-shb i?narlcab&ti[m"""l-ka Unto thee, thy chariots, 

5 [&lu"% bbMi-ka] thy cities, and thy house 

6 lu-h shh-ul-mu greeting ! 

7 ANmmh shh mBur-ra-Bur(!)-ia-bsh The gods of Burra-Buriash 

Another royal letter is possibly that published under No. 93. 

2No. 75. For a translation soc below, p. 135. 

=Since the above has been written there appeared in the Vordero.siatisehe Bibliotdek a new translation of the 

Amarna letters by 3. A. Iinudtson. This sehalm, when speaking of this letter in t,he Preface to his translation, says 

(Die El-Amame-Tafeln, pp. ZOf.): "Der erstere (is., No. 12 = B. 188) stammt nach seiner Sehrift wohl am ehesten aus 

Rnbylolzien, was auch nach den Ton rntrglich und nach dem wahrseheinlichen Znhalt uon Z. 7 das Niiehstliegende ist. . . . . 

Wenn mit dem, was uber die Hcrlcunft dieses Rricies gesagt ist, ungefdhr das Richtige getroffen ist, so ist der "lIerr," an den 

er geriehtet ist, kaum andwswo als in Bgypten m suchen." Kundtzon diffors (LC., p. QS, No. 12) in the following points 

from the trmslation (and emendation)its given above: 1. 5, [a]-m[i]-l[u-t]i for alubal (but cf. Rev. 1. 5); 1. 11, 'i(!)-ir-ma, 

wandele; Rev. 1. 3, gi-ir-pa he translates by "gefdebten Stoff," but then Rev. 11. 51. is left in the air. Rev. 11.7f., it-ti(!) 

li(!)-bi-ka, 8 ya] ta$aa$b]u[-u]b-9 ti ia-a-shi it-ku &a ] tc-te-en-da-ni which is rendered by "Mit dcinem Herren wirst 

(or solist) du n[ic]ht ~fe]qe]n . . . ., und mir wirst (ad. sollst) du . . . . n[ic]ht errichten."

8 it-ti-ka li-li-ku 

9 shal-mi-ish a-li-ik 

10 iL i-nu shci-la-me 

11 ti-ir-ma btti-ka a-mur 

12 i-na pa-[. . . .] 

Reverse : 

1 a-ka-an-n[a . . . . 

2 um-ma-a ul-t~m"~Gi-[ 

FROM TBE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 

may go with thee! 

Walk in and out 

in peace! 

Thy house, I behold, 

in former times [. . . .] 

but now . . . . 

thus: "Since I sent Gi- . . ., 

3 micr ship-ri-ia ~i-ir-pa my messenger, with a letter 

4 h-she-bi-la a-na 

5 icluhacka iL bttimt"-ka 

6 lu-h [shh sic!]-ul-mu 

7 it-ti-[nu, sic!] i-na bi-ka 

8.... 

containing 

greeting to thy cities 

and thy house, 

they gave upon thy command 

.... 

9 ti ia-a-shi id ma-la and with regard to me remember (know) 

10 te-te-en-cla-ni 

il arda-ka " ~i-din-",'~~ 

all thou ha-st told me." 

- - 

Thy servant is 

Before the presence 

of my "Lord" may I come! 

The writer of this letter is a "daughter of a king," a "princess." She addressed 

her epistle to "my Lord." This "Lord," being the "Lord" of a "daughter of 

a king," cannot be anyone else but a "king." Now I cannot agree with Winckler, 

K. R., V, p. X, that this lctter was addressed to the k'ng of Egypt. On the con- 

trary, the princess, by using a "greeting" and a "phrase" (ana dinicn beli-ia lullik) 

so far met with in no other Amarna Letter-a "greeting" and "phrase" paralleled 

only by our letters here published-shows that she was of Babylonian origin, i.e., 

she was a Babylonian princess, having been given in marriage to the king of Egypt.' 

We have to see, then, in this letter a "copy"z of an original sent to her father, the 

'From Amarnrt, London, 1, e.g., wo Lnow that a sister of ICadashmnn-Enlil lmd bbccn given in marriage by her 

father, the king of Babylonia, to tho Egyptian Iring. It may not be impossible that this princess is that very sane 

sister about whom I

58 LETTERS TO CASSITX KINGS 

"Lord" and "King" of Babylonia. This princess, after having communicated 

her wishes to this "Lord," finds that, acc,ording to good woman fashion, a postscript 

is proper and in order. She forgot to introduce Kidin-Rammhn, who, no doubt, 

brought this letter to the Babylonian king, as "thy servant," assuring in this wise 

the king that the servant is reliable and may be entrusted with an answer to her 

letter. Nay, more than this. The princess, finding, after her extended sojourn 

in the land of the Nile, that she had not employed the correct form of address custom- 

ary among Babylonians1 when writing to their "Lord" and "King," as we know 

now, adds another postscript, saying: a-nu di-na-anz be-li-ia lul-lik, "before the 

presence of my Lord may I come." And by using this phrase as well as the greeting, 

"to the cities and thy house greeting" (a-na &lubl & bttimti"-ka lu-h shh-ul mu, 

Rev. 5f.), the princess proves herself to be a real daughter of the Babylonian king, 

who, when addressed by his subjects, is always called "my Lord," be-li. 

'When foreigners like, e.g., an Egyptian Iring write to a Babylonian king they noxrcr iail to mention t,lie exact 

title of the king of Babylonia,, calling him invariably shm (= LUGAL) m"l'lKa-ra-il"Pu-ni-ia-a~h, Amma L., 1, el 

passin?. For i17'Du-ni-ia-ash see Hiising, 0. L. Z., Ikcelnber, 1906, p. GF4, on the one, and M. Streck, Z. A,, January, 

1908, p. 255i., on the other hand. 

For dindm el. also 24 : 33, ash-shJ di-nn-[ni-]ia, "on my account" = ash-shumi-ia. I

IV. 

The fact that the be-li in all our letters is the KING is of the highest irnportance 

for a correct understanding of (a) The genealogy of the Cassite kings o/ this period; 

(b) Their seat of residence, and (c) The nature and purpose of the so-called Temple 

Archives. 

(a) The various investigations conducted by scholars' with regard to the genealogy 

of the kings of this period has, as was to be expected, led to widely divergent 

results. Without going into any controversy here, 1 shall confine myself to stating 

what seems to me the most probable solution of this rather difficult, tangled up, and 

knotty problem. 

From the so-called Synchronistic History" (= S. H.) we learn that at the 

time of Ashshur-uballit, king of A~syria,~ the Cassites (SABmBSh Kash-~hi-e)~ had 

revolted and killed "Ka-ra-ffar-da-ash, the king of Babylonia,"he son (TUR) of 

"Mu-bal-li-ta-at-"She-ru-&a, a daughter of Ashshur-uballit, . . raising a certain 

mNa-zi-Bu-ga-ash to the kingship over them.# Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, to 

1 Cf, e.y., Wincklet., Das altc West(zsicn, p. 21f.; Delitssch, Chronologische Tabellen (not accessible to me); Weiss- 

bacll, Bab$onische Miscellen, p. 2f.; Clay, B. E., YIV, p. 3 (see p. 10, note 3); Hilprecht, B. E., XX1, p. 52, note 1; 

and Thurcau-Dnngin in Z. A,, XXI (15l01-1008), p. 176ff., a reprint of which has just reached mc. Aftcr a lengllly 

discussion of all historical data furnished, this last sellolar established a chronology all his own and eonicssrs: "Scule 

la donnee de Nabonide, relative d Shegwnkti-Shurinsh serait inesplicable: si, en ckt, suivnnt l'hypothic la plus probable, 

les 800 sont eomptds dc in fin du ~igna de Shngamkti-Shuriash ii l'avbnement de hrnbonide, ee cl~ifre scmit lrop fovl dc 

prbs d'un sibcle (eraclement de DOuns). Our scheme given on p. 1 does justice both to Nnbonid's statement with regard to 

Sllngarakti-Shuriash (sc. that thclattcr lived 800 years before lrim, i.e., 539 (end of llle reign of Nabonid) + 800 = 133Y; 

al,ove we gave 1331.1318 a the probable ti~rle of Shagarakli-Sl~u~iiIsh), and to that of Sennacherib (p. 2, note 12). 

But, more than this, I believe, wit11 Tl~ureau-Dangi? and Ed. Mpyer (Das cl~ronologische System des Berussos in Beilriige 

- 

zur alten Gcsehiehle, 111, pp. 131ff.), that the beginning of tile first dy~lasty of Babylon lias to he placed at 2232, and 

IInrnrnnrabi, its sixth rrtlm, accordingly at 2130-2088. Now, if Nabonid informs us that gnmrnursbi lived 700 years 

before Hurna-Buriash (11) (see Beaold, P. 8. B. 8 .,Jan., 18X0), tlic latter ruler must bo put somewhere hetwcen (2130- 

700 =) 1430 and (2088-700 =) 1388 B.C. Onp. 1 we assigncd to Burna-Buriash tho time betwecn 1450-1423; hence 

our chronology, given above, comes as near the truth us it is possible at the present. 

See Winckler, U. A. G., p. 148 (= I(. B., I, p. 194), 11. Sf. 

3 "Ashshur-d-TZ.LA MAN m"t"Ashshur. 

'Not necessarily "Cassite soldiers," for ~ A B ~ ~ ~ ~ 

at this time is used simply for ummdni, "people," changing 

frequently with SAB~~.'", 

see also p. 35, note 1. 

MAN matzlKa~Du%i-ash, 

U-m LUGAL-d-te a-m mubshu-nu ish-shu-ti. 

1591


avenge [mKa-r]a-In(!)-da-ash (notice this name), went to Babylonia, killed [m2a]zi-Bu-ga-ash, 

made [mKu-r]i-Gal-zu si-i_h-ru, the son (TUR) of "Bur-nu-Bur-ia-ash, 

to be king, and put him "upon the throne of his father" (ina ~""'GU.ZAAD-S~~). 

The questions to be asked and answered in connection with this text are the 

following : 

(1) Why should the S. H. say that Ashshur-uballit went out to avenge Kara- 

Indash? We would expect that the king of Assyria went out to "avenge rather the 

murdered Babylonian King Kara-Hardash." Who is this Kara-Indash, that 

Ashshur-uballit should display such an interest? In what relation does he stand 

to the king of Assyria on the one hand and to the murdered king of Babylonia, 

Kara-Hardash, on the other? 

(2) What do the words "put him (i.e., Kuri-Galzu sibru) upon the throne of his 

father" mean'? Does ' 'father" refer here to Burna-Buriash or to Kara-Hardash? If 

it refers to the former, then who was Burna-Buriash? In what relation did he 

stand to Kara-Indash or Kara-Hardash or to the Assyrian king that he (the latter) 

should be so anxious as to secure the Babylonian throne for his (Burna-Buriash's) son, 

Kuri-Galzu? Why was the son and heir of the murdered Kara-Hardash not put 

upon the throne of Babylon? But if the term "father" refers, as we would expect, 

to Kara-Hardash, thus making Kuri-Galzu sibru the son and successor of his murdered 

father, then why should Kuri-Galzu be called here (and elsewhere) the "son 

(TUR) of Burna-Buriash"? 

Some of these questions we can answer with the help of Chronicle P. ( =Ch. P.),' 

where we are told that a certain mKa-ddsh-man-~ar-be was the son (TUR) of '"Kar- 

Incda-ash and of (sic! cf., l.~., l. 12) Muballiat-Sheru~,~ the daughter of Ashshurballi 

it,^ king of Assyria; hence Kara-Indash (8. H.) = Kar-Indash (Ch. P.) was the 

husband of Ashshur-uballit's daughter, Muballitat-Sherua, and the father of Kadashman-Harbe. 

Ashshur-uballit in avenging Kara-Indash acted, therefore, in the 

interests of his nearest relations-his daughter and his son-in-law-to preserve the 

Babylonian throne for the rightful heir. But the rightful heir in this case was 

the "son of the murdered King Kara-Hardash." This would force us to the conclusion 

that the term "father" of the S. H. meant Kara-Hardash and not Burna- 

'So called after its discoverer, Theodorc G. Pinclles, J. R. A. S., October, 1894, p. 811 (= p. 816), 11. 5f. Cf. 

also Winckler, Altoricnlaliscl~e Forschungen, I Reihe, p. 298(= p. 115)E. 

ZThis IN, according to Knudttan, Dic El-Ama~~lna-Tafeln, p. 35, and Delit~sel~, Abh. der ersachs. Ge8. d. Wr

FROM TEE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 61 

Buriash, and that Kara-Hardash (S. H.) is only another name for Kadashmangarbe. 

This is corroborated by the further statement of Ch. P. which relates (col. 

I, 10f.) that the Cassites' revolted against and killed "Ka-ddsh-man-gar-bcZ, and 

raised "to the kingship over themJT3 a certain "Shic-xi-ga-ash, a Cassite, "the son of 

a nobody." Whereupon Ashshur-uballit, the king of Assyria, went to Babylonia4 

to avenge "Ka-ddsh-man-Har-be, "the son of his daughter"" [killed] "Shu-zi-ga-ash 

and put ["Ku-ri-Gal-zu aibru, the son (sic!) of mKa]-ddsh-man-gar-be, upon the 

throne [of his father]." 

If we were to arrange the genealogies as given by S. II. and by Ch. P. in parallel 

columns we would have to do it as follows: 

BABYLONIA. ASSYBIA. BABYLONIA. ASSYRIA. 

Burn* Buriash Ashshurr-w.ball$ 

Ashsl~ur-uballil 

I 

I I 

I 

Nazi-Bugash 

hkri- Galzu ~ibru 

All scholars have-and, no doubt, correctly-admitted the identity of Nazi- 

Bugash and Shuzigash7; we need, then, not lose any words about this point. But 

if we do admit their identity we cannot very well deny the other, viz., that Kara- 

Hardash and Kadashman-garbe are likewise only two differcnt writings of one and 

the same person. And here it is that I beg to differ from all the other scholars who 

either take Kara-Hardash to be a mistake for Kara-lndash (so Winckler), or who 

remove him altogether from the list of kings (so Weissbach). What might possibly 

I Here nishC (UN)me'h Xash-shi. 

Noticc that the shu in 1. 10 refers hack to 1. 5. 

A-na I,UGAL-t-tzc a-na rnz~bshu-nu. 

4 mnlu~ar-iru~un-ih-ash. 

l'UR TUlt.SAI,-shu = Muhallitnt-Slierun. 

@The words in [--I are broken away, but they havc bccn sddcd here because they are tllr only rational and 

logical emendation of the text. See for this emendation also Winekler, Altorie~~tolinci~e Forschungen, 1.c. 

7 Denied now, as I see, among othcrs, also by Icnudtaon, Die ECArnamu-'l'ufeln, p. 38. The reasons-if they 

may he called so-adduced by Knudtaon against the identity of these two parsons aro not at all convincing, in fact, 

they are against both the S. H. and thr Ch. P.


have been the reason of these two seemingly widely divergent readings, Kadashman- 

Earbe (Ch. P.) and Kara-Hardash (S. H.)? 

If I were to put before the various scholars in the realm of Assyriology a com- 

bination of signs, such as 0""'KU ""L, asking them to transcribe, read, and translate 

it, what would be the result? One would read it kakku ""NIN.IB, the other kaklcu 

'"Enlil, the third kakku '"'Nin-Girsu, and translate it "the (a) weapon is (of) 

NIN.IB, or Enlil, or Nin-Girsu." A fourth, if he suspected a nomen proprium in 

that combination and knew that it was taken from a tablet belonging to the Cassite 

period and was aware that, at the Cassite period, the names of "cities called after a 

person" may be written without the determinative DISH (cf. i'uGir-ra-ga-mil,

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPFUR. 63 

tukultu = Kadashman, "support," thinking it was the same as oi"KU = kakku 

< < 

= kar(a), weapon". And if vkhKU could have been mistaken for kar(a) 

(instead of tukulti), the ideogram expressing Earbe = Enlil might likewise have 

been mistranslated by Bardash. If Hardash be a composite word consisting of 

Hard + ash we might compare it with Bugash = Bug-ash. Should _Nard + ash be 

= 5 (x) 10 = 50 = i"I,, and Bug + ash = 6 (x) 10 = 60 = AN or ilu (see p. 7, note 2, 

under Guzar-AN)? If this could be proved then the original ideographic writing of 

this name might have been fl"hKU-i"L. : S. If. translating it by Kar(a)-Hard + ash 

= a weapon of (is) ""L and Ch. P. by Kadashman-Harbe = my support is Enlil. 

For ""L = ""Enlil, see p. 40, note. (The ash in Hard-ash resp. Bug-ash is hardly the 

same as iash = mhtu = KUR; if it were, gard-ash might represent either &.KUR 

or KUR.GAL, likewise names of Enlil and AN). If, on the other hand, BarcZash 

be a simple (not composite) name, it might translate such ideographs as ""NAB 

( = Enlil, V R. 44, 46c), i'"AB (- Enlil, I11 R. 67, No. 1, Obv. lla, b; cf. 1. 20, 

i"'NIN.LIL dam-bi-sal, i.e., of ;lUAB = "uEnlil; in Weissbxch, Bahyl. Miscellen, 

p. 7 (B. E., 6,405), 1. 8, i'uAB is = Anu (AN) : ""AB( = AN) "=SAR.SAR ( = 

Enlil) i"flSUR.UD (= fi.~.) iL ""NIN.MAGH = fem. principle of the world, cf. 

No. 24 : 6 (p. 47, n. 5), Anu, Enlil, f i . ~ B&lit-ili), , or "=IB ( = Enlil, AN, NIN.IB). At 

any rate, the circumstance that we are not yet able, owing to our ignorance of the 

Ci~ssite language, to say definitely which ideographic writing was before the eyes 

of the compiler of S. H. does not preclude the possibility that Kadashman-Earbe 

and Kara-Hardash are one and the same person. This much we can say, however, 

that the original ideographic writing consisted of g


been usurped by Shuzigash, in order to regain and preserve, of course, the Baby- 

lonian throne for the rightful heir of his grandson. But the rightful heir in this case 

was none other than the son of Kadashman-Harbe, Kuri-Galzu, who naturaily 

must have been still a ''little child," a sibru,' seeing that his great-grandfather, the 

Assyrian king Ashshur-uballit, was still living. But if Kuri-Galzu was according to 

Ch. P. the son and rightful heir to the throne, it follows that the words of S. H., 

"put him upon the throne of his father," can mean only that Ashshur-uballit 

put Kuri-Galzu ~zhru upon the throne of his murdered father, Kara-Hardash = 

Kadashman-Earbe; hence the word "father" in S. H. does not refer to Bnrna- 

Buriash, as the interpreters want it, but must refer to Kara-Hardash. Thus, even 

according to S. H., Kuri-Galzu pihru may very well, yes, nzust have been the son of 

Kara-Hardash = Kadashman-Harbe. And by being put upon the throne of his 

murdered father, Kuri-Galzu ipso facto was put also upon that of Burna-Buriash, 

seeing that the sonQf Burna-Buriash, ~ar(a)-~ndash, was his (Kuri-Galzu's) 

grandfather. 

But if Kuri-Galzn was the "son of Kara-Hardash = Kadashmangarbe," 

as has been maintained, then he cannot have been, at the same time, 

the "son of Burna-Buriash," as S. H. informs us. Weissbach, who was the last to 

discuss the genealogies of this period, failed utterly, simply and solely because he did 

not recognize the true meaning of "son" (TUR) in Kuri-Galzu TUR Buma-Buriash. 

In the Black Obelisk of Shalmanassar I1 (858-824 B.C.), inscription to pictures I1 

(cf. also 111 R., 5, No. 6, 11. 25, 26), we are told that Jehu ("la-&a) was the "son" 

(TUR) of Omri ("Hu-um-ri-i). But according to what we know from the Old 

Testament, Jehu was by no means a son (I1 Kings 9 : 2), but simply a ruler in "the 

land of thc house" of Omri, being the fourth in the succession of his so-called father. 

Hence the TUR = m&r. "son." in i


son of Kuri-Galzu, and from a boundary stone of Nazi-Maruttash' we learn that 

this latter ruler was "the son (TUR) of Kuri-Galzu and the SHAG.BAL.BAL of 

Burna-Buriash." Now SHAG.BAL.BAL means in each and every case nothing 

but "one who is of the reign(ing house) of," libbi pal&. Hence the m&r (TUR) of 

the S. H., because it corresponds here to SHAG.BAL.BAL, must likewise be taken 

in the signification of libbi pal&; in other words, the expression m&r (TUR) Burna- 

Buriash of 8. H. designates Kuri-Galzu not as son, but as "one who belonged to 

the line of rulers of the house of Burna-Buriash." As such hc m y have been the 

third, fifth, tenth, or hundredth in the Kuri-Galzu was, and still is, the son of 

Kadashman-Harbe = Kara-Hardash, and this he was and is not only according 

to B. E., XIV, 39 : Sf. (ish-tu Ku-ri-Gal-zu TUR ""Ka-da-hsh-man-Bar-be a-di 

' Seliril, Teztes ~ l m Shm., . I, p. XG (el. plate IG), rol. I, 11. 1--5. 

'\\'eissbach, Bnbyl. Miseeilen, pp. 2f., by first trying to establish lor SIIAC.BAL.BAI, an iinposaible mez~ning, 

"Enkel," puts the cart bcfore the horse, and at tire end of his investigations IIM to admit niter sll that SIIAL'.BBL.BAL 

in all passages cited by liim means eithrr "Urenkel," "fcrr~en Nnchkommen," or "eincn um Jahrl~underte spiiteren 

Nachkommen." This alone ought to have been sufficient to eanvincc M'eissbaelc that SIIAG.BAL.BAL in IV R.', 

38, I, 20-26, could lilrewisc not il;~ve the signification "E7zkel." Not hecding t,his warning, IVcisshaclr nrrived st results 

which were both impossiblc and disastrous: he had to maintain th~re Mardulr-aplu-iddinas, thrce ICad~hma~~-~arbes, 

three I


""Na-xi-Ma-ru-ut-ta-cish TUR "uKu-ri-Gal-zu), but also according to Br. Mus., 

83-1-18,' where he (written here ihKu-ri-Gal-zu) calls himself "the mighty king, 

the king of Babylon, the son (TUR) of i"Ka-dhsh-man-Ear-be, the king without 

equal (LUGAL la shh-na-an)."" 

But though it might be admitted, as it must, that Kuri-Galzu, "the son" 

of Burna-Buriash of S. H., was de facto the "son of Kadashman-Harbe (Ch. P.) 

= Kara-Hardash", as such belonging to the reigning house of Burna-Buriash (TUR 

= SHAG.BAL.BAL = libbi pale*), we still owe an explanation of the fact that there 

are other tablets in existence in which this self-same Kuri-Calzu is not only called, 

but even calls himself "son (TUR) of Burna-Buriash."The question is this: 

Why should this self-same Kuri-Galzu (sihru) call himself or be called on the one 

hand "son of Kadashman-Harbe = Kara-Hardash," and on the other "son of 

Burna-Buriash"? What were the reasons, if any, for this playing hide and 

seek? 

We learned from S. H. and Ch. P. that the father of Kuri-Galzu, Kadashman-Harbe 

= Kara-Hardash, was killed by his own kinsmen, the Cassites, who had revolted 

against him, and who went even so far as to put a king of their own choice and 

liking, viz., Nazi-Bugash = Shuzigash, upon the throne of Babylon. We also 

heard that Kuri-Galzu did not occupy the throne of his murdered father by the 

wish and the consent of the Cassites, but, on the contrary, by and through the grace 

of his great-grandfather (on his mother's side), Ashshur-uballit, who forced him while 

still a child (sib4 upon the dissatisfied Cassites. Is it not more than natural to 

suppose that the Cassites would feel rathcr inimical towards their new king, who was 

in their eyes nothing but an u~urper,~ occupying the throne of Babylon and swaying 

the royal scepter over them by the intervention and brutal force of a foreign king so 

inimical to their own interests'? And was it not a wise and diplomatic stroke of 

'See Winckler, Z. A., 11, p. 307f. 

2Tllis very same attribute is ascribed tu Iiuri-Gnlou also in a boundary stone (IV R.', 38, I, 20-26 = I


policy on Kuri-Galzu's part not to call himself "son of Kadashman-Harbe," thus 

avoiding to remind continually the enraged Cassites of their revolt and their murder 

committed? The Cassites hated any and every allegiance with the Assyrians, 

thrust upon them by the marriage of Kar(a)-Indash to Muballitat-sherua, knowing 

quite well that such a friendship would eventually lead-as it actually did-towards 

disaster. They preferred to have their country return to the status quo it occupied 

before this infamous intermarriage-to the first years of the reign of Burna-Ruriash, 

"the ancestor" of Kuri-Galzu, when he warned the Egyptians, in a letter addressed 

to their king Ni-ip-ku-ur-ri-ri-ia ( - Amen-hotep IV; Amama, London, No. 2 : 31f.), 

not to listen to the machinations of the Assyrians, "my subjects" ([la-gi-il pa-ni-ia). 

Kuri-Galzu, knowihg this and eager and willing to appease his dissatisfied Cassites, 

did not-great diplomat and "king without equal" who he was-call himself1 "son 

of Kadashman-Harbe," but "descendant (micr) of Burna-Buriash"; thus he main- 

tained on the one hand his "rightful," "legitimate" (k'inum) succession to the throne, 

and on the other he avoided to remind the enraged Cassites of their revolt and 

murder. 

From all this it would follow that Kuri-Galzu pibru was de facto a "son of 

Kadashman-Fjarbe," whom he followed upon the throne of Babylonia, but cle arte 

diplomatica a "son of Burna-Buriash" ; hence we have to place between the reigns of 

Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu those of Kar(a)-Indash, Kadashman-Harbe = 

Kara-Hardash, and Nazi-Bugash = Shuzigash." 

With the publication of these letters the period just discussed receives some 

new and additional light. Above we showed that all letters addressed to the "IJordJ' 

were intended without any exception for the "king." Who this "king" is or was 

cannot be said, except it be determined in each particular case from the so-called 

"internal evidence" as gathered, e.g., from the names of persons occurring in a 

'specific letter, from the circumstances of time and place, etc., etc. We also saw 

that the letter published under No. 24 was especially instructive in this respect. 

And this it was not only because of its wonderfully poetic introduction-an intro- 

duction such as may be found only in a letter addressed to a king-but also because we 

learned from it that the writer had been entrusted by a "grant" from his "Lord" and 

"king" with the supervision (its) and administration of the city Mannu-gir-RammAn. 

' Z.e., at least "not generally." 

Hilprecht's statement, B. E., XX1, p. 52, note 1, "l


Now it happens that the writer of No. 24, Kalbu by name, rrientions in the course of his 

communication, addressed to his Lord and king, the lattcr's father, n'Na-zz-zit~En-lzl. 

A ~ TZOTZ we are justified in assuming that if the "Lord" to whom Kalhu addressed 

his letter was a "king," the "Lord's" father was in all probability one likewise. If 

so, we would have to sec in mNa-zt-~'uEn-lzl a new and, so far, unknown king of the 

Cassite period. The question then arises to what time of the known Cassitc 

kings have mNa-zz-~i7hEn-lcl, together with his son, the be-li of No. 24, to be 

referred. 

The passage which mentions this new king is unfortunately somewhat mutilated, 

so that its real sense has to remain, for the present at least, still doubtful. If I 

understand the paragraph in question corrcctly, it would seem that Kalbu, after 

having communicated to his "Lord" the news about the dreadful flood which had 

overtaken the city hlannu-gir-Rammhn and himself, threatening him even with the 

loss of his own life, complains here that the same flood had destroyed also the "gates," 

together with the "herdsJ' which were kept in their environs, in consequencc of 

which destruction and loss he is left without any means of subsistence both for himself 

and for the inhabitants of the city. In fact there is nothing left that could be 

"taken" or "given." That portion of the letter which mentions the "Lord's" 

and "king's" father, mNa-zi-a"En-lil, may be transcribed and translated as follows 

(24 : 24f.) : 

24 ic abullu ( = KA.GAL) eric (URU- Also the mighty bronze-gates together 

DU)moshl DAmeshh la/g~~ ( = GA- with the two-year-old ewes which 

NA M)"hattu-I1 shci ishltu b[d.]-na-ti4 (were kept there) since the time 

25 shci mNA-zi-ii"Er~-lil a-bi-ka iL a& of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 

( =EN) 6mimi (this) day, 

Ahllu enime" his a co~rlpositc noun in tlio plural, for the forrnstion ol wliiclr see i)elitcscli, Gram., p. 193, 73. 

DA here to bc taken probably in the sense of it'd, Abrl-T?'inel

FROX THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 69 

26 [el-ka-kuL(?) iL i-na-an-nu be-li it-ti- (the floods) have destroyed. And now 

[di shh]Z my "Lord" knows that 

27 [i(l)-la]"-ka-an-ni i-na-an-nu ki-i i-li- they (the inhabitants of the city) will 

come to me (sc. for pay, 1. 29). 

Now, when they have come (i;.e., 

when they are there), 

28 [iL zu-un-n]a3 LU(?)""h' lahru ( =GA- what shall I take and give (them), see- 

NAM) shattu-I1 i-si-ru4 mi-na-a[?]" ing that the floods have encircled 

thc flocks and the 

29 [lull.-qa-am-ma lu-ud-di-in5 two-year-old ewes? 

As the succession of the Cassite kings from Kuri-Galzu sihm down to Kashtiliashu 

is well known and absolutely controllable both by the publications of the B. E. 

and the "List of Kings," and as Nazi-Enlil cannot have reigned before Burna- 

Buriash-for no documents of the Cassite period have been found at Nippur which 

antedate the last-named ruler-it is at once evident that Nazi-Enlil, together with 

his son, the be-li of No. 24, must have reigned during the time that elapsed between 

Burna-Buriash and Kuri-Galzu ~ibru. 

We saw that the Cassites revolted during the reign of Kadashman-Harbe = 

Kara-Hardash against their king, killing him, and selecting in his stead a king of 

their own choice, a certain Nazi-Bugash or Shuzigash. We also heard that Ashshur- 

'E-ka-ku. One might expect e-ka-lu, but against this is to be said (1) thc ku, alll~ougl~ somcwhat doublf~rl, 

cannot he very well lu. Having examined tho sign rcpoatcdly I am r~nnlile to discovcr evcn thc (i~intost indication oi u. 

middle perpendicular wedge; (2) if this were a. form of alidlu, onc would look for i-iczc-lu. A prcscnt tense, e-ka-lu = 

ik-ka-lu, is senseless here. In vicw of these diliiculties I atrl inclined tu connect this farm with aicilkiiti(?), H. CV. B., 

p. 53a, which Delitasch, however, leaves uotran.nslated. Seeing that oldicdti is a syn. of o-sham-shii-lum and this= 

I!M.GIIUL.LA resp. IM.lZI.GII:l.MUN (llel., l.c., p. lMa, Orican) I propose to trznslata oicakdti by stom,-tluod (cf. 

also RI.GHtl.MUN, an attribute of ItarnmAn, the b21 ub&bu),used cithcr litcrdly or figur;ltivelp. In tire latter scnse it 

is uscd also of "spcars," whioh are "thrown" in soell rlurnhers into a city that tllcy p~.scticnlly "puur down npon" ur 

"overflood" a city. In this meaning it is to be found in Sarg. Ann. 16-I, ana puhu~ Oliinisl~unu n-leu('!)-icn-n-ti url-di-ma, 

"into all their cities 1 threw a verita1,le flood (of spears)." Thc rout of e-kn-ku would br VpY or 139, it standing 

for i'kakz2 = Ekakd, with a in tho I'rctcrit. The subjeat of Ekaku is the zunnu u mila in 11.20,21 : tho nuo~ij have 

overflooded = destroycd. 

These cmendation~ m, of course, vary doubtful, but they seam to me the nlost ~~rubnblc oncs. For oliiku c. 

ncc., "to go, eomo to," see besides Delitzsch, H. W. Ij., p. flea, also Jensen, K. U., VI', pp. -1G4, 475. Ii the c~r~endntians 

be carrcct, theso forms would stand for i-la(resp. i-li-)-ku-in-ni. 

The traces of these signs cannot possibly be amended to KA.GAL e?dmcsh DAmash, 1. 24. For l,U = UDU = 

IN?, see E. B. H., pp. 343ff. 

'E~sh, "to encircle," is here parallel to lama, used of "floods"; see above, 1. 20, i-na in-me-e nn-di. 

W:trdly anything missing nfter mi-nn-a. 

For the force of this iv {Jid Svoiv ef., e.g, n. E., XIV, 38 : 0, 10, "that and that," "'"X. i-liq-p-am-ma n-nn 

i-nam-din, " X. shall take and give to Y.," is., "X. shall pay back to Y.," and l.e., 111 : 10, 11, "tlic grain . . . . 

at harvest time," is-aha-am-ma i-nam-din-ma, "he shall put up and give," is, "lie sllall return."


uballit, king of Assyria, eager to secure and preserve the Babylonian throne for 

his great-grandchild, Kuri-Galzu, went out, killed Nazi-Bugash and put Kuri- 

Galzu upon the throne. Now it is not at all likely that the Cassites would have 

acquiesced in such a despotic act of the Assyrian king as to kill the king of their 

choice and liking; nor is it human nature to suppose that the enraged Cassites would 

have joyfully received the new child-king by the grace of Ashshur-uballit. On the 

contrary, they will have endured this insult only as long as they had to; they will 

have waited eagerly for the first moment, for the first opportunity to strike hack 

and rid themselves of a king who was forced upon them. This opportunity came 

when Ashshur-uballit died, which he, no doubt, did soon after Kuri-Galzu had 

been seated upon the throne, seeing that he must have been well advanced in years 

if he could put a great-grandchild upon the Babylonian throne. With Ashshuruballit 

out of the way and Kuri-Galzu still a child, the time was propitious to strike 

and to strike hard. And the Cassites did strike. The result of this "striking" is 

embodied in letter No. 24: they put up a king who was a king indeed-a king by 

the voice of the people. Et vox populi est vox dei: he was a divinely appointed ruler, 

a ruler "whom Anu, Enlil, E.A, and B&lit-ili themselves had presented with a kingship 

excelling in grace and righteousness." I see then in the be-li of No. 24 a counterking 

of Kuri-Galzu during at least the first years of the latter's reign. But if 'the 

be-li was a contemporary of Kuri-Galzu, then the Lord's father, Nazi-Enlil, must 

have lived at the time of Nazi-Bugash. In vicw of the fact that both these names 

begin with Nazi, and considering how easy it is to misread and mistranslate the name 

of a god when ideographically written, I propose to identify both. The Synchronistic 

History is, as we saw above, rather arbitrary in transcribing names expressed by ideographs. 

Now as :luEnlil may also be written %@.KuR, which latter is according to 

I1 R. 54, No. 3, 10, identified with Anum,' and as Anum changes with Bugash in such 

proper names as Gu-zar-AN and Gu-za-ar-za-ar-Bugash, Gu-zal-za-ar-Bugash, it is not 

unlikely that the name Nazi-Enlil was written N~-~~-~'"E-KuR in the original from 

which S. H. compiled his story. This Na-zi-""&.KUR S. H. read Nazi-Buga~h,~ and 

Ch. P. shortened it to Shuzigash. 

Furthermore, Kalbu, the writer, praises his Lord and king as "light of his 

brothers," which implies that the be-li had brothers. It happens that there is 

mentioned in B. E., XIV, 10 : 56, a certain "E-mid-a-na-i"&Iarduk, who is termed 

TUR LUGAL, "son of the king," and who lived, according to that tablet, in the 

first year of Kuri-Galzu (1. 1). This Emid-ana-Marduk cannot have been the son 

'See also my BPL, the Clirist, pp. 17, 16 

ZThus identifying iL"$.KU~ according to TI R. 54, No. 3, 10 with AN(=Bugash), instead of Z'~EN.LIL. For 

AN as a name of iLu8nlnlil see p. 80.


of Kuri-Galzu, because the latter was himself a child, nor can he have been a son 

of Kadashman-Barbe, i.e., a brother of Kuri-Galzu, because if he were he would 

have to be a younger(!)' brother; but a younger brother of a ~ibru, "achild," would 

not receive "salary," nor can he have been an Assyrian prince-his name speaks against 

such a supposition; hence the only conclusion at present possible to reach is that 

Emid-ana-"""Marduk was a son of Nazi-Bugash = Nazi-Enlil and a brother of the be-li 

of No. 24.' 

On the basis of the above-given investigations we are prepared to establish the, 

following succession of the Cassite kings covering both periods, the Amarna and 

that which follows immediately upon it. During the latter our letters here published 

have been written. 

ASSYRIA. I BABYLONIA. ! EGYPT. 

'For footnotes see page 72. 

hotep 111) 

1 I I I 

ICuri- GuEu I ; daughter 

I 

Burna-Buriakh II, ' I ances- 

tor of Kuri- Galzu. I1 " 

1 (so11 ?) 

Kar(a)-Indush 11; U-la- 

Bu-ri-ia-asl~,~ 

king of 

mdLuA.AB.BA 

I 

Kuri- Galzu 14 ~i&ru,~ " of 

the house ofBurna-Buriash" 

I 

flazi-idaruttash 

(to be followed by the kings 

as given above, p. 1.) 

daughter ; Nap&uria 

(= Amen-hotep IV) 

Murduk


(b) The seat o/ residence of the Cassite kings at the time when the letters here 

published were written. 

'If he were the older hrutlier, Ile (and not the ellild Ruri-Galzu) rrould lmve bean tlie riyhtfzl heir to tltr tl~ronc 

of nahylon. 

Far a eo~npletc rendering uf this letter sec hclow undcr "Translatians." 

Mentioned in 13. E., 6205 (Weissbach, Babylonische Mixcellen, p. 7), url~liere he is called thc "son (TUR) of Burnn-Bu-l.n(!)-ri-ia-(isl~." 

Cf. now also TI~ureau-Dangin, 0. L. Z., Jznuay, 1908, Sp. 31f., wllo is of diffcrmt opinion. 

' Tllrougll tile lcindnass of the I

FROM TEE TEMPLE ARCHITrES OF NIPPUIL. 73 

Prof. Winckler, when discussing the Elamitic invasion under Kitin-hutrutash' 

at the time of " i'UEN.LIL.MU.MU (i.e., Enlil-nuin-shumu, generally read B6lnhdin-shum), 

who is mentioned in the ''List of Kings'' immediately after Kashtkliashu 

II, says (Llas alte Westasien, p. 20) : "Unter dem nur 15 Jahre regierenden Bel-nadinshum 

I, fullt Kitin-hutrutash, Koniq won Elam, in Babylonien ein, verwustet Dur-ilu 

. . . . und erobert Nippur, das won den Kassiten Xoniqen bevorzugt und wohl vielfach 

als Residenz benutzt wurde." 

Indeed, Nippur has been the favored city of the Cassites since they ascended 

the throne of Babylon, for hlready Gandasha, the first of the Cassite kings, called 

Nippur "my city";3 but that it ever had been used as a Cassite residence has, 

though it was surmised by Winckler, never been proved. 

Without going into details here, I am prepared to maintain, upon the basis of 

the evidence furnished by these letters, that ever since the time of Burna-Buriash II till 

Kashtiliashu II, and possibly longer, as the campaign of Kitin-butrutash against Nippur 

would indicate, Nippur was, if not the, then at least a royal residence of the Cassite 

- p~ - ~p~p~~ - - ~p 

l'histoirc de Ziadoshman-Earbe> phre de Kuri-galzu Is', le recil de in guerre conlre les Suteens." He areordingly assigns to 

this Kadashman-Barbe, the son of Iiam-Zndash (Ch. P., I, 5f.), place No. 17, and identifies him with IZadushmangarbe, 

tile fsthcr oI Kuri-Galzu Z(11. E., SIT) 30:R; TTincliler, Z. A,, TI, p. 309). Though the lattcr identification is 

undonhtedly correct (see abovc, p. &I), yet t,hc Ziuri-&lm, tho son of Zfndaslbman-garhe, is not Kuri-Cnlzu I, but Kwi- 

Cnlzu II, pi&u (see above, p. 64). From this it follows thnt Ch. P. did not only not confound Kuri-Galzu,thc son of 

Bi~ma-Buriesh, with Iiuri-Galzu, the son of IZadashman-Barhe, hot, on the contrary, knew that both Ziuri-Calms were 

one and the same person. For the reason why Kuri-Galzu ~ibru should llave called liimsclf both "son of Burnn-Buriash" 

and "son of Kadashrnan-garbe"see above, p. 66. (c) With regard to No. 19 I may be permitted to ask: "On \>:hat 

l~~tllority does Tllureau-Dangin lnsintai~~ his statemcrlt that Kadashman-Enlil I is the son of Kuri-Galzu I?" (d) 

Buma-Buriash, whon~ he mentions under No. 20, Tllureau-Dangin identifies on the one hand with [ . . . . 1-ri-ia-ash, 

the son of Kadashman-Enoil (Hilprecht, 0. B. I., IL, NO. 68), and on the other with the Burna-Burinsh lmoml from 

Rnudtoon, LC., 0, 19 (ci. No. 11, Rev. 19), wlicre this ruler calls Xt~ri-Ga12-u "my father," a-bi-ia, maintaining at the 

samo time that thc expression "father" 1x8 to bc tnken in thc sense of "ancEtre" (0. I.. Z., 1908, Sp. 275). Though 

it is true that nbu mtly, and very often does, mean "ancestor" (Tig1:Pil. I, eol. YIII, 47; ICnudtnon, LC., 16 : 19, com- 

pared with M. D. 0. G., No. 25, p. 40)-just as TUll = mdru very orten means "descendantn-yet Thureau-Dangin 

still owes the arguments resp. convinei~lg reasons that abu of linudtzon, LC., 9, 19, has to or must ire taken in the sense 

of ancestor. Again, the name [. . . .I-ri-in-ash of 0. B. I., I', No. G8, may be rend with Hilprecht, B. %., XX1, p. 52, 

note 1, [Slba-garak-ti-Sllril-~i-ia-ash (Llie space is large enough lor this emendation), sco abovc p. 1. Thirdly, follolhing 

Tliureau-Dangin'y methods, wemight quite ss wellmaintain thnt the dumu-sag of 0. B. I., 11, No. 68, means "principal 

deseendnnl," thus making Shagarakti-Shulinsh a "grandson" (instead of a "second? son") of Radashmm-13nlil. By the 

uiay, on wh&t autl~ority does Thureau-Uangin claim that Shagarukli-Shuriash was thc son of Kudur-EnEl? (6) Why does 

Thurcnu-Dangin (following Ungnad) omit Bums-Burinah I? Does Ile identify him with Bw.m-Buriash, the son (resp. 

grandson) of ICuri-Calm I and ancestor (resp. fatller) of Ziuvi-Galru II, ~ihm? What are his arguments for doing so? 

The rcsult: l'lmreau-Ditngin has failed to bring in any convincing arguments wllich would force us to modify the above- 

given arrangement. 

I See Ch. P., col. IV, 14f. 

Written "Ga-ad-ddsh (= UR). 

'bliia Niip-pu (sic!), see Winolcller, U. A. G., p. 156, No. 6,l. 11. 

10


kings. This follows (1) from the fact that these letters, having been addressed to 

the be-li, i.e., to the king, were found in Nippur: letters, if discovered at Nippur and 

found to be addressed to the king, presuppose that the king must have lived at that 

place; (2) from internal evidence. (a) Kishahbut, when answering an inquiry of the 

king concerning "wool," says, 35 : 13, hsh-shum SIG"." i-na En-lilni a-na be-li-ia 

aq-ta-bi, i.e., "as regards the wool (I beg to say that) I have spoken about it to my 

'Lord' in Nippur." This shows that Kishahbut, although "out of town" when he wrote 

his letter, must have been at one time in Nippur, where he reported to his "Lord" 

about the disposition of the wool; but this he could not do except the king himself 

was residing in Nippur. Now, as Kishahbut was a contemporary of Kadashman- 

Turgu (see below, pp. 120ff.), it follows that this king lived in Nippur. (P) 

Pdn-AN.GAL-lu-mur, a resident of D~T-ilu, when explaining to NIN-nu-iL-a why 

he had not sent a messenger previously, says, 89 : 21f.: micr ship-ri-ia shh a-na 

"%En-liPi a-nu muh LUGAL ash-pu-ru ki i-mu-m-ka ma-la a-sap-rak-ku iq-ba-a, i.e., 

"my messenger whom I had sent to Nippur to the king was, when he would see thee, 

to have told everything I had written thee." Nothing can show more plainly than 

this passage that the king actually did live and reside in Nippur, where he received 

not only the reports of his trusted servants,' but where he also (y) gave orders for 

the disposal of certain goods, see 27 : 29f. : I1 biltu shh En-lilki shci be-li 6-she-bi-la 

iL XX ma-na-shci ardi-ka mErba-i'uMarduk id-di-na ki-i &-za-i-zu XL ma-na SIG"'" 

ir-te-hu-ni-in-ni; is., "(and with regard to) the two talents (of wool) of ( = for) 

Nippur which my 'Lord' has ordered to be brought and the 20 ma-na which thy 

servant Erba-Marduk has paid, (I beg to state that) after they had divided them, 

they left me (a rest of) only 40 ma-na." The ''Lord" to whom KudurAni sends this 

letter (No. 27) is again Kadashman-Turgu; hence also according to this epistle that 

king must have resided in Nippur. 

The king, however, did not always stay in Nippur, but made, like every good 

"father of his country," occasional visit,s to other towns, where he condescended to 

hear the complaints and grievances of his subjects; of such an incident we read in 

23 : 33f.: cish-shum "m"'"USH.BARm"h an-nu-ti shh i-na "'"Pa-an-Ba-liki ka-lu-iL 

i-na d-pi-in%-na be-li-ia aq-ta-bi ic shci-la-shi-shiL a-na mu-uh be-li-ia al-tap-ra 

be-li li-ish-pu-ur-ma li-il-qu-ni-ish-shu-nu-ti, i.e., "as regards these weavers who are 

being held in Phn-Bali, (I beg to state that) I have not only spoken about them 

to my 'Lord' in UpP, but I have written three times to my 'Lord.' My 'Lord' may 

at last send that they take them away (i.e., that they be liberated)." According to 

' Cf. here also such passages as 27 : 20: i-na 41%-ki i-na a-shah be-2i-ia a-ne be-li-ia aq-ta-hi-ma; i.e., "in the city 

(i.e., Nippur) in the presence of my 'Lord' 1 have spokkn to my 'Lord.' I' See also 3 : 22.

k'ltOl\l THE TEMPIJC ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 75 

this the king was at one time in Up?, where he received the writer [Imgulrum in 

audience. The king had promised him to "do something" for the imprisoned 

weavers, but had, after leaving UpP for Nippur, forgotten all about his promise. The 

writer was determined that the weavers should be liberated; he had written four 

times to his Tiord, reminding him of his promise, by addressing this (No. 23) and 

three previous communications to him at Nippur. As Imgurum, the writer, was a 

contemporary of Burna-Buriash (see below, p. 94), it follows that also Burna-Buriash 

must have resided in Nippur. 

In this connection a passage of Ch. P., col. III,9, receives a new and welcome light. 

There it is recorded that Kuri-Galzu, after having conquered the m"l"Tam-ti[m, col. 

11, 1. 61, added also Babylon and Borsippa unto his country.' How could this be 

done, seeing that Kuri-Galzu had been seated by Ashshur-uballit upon the throne of 

Babylon? How could he possibly have added Babylon and Borsippa to his land, if 

he resided, as "king of Babylon," in Babylon? Surely, if we are able to read between 

the lines, the succession of events during the reign of Kuri-Galzu must be reconstructed 

in the following fashion: Ashshur-uballit, after having killed Nazi-Bugash 

and after having proclaimed his great-grandson king of Babylon, foresaw, no doubt, 

some such event as was pictured on p. 70, i.e., he feared that the Cassites would arise 

again and, if possible, get rid of his "child-king." In order, therefore, to insure the 

safety of Kuri-Galzu he established him, not in Babylon, nor perhaps even in Nippur, 

but possibly in Day-Kuri-Galzu-a fortress founded by the older Kuri-Galzuz 

and situated near Nippur. Here he probably lived as long as the be-li of No. 24" 

had power enough to maintain his independence. As soon as Kuri-Galzn felt that 

he was sufficiently strong to cope with his enemies, he went out and conquered them, 

first of all the Cassite party in allegiance with Nazi-Bugash or his sons, then the sea 

country, in order to prevent a possible attack from the rear, and last of all Babylon. 

As soon as Kuri-Galzu had gotten rid of the be-li of No. 24, he established, as is 

to be expected, his residence in Nippur, where he lived till he had conquered Babylon. 

After the conquest of Babylon he possibly might have resided also in that city, 

though there is as yet no proof to that effect. 

I Ch. P., 111, 9, DZN.TER~~ u Bdr-sagi mub s&i( = l$ZlZ~V)-ia h-,ti-sha-a$-ti,; i.,., "Babylon and Borsippa I 

caused to write ( = I l~ad than written, added by means of a treaty aftftcr s suceessiul war) to my land (lit. field)." 

To EDIN ef. here the greeting, "to the field (EDZN), etc., of my 'Lord' greeting," which shows that EDIN in the 

passages given above (p. 34) means the whole territory over which the "Lord" was king. 

Cf. R. E., XIV, 4 : llf., where DzZr-TCuri-Galtu is mentioned in the 11th year of Burna-Buriash. 

nboue, p. 9, note 2. 

See already 

Who likewise must have resided-for 

uroa~ated there. 

a time at least-in Nippur, or else this letter could not have beon


As long, then, as we have such indisputable evidence as to the royal residence 

of the Cassite kings at t,his period we will have to look upon Nippur as a, if not the, 

residence of all Cassite kings from Burna-Buriash II to Kashtiliashu II; and if so, we 

will surely find, at some future time, if the excavations of the University of Pennsyl- 

vania are to be continued, as is to be earnestly hoped and desired, a royal palace 

befitting the glory and splendor of the "king without equal," of Kuri-Galzu pihru 

and his descendants. Prof. Hilprecht regards the largely unexplored lofty group of 

mounds forming the eastern corner (cf. the map in Series D, Vol. I, p. 305) of the 

temple complex as the probable site of the palace of the early patesis of Nippur and 

also of the Cassite rulers-a palace which, like the Sargon palace at Khorsabhd, at 

the same time constituted the strongest bastion in the huge outer temple wall.' 

(c) The nature and purpose of the "Temple Archives," including the letters 

here published, and their relation to "Royal Archives." 

When I studied Prof. Clay's introduction to R. E., Vol. XIV, purporting to 

give a general survey of the nature of "Temple Archives," as far as they had been 

published by him, the questions uppermost in my mind, about which I hoped to 

receive some information and instruction, were: What are "Temple Archives"? 

What is their nature and purpose? What do they represent? Clay answers these 

questions in the following manner (B. E., XIV, p. 5): "With the exception of 

about fourteenz documents these inscriptions (i.e., the 'Temple Archives') are 

records of the receipt of taxes or rents from outlying districts about Nippur; of 

coinmercial transactions conducted with this property; and the payment of salaries 

of the storehouse officials as well as of the priests, and others in the temple service. 

In other words, they refer to the handling and disposition of the taxes after they 

had been collected." If I understand his explanation of the contents of these tablets 

correctly, I gather that, according to his interpretation, "archives," such as have 

Cf. Ililprecllt in B. I


been published by him, are "records 01 the handling and the disposition of the taxes 

from outlying districts about Nippur after they had been collected!" Clay's reasons for 

calling these archives Temple Archives are the following (B. E., XIV, p. 6). The 

taxes are temple revenues because: 

(1) Payments are made out of the n~ashsharti shd &kalli (written &.GAL), 

"temple stipend" (XV, 47); out of the GISH.BAR.GAL btt-zli, "full tax of the house 

of god" (XV, 37) ; to the ardu and amtu dkalli ( = &.GAL), "male and female temple 

servants" (XV, 152 : 15 and 200, III(!) : 9, 38). 

(2) "Priests" (ishshaku), "the temple gateman" (a-bil bdbi btt-a-nu (sic), XV, 

93), "the temple shepherd" (nicqidu shd btti, XIV, 132 : 15), "the singer" (zamw~&ru, 

XIV, 6 : 4) are salaried officers. 

(3) The property handled is spoken of as the possession of the god, cf. VI 

(sic, read I SH~)' gur she'um GISH.RAR.GAL sha ili (XIV, 16 : I), "60 gur of grain 

of the full tax the property of the god." 

(4) The temple in t,hese archives is usually called bttinu, ('our house," cf. VI 

gur LXXXIV qa SHE.BA(!) a-mi-lu-ti sha btti-nu, 'TI gur LXXXIV pa, wages 

for the men of our house" (no reference given", or simply bi-t~c, "house," cf. ip~u 

mdr& btti(-ti), "wages for the sons of the house" (XV, 200, I : 38). 

With regard to the relation of the Temple to the State, Clay, L.c., p. 6, comes 

to the following conclusion: 

"There is little in the documents (i.e., the Temple Archives) to show that the 

revenues were collected in the interests of the State, or that the king was a beneficiary, 

unless perhaps tablet No. 26 : 3 of Vol. XV, which reads: sha a-nu SHE.BA(!) 

Nippur" i Ddr-Ku-ri-Gal-mu, "which is for the maintenance of Nippur and Dilr- 

Ku-ri-Gal-zu." This statement is made even in view of the fact (l.c., p. 7) that 

"amounts are also paid (XIV, 148), sha si-ri-bi-shu sha sharri, a-na nu-ri sha 

sharri, a-na sharri." 

It was necessary to state Clay's views about Temple Archives at some length 

here, because I beg to differ from him upon important points. But before stating 

my own view with regard to the character and contents of the Temple Archives, 

it seems desirable to add a few words about two terms often occurring in these texts. 

The chief reason why Clay did not recognize the true character and nature of 

1 S H is ~ an abbreviation oi sivd-shu = soss = fi0, just as m7no is abbreviated irolrl m,~-nn. For S H cf. ~ also B. E., 

SV, 10 : 20 1 73 : 15 1 149 : 44 1 154 : 45 1 I99 : 29, 10, :xnd si:c. tlir inter I

78 I,ETTII;RS ''0 CASSITI", KINGS 

the "Temple Archives" is to he found in the fact that he failed to see any difference 

between I?.GAL = 6kallu = "palace," sc. of the king, and ,?-nu, "our house," 

"our temple. " 

I?.GAL or 6lcallu in our letters as well as in B. B., Vols. XIV and XV, does 

not signify the "temple" (Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 6; XV, p. 18, transl. of No. 7, above), 

M always the "royal palace." This follows evidently from B. E., XV, 5 0 a tablet 

which I translate and interpret differently than Dr. Clay; see l.e., p. 17, No. 7. 

On account of its importance I may be permitted to reproduce it here in tmnscription, 

adding to it the translation as given by Clay: 

1 3 (GUR) 90 (Clay wrongly 84) (qa) 

ASH.AN.NA GISH.BAR.GAL 

2 iz"XXX-is-sah-ra 

3 """"DUB E.GAI, (=dkalli) 

4 h-she-is-pa-am-ma 

5 a-na "In-nu-an-ni 

6 i-na-an-din 

7 ""ASH.A.AN 

8 shattu 15"m 

9 3 (GUR) 90 (Clay again wrongly 84) 

(qa) " izuXXX-(.i.) 

10 ASH.AN.NA (""1 is-sub-ra 

11 ina SHE.BAR GUR LUGAL 

12 En-lilki 

13 " iLuXXX-is-sab-ra 

3 gur 84 qa of ashannu grain of the full 

tax, 

Sin-issabra 

(under) the seal of the temple 

carried away, 

and to Innannu 

he shall pay. 

(Date.) 

3 gur 84 ya of ashanna grain 

Sin-issabra 

in the royal seed gur 

of Nippur [shall measure.] 

[Seal of] Sin-issabra. 

Against this translation is to be said: (1) 'The expression ina SHE.BAR GUR 

LUGAL En-lilki (11. 11, 12) can never mean "in the royal seed gur of Nippur," but 

would have to be translated, if En-lilki really does belong to the preceding line, "in (or 

"according") to the grain-measure of (a) GUR of the king of Nippur"; (2) but this 

translation shows at once that Enlilki cannot belong to I,UGAL, because, firstly, the 

Cassite kings, though residing at Nippur, do not take the title "king of Nippur," and 

secondly, a royal gur was everywhere the same, the Nippurian did not differ from that 

of Babylon or Sippar; (3) the expression ab"DUB &.GAL u-she-is-?a-am-ma (11. 3, 4) 

can be rendered only "per sealed order VL""IT)UB = anything that is sealed, "letter," 

"order," "decree," etc.) of the &.GAL (as such to be distinguished from the DUB 

fi-nu, B. E., XV, 36 : 19) he caused to go out," or "he caused to carry away." Sin-


issabra comes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Temple storehouse, with a sealed 

order of the $.GAT, calling for 3 gur and 90 pa of wheat. Innanni honors this order 

at once and gives permission to Sin-issabra to have it removed, but stipulates 

that the wheat is to be returned or paid back to him again. Accordingly 11. 1-8 

are a "statement" of Innanni in the "form of a note of indebtednessJJ (Sehuldsehein), 

and as such quite different from a simple "note of indebtedness." (The latter 

would have to read: X gur of wheat Sin-issabra has per order of the $.GAL received 

(imhur) from (ina qtlt) Innanni. DUB " iluXXX-issabra). But any "statement 

in the form of a note of indebtedness" has, if it is to be valid, to be signed by the 

debtor. Sin-issabra, being the debtor, signs it in the briefest possible way: "3 

gur 90 qa of wheat Sin-zssabra (sc. has received) according to khe GUR(bar1ey)measure 

of the king.-Nippur.-Sin-issabra." Taking 11. 9ff. in this sense they 

contain the signature of the debtor in the form of a receipt, which makes the "statement 

of indebtedness" a regular "note of indebtedness." But, and this is important 

here, Sin-issabra wants grain "per order of the &.GAL," and receipts for it as having 

been given him "according to the king's, i.e., the royal GUR." This shows quite 

clearly that in orders for the &.GAL royal measures were or had to be used, hence 

$.GAL cannot be the "Temple," but must have been the palace of the king. At the 

same conclusion we arrive when considering sundry other passages. Cf. e.g., B. E., 

XIV, 167 : 10, where the amount of grain designated as PAD E.GAL is differentiated 

from that intended for the BAR ( = parakku) i'"En-lil (1. 8), etc., etc. If, then, the 

&.GAL be the "royal palace," we have to see in the kara $.GAL a "palace or royal 

storehouse." Such a storehouse is mentioned in the archives and is called kart2 

ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUGki.l Wheat which was paid at the kard ASH.TAB.BA. 

GAN.TUGk" is called in the closing paragraph (B. E., XV, 38c : 27), ASH.AN.NA 

shQ i-nu ma,b-ri-im im-bu-ru a-na ZER $.GAL nadnana; i.e., "wheat which they 

( = German "man") received formerly and which was given (paid) for (as) seedcorn 

of the 'palace.' " Again, B. E., XV, 96 is, as Clay correctly recognized (LC., 

p. 22), "almost identicalJ' with B. E., XV, 111, which was written two years later. 

As both tablets are payments of salaries to various officials whose names are identical, 

or nearly so, in both tablets, and as the one (No. 111) mentions ASH.TAB.BA. 

GAN.TUGki (1. 24) as the place where the payments to these officials were made, 

while the other (No. 96 : 1,25) informs us that it was Kan-du-ru-[i~~"], weare justified 

IB. E., XV, 135 : 7, SO and so much fluur (ki-mu), interest (BAR.RA), a-na kard @.GAL a-na kard ASII.TAB. 

BA.GAN.TUGkL "'Nu-na-ak-te ish-ski, "to the palace storehouse, i.e., to the storehouse of (or "called") ASII.TAB.BA. 

GAN.TUG Nunokte took." Cf. here also the bnrrdn Ash-ta-ba in Jlu. 91-5-9, 381 (C. T., 11, 37), 1. 6. 

B. E., XV, 38c : 1, ASH.AN.NA sluti-na kad ASH.TAB.B$.GAN.TUG~~ 

GI8H.BAR 5 qa nadnunZ".

80 LETTERS TO CASSITE RINGS 

in identifying both: ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUGki is = Kan-du-ru-[hki]', maintaining 

at the same time that both were a "palace storehouse."' As over against the &.GAL 

or "palace" (sc. of the king) the "Temple" is called &.A-nu, i.e., "House of 

A-nu," B. E., XV, 93 : 5. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 6, reads btt-a-nu, "our house." 

But in view of the fact that. (a) such a monstrous Babylonian form-half Sulncrian 

and half Semitic: $.A-nu = btt-a-nu = btti-nu-would be, to say the least, very strange 

for this and later periods;3 (b) that in our letter, No. 35 : 15, 2.A-nu is followed immediately 

by bdb A-n[u-~rn];~ (c) that the determinative for "god," ilu, is very often 

omitted before the names of gods in these texts, I prefer to read as given above. 

But in this connection it ought to be remembered that A-wu is simply the semiticixed 

Sumerian for ilu, signifying in each and every case the highest godof a city, whether 

that god be AN or Enlil or Marduk, or whether the city be Nippur or Babylon or 

DOT-ilu, etc. In this way it happened that Enlil, the god of Nippur, was simply 

called AN (B. E., XIV, 16 : 1 1 132 : 3, 4, 54; XV, 97 : 3 1 115 : 11 1 143 : 2 1 163 : 28), 

and the Temple of Enlil at Nippur was termed not only ~ .KUR (B. E., XIV, 148 : 2), 

but also &.AN.KALAM.GAL, "the temple of the great god of the (Babylonian) 

world" (B. E., XIV, 148 : 15, 18; XV, 34 : 2), or merely &.AN (B. E., XIV, 24 : 16; 

XV, 37 : 1). That this &.AN or "Gotteshaus" was indeed the temple of Enlil of 

Nippur is evident from a passage in B. E., XV, 128 : 14, which mentions the &.AN(!) 

En-lilki shh i-na libbi-nu, "the house of god ( = temple) of Nippur which is in o'ur 

midst." Of this house the Nippurians speak as the g.AN E-nu, the "house of 

god our temple," B. E., XIV, 159 : 2, or simply as 2-nu, "our temple"; see, among 

other passages, also B. E., XIV, 148: 45,477; XV, 38 : 2 1 44 : 6 / 71 : 6 1 73 : 10 1 77 : 5 1 

79 : 4 1 89 : 3 1 92 : 16 1 127 : 5 154 : 21 1 168 : 26. As there was a DUB $.GAL 

(B. E., XV, 50 : 3) so there existed also a DUB &-nu (B. E., XV, 36 : 19), as there 

are mentioned arda resp. amat GAL (see p. 77) so there occur also a-rni-lu-ta 

shh 3-nu (B. E., XV, 41 : 3). All this, then, forces us to separate the E.GAL or 

IAlso written an-du-ri-ekii, see List in B. E., XV. It is also mentioned in our lotters 18 : 38, [. . . .lmesh sib6 

Ran-du-ri-e [. . . .] it-ta-al-ku-ni [. . . .] a-mz mu-ub-hi be-li-ia [ul-tc-la]-a. Cf. here also kadurra = kaddurrd = kandurtl, 

Delitzsoh, H. W. B., p. 3190,; B. A,, IV, 485, and Nagel, l.c., p. 482 : (1) Frohndienst, (2) Frohnarbeiter, Leibeigcner. 

Tho city read by Clay, B. B., XV, p. 53b, he(?)-du-m-ti-er-tu"i has to he transcribed, of course, kan-du-TU-i dzil~~ki. 

2For othcr occurrences of @.GAL cf., e.g., the ardi @.GAL in letter No. 34 : 11 and B. E., XV, 84 !2 1 152 : 15 1 

200 I11 : 38; V : 6; amat (GIN) ,?-GAL, B. B , XV, 200 I1 : 33, 37; 111 : 2, 9, 21; libittu(?) ,&GAL, letter No. 50 : 11; 

shd-lam-ta-shti a-na $-CAI, shd-bi-lam, 59 : 4, mashshar-ti shb @.GAL = "special fund (of 10 GUR) set aside by the 

palalaoefor the payment of certain ofieers or otherwise," B. E., XV, 47: 1. For mashshdrtu = "special fund," seep. 96, note 4. 

Cf. here also the amelu ah6 muh ,!?.A-nu, i.e., “overseer 01 the ltouse of god," H., VIII, 855 : 1, and see the EN^ 

inB. E., XIV, 122 : 4. 

And is differentiated from the @.~A~\.hich precedes the $.A-nut

FROM TTHE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 81 

"palace" from the &-nu resp. &.AN, &.A-nu or "Temple."' If we thus distinguish 

between &.GAL and 3.~-nu, the tablet published in B. E., XV, 93, becomes 

of special importance. We learn from it that a certain "Amel-Ba-nu-iL, who is a 

a-hi1 b&hi E.A-nu, a "doorkeeper of the Temple," i.e., a Temple official, receives 

a certain amount of grain in ""Xan-dz~-ri-e~~ from Innanni, the chief bursar of the 

Temple storehouses during the time of Kuri-Galzu. But I

In Chapter I11 we have shown that all letters addressed to the be-li or "Lord" 

were intended for the king. Bearing this in mind I included in this collection, for 

definite reasons, the peculiar tablet published under No. 60. Whosoever merely 

glanced at the "Temple Archives" known from B. E., XIV, XV, will recognize a 

similar document in the Obverse of No. 60, while the Reverse apparently is a letter 

addressed to the "Lord" (be-li) or king, in which an unltnown writer begs him to 

command that, among other things, certain oxen of the patesi's be brought down.' 

Now, as the Obverse is a record concerning the receipt of grain (SHE) from certain 

crops (bar-bu) of the patesi's, and as the Reverse contains a letter addressed to the 

king, the natural inference to be drawn from this letter is that the king was the person 

to whom such records had to be sent. In other words, this tablet proves that tlze 

Temple Archives were records .made and kept for the king, as the highest oficial of the 

Temple of Enlil at Nippur. The "Temple Archives," therefore, at the same time are 

Royal Archives. 

What was the purpose of these archives? ICishahbut, when answering an 

inquiry of king liadashman-Turgu whether sesame-oil had been forwarded or not, 

writes to his "LordJ' as follows (35 : 30ff.) : cish-shum shamnu ( = NI.GISH) shci be-li-ia 

nu-shh-[ma?] il-ta-nu-su a-nu mKu-du-r[a-ni] [ardil-ka lci-i aq-bu-ic um-ma-a shan~nu 

(=NI.GISH) i-nu qhti-ia [i-din] be-li a-nu shatammi ( =SHAG.TAM) li-ish-pu-ra-ma 

shamnu ( = NI.GISH) shub( = RU)-ta lish-ki-nu-[ma], i.e., "As regards the sesameoil 

of my 'Lord' (I beg to report) : 'It has been removed' they read, when I spoke 

to Kudurani thy servant: 'Give the sesame-oil to me.' My 'Lord' may now send 

to the shatammi that they store up the oil." 

The expression il-ta-na-su (I3 of 7DU) refers here apparently to the action of 

consulting a tablet recording that such and such an amount of sesame-oil had been 

removed (nashi) by a certain person in the name of the king or "per order of the 

palace," ab"uDUB ,!?.GAL. Everything that was either received from (shci ina 

qht . . . . mahru) or paid out to (shQ ina libbi shh . . . . ana . . . . nadnu) or 

removed (shci ishtu . . . . nashh) or taken away from (shQ ishtu . . . . laqtl) or 

delivered to (shQ ana . . . . shultl) or taken to (shh ana . . . . nasha, resp. laq71) 

the different storehouses or possessions of the Temple under royal administration 

had to be faithfully recorded on tablets under the name of the donor or recipient, for 

future reference (as here) or for the examination by the king, resp. his representatives. 

Hence the Temple Archives primarily are "Records" embodying statements about 

many things in connection with the royal administration of the Temple property; 

No. 60 : 9, tl shd alp8""s" shd pa-te-simeerL . . . . be-li liish-yu-ra-am-ma li-ri-id-du-[. . . .].

FROM TRE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 83 

they are "Administrative Ilecords," more particularly "Royal Administrative 

Business Records in connection with the Temple property, resp. its revenues." As 

such they give us an insight into the methods employed by the king, resp. his repre- 

sentatives, while administering these revenues. 

The action of recording a certain item under the name of a person, city, etc., or 

names of persons, etc., in the so-called "Temple Archives," is referred to in such 

expressions as xx. shct i-na DUB.SHA.RAL . . . .MU "'X shat-m (B. E., XIV, 

168 : 34, 43) or [xx. shci] i-r~a DUB shci """Zrdi-B&lit( = GASHAN)"S shh-at-ru 

(B. E., XV, 199 : 37). "To record," then, is shaticru ina, and "Temple Archives" 

are called DUB, resp. DUB.SHA.RA. Besides these two there occur still the 

following names for "Archives," viz., DUB shic-ma-ti4 (thus especially where several 

items are recorded under various names), or [DUB] shic-ma-a-ti: or dup-pi shh-ma-tiE, 

or dup-pi shic-ma-a-ti,' or DUB MUmah,," or only MUmmhg; thus apparently designated 

on account of the expression MU.BI.IMi" shumicti, found so often on tablets 

of this character. And as we meet instead of MU.BI.IM also GISH" or za-k~r(!)-tum'~ 

we may not he wrong in saying that "Temple Archives" were termed also DUB 

MU.BI.IM; DUB GISHf3 ; DUB za-kar-tum; DUB MU.BI.14 At the end of each 

'If the document records that the items are for a certain period, say, e.g., a year, this is cnt2red herc, thus sh6 

shot ti^.^^^, i.e., "fol.the yearso andso," cf., e.g., B.E., XIV, 168 : 33. 

aOr we might transcribe UUB.SHA.R~ (=uru). 

3Th1sshowrs clcarly that Aydi-Bilit, because a tributary stureliouse to that of Nippur, had to keep its own 

records. 

' B. E., XIV, 168 : 55; XV, 199 : 33, 37, 38, 44. 

N. E., XIV, 168 : 22, 58. 

1I. E.. XI\'. 99 : 66. 

' B. E., XIV, 99 : 31. 

W. E., XIV, 168 : 17. 

"In-bi-A-a-ri writes to the chief bursar Innanni, 85 : 8, SIIE.BA MUmeaa a-aa "' ilzL~~~is-sa&ra i-di-in, 

"the wages for those persons (= MUme~") give to Sin-issabra," i.e., thc wages as recorded on the tablet giving the 

"names" of the persons llarld over to Sin-issalga; so, nu doubt, bcttcr than sl~u'at~, because in businoss iransnetions 

the anlounl ul w&gcs ~ r~ual always he specilicrl. But the specification was to be found on n, tablet containing the MU"'"^ 

= MU.13I.IM or "namcs!' Seep. 116, note 6. 

" Sse B. E., XIV; XV ~assim. For MU.BZ.IM we have also MU.UZ, e.y., I3:E., XIV, 51,l. 

" N. E., XV, 59 : 2. 

B. E., XIV, 89 : 3. 

13 Cf. hcrc also the interesting variant in B. E., XV, 59 : 12, SHE.gAR.11A GISH-rum(!) which earreaponds 

to 2.e., ll.1,2, SHE.B.4R.RA . . . . DISH, honoe GISII = GZSH-rurn = ~ikancrn~"~ = za-kar-turn. 

,WU.NE). 

14 Cf. here also $he MU.NE.NE in Cassito Tablets published by F. Peiser, e.g., P. 89 : 15; P. 100 : 6 (1. 5 only,

84 LETTERS TO CASSITE KIKGS 

year, i.e., either in the second1 (so most generally), or the last,%r the sixth,3 in other 

words, around the end of the first resp. sixth month, the different heads of the storehouses 

or of the possessions (e.g., flocks, etc.) of the Temple were required, it seems, 

to make their yearly4 reports, i.e., "to draw the balance of accounts" (epdsh nikasi," 

resp. ri-ha-a-nu shci DUB.SHARmah8) or "take the inventory" of the stock (mi-nu 

~hh)~ in the presence of (shh h-kin-nu) a royal(!) official, either the ""'luSAG LUGAD 

or the GU.EN.NA, i.e., heri iff,^ of Nippur, when they (the shepherds or other parties 

I Cf. B. E., XIV, 57, SHE (:ZSH.i?A R 6 qa shd i-na libbi te-li-ti shd shnlli 12"'" Z1UiVa-zi-Mt~-ra-at-l odi ""bUBAR.ZA~~.GA~. B.E., XV, 

111 : 1, ishtu a7b"DUL.AZAG shd shatti 20""" odi a7bUBAR.ZAG.GAR sh6 shatti 21ka", i.e., the last month excluded, 

cf. 1.23; so also l.c., 96 : 1. liut B.E.,XIV, 117 : l,ishtua'h"DTJLndie'L""SIIE, i.e., bothincluded. B.E., XI\T, 9la :2, 

ishtu a7b'BAR adi "'b"ICIAT shd sliatti 3knm, i.e., the lasl month included. For quarterly rcports of. e.g., B.K., XV, 7 : 10, 

ishtu "'bUASH.A.AN adi al'h"~~~.~~.[~?]. 

CS. 1,ettcr~ No. 86 : 28, h at-to. [iWG].SHZT-skit('!) c-pu-ush-ma; 92 : 26, li NIG.SI112'-ni it-ti a-&a-tni-ish t ni-pu- 

~~lkrna; B. E., XIV, 99: 36, NIC.SHZT ip-shli; l.c., 140 : 4, isl~tu NZG.SfZIT-shri ip-shri; l.c., 108: 23; i-%a NZG.SHZT 

sh6 shatti lkam; B. E., XV, 39 : 16, i-na NIO.SHZT ICU.DII ul id-di-in shli-li i-pal. 

' B. E., XIV, 136 : 1. 

' B. E., XIV, 99 : 1 I 99a : 46 1 132 : 1. 

8B. E., XIV, 132 : 1, [mi-nu LIT.GUD~~-~] li cANAM.Lu~~." shd i-na shntti 13"~ Shdya-ra-alc-li-Sl~urid(= 

&nu)-dsh [?nAmel(?)-il"] Mardt~k amelu~A~.LU~AL li-lci?z-nu-ma. CI. p. 134. 

B. E., XIV, 136 : 1, ri-ba-a-nu si~d DUB.SIZAR~"~ shd NIN.AN"~"~ shd mAmel-il"Marduk G?~.EN.NA 

Bn-li[lk3 i-na a7hu NE shd shalli 9"'" Shd-qa-m-ak-ti-Shu~-ia-dsh i-na mub LU[GAL] li-kin-nu. For the signification of 

G&.EN.NA = sheriff, see "Tra,n.nslaliuns," pp. 1331. Noticc the ina mub LUGAL = "for (in place of) the King."


concerned) had to testify to the truth of their statementsi before "GooJ' (AN = 

En!). This having been done the "records" were sent to "headquarters," i.e., 

to Nippur. For how could it possibly happen, I ask, that, e.y., a document like 

that of B. E., XIV, 37, was found in Nippur-a document which rccords how much 

grain (SHE) was received (mab-mm) and stored up (lab-ku) in the storehouse (i-na 

kard) of Bu-un-na-il"Mardukk during the 22d year of Kuri-Galzu? Surely, 

the fact that this document was excavated in Nippur shows that the "head" of the 

storehouse at Bunna-Marduk had to make his report and send it to Nippur. In 

this connection our letter published under No. 76 is especially interesting. In it 

the father asks his son, "Send the report to the (lord of the barley'," i.e., the storehouse 

official, "in order that I may send my report to the 'Lord (be-el)'."2 No better 

evidence than the one contained in this letter could be expected to establish our contention 

that the archives are ' 'administative records." Or, I ask again, why should B. E., 

XIV, 65, have been dug up in Nippur, seeing that that tablet states the amount 

of' grain (SHE) which Apil-Rammicn has removed (ish-sha-a) by means of ships 

(i-na QU~MA) from (ish-tu) Du-un-ni-A-biki? And again the answer has to be: 

It is a "record" of the expenditures in connection with the storehouse in Dunni- 

Ahi" during the first month of the 15th year of Nazi-Maruttash which had been 

forwarded to headquarters. In this wise it happened that we found among these 

"Temple Archives" so appallingly many documents which apparently came from 

other places than Nipp~r.~ Nippur, therefore, must have been the central "recording 

office," the executive department of the administration of the Temple properties 

under royal supervision. Such documents, thus forwarded and excavated in Nippur, 

cannot but be rccords (yearly, half-yearly, etc., as the case might be) of the receipts, 

resp. expenditures of grain, etc., in connection with the particular "depot" or 

"storehouse" from which they come; in other words, they are business records giving 

us an insight into the administration oj the several "depots" or "storehouses" connected 

with that of the Nippurian Temple under the chief supervision of the Cassite kings; 

they are administrative business records of the Temple properties, resp. its revenues, 

made and kept for the king. 

These administrative records, having arrived at and been received by the executive 

More particularly tu three things: (a) shd pi (=ICtl) ki-ni (= col. I ); (h) [shd a-na e-s]i-~i nadnun" (resp. shd a-na 

e-si-ri kun-nu, col. 11); (c) i~ RZ.RZ.GA ?~a-gid~"~ a-nn phn (=SHZ) AN (= ili = Enlil) ish-pqu (resp. shb a-nu mab-v-ri 

ANshnpru, eol. 111), B. E., XIV, 132. Notice tlrnt nmounts of cols. I1 + 111 arc= col. I! 

Sce helow, under "Translations," p. 144. 

' Cf. here tho "list of Places" as given in H. E., XIV, XV, and rn~tice that Innonni, the chicf bursar of Nippur, 

Ilad autllority not only over tlic Nipyurian Temple slurehuuses, but also over all those mentioned above, Chnptcr I (p. 2, 

llote 13); yes, cven over the kurQ@.~d~, ASH.TdB.BA.GrlN.TL'G, resp. I

86 LETTERS TO CASSITlE KINGS 

department in Nippur, had necessarily to have a place where they could be deposited 

for future reference, resp. for inspection by the king or his representatives. This 

place was the 2 "'""DUBL or also called l? ku-nu-ulc-ki,"esp. 2 """DUB shci &.GAL," 

where they have been excavated by the Babylonian Expeditions of the University 

of Pennsylvania. And as Hill VI (Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, Vol. I, p. 305, Plan of 

the Ruins of Nuffar) represents the place where all the "Temple Archives", together 

with the letters here published, have been found, there is nothing which might prevent 

us from identifying the ruins of Hill VI with the & """DUB shh &.GAL, so called 

because the GAL or "Palace," resp. its occupant, the be-li or king, had to administer 

the temporal affairs, resp. earthly possessions, of the "Temple of Enl~l at Nippur." 

This he did either personally or through his trusted servants, the arad LUGAL (cf. 

Martuku, the "servant of the king," who is the chief bursar at the time of Nazi- 

Maruttash, B. E., XIV, 56 : 8). Now we also understand the reason why the Cassite 

kings of this period very often ascribe to themselves the title which precedes all 

others-even that of "king of Shumer and Akkad," resp. that of "king of the four 

corners of the worldJ'-the title GIR.NITA or shalckanalcku "'"Enlxl.' 

' B. IC., XIV, 104 : 6. Cf. Letter 84 : 7, 10, p. 114. 

a B. E., XV, 53 : 12. Notice in this connection the a-ne E~~-lil~~ after & kt'-nu-ulc-ki, thus sliowing that this 

building was indeed situatcd in Nippur. 

B. E., XIV, 124 : 6. 

'Cf., e.g., the insoriptions of Kuri-Galalzu (sihru) in I R., 4, XIV, Nos. 1-3; Wincklcr, Zi. I


From the position the Cassitc kings hold in relation to the administration of 

Enlil's earthly possessions, it is at once evident that shakkanaklcu cannot be derived, 

with Delitzsch and others who follow him, from "sha" + "lcanalcku" and be translated 

"Verschlzesser, Thurhuter, Vorsteher, Machthaber" (Deliztsch, H. W. B., p..338a), 

or "the one of the door" (Jensen, 2. A,, VII, p. 174, I), but that it must be taken 

as standing for "sha"+ "kaniLlcu7' (= qanhqu), z.e., "the one who exercises the function 

of the (sealing,' one who 'seals,' the man of the 'seal' of Enlil." The Cassite kings 

of this period, then, are the authoritative representatives of Enlil, through whom 

Enlil, "the king of heaven and earth," exercises his power and his authority, through 

whom he administers his kingdom, through whom he shepherds and feeds his people 

they are "the food of the people, the platter of man."' Nothing could be done, 

nothing could be either removed from or be added to the possessions of Enlil, except 

the king first gave his authorization (seal) ; and if the king did, Enlil acted through 

and by him. The king's approval is Enlil's seal and authority. In this sense the 

Cassite king, as shakkanaklcu of Enlil, was but the earthly representative of his god 

-a representative whose business it was to administer and "regulate the tithes of 

E.I


Royal Archives; hence the E "'""DUB is at the same time an .@ abnuDUB shci GAL, 

because it contained the oficial administrative documents of the Temple as approved, 

sealed by the king. 

Iiight here some one may object that the a"uDUB, resp. the & """"DUB 

shci E.GAL, if certain passages of B. E., XIV and XV, and Letter No. 84 are talren 

into consideration, was used also for "storehouse" purposes. Upon closer observation 

this objection will be found to be of no avail. In B. E., XIV, 104 : 3 we read 

of a certain amount of butter (NI.NUN) belonging to the NIN.AINmmh] shd i-nu 

shatti 13kn"~a-dbsh-man-Tur-gu mIr5m-shz~-i1"NIN.IB im-bur-ma a-nu I? "hn"DUB 

&she-ri-bu a-nu 4 ku'PaL"SAG(?) shci-pi-ik, (i~hich Irim-shu-NIN.IB received in (during) 

the 13th year of Kadashman-Turgu and which he (they?) caused to bring to the 

E nhn"DUB, having it put up (or putting it up) in4 SAG-jars." B. E., XIV, 124 : 6f. 

informs us of two amounts of bronze (era) which "Ilu-MU.TC7G.A-ri-ma receives 

a - i - . The first of these amourlts is specified as shci E """"DUB shd E.GAL shuug-gi 

shu-sa-a, i.e., "which the B "*"DUB shci @.GAL caused to go (i.e., sent) out," 

and the other as coming shci q&t mNa-ah-xi-iL"Marduk, "per order of Nahzi-Marduk." 

Both amounts were received a-nu i-ter(?)-ti' '"'&MAR LUGAL "as an indemnity for 

the royal wagons (chariots)." B. E., XV, 53 : llf. mentions wheat flour (ZID.DA 

ASH.AN.NA) shci 2 ku-nu-uk-lci a-nu En-lilki ish(? or nu?)-shi-il, "due to (or 

belonging to) the 3 lcu-nu-uk-ki (and which) they brought to Nippur." Finally 

Letter No. 84 : 5f. contains the following exhortation addressed to Innanni: "maan-nu 

SHE.GISH.NI li-ig-hu-tu-&ma NI.GISH a-nu 3 """DUB li-she-ri-bu ic 

at-ta SHE.GISH.NI-ka su-bu-ut-ma NI.GISH a-nu m"uDUB shc-ri-ib," i.e., 

"All who press out sesame must bring oil (in)to the 6 """'DUB, therefore press out 

thy sesame and bring the oil (in)to the h' "'""DUB."" 

Examining these passages we find that B. E., XV, 53, is an administrative 

record (having been forwarded to Nippur from Za-rat-ZMki), which enumerates 

the expenditures in wheat made during the course of a year, being therefore dated 

from the 29th day of the 12th month. At the end of the regular expenditures two 

additional notes are added, one of which, quoted above, implies that the ku-nuuk-ki 

at some previous time must have sent orders to Zarat-IMki that they 

(=German "man") take wheat flour to Nippur. The @ ku-nu-uk-ki here apparently 

denotes as much as "the head of the @ ku-nu-uk-ki," and is as such exactly parallel 

to our "such and such a house has ordered these and those goods." The same is 

to." 

'For i-ter-turn, "indemnity," see Hilprecht, R. E., IX, 41 : 7, e-ter-ti i-nam-din-u' a-na, "shall pay an indemnity 

Cf. here p. 114, notes 3, 4.

FRODZ THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 89 

true of B. E., XIV, 124, where the fi """DUB shh GAL, i.e., the head of the 

house mentioned, shugsi shush the bronze. These two passages, then, show that 

orders were sent out from the I? abnuDUB to certain men or branch storehouses.' 

But this could be done only if the fi abn"DUB of Nippur was a building containing 

the administrative and executive department of the various branch storehouses con- 

nected with the Temple of Nippur. From here orders were sent out for the delivery 

of goods to this building, and, after having arrived there, they were distributed 

to wheresoever it was found necessary. It served, therefore, as a kind of a central 

clearing house, which again is paralleled at our present day by the fact that a great 

business corporation, such as the Temple of Enlil must have been, has likewise a 

central clearing house which is generally connected with the main ofice or executive 

department. In this sense B. E., XIV, 104, and Letter No. 84 have to be under- 

stood. Is it under these circumstances at all surprising that in this central executive 

office, from which the manifold possessions of the Temple of Enlil were administered, 

letters should be found which were addressed to the administrator-in-chief, the 

representative of Enlil, the be-li or king? 

We had to find such docurncnts in this building, because each and every corre- 

spondence carried on about the administration, resp. methods in connection with 

the administration of Enlil's property, had necessarily to be addressed (a) either 

to the highest official, i.e.,'the king as "shakkanaklcu 01 Enld," or (b) to the king's 

representative, i.e., his chiej bursar, etc. And, if so, we had to find a correspondence 

also between "oficials and oficials," i.e., between officials outside of Nippur and the 

king's representatives at Nippur. Both classes of correspondence are represented: 

Nos. 1-74 contain letters addressed to the king, and Nos. 76ff. are those addressed 

to the king's representatives in one capacity or another. With these facts before us, 

the title of this volume, "Letters to the Cassite Kings,'' is not only justified, hut is, 

in fact, the only proper one. 

But the question may be asked, and quite rightly, how have we to account 

for the fact that letters written by the several kings themselves were recovered 

from this fi abnuDUB shh GAL, which was, as has been claimed, the administrative 

department (of the king as highest executive officer) of the Temple of Enlil? 

Then, again, numerous scientific, historic and religious texts, such as omens, hymns, 

prayers, incantations, etc., have been found in this "administrative building (resp. 

buildings connected with each other)." How, I ask, can we account for the presence 

of such texts in the & ab"DUB shh I?.GAL? A comprehensive answer to the latter 

IResp. that tho hcads of the storehouses sent tlrcir "orders" tu the "ccntml" office at Nippur to have them 

"filled," see No. 45, pp. 142f. 

12

question will be given when the several classes of texts will be published. At the 

present only this much: At the time of the Cassite kings the fi *""DUB shQ $.GAL 

embraced in its walls the administrative resp. the executive department of the Temple, 

by which and through which the shakkanakku ""Enlil, the king, governed and 

officially directed both the temporal and the spiritual affairs of the worshippers of 

Enlil. In this wise it happened that the I? abn"DUB shci B.GAL became the "Min- 

isterium" with its different departments-administrative, religious, educational-as 

such containing tablets which are either "administrative records" (Temple Ar- 

chives) or religious (Temple Library) or educational (Temple Library and Temple 

School) in character. This I maintain in the face of and notwithstanding the 

clamor of certain men who, on account of their inability to read and interpret cunei- 

form inscriptions or who on account of their lack of acumen to discern between the dif- 

ferent classes of,.texts, can, in the ruins of Hill VI', not see anything but a "kitchen 

midden," and in the tablets there excavated, but so much "dried mud," "potsherds," 

"dead, meaningless, insignificant bricks." 

The tablets recovered from the & """DUB shh &GAL form thus an exact 

parallel to those found in the rightly famous Library of Ashsh,ur-bicn-apal. To 

uncover here all the various parallels with regard to the several classes of texts would 

lead me too far, and is, in fact, beyond the scope of these introductory remarks. How- 

ever, as we are concerned with the "Letters" of the % """DUB shci B.GAL, I 

may be permitted to compare these briefly with those of the K. Collection, i.e., 

with those letters which form an integral part of the Royal Library of Ashshur-bhn- 

apal. 

1. Though we find in Ashshur-b&n-apal's Library2 some letters that are addressed 

to the "prince," TUR LUGAL," "princess," TUR.SAL LUGAL,4. or "queen 

mother," AM LUGAL,"y far the greater number are written to the "KING," 

LUGAL. Of the one hundred and three letters here published seventy-eighthre 

addressed to the be-li or king. 

2. In the Library of Ashshur-b&n-apal, Royal Library as it undoubtedly was, 

we also find a correspondence between officials; thus we meet with letters addressed 

Situated un tho west side of the Shatt-en-Nil; see Hilprecht, B. E., Ser. D, 1, p. 305, Plan of the Ruins of Nuff~. 

Here I take into consideration only those lotters which arc designated as "IZ," omitting tho D. T., Bu., and 

all other collections. 

"f. I

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIFPUR. 91 

to the (a) a'"""ENGAR' or ikkaru, originally "farmer," here probably a high 

official; (b) "m"l"[A.B]A KUR,2 "secretary of the State" ; (c) ameliLA.BA GAL,^ 

"secretary of the Palace" ; (d) n"o"nhgir B.GXIL.,~ "major dorno" ; (e) ameiuLUGHS 

or sukkallu, "ambassador"; (f) a"eluITIVr abbarakku; (g) amEbGAI,.SAG7 or 

rub-shaq; (h) ""e"'EN.NAW or b&l pah&ti, "governor"; (i) amelu shci muh $ A-nu," 

"man who is over the house of God," is., "the Temple superintendent." In the 

administrative department of the Temple under the Cassite kings we also have a 

correspondence between "Temple resp. State officials."'~f it be objected to 

my including such letters into a volume ostensibly called "Letters to the Cassite 

Kings," I ask my would-be critics why they do not object to calling the Library of 

Ashshur-bhn-apal a Royal Library, seeing that it includes not only a correspondence 

between "officials and officials" but even such unmistakably "private" documents" 

as letters from '"


to such apparently "private' letters forming part of a Royal Library, it need not 

worry us to have included in our volume of "Letters to the Cassite Kings" twenty-four 

specimens representing a correspondence between officials and officials. 

3. But the most remarkable of all is that there have been found in the Library 

of Ashshur-b$n-apal letters-decrees-written either by himself or by other kings. 

We have "royal decrees" (a-mat LUGAL a-nu) to "the Nippurians" ?"""EN. 

LIILki-a])'; to "the people of the sea country, old and young, my servantsJ' 

?melu "dlu Tam-tim-a-a a""""AB.BA""h u TUR"""" ardPh-id)" to "the Gambuleans" 

(""'"Gam-bu-la-a-a)" to "the Rashwans, old and young" ('"""'" """'Ra-sha-a-a 

""""'AB.BA""h u !sib( =NE)-ru-&-ti)'; to "Shadu and the people of Erech, old and 

young, my servants" ("Sha-du5 u a""uUNUGk"""h anceiuAB.BA"esh u TURmoah 

ard&"'""id)" to "Nabu- . . . . and the people of Erech, old and young, my servants" 

(m iluAG-[, ,I u a m e l u ~ ~ ~ ~ k i amezu . m e AB,BA~SS~ 

~ h u TUR~CS~ ard&nesl~- za)' ' ; to " ""EN-ib-ni 

(or KAK)" to " ""XXX-tab-ni-ugur ( = SHESH)O; to ""i""AG-ibash( = IK)-shi'" to 

"A-shi-pa-a" ; to " """EN-6tir ( = SH UR)i'lZ ; to " iluXV-[nic'id ( = I)y3 ; to "Z&ru-&[a]" ; 

and last, but not least, a royal decree to "the 'Not-Babylonians' " (a-mat LUGAL 

a-nu la ame'uDIN.TERki.me*h)15. We furthermore find in this Library royal ''orders" (or 

to 

"& "%PA-shar( = MAN)-ah$( = PAP)megh-shu17; to the "queen-mother" (SAL AM 

sharri ( = MAN)'" to "Man-n~-ki-"~IM'~; to "A-shi-pa-aZ" to " i'uPA-dt2r( = BAD)- 

decrees, a-bit LUGAL a-na) to "the Babylonians" ( . ~ = h ' ~ ~ . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ k i . ~ ~ h ) ~ 

' K. 94 (II., 111, 287). 

K. 313 (H., 111, 289). 

9. 1054 (H., 111, 293). 

'I

FROM THE TZMPLE ARCIIIVES OF NIPPUR. 93 

usur ( = PAP)I ; nay even an "order" of a "princess" to ' *'"Ashshur-sharrat (a-bit 

TUR.SAL LUGAL a-na SAL 61"SZIAG(= libbu).ER-shar-rat)bnd a letter of a 

"princeJ' (IM TUR LUGAL) to thc """'"Sha-na-i3. Howhave we to account for the 

presence of royal letters in a Royal Library? Did Ashshur-bhn-apal extend his 

activity in procuring t,he best and choicest specimens of Babylonian and Assyrian 

literature as far as to have his scribes copy even royal letters? Or are we to suppose 

that those royal decrees have never been delivered to the various addressees, thus 

happening to be found in this Library, to which they really do not belong? Or, if 

they had been delivered, have we to maintain that it was customary to have copies4 

made of letters like these, and have those copies deposited in a Library, so that 

the king could "keep track" of his various orders and decrees? Or, lastly, did the 

messengers to whom these decrees had been entrusted go and communicate them 

to the several addressees and, after having read them to the persons named, bring 

them back with them and deposit them for future reference in the Royal Library 

of Ashshur-bh-apal? How, I ask again, could such royal letters possibly be found 

in a royal library? Whatever reply we may make to these questions, the same with 

equal force holds good of the royal letters-one or possibly two of which (Nos. 75 

and 93) have been published here-to be found among the administrative records of 

the Temple under royal supervision. And as long as there is no objection made to 

the fact that the Royal Library of Ashshur-bhn-apal may(!), as it actually does, 

include .in its collection of documents both an official and private correspondence, 

just so long will I be justified in maintaining that the letters here published form a 

part, small and fragmentary though it be, of that collection of tablets now known 

as "Temple Archives," which with the tablets of the Temple I,ibrary and the Temple 

School coristitute the contents of the E nbnuDUB shh E.GAL, or simply gabn"DUB, the 

btt tapshubti," "the place of the appeasingna of Enlil. 

' I


TRANSLATION OF E'OME SPECIMEN LETTERS. 

In order to illustrate more fully the general character of the letters here pub- 

lished I may be permitted to submit a few of them in transcription and tian~lat~ion, 

adding such critical notes as might be found necessary to elucidate their contents 

more clearly. While in the autograph plates the letters have been arranged alpha- 

betically according to the names of the writers, I have followed here the, no doubt, 

more scientific method of giving them in their historical sequence. 

No. 23 (= C. R. M. 11,090). (Cf. photographic reproduction, PI. V, 12, 13.) 

Imgurum, a royal official stationed at Ddr-Kuri-Galzu, reports to his "Lord," King 

Burna-Buriash, about the affairs in connection with the administration of his 

office. About 1430 B.C. 

The author of this letter, Imgumm, has to be identified not only with the writer 

of No. 22,' but also with the addressee "Im-gu-ri of No. 79 : 1, a contemporary of 

the slave-dealer rn ""En-lil-ki-di-ni, who flourished, as we saw above (pp. 54ff.), 

during the time of King Burna-Buriash. From this it would follow that Imgumm 

was likewise a contemporary of Burna-Buriash. This result is corroborated by the fol- 

lowing two considerations: (1) In 22 : 6 Imgumm mentions a certain mBu-za-2um, who 

appears in B. E., XIV, 8 : 30 (dated the 21st year of Burna-Buriash) among the 

witnessesa at a legal business transaction executed by " i'uEn-lil-ki-di-ni (11. 22, 25). 

(2) mKi-din-i"Marduk3 referred to in our letter (1. 23) is mentioned, B. E., XIV, 

7 : 34 (dated the 18th, better 19th, year of Burna-Buriash), as the father of a certain 

mTa-ki-shum, who appears likewise as one of the witnesses at a slave sale executed 

between the two brothers " "'"Il$N.IB-SHESH and duNIN.IB-MU-MU (sellers) 

and rn "uEn-lil-ki-di-ni (buyer). According to 1. 29 Imgurum was apparently sta- 

' In both the greeting is the same and in both the writer records about the disposition of adobes, resp.burnt brioks. 

Cdled here n ~~za-lum mdr " ilu~n-libbbl(= EN)ilC(= AN)me8h. 

CI. also the &lu shd ""~i-din-~~~~arduk in B. E., XIV, 166 : 9.


tioned at Dl2r-Kuri-Galzu, where he had charge both of certain building operations 

in connection with its palace or temple (cf. 11. 4-18) and of the weaveries and its 

personnel.' The fact that No. 79 was found in Nippur would show, however, that the 

writer must have been living, for some time at least, also in Nippur. 

The contents of this letter are the following: 

(a) The disposition of adobes, 11. 4-10. 

(b) The disposition of burnt bricks, 11. 11-13. 

(c) Elul is t,he propitious time for transferring the resting chambers (of the god), 

11. 14-18. 

(d) B8l-us&um has not yet delivered the bleached wool, 11. 19-20. 

(e) Accounting of the disposition of wool, 11. 21-28. 

(f) Complaint, 11. 29-32. 

(g) Request that certain weavers be finally dismissed out of the prison at Phn- 

Bali, 11. 33-39. 

The letter reads: 

1 [ardi-ka mIm-gu]-ru?n a-na di-na- Thy servant Imgurum; before the presan 

be-li-ia ence of my "Lord" 

2 [lu-ul ]-li-ik may 1 come! 

3 [a-na b5t be]-li-ia"h6,-ul-mu 

4 [. . . ]3 + 6 M libittu(= SHEG-gun@) 

To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

x + 6000 adobes have been made dura-di%mi 

4kam la-ab-na-atB 

5 [. . . . ] M libittu( = SHEG-guns) 

ing four days. 

I caused to fetch y + 1000 adobes to 

a-nu pi(?)-i na-ak-ba-arl the entrance of the excavation 

IilS Img?crum roparts (22 : 5) about tho condition of iGa-ga-dn-ni-tum, tlre mmmerlu, who is sick, it would seem 

that he superintended also the personnol of tl~eTemploor Palace, for azammwtuor "songstress" uzns, no doubt, connected 

with hot11 the Temple and the Palace. 

ZEmendatian according to 22 : 4-llenee also our reading of the writer's name, [mZm-yu]-~um. For this form of 

greeting see also 35 : 3, p. 121. 

The spnco is too small for &v;ch-shum. Here and in 1.5 a larger nurnl,er hns been broken away. 

'For SHEG-gum2 (not given by Clay, List of Signs) ef. Thureau-Dmgin, R. E. C., No. 129. Cf. also 11. 5, 11. 

In 35 : 29 the simple SIiEG occurs. 

"Up to tho fourth day," i.c., "during four days," "in thc spaeeof four days." Cf. ZI., IV, 392, Rev. 16, a-du 

1tm8'"'~~ 7, 8, i-ba-lab, "he will he well within a space of seven (or) eight days." 

'For the construction labnnt,singl. after x + 6000 libittu, see Hilprocht, H. E., IX, p. 35, note to No. 6, li. 1, and 

cf. p. 137, not? 3. 

'Hero, of course, not @ab, Beyrdbniss, Delitzsch, H. W. H., p. 580a, hut "cellar," "excavation." The pi napbar 

is the "entrance to the cellar," or that place where the cellar empties into the open air or into another room. A "mouth" 

(pa) is ascribed not only to a "cellar," as here, hut also to a "canal" (No. 34 : 22; cf. 13. E., XIV, 29 : 2, i-napi(=KA) 

n&ri(=A.GUR.DA) Gli-ki, i.e., "at the mouth of the canal of the city" or "st the mouth of the Shatt-a-Nil, tlle canal of 

the oity (se. of Nippur) par excellence," where the little hamlet, called PC-n&riki, was situated) and to a natbaktu,see 12:9, 

i-na pt(= KA) na-adha-ak-ti, ef. p. 96, note 5. 

95

96 LETTERS TO CASSITE KIRTCS 

6 du-ul-li-ial h-ra-ad-da-mz2 I am working at; 

7 a-di i-na """'Tashrttu( = DUL. and till I shall lay the foundations in 

AZAG) ush-shi3 a-nu-ail-du-u the month Tishri, 

8 i-ga-ra shh i-na 1cu-tal(= RI)-li4 ad- I shall have torn down the wall which is 

du-{&-ma in the rear (palace). 

9 20 nu-at-ba-kus ub-bu-mG The remaining twenty heaps I shall 

' Fur the various signilications of d?rllu see, bcsidcs Dchtaseh, N. IV. I?., p. 219b, also Bellrens, L. S. S., 111, 

p. 8. Hcrc it is to he tnlien in tho sense ol ".ivorlyns not 

"stored up.'' Mashshdrtu signifies at this time tllc "rcserve fond," hence it is not only "stored up," but out of it payments 

are made; cf. Ij. E., XV, 76 : 2, SHJj.. . .sh6 i-nn libbi mash-shar-li ""hUAI?.UD.DU.. . .nadnunu; 1.c.. XV. 

106 : 1, SIIE shd i-na libbi mash-shar-ti i-na *"~aabbi-ia~~ i-na( = "aq") GISII.BflR.GAL nadnunu; l.c., 164 : 1, 

SHE. . .shd i-nn libhi mash-shar-tim shd mZn-na-an-rLi "Tn-ici-shzi nadwunU (naticc hcrc tire rcscrvc fund of Innannil). 

In B. E., XIV, 92 : 2 the mosLsha7.-ti slut kwii Xdr-Zi-banhi is lneritioned and in 13. E., XV, 47 : 1 we are told that 

payments were made i-na libhi 10 GUR mash-shar-li shd GAL, i.e., out of the Palace's reserve fund of 10 CUR. B. E., 

XV, 40 : 5 mentions the total of SH13 madnun" i-nn lihhi mash-sl~ar-ti wl~iel~ rWEis according to l.e, 1. 1, that sltd i-nu 

kara ASR.TAB.[RA.]GAN.?'UG~~ 7zodnunu. $\,om this it follo~vs that thc Palnec, thc severnl storchouscs, ollicinls 

(like Innanni), and even months had cacll thc>ir special "rcscrvc lunds." In some passages, as e.g., Str., IV, 374 : 10, 

masbshhrtu might he translated ever1 by "roll,zt~ml sccurity." 

shuru) to insure the payments of certain ahligntio~ls." 

Masl~sl~drtz~, then, is "something that is left ovcr (mush- 

Na-atba-ku here (and in 22 : 15, [r~a]-at-ba-lci [at-l]a-ba-ah) nppwently a. sirrgl, mnse., altllougli alter tlic: numeral 

20; for construction seep. 95, note 0. Also n jem. form of this wordis found, see, eg., 3 : 15, 21, shd m-at-ba-ak-ti; 

3 : 19, a-na na-at-bn-arc-ti (so also LC., 11. 30, 32); 3 : 20, ?nu-dubtu nn-r~t-ba-ak-ti shd iluGil;ra-ga-mil(= a city!) li-ru-7li; 

68 : 26, eqlu(= ASHAG) SILS na-at-ha-nk-ti shli IZ~~-~'~AG; ef. also 12 : 6, 10. In 3 : 17, 55 wo have na-al-ha-ak-la, 

and according to 12 : 9, i-na pi(= IZA) na-at-bn-alc-ti, it has m "opening," n "mouth,' an "nccess" to nhioh one 

may come. The plural oi nafboktu is found in 12 : 4, r na-at-ba-ka-a-ti. Thr root is, of coursc, fabdk, "to 

pour out"; here, because used of bricks, "to storc, pilo up." A nalbaku, nalbaktu accordingly would be "sornething 

that is stored, piled up." a "heap," "pile," comprising a certain number of bricks. Fortabdh'in thissignificntion 

ef. e.g., B. E., XIV, 37 : 2, SHE mah-rum shd i-na kard. . .tab-ku; B. E., XV, 122 : 8, the grain which a-nu libbi 

SHE.GAL fab-ku, i.e., "which has been added to thc grsst grain (dns Stamm-, Haupl-korn)!' See also note 4 and 

of. B. E., XIV, 144 : 4,10 CUR 1 PI(= 36 qa) tudu-ulc-kt-2i i-na 1 GUR 1 PI, i.e.. "10 gur and 36, ya 'stored up' (extra)


19 [cishl-shum ta-bar-ril shci be-li ish-pu- Withregard to thetabarri(-woo1)concern- 

ra ing which my "Lord" has inquired 

20 [bur-h]u-ra-ti2 i-nu qdt "B&l(=EN)- (I beg to state that) I have not yet 

21 [ash-shum hur]-hu-ra-tum9ha a-na 

ma-an-da-at-ti-in" 

22 [all-qu4 

23 [sha be-li ilq-ba-a a-na "Ki-din- 

"'"Mardulc 

24 [be-li i-di ki x.] t 10 ma-nu ta-bar-ri' 

an-&-bar 

25 [ina libbi-shu x.] + 10 ma-nu a-na 

du-ul-li-ia 

26 [al-t ]a (?) -1ca-an" 

27 [z.] + 20 ma-na a-nu mu-uh be-2i-ia 

28 [ull-te-bi-la 

29 [blur-hu-ra-tum' i-na Dar-Ku-ri-Gal- 

zu 

30 [shu(?)]-il-bi-'u-h5 &nu 

received the bleached(?) wool from 

R &I-usdtum. 

As regards the bleached(?) wool which 

I have kept 

as my due 

and concerning which my "Lord" has 

spoken to KidCn-A$fardulc- 

"my 'Lord' ltnows that I have received 

only x + 10 ma-na of tabarri(-wool), 

x + 10 ma-nu of which I have applied 

as compensation 

for my work, 

and x + 20 ma-nu I have sent 

to my 'Lord.' " 

There is no bleached(?) wool 

to be gotten in D&-Kuri-Gnlzu. 

* Ti~-hu~ri, here witliout tlie determinative SlG = shipdti, is a, certain kind of "wool" (Delitzsch, £I. TV. B., p. 

701a) or a "garment" (Tallquist, Spraci~c, p. 142). Here, bccausc measured according to ma-na (I. 24), it must he 

"wool," more pzticul,zrly "dirty(?) wool." 

So we have to red according to 11. 29, 31 (not ubbu-ra-turn). It is Irere s kind of wool. In Esth., 1 : 6 / 8 : 15, 

we liear of it certain 1In (LXX, /+UMUS) and in Isil., 19 : 9, of '*n, in both of whiell passages the idea of 

"wl~itc" (gzwmcnts) is prcdomintnt. gurbura$~m necordingly I proposc to cxpllltin as "wool tlint is washed, cleaned, 

blcaclicd, white" (cf. also Arabic hicrr~, havuara, "to wash white, hlescl~"), tdcingit lo he s fern. pl. (sc. shipdti) of burbum, 

and this a rcduplicntod lorrn of bur = ltn. 

Cf. $8" 27 : 28, man-da-at-la icl-i ri-*a-tu-ti ah-ta-din; 35 : 18, garlnents wllicll u-na am'l'b~~~~.~.IR i~ ka-gi-ri ki-i 

nzan-da-nt-ti-si~ti-nth id-di-nu; B. I%., XV, 20l1, 111 : 9, naphw 1 (yur) G GIN (i.e., fv1na1-e servants) B.c.~L a-na man-da- 

[ctl-hi-sivi-na], all of wlrieli pasitges show that mandnhtu was at this tima a cerldn kind of "stipend," "wagcs," in the 

form of "wuul," "gnmients," or "grain," i.e., "iaod and clothing" for work performed (I. 25). 

Shilirunu c. ace. and ana, "to take somctlring lor something," "to maice something to he samet,hing" (cf. 9 : 21, 

a-na shi-hu-ti-ia "X. ii dsh-ta-ka-an), licre "to apply something as compensation for!' 

$If my emendation hc correct-the traces visible speal~ing decidedly for shti (icu or zi being out of question)then 

sh~i-ti-bi-'u-zi~nay ha either (a) tlie infinitive 111' of Kill, i.e., shuopu'u = shz2pu'u = shdpd, But tho signifioatiun 

of this verb does not fit into the oontoxt. Or, wlmt is more probable, we may consider it (b) as aninfinitive 111' 

ol ilK2, i.e., si~ub'uiu = shub'22. If this he true, tllare remain two peculiitrities to he cxplaincd, vii;.: (1) the long a 

in SM-li and (2) thc prcsence of the i in bi. For the graphienlly (not rnarpl~ologically) long 22 ef. such forms as lu-tiul-li-irk], 

38 : 2, and li-isib-pu-li-ra-[am]-ma, 39 : 23, With regard to the presence of the i in biit should be noticed 

that we ,nay have in Uahylanian, resp. Assyrian, as eupl~onic i or u after the firirst radical in all those forms wherc this


31 [h~rlr-hu-ra-tz' be-li li-she-bi-lam-maz May my "Lord" send bleached(?) wool! 

32 [dlu-ul-li la a-ha-ad-di3 I have no pleasure in my work. 

33 hsh-shum amduishpare*( - USH. As regards these weavers 

BAR)"""" an-nu-ti 

34 shci i-na "'"Pa-an-Ba-liki4 ka-lu-9 who are being held prisoners in Pdn- 

Bali 

35 i-na 0-pi-ik' a-na be-li-ia aq-ta-bi (I beg to remind my Lord that) I have 

spoken to my "Lord" in Upt (about 

them) 

36 ic shh-la-shi-shti a-na mu-uh be-li-ia and that I have written three times to 

my "Lord" 

37 al-tap-ra about them: 

38 be-li li-ish-pu-ur-ma my "Lord" may (finally) give orders 

39 li-il-qu-ni-ish-shh-nu-ti7 that they take them away. 

11. 

No. 55 (= C. B. M. 10,497). (CI. photographio reproduction, PI. 111, 6, 7.) 

Dispute about the exact words of a message sent by King Burna-Buriash with 

regard to the release of young slaves belonging to Enlil-kidinni, a slave-dealer. 

About 1440 B.C. 

For introduction, transcription, translation, and notes see above, Chapter 111, 

pp. 51ff. 

-- - ~ 

~p-~p 

radical ggenerall) ir vowelless. With rcgrtrd to an cuphonici after tho Pst mdical ef. among other iorms li-ki-ri-ku(= 

likikd), H., I, 100 : ti; i-pi-bu-ni(= iqbdni), H., 111, 311, R. 8; li-gi-ru-ru(=ligrura), H., IV, 387, 12. 24; i-pi-ti-bu-ni-shu 

(= iytibnishu), H., V, 515 : 9; mu-sha-ki(?)-rik(= mushalcrik), El., I, 21, 12. 1; d-she-bi-lig( = ushcbliq), H., IV, 430 : 7, 

and possibly a-li-ki(= alp? Rawcver, n-li-ki = city is likellisr. to be considered), No. 29 : 14. With rcgard to the 

cuphonio u nftcr the originally vowelless first radical the following forms arc interesting: i-szl-bu-?a(= ishura), H., V, 

515, R. ti; i-zu-p-pu(= izppu), H., IV, 381 : 7 ; lu-p-ba-ki( = luql~airi), Moyla, I : 59. Cf. here also the Hebrew 

vcrbs with Chatcf vowel under the first radical in the irnpericct, Ges.-I

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHI\TES OF NIPPUR. 

111. 

3'0. 24 (= C. B. b1. 19,793). (Cf. photogrQhic reproduction, Pls. I, 11, 1-5.) 

Official report about various occurrences, among which a disastrous flood, under a 

hitherto unknown Cassite King. About 1430 B.C. 

The contents of this letter may be conveniently subdivided into the following 

parts: 

(a) Introduction and address, poetic in its arrangement and conception, 11. 1-10. 

(b) The complaint of the tenants of the fields of "The Lord of Lands" about the 

actions of Etelbu miGr mUsh-bu-lal in causing waters to overwhelm their possessions, 

11. 11-17. 

(c) The city Mannu-gir-Rammicn, which the writer held as fief of the crown, is 

deluged by "rains out of the heavens and floods out of the depths," 11. 18-23. 

(d) Gates and cattle are destroyed; there is nothing left wherewith to keep alive 

or pay the inhabitants, 11. 24-29. 

(e) Report about the request of the governor M&r-"[. . . ] for a new gate, 11. 

29-3 1. 

(f) Request that the King may look into the affairs ~J~I~~-L?.KUR.GAL, 11.32-34. 

(g) The writer's urgent request to the King to act quickly and give an immediate 

answer, 11. 34-37. 

For the personality of the King and of his father Na~i-"~Enlii see above under 

Chapter IV, pp. 68ff., where also the notes to 11.24-29 will be found. For the notes 

to 11. 1-10, 11. 1S-23,ll. 29-31, 11.36-37 see Chapter 111, pp. 46ff., 49ff., 43ff., 51. The 

letter in its completeness reads: 

1 a-nu be-li-in as-mi lu-ul-li-i zbi(= To my "Lordn-: 

KUL) ishtu( = TA) shame-[el Glorious in splendor, 

Seed out of Heaven; 

2 la ma-ir an-ni gh-ra-di li-e-i it-pi-sh[i] Not sun~moning punishment, 

Strong, powerful, wise one; 

3 nu-iLr. ah$(= i3HESH)m"h-shu PI- Light of his brothers, 

in-di-e na-ma-a-ri Ordering the dawn; 

4 ki-ib kab-tu-ti ra-hsh-ba-nu-6-ti Ruler of mighty and 

Terrible lords; 

' Cf. now also tile R4t-mUsh-bu-la in 8. E., Scrics D, IV, p. 148, cul. 111, 5, where it is roported that it adjoined 

a district "whioh had been given to tho 'Lord of Landa.' "

102 LETTERS TO GASSITE ICINGS 

5 e-pi-ir um-ma-ni pa-hsh-shur ni-shi Food of the people, 

Platter of man; 

6 e-tel ki;-nu-te-e-shic. shci ""A-nu """En- Hero of his clan, 

lil u i "fi.~ n7hom the triad of gods 

7 ic ZIUBe-lit-i-li( = NI.NI) ki-ib-ti Together with Btlit 

du-um-lci Presented a fief 

8 ic mi-ish-ri-e ish-ru-ku-iL-shiL Tending towards grace 

And righteousness- 

9 be-li-ia 1ci-b6ma um-ma "Kal-bu ip- to my Lord speak, thus saitll Kalbu, 

ru thy dust 

10 i~ ar-du nu-ra-am-ka-ma and thy loving servant. 

11 an-nu-urn-ma-a' shiL-ic ki-i ra-ma-ni 

a-nu 

Behold that one, though I myself have 

12 be-li-ia up-ki-du-ma mE-tel-bu mar recommended him to my Lord, that 

Ush-bu-la Etelbu, son of lishbula, 

13 [ 1-mat(?)-su iL a-nu pa-an 

"~J[a~-~~.yi-i~-ilvM 

has . . . . his . . . . even up to the city of 

Manntl-gir-Rammkn 

14 [ ] sa-ab-ta-lcu ash-bu eqlu(= he has . . . . which I possess. The ten- 

A.SHAG) shci EN.KUR.KUR ant of the field of "The Lord of 

Lands" 

15 [um-ma-a a-nu . . . . 1-mi-ia-ma i-nu [came and spoke thus before my . . . . . ] 

me-e i-di-la-an-ni" "By means of water he has encircled 

me." 

16 [klu?IbL shh it-ti-ia lu ash-bu-tu The cities which are with me-be 

inhabited 

they 

17 lu nu-du-tu3 shci EN.KUR.KUR i-nu or be they doomed-and which belong to 

' An-wu-wm,-ma-a = an(n)umma. CI. um-ma-a = urn-ma and see also Llo,n?,iuwiri, 2 : 10; S. 273 : 17; C. T., IV, 27 

(B1 329) : 10. Jensen, I

pa-an me-e i-ha-bu-bu 

18 iL "uMan-~zu-gi-ir-il"IAT shci sharru 

( = LUGAL) ra-in ga-[ti] 

19 $1 be-li a-na MIR.NIT.TA an-nu-ti 

id-di-na 

20 i-na la-me-e na-di zu-un-na i-na sha- 

me-e 

21 iL mi-la i-na nak-bi lci-i i-&-nu sha-ku 

AECHIVES OF NIPPUR. 103 

"The Lord of Lands" cry out on 

account of the waters! 

Even thc city Mannu-gir-Rammhn with 

which the King is entrusting me 

and which my "Lord" has handed over 

to thesc conscribers 

is destroyed by inundations: rains out 

of the heavens 

22 hlu-ki shci be-li i-ri-man-ni i-nu laand 

floods out of the depths are,when (or 

after) he (i.e., my Lord) had handed 

her (the city) over (sc. to the conscribers), 

overflooding her ! 

Yes, the city with which my "Lord" has 

me-e 

entrusted me is destroyed 

23 na-di a-nu ba-la-ad a-i-ka-a lul-lilc by inundations! Where shall I go to 

save myself? 

24 i~ abullu(= KA.GAL) erdmss" DA~CS~ Also the mighty bronze-gates together 

u lahru(= GANAN) shattu-I1 shci with the two-year-old ewes which 

ish-tu b [&I-na-ti 

(were kept there) since the time 

25 shci mNa-zi-"""En-lil u-bi-ka ,iL udi(= of Nazi-Enlil, thy father, even unto 

EN) .iLmimi 

(this) day, 

26 [el-lca-ku(?) iL i-nu-an-na be-li it-ti-[& (the floods) have destroyed! And now 

shci] 

my "I,ordn linows that 

27 [i(l)-la,]-ka-an-ni i-nu-an-na ki-i i-li- they will come to me; now, when they are 

[ka-an-n]i 

there (i.e., have come), 

28 [iL zu.-un-n]a LU(?)"""ahru( = GA N- what shall I take and give, seeing that 

AM) shattu-I1 i-si-ru mi-nu-a[?] the floods have encircled the sheep 

29 [lul 1-qa-am-ma 

Mar-"[. . . ] 

lu-ud-di-in (L and the two-year-old ewes? 

And &16r-"[. . . 1, 

30 be1 pahati(= EN.NAM) a-na ardi- the governor, when he had come to thy 

ka ki-i il-li-ku urn-ma-a 

servant, said : 

3 1 abulia( = K A.GAL)" "ma-ad-di tu- "They make lamentations on account 

shci-an-na-ma taddan( = 8E)-na 

of the gate! Duplicate it!" 

32 ti "I-~~-~.KUR.GAL ardi-ka shci And ~na-&.KuR.GAL, thy servant, 

a-na be-li-ia 

whom I have recommended


33 ap-ki-du ash-shic' di-na-[ni-]ia 

34 be-li a-ma-as li-mur-ma a-hi-ti-in2 

35 mu-ush-sha-ra-kuqa-am-dish li-ta- 

al-lik4 

36 iL a-na-ku i-tu b[e-li]-ia a-nu a-la-a-ki5 

37 a-na sharri(= LUGAL) ki-i ash- 

[pu-ra] sharru(= LUGAL) ul i-di- 

m-an-ni. 

IV. 

No. 8 (= C. A. hf. ll,G35) 

to my "Lordv-on my account, 

my "Lord," look into his affairs! If I 

am to get out 

of my predicament then (my Lord) may 

act (lit. come) quickly. 

And I, the itd of my "Lord," though I 

have written to the "King" 

concerning (my) coming, yet the "King" 

has not given me (an answer or 

permission). 

Banic-sha-Marduk reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the revolt which has broken out 

in BU-" ""Sin-issabra. About 1390 B.C. 

Above (pp. 4ff.) it has been shown that our writer, Ban&-sha-Marcluk, lived 

between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu and the 11th year of Kadashman-Turqu, i.e., 

during a space of about forty-three years. We may assign this letter, therefore, to the 

time of Kwi-Galzu, and this the more because the Btt-m """Sin-issabra, so named after the 

head of the royalstorehouse (lcarzi) ASN.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG, situated in Kandu~&~', 

Sin-issahra, flourished, in all probability, principally during the time of Kuri-Galzu." 

From 11. 19, 20 we may conclude that our writer was a master builder, who, while 

engaged in building a gate, received news about the revolt in Btt-m BUSin-issabra, 

which he, as faithful servant, communicated instantly to his Lord, King Kuri-Galzu. 

Is this revolt connected in one way or another with the uprising of the Cassites 

under the be-li, the son of Nazi-i"Enlil, mentioned in No. 24? 

The contents are the following: 

'Not apki-du-ash-shli, but nsh-shu di-na-[nilia is to be read. Ash-shu di-nu-ni-ie again is thc same as the 

well-known hh-shum-mi-ia (27 : 44) = ana shli-mi-ia (S. 274 : 17,4) = dsh-shzCmi-ia (C. T., VI, 32 (= B' 534) : 4), of thc 

Hammurabi period. From this it fullows that din8nu = al~?~mu, i.0.. ":~ll that whiel~ expresses tire essence of n being," 

"the beingitself" (cf. ill? Old), or, as Delitzsch, H. W. B., p. 2240, gives it, "das Sclbsl," see also p. 58, note 2. 

For abilu se. sl~tmtu, see H. W. Is., p. 41b. 

8 I.e., "if I am to leave and thus be out of it forever." 

'Not 112 + tallik but 222 + itallilc, Ia alAku. 

6 In view of li-ta-al-lik, "may aot (quiokly)!" and alkam, "hurry!" eto., we might translate here: "tliough I have 

written to my Lord to hasten (se. the reply to my last letter), yet the King has not adjudged me worthy (se.of .m answcr)." 

In this case i-diina-an-nimight be derived from 1'1 (= idtn-nnni), instead of naddnu. 

See pp. 79, 81, 110, 116.

FRON THE TENPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 105 

(a) Exhortation to rejoice, 11. 6-1 

(b) News about the revolt in m-m auSin-issabra, upon information received 

from "~.~AG.~~-zu-ri-ia, 11. 15-19. 

(c) The gate is finished, 11. 19, 20. 

(d) The truth of the communications made in this letter may be verified by 

calling upon the prefects of Rakanu and Btt-"Ki-din-ni. 

1 ardi-ka "Bans( = KAK)-q-sha-"""Marduk 

Thy servant Ban&-sha-Marduk ; 

2 a-na di-na-an be-li-ia lul-lik before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

come! 

3 a-na &lu-ki tl ?S*ZTi (= EDIN) shQ beli-ia 

To the city and the fieids of my "Lord" 

4 shb-ul-mu greeting ! 

5 um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma 

The following to my "Lord" : 

6 ad-ru' ~h&~-te-su-uk 

7 h ma(?)-ki-~a~[. . . . ]-ma 

Let the palace rejoice 

and the soldiers let . . . . 

8 si(?) -pi- [ri4 . . . . ] 

and the si-pi-ri let . . . . 

9 um-m[a a-na be-li-i]a-ma 

speaking thus to my "Lord": 

10 [. . . . ] sh6 be-li 

11 [...I 

12 a-[. . . . mi"IM-ra]-im-x&r 

. . . . brake.. . . 

. . . . which my "Lord" 

13 [. . . . ] h-ba-6[sh-shu?]" 

14 [. . . .]-&-ma ki-ki-i"i(? or ad?)-[. . .], 

.... 

.... 

15 "fi.sAG.2~-zu-ri-ia ar [di-ka] E.sAG.IL-zuri-ia, thy servant, 

' For adru cf. Johnson, J. A. 0. S., XIX, p. %A, perhaps "enclosure"; Behrens, L. S. S., 111, p. 47, note 1, "PaIast- 

gemach." 

=So is to he oonnected, not ad--shti te-su-uk (which latter had to be in this cnse tesik). Shd-te-su-uk, either 

infinitive or permansive IIIa of ?OK, "to gloliiy" (Dolitzsch's qDN, H. W. B., p. lOSb, and PDK, l.c., p. 110b, belong 

together). 

context. 

Ma(?)-&pa might stand hcro for mundahhipu, "soldier!' 

4Cf. with this the amelus~pi-n', Delitesch, If. W. B., p. 509b. A reading e-pi-ri seems to be against the 

Very daubtiul. Might be 11' of nK1, "to seek," or possibly a 11' of either K13 or nW1. 

The context being mutilated, it is difficult to tell whether to connect [. . . ]-maki ki i-pi-[. . .I or [. . .]-ma 

&ki-i &(or ad)-[. . .I. 

14


16 shakin(= GAR)"' de(= NE)-mi is reporting about B5t-Sin-issabra (sayshh 

B5t-m i'%Sin( = XXX)-is-sub-ra ing :) 

17 I C ummani( = SAB)""" gi-in-na-ta3 "100 men killed, while the 

18 ki-i ig-nu-na p&b&( = SAB)m"h shh families were settling down, the soldiers 

be-li-ia 

of my Lord." 

19 ir-ta-pi-is4 iL bicba at-ta-di(?)-ish As regards the gate-I renewed 

20 ib-ta-ta-ak5 

it, it is finished. 

21 a-na shi-bu-ti-ia " i'uNergal-Ba-ni Nergal-Bani, 

22 ba-za-na shh "'"Ra-ka-nu the prefect of Rakanu, 

23 % ba-za-an-na shci Btt-"Ki-din-ni and the prefect of Btt-Kidinni I have 

24 icsh-ta-ka-an made to be my witnesses. 

No. 29 (= C. B. M. 11,95G). 

A letter of Marduk-mushallim, head of the storehouse at Ddr-Enlil, to King Kuri- 

Galzu. About 1400 B.C. 

A certain Marduk-mushallim endorses in B. E., XIV, 154 : 5, the payment of a 

specified amount of grain (SHE) as ri-mu-tum (a kind of wages) to a lady of the btt 

a-mi-la-ti ("house of female slave)^") and as SIGISSE.SIGISSE ("offerings") to ""Sin. 

The positionbhich the name of Marduk-mushallim occupies on this tablet makes it, 

certain that he was the head of the storehouse at ~dr-"'"En-lil~". This tablet 

is dated simply the "16th yearJ' (1.7). As only the first four kings (Burna-Buriash 

to Kadashman-Turgu) reigned sixteen or more years each, it is reasonably certain 

that our letter belongs to the earlier Cassite kings known from the Temple Archives. 

We may, however, go a step farther. The person "A-na-tukulti(= KU)-ilu(= AN)ma, 

mentioned in 11. 9, 15, I propose to identify with one of the witnesses mentioned 

'If shakin ddmimere here a title, its position would have to be beforeurdi-ka: shakin d&mi ardi-ka. I talio it, 

thcrdare, as a pormansive: "is just now (while I am writing this) reporting about (shd)!' Cf. here also p. 52, 

note Sd. In 1. 17, wl~ioh contsjns the report, unt-ma-a has been left out, as is often the chse in our letters. 

To bring out the difference in writing between $AR~~." and $ A B I ~ transcribed ~ ~ ~ as given above. Both 

($ABhio and &'AB~~S~) signify, however, at this time very often, if not always, simply "men, workmen" (ummdni), see 

p. 35, note 1. 

SGi-in-na-ta ki-i ig-nu-na = qinnGta (fern. plur.) kt iqnunii (3d plur.fem.oE lip) = yin& qinna kt ipnunk, i.e., 

"wlrile the families (employed on the Temple properties) were building a nest," "were settling down!' For the signification 

of pinnu, qinndli at this time ef., e.g., B. E., XIV, 126 : 7 1 XV, 160 : 29, qin-ni;B. E., XIV, 111 : 7, qin-na-a-ti. 

' RapGsu hero in the sensc of "to kill" (shn da-a-ki), Delitssoh, H. W. B., p. 626a. The singular being employed, 

because "objects counted (&'ABbi-a are such objects) are construed as singulars," see p. 95, note 6. 

6 IZof patap (H. W. B., p. 554a; Jensen, K. B., VIL, p. 319) here with passive signification: "it is built, finished." 

See also the position of the name of Innanni in such tablets of "endorsement," Chapter IV, e, p. 86, note 4.


in a document from the 4th year of Kuf-[ri-Gal-xu], B. E., XIV, 11 : 16. Erba- 

Marduk of 1. 4 would, therefore, have to be identified with Erba-Marduk, the son of 

Sin-ndr-rndti, B. E., XIV, 19 : 23 (dated in the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu). Taking 

all these facts into consideration I do not hesitate t,o see in the be-li of 1. 2 and in the 

LUGAL of 1. 6 King Kuri-Galxu, to whom this letter has been addressed. Marduk- 

rnushallim, then, was during the reign of Kuri-Galzu the head of the storehouse at 

D$r-""Enlilki, which place must have been situated at a river, resp. canal, deep 

and safe enough for the lalld-ships (i.e., "Fracht(?)-schiffe"). 

The contents of this letter are: 

(a) The royal provender will be shipped per lallh-ships by the 16th of this month, 

11. 4-8. 

(b) Request that the king send certain men to remove the workmen and 

clients and to return them to their owner, 11. 9-18. 

1 [ardi-ka "]""Marduk-mu-[shal-Ilirn Thy servant Marduk-mushallim; 

2 [a-na di-n]a-an be-li-ia lul-lik before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

come, 

3 urn-ma-a a]-na be-li-ia-ma speaking thus to my "Lord": 

4 [hsh-shum GAR.LUGAL" ah6 "Erba As regards [the royal provender] which 

( = SU)-i"Marduk 

5 [ardi-ka ilk-shic-da Erba-Marduk, thy servant, was to have 

6 [urn-ma-a] akdli (= GAR) sharri 

(LUGAL) arnu 16~"" 

7 a-na isu&-lb( = 1al)-al-la-a3 

8 urnm$ni( = SAB)"." li-su-ic-ni 

9 "A-ru-tukulti( = KU)-ilu( = AN)-ma 

10 h " i'"Sukal(= LUGH)-she-mi 

11 h urnm$ni(= SAB)me8h shh a-la-akshic-nu4 

12 shic-up-ra-am-ma 

13 li-xu-ic-ma lil-li-ku 

taken, 

(I beg to say that) the men shall bring 

the royal provender 

upon the lallh-ships 

by the 16th (of this month). 

Ana-tukulti-ilu-ma 

and Sukal-shemi 

and the men of their company 

send (give orders) 

that they come, 

' Kudur-Enlil is out of question, because he reigned only six resp. eight years, see p. 1. 

ZErnendation acoording to 1. 6. Very doubtful. Cf., however, the MA.GAR.RA of the ~ummurabi Letter, 

No. 34 : 16, which likewise was put upon the Z$Zlmd-lal. 

sFor Z"mO(= elippu)-LO-al-la-a see Dclitzsoh, H. W. B., p. 414a (left untranslated) and King, Letters of gummurabi, 

111, p. 7, note 2 (to No. 34 : lo), "processional boat," 

'Lit., "of their going" (aldk = iniinitive), "their following." 

Lit., "that they may go out and go (oome)."


14 h umm&ni( = SAB)m"h u ki-din-na so that Ana-tukulti-ilu-ma may return to 

ma-la shci a-li-kil him 

15 "A-na-tukulti(= KU)-ilu(= AN)-ma all the men and prot6g6s (clients) 

16 a-na pa-ni-shh li-ter-ra-am-ma2 which I have taken. 

17 ha-a]m-di-ish3 Let them do-it 

18 lik-shlk-da4 quickly. 

VI. 

No. 44 (= C. B. b1. 19,799), 

The superintendent of the Temple weaveries reports to King Kuri-Galzu about the 

administration of his office. About 1400 B.C. 

As the name of the writer is broken away, it is rather difficult to assign this 

letter to a definite period. If, however, the emendation of 1. 16, Btt-mKi[din-ni], 

be correct, I would refer this letter to the time between the 20th year of Kuri-Galzu 

and the 11th of Kadashman-Turgu," Our writer was apparently the royal superintendent 

of the Temple weaveries. Where these weaveries were situated cannot 

be made out. Noteworthy in this letter is the statement that one weaver had been 

a fugitive for one whole year, until he was brought back from the "house of Kidinni." 

That the Temple employees fled very often from their place of service is well known 

from the Temple Archives; cf. e.g., Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 34. But that such a fugitive 

employee, when recaptured, would not be punished is new." Nothing, apparently, 

is said here of such a punishment of either the fugitive slave or of the man who 

harbored him, nor is the reward of the two shekels mentioned. 

The contents are the following: 

(a) The . . . . have been put up, 11.4-7. 

(b) The King must wait for the garments, 11. 8, 9. 

' ks indicated hy the translation, I consider this form to stand far shd alp; cf. p. 100, note. If one prefers 

he may takeit in thesense of "as many as are of (= in) the city (= hli-ki)," see p. 11, note 2. 

?Stands here for luth-ma, lu + of the 3d pers. becomes at this time always li. To "whom" sllall hereturn 

the men? To E~ba-Mmduk? 

Cf. here ha-an-di-ish, 80 : 13 1 93 : 5; ha-am-dish, 24 : 35, and ha-mu-ut-ta, 49 : 10 1 51 : 10 1 68 : 12 183 : 24 / 

92 : 24. 

' I.e., "May they (Ana-tulculti-ilu-ma and the other men, 11. 8f.) oome, take the men, and return them to him 

quickly." LikshudG=lil:shudzZ, so better than singular : "may he, is., Ana-tukulti-ilu-ma, do it." 

See the remarks to 9 : 21 above, Chapter I (p. 45.). 

a A reoaptured slave was put to death at the time of Eammurabi, Code, 8 : 30-36. A man who harbors in his 

house a fugitive slave was likewise put to death, gammurabi Coda, 8 : 37-28. To him who captures a fugitive slave 

are awarded two shekels of money, gammu~abi Code, 8 : 49-58.


(c) The wool just sheared has been removed, 11.10-12. 

(d) The fine wool is all gone, 1. 12. 

(e) A fugitive weaver has been recaptured and returned by Btt-Kidinni, 11. 

13-17. 

0) Only one workman bargained for has been received from Ktsh,' 11. 18-21. 

1 [ardi-ka mX. . . . a-na dilza-an] Thy servant X. ; before the presence 

2 [be-li-ia lu-ul]-l[i-ik] 


3 [a-na GANAM.LU] d bt [be-li-ia To the cattle and the house of my 

shul-mu] 

4 [. . . .Ida[. . . .]-ti 

"Lord" greeting! 

The . . . . 

5 [sh]6 id-[di-]nu-ni 

which they (were to) have given, 

6 be-li li-mu-dr 

my "Lord" may behold, 

7 id-du-6-ni (! sign hi)" 

they have put up. 

8 i-na bu-ut lubushti( = KU)"." 

For the garments 

9 be-li la i-sa-an-ni-iq-an-ni" do not press me, my "Lord." 

10 ship&( = SIG)"." sh6 nu-gidmmh The wool of the shepherds, 

11 ma-la ha-aq-nu4 

as much as has been sheared, 

12 it-qu ha-ni-tum5 ia-nu 

they have removed. Good (sc. wool) is 

not here. 

13 """"ishpam(= USH.BAR) ishtenen One weaver, 

14 sh6 ul-tu ishten shattu( = MU) who was a fugitive 

15 ha-al-qu for one year, 

16 ul-tu m-mKi-[din-ni] they have received 

17 il-te-qu-ni from (out of) Btt-Kidinni. 

18 ishten" amelu li-ib-bu" Only one of 

19 umm&ni( = SAB)"" ra-ak-su-&ti7 the stipulated workmen 

20 ul-tu K;ishki they have received 

21 il-te-qu-ni from Kkh. 

For the different cities called KZsh, see Jensen, Z. A,, XV, p. 214ff., and Hornmel, G~und,dss', pp. 338, 383- 390. 

For the sign bi as variant for ni, li, see "Names of Professions" under Ba-bi(!)-gal-ba-ti-i. A possible derivation 

from 271 (cf. nidbd, nindubd) would be less probable and quite peculiar in formation, (1) booituse of the long 22 (hut 

cf. p. 129,l. 23), (2) because of the i in bi (standing for bd). The object which was "put up" is unfortunately broken away. 

I.e., wait a little longer for them. 

'For bapdnu = baqdmu, "to cut off:" "to shoar," soc now IIinke, B. E., Series D, IV, pp. 263a, 177. Besides the 

psssagcs quoted thorc cf, also B. E., XIV, 128 : 1, sz~U.5 bu-p-nu, and LC., 42 : 12, i-ba-qa-nu (said of alcdlu, shikaru, 

and mi-ri-esbtum, hence hcw at least it cannot mean "to out off" or "to shear"). See also a-ba-pa-am-ma, 2 : 10. 

6 For ba-ni-tum (se. shipah), fe~n of band (syn. of dump), in the sense of "good," "nice," "fine,"eto.,see Jensen, 

K. B., VI', p. 412. *For libbO,=ina libbi shrt of. Delitzsch, A. G.=, $108, pp. 226f. 

Cf. here tlre d~p-piri-ki-ish(!)-tishdmIn--an-nua-naameLul~~~mesh 3KA.ZID.DA ir-ku-su (B. E., XIV, 42: I), 

i.e., "the (tablet of) stipulations upon wllioll I. lras agreed with the R. and K!'


VII. 

No. 83 (= C. B. &I. 3315). (Cf. ~hotographic reproduction, PI. XII, 29, 30.) 

A letter of complaints, requests, and threats written by the governor Errish-apal- 

iddzna t,o the bursar-in-chief, innanni. Time of Kuri-Galzu, about 1400 B.C. 

Above, pp. 2ff., it has been shown that innanni, the chief bursar of the 

Nippurisln Temple storehouses, lived and transacted business during a period extending 

at least from the 18th year of Kuri-Galzu to the 2d year of Nazi-Afaruttash, 

and that Errish-apal-idclina, the governor of DO,r(resp. ~tt)-~rrish-apal-iddina~~, 

flourished from the 13th year of Kuri-Galzu to the 24th year of Nazi-Maruttush. 

Innanni, though frequently mentioned on tablets apparently emanatihg from the 

neighboring towns around Nippur, where he was at intervals looking after the 

interests or possessions of Enlil,' was yet a resident of Nippur, cf. B. E., XV, 115 : 5 1 

135 : 6, Btt-mIn-na-an-nu(ni) Nippur (= En-lil)ki. We also saw that during the 

reign of Kuri-Galzu, i.e., at the time when mIn-~za-an-ni was bursar-in-chief, " iz"S zn- ' 

issabra was the head of the royal or Palace storehouse (kara), named ASH.TAB.BA. 

G1lN.TUGki."ut, though the head of that storehouse, he was still subordinate 

to lnnanni. This follows not only from No. 85 : 8, 9, where Innanni is commanded 

to give to Sin-issabra the "wages for certain persons," or from B. E., XV, 50, where 

he (Sin-issabra) receives grain from lnnanni "per order of the Palace," but more 

particularly from such passages as B. E., XIV, 35 : 3, where it is reported that a 

certain i"PA.KU-ma-lik-ANm""h receives in dL"KarO, ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG 

a certain amount of grain as horse-feed from (ina qict) "In-na-an-ni, which shows 

clearly that Innanni must have had and actually did have authority aLqo over the 

Palace storehouses; in other words, innanni, though bursar-in-chief of the Temple 

storehouses, was ipso facto also the chief bursar of the Palace storehouses-he was 

both a Temple and a royal oiyicial, hence his successor, Martuku, is expressly called 

an a-rad LUGAL (B. E., XIV, 56 : 9), a "servant of the king." 1nnanni"eems to 

have been a rather slow and stingy official; the only way to make him live up to 

his obligations was by threatening him (cf. 11. 12 and 27ff. and 85 : 5). 

The contents of this letter are: 

(a) Complaint over Innanni's negligence, 11. 3, 4. 

(b) Request to urge the workmen not to leave the city, 11.5-7. 

Sce above, p. 2, note 13. See Cl:hi~pt,cr 

IV, c, pp. 79; 81; ef. p. 116. 

If the term ahu of No. KG : 19 is to be tal'cn in it? literal senso, Innanni would be a brother of mE-mi-da-iz"Mar- 

dulc, l.c., I. 18. Soe here the interpretation of that passage by Prof. Hilprecht, ahove, p. 25, note 1, and cf. Emid-ana- 

Marduk, p. 7L! Is Ern& = Emid t am = WL =am = a? It so, this would explain the exalted position of Ilmanni, 

i.e., Innanni would have been a brother of tlie beli of No. 24.


(c) Comply with the wishes of the RIQ officials, 11.8,9. 

(d) Request coupled with threat, 11. 9-13. 

(e) Give barley to Micr-Tadu, 1. 14. 

(f) Pay the barley to the RIQ of Shelibi only in the "presence of the city," 

11. 15-18. 

(g) Thirteen oxen are missing, 11. 19-21. 

(h) Pay the barley to Sin-apal-trish, 11. 22, 23. 

(i) Hurry up and pay the seed-corn to "the city," 11. 24-26. 

(k) Complaint coupled with two threats in the form of accusations, 11. 27-37. 

This letter reads: 

1 [a-na "1 Zn-na-an-ni lci-b6ma To Innanni speak, 

2 um-ma " ""Errish(t) ( = NIN.ZB)apd 

( = TUR. USH ) -iddina ( = SE) 

"['ma] 

thus saith Errish-apal-iddina: 

3 um-ma-a am-mi-ni ash-pu-r[a-ak-ku] Why have I sent word to thee 

4 la ta-al-li-i-m [a'? ] and thou hast not come up? 

5 um-ma-a ummicni( = SAB)""" an- Also the following: As regards these 

nu-ti[?] men 

6 shci ash-pu-ra-ak-ku tu-sh[e-zr-shhl- concerning whom I have sent to theenu-ti-ma2 

'((so) urge them 

7 &lu-ki la mu-ush-shh-u[r] not to leave the city." 

8 shci 5 "duRIQm"h shci Nippur (= 

EN.LIL)k[i] 

As regards the 5 RIQ of Nippur- 

9 ku-ri-ib-sha-nu-ti-i-ma3 shh [um- "comply with their wishes!" As regards 

Bi a mesh 

miozi(= SAB) ] the workmen- 

10 it-ti Ni-ib-bu-ri-i nam-:[a-a]?-ta "let them, together with the Nippurians, 

11 sha-um-hi-ir-shh-nu-ti receive the namsartu-vessels. 

' For the long 2 cf. ku-rGib-shd-nu-ti-i-ma, 1.9. The traces of -ma(?) speak rather for -ha. In view oi li-ish-bu-d- 

?a-am-ma, 39 : 23, a form ta-al-li-i-ka would not be impossible. 

a Tu-she-[ir-shld-nu-ti is supplied according tu 1. 30, tu-she-ir. Both forms ~ni~y he ~aken jrt) cithw xa a ll'of 

,iLP (= tu-iashshir, tu'ashshir, tushsi~ir, tu-she-ir), "in den richtigen Zustaml uersetzen," Delitzseh, H. W. B., p. 311a, 

or (b) they may bo (and this is more probable) a 11' of 7WK (= tu'ashshir, etc., as above). Acoording to Jensen, K. B., 

VI', p. 409, 410, ashdru is a synonym of both papddu and sandqu. For sandqu in the sense of "to press, to urge," see 

44 : 8. Cf. also far 1WN Meissner, Suppkm., p. 13 (= K. 4587, Obv. 6); Delitzsch, A. L." Zimmern, K. A. T.3, p. 421. 

The sense apparently is: "urge them by putting them into the right frame of mind!' A 11' of lW1 is excluded here. 

'On account of shd-um-hi-ir-shzi-n?~-ti, 

I. 11, and tU-u1-te-hi-i~-shd-nu-t< 1. 12, I take this form as a 11' of 373, 

"Jemandem willfahren" (not as a 11' of "to bring near").


12 shum-ma an-ni-ta ul tu-ul-te-hi-ir- If this thou doest not grant unto them, 

sh&nu-ti1 (then) 

13 ul at-tu-&a SHE.BAR ik-lca-lu2 they shall (no longer) 'eat my "food".' " 

14 2 GUR SHE.BAR a-na M&r-'Ta-a- Give 2 gur of barley to Mar-Tddu. 

du i-di-in 

15 sh$ """URIQ a"fJhe-li-bik 6 As regards the RI& of Shelibi- 

16 9 a-mi-lu-us-su a-na pi-i a-mi-lu- "give him the barley for his 9 men 

t [i-shiL] 

17 it-ti'ash-shci-bi sh6 &lu-ki 

18 SHE.BAR id-na-ash-sh2L-[?I 

upon the demand of his representatives 

in the presence of the ' city '." 

19 ar-di i-nu bu-[ut . . . . ] 

20 2L alpu sh6 i-na *"[. . . . ] 

I went down on account of . . . . 

and the oxen which are in the city of . . . . 

21 13 alpu ia-a-nu 2L 10 [. . . . ] ia-a-nu (and found) that 13 oxen are not there 

and 10 t x . . . . . . are not there. 

22 SHE.BAR a-na " izuSin(= XXX)- Measure and pay the barley to Sin-apalapal( 

= TUR. USH)-[grish] 6rish 

23 mu-du-ud-ma i-din-ma li-ish-shh-a so that he can take it away. , 

24 2L at-ta ha-mu-ut-ta Also hurry up and give 

25 al-ka-am-ma SHE.ZER 

26 a-na &lu-kz3 i-din 

the seed-corn 

to the " city ". 

27 SHE.BAR 10 GUR GISH.BAR And as regards the barley, the 10 gur 

GAL shci mIb-ni-i"Marduk GISH.BAR.GAL, due to Ibni-Mar- 

11' of shabiL1.u = sabdm. 

a As SHE.BAR at this time is the "money" or "wages" in form of "barley" which an employee receives for his 

services, the phrase "to eat thebarley of somebody" clearly means "to be in somebody's employ.)' According to this 

ul attu-ll-a SHE.BAR ik-ka-Iu would mean m muc11 as: "my barley, i.e., food they shall no longer eat," "they shall no 

longer be in my employ," "I will dismiss them." But, and this is important, the threat is directed against Innanni. 

We have here clearly an indication that Em'sbapal-iddina, the governor, employed these men upon the instigation 

of Innanni, i.e., they were given an office by and through the help of the "politica1"influence of Innanni; and the gov- 

ernor, in order to force Innanni to comply with his (the governor's) wishes, threatens him with the dismissal of his 

(Innanni's) prot6g6s. For SHE.BAR ef. also p. 113, note 4. 

'The translation of 11. 15f. depends upon whether we read, 1. 18, id-na-ash-she or id-na-ash-shll-nu. As there was 

ample space on the 0. of the tablet for the sign -nuit would seem strange that themiter, if he wrote -nu, should have put 

it on the R. E. We might translate accordingly: "as regards the RZQ . . . and his nine men . . . so give them (= 

idnashshunu, amildti-shd-nu)" or "as regards the RIQ . . . so give him (idnashshu) with regard to his nine men (or for his 

nine men) . . . upon the demand of his representatives (amildti-shu)." 

'The RZQ of Shelibi must have been a rather untrustworthy official seeing that grain shall be delivered to him 

in "the preseneo of the city (i.e., the city's (= Nippur) heads)." 

'The "city" in which Em.8bapafiddina was stationed, i.e., "~lt-~m~sh-a~al-iddina~~.~'

28 nu-da-nu aq-ba-ak-ku 

29 am-mi-ni la ta-di-in 

30 shk-k it-ti-ia te-bi' 

31 ul a-shi-im-ma2 &ti3-lca 

32 ul i-da-bu-ub 

33 urn-ma-aVUM.SARS i~ SUM.EL. 

SAR"AR7 

34 a-nu a-ka-li ia-a-nu 

35 urn-ma-a%-nu Mar-'Ta-a-du 

36 i-na libbis(= SHAG) SHE.BAR at- 

tu-k-a tu-she-irl0 

37 na-ha-sa" aq-ha-ash-shri 

PROD1 THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPl'UR. 

VIII. 

"I have told thee to pay it, 

why hast thou not paid it? 

He is angry with me. 

It will not be my fault, if he does not 

accuse thee, saying: 

'No onions and garlic(?) 

are there to eat,' 

or: 'thou hast given to Mar-T&du 

an order on my barley.' " 

I told him to depart (=''to keep quiet"?) 

No. 84 (= C. n. &I. 3258). (Cf. photogrnphio reproduction, P1. XII, 31, 32.) 

Errish-apal-iddina, a governor, writes to Innanni, the chief bursar of the Nippurian 

Temple storehouses, demanding of him to c,omply with his several wishes. Time 

of Kuri-Galzu, about 1400 B.C. 

For general introduction see preceding letter. The contents are the following: 

(a) The sesame of the prefects must not be accepted, 11. 3, 4. 

' Pcrmnnsive of 33% 

Lit., 'I shnll not ordain it; I shnll not cause it; it will not be my fault." The sense is: Do not blame me if 

he (Ibni-Marduk) nec~iscs-tilee (Innnnni), etc., hut 1 would not be surprised at all if ho dots accuse thee. 

It-ti hcre "agsirrst"; ci. dabdb lin~nnlinc dabribu illi, No. 75 : 6, p. 135. 

* Urn-mtt-a . . . urn-ma-a introduces the twofold possible accusation with which Ibnl-Mnrduli may, and Errishnpol-iddina 

does, tlirenti:n Innanni, viz., sn accusntionof r~cgleet and ono ai fraud. It seems that Errish-apakiddine 

had to irmEn.reh. Innnnni continually in ordcr to rn:tke him livp np to his ngreemcnts (cf. 1. 13). Tho first accusation 

wit11 which Em'sh-apnl-iddina tllreatens Innanni is illis: If thou dost not give to Ihni-Marduk the SHE.BAR he will 

sccnsc t,llee of ncglect by saying there are "no onions, ete., to eat!" This sl~ows that SHUMSBAR, ctc., belong to, 

and furrn part of, SHE.BAR; hence "barley" at this time signifies everytliing that belongs to tlrcsustenance. food, 

of thepcuple, cf. our "bread." Sce also p. 112, note 2. 

For SUM.SA R = sh~imu, "onions," scc H. 11'. B., p. 617. 

SUM.EL.SBR probably = "garlic!" Cf. also Meissner, Idcogramme, Nos. 2070-2972. Or is El, liere=PUL? 

If so, then cf. gisl~shu = gUL(= d-ku-ush).SAR = "cucumber," H. IY. B., p. 508a. 

' KAR indicates here a certain kind of SUM.EL.SBI1. 

The second accus&tion with whiell Innanni is tlireatened by tire write^ is that IIbr~i-Jfarduk &I1 say: "Thou hast 

not only withheld from mc what belongs to mc, hut hast cven given an order on my barley to ~87-'~ddu, and thus hast 

cheated me out of my om." Cf. here p. 87, notc. 

1.0, to take "from' my grain. 

'Osee p. 111, notc 2. 

Na-ha-sa = infinitive (cf. nibdsu, H. TV. B., p. 458a, and Jensen, I


(b) Bring the oil into "the Tablet house," 11. 5-10. 

(c) Send the report about the barley, 11.11,12. 

(d) Give three jars of Lager-beer to gashmar, 11. 13-16. 

(e) Make the GAR.RASH KU, 11.17-19. 

1 a-na "'In-nu-an-ni ki-b6ma To Innanni speak, 

2 um-ma " i'"Errish(t) ( = MASH)- thus saith Errish-apal-iddina: 

apal-(TUR. USIS)-iddina( = SE)""- 

mu 

3 """smashshammu( = GISH.NI) sh6 The sesame of the prefects 

ha-za-an-nu-a-ti 

4 la ta-mu-ha-ar thou must not accept. 

5 at-ta ma-an-nu1 "eshamashshamw~u All who press out 

(= GISH.NI) 

6 li-ip-hu-tu-&maz the sesame 

7 shamnu(= NI.GISH) a-nu i? Q"~DUB"US~ bring the oil (in) to the "Tablet 

li-she-ri-bu4 house," 

8 tl at-ta ""shamashshammi( = GISH. therefore press out thy sesame 

NI)-ka 

9 pu-hu-ut-ma shamnu(= NI.GISH) and bring the oil (in) to 

10 a-nu E """"DUB shh-ri-ib the "Tablet house." 

11 tl di-im SHE.BAR" Also no report whatever 

'Ma-an-nu, beenuse constrned with tlie plurnl (li-ig-hu-lu-&ma, li-she-ri-bu), has here the signification "a11 those 

who." 

2The root ol li-is-bu-tu-ii-ma l~ss to bc, on sccuunt of the writing gu-&?A-ut-ma (1. 9), nnY. It having 

here an object, must slmw nn a in the present, hence gabAtu, igiwt (przt.), igahnt (prses.), gubut (impcrat.). noth 

Delitssch, II. W. D., p. 564b (wrongly lnY), and Ml~ss-A~.noldt, p. 873, lenve this verb untrmslated. The setion of the 

~~hdtu sllilll bc sppliecl to tlre 8hEGISII.NI; the result of tiis is NI.GISIf, n~l~ich s11,zll be brought into thc d ab""DUB. 

From this it follows that suhdtu means something like "to press," "to squeeze out," by chapping up tlie S h T ~ ~ ~ . N ~ 

(I~encc snbdlu parallel to subbum, "klein mnei~,sn," scc II. W. B., LC.), :md is as sucll the same as the Gwrnan "kelitm." 

"Tile oil of the wood;' i.e., tlrc NI.GISII or sbamr~u, is, tlicrclorc, gained by


14 : 6' (10th year of Kuri-Galzu), who appears there as the brother of "Nu-ri-e-a. For 

Sin-is~ahra,~ the head of the royal storehouse, ASH.TAB.BA.GAN.TUG~", see 

pp. 79, 81, 104, 110. 

The contents are: 

(a) Request for payment of barley to 

(a) Idin-Nergal, 11. 3-7, and to 

(p) 'Dini, 11. 10, 11. 

(b) "The wages for the persons" are to be handed over to Sin-issabra, 11.8,9. 

1 a-na "In-nu-an-ni ki-bh-ma 

2 um-ma 'In-hi-A-a-ri-im-ma 

To Innanni speak, 

thus saith Inbi-Airi: : 

3 3 (gur) SHE.BAR a-nu "Idin (= 

SE) -

FROX THE TElIPLE AItCHI17ES OF NIFPUR. 117 

The writer of this and the following lettcrs (Nos. 27, 28), "Ku-du-ra-nu, was a 

c~nt~emporary of Kishahbut.' If so, then Erba-Mardulc of No. 27 : 27, 30, 32 is, no 

doubt, identical with the sukalmahhu of No. 35 : 28. Taking all other passages into 

considerationz I propose to identify our writer with "'Ku-du-ra-ni, the son of "'U-bar-ri 

(see below, p. 126). "Ku-du-ra-ni, being stationed, in the 12th year of Kadashman-Turgu, 

at Pt-nicri" where a certain "'Ta-lci-shu receives grain (SHE) from him 

(ina ~ &t),~ must have been at that time the head of the storehouse at Pt-nicriki. In the 

same capacity he is mcntioned among certain storehouse officials or superintendents 

who paid, in the 13th year of Kadashman-Turgu, SHE HAR.EZA (lit., "interest 

grain") to the city D12r-"~Gu-la~".' We may, therefore, identify the be-li of our letter 

with King Kadashman-Tz~rgz~ and assign the letter itself to about 1360 B.C. 


(a) A plan as to how to pay barley to certain officials, 11. 3-8. 

(b) Concerning fugitives, 1. 9. 

(c) The "stone eyes" will be taken to the gem-cutter's, 11. 12-14. 

(d) The ploughing has been begun two days ago, 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The watcring tank shall not extend to the King's palace, 11. 17-19. 

(f) Wells are few in number and pastures do not exist at all, 11. 19, 20. 

1 ardi-ka "Ku-du-rawnu a-nu di-na-an Thy servant Kuduricnu; before the presbe-li-ia 

lul-lik ence of my "Lord" may I come! 

2 a-r~a iclu-ki si-ri5 i~ btt be-li-ia shri-ul- To the city, the field, and the house of 

mu my "1,ord" greeting! 

3 um-ma-a a-na be-li-iabhic be-li ish- The following to my "Lord": With repu-ra 

gard to what my "Lord" has written 

4 um-ma-a SHE.BAR sh,u "%i-ba-ri- saying: "The barley of the city of 

ti h iL6hKic~-'1uNabO( = AG) Hibariti and of K&-Nabs 

'See introduction to No. 35, p. 120. 

Cf. e.g., "'1\~iir-~"14Sh

118 LE~TI'ERS TO CASSITE ICINGS 

5 a-na """"RIQ' ti ume'uKA.ZID(= 

KU) .DA" i-rli-in 

6 ki-i shh3 '"'"MUM'"-ma ga-am-rat 

I C SHE.BAR GISH.BAR.GAL5 

7 be-li li-mi-da-mae a-na "7n"uRIQ 

am"v,KA.ZID( = KU) .DA 

8 iL7 SHE.ZERhU lu-ud-di-in" hsh- 

shum ummicni( = SAB)"." [ . . . ] 

9 shci hi-il-q~'~ (?) [. . . . ] 

[. . . . large break . . . . ] 

10 [. . . . . . . . ] 

11 a-na mu-uh_ be-li-ia [ul-te-bi-la] 

12 (jsh-shum "b%t',yHI""" "hh "6"" [.. ..] 

' Probably thc otlieinl who gathercd the "vegetables" 01. "green tllings." 

give to the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA 

officersJ'- 

"so may my 'Lord,' as soon as the city 

MUM-ma has paid up, (first) set 

aside (the) 100 (guy) of barley, 

GISH.BAR.GAL, 

for the riqqu and KA.ZID.DA officers, 

in order that I may be able to pay the 

seed-corn." As regards the men 

. . . . 

who have fled(?) . . . . 

"to my 'Lord' I have brought." 

With regard to the "eyes'' of . . . stone 

a Lit., "tlie man who irm tlie s&y (KA) over the flour (ZID.DB)," as regards its gathon'ng audits disposition. 

Ifii sh6, i.e., "wlien it is that," "a3 soon as." 

'Written MUIV, hut lim to be pronounred here, un account of the pllonetic complement -ma, .tfUM; cf. alnn 

and alam, "statur," etc. d z ? L ~ ~ rnny ~ i he i translated eitlier by " l,Va~iislcnstad/," or by "floor (cf. p. 123, nute 10) city." 

Noticc that SHE.IIAR GISII.BAR.GAl,, whioh is "sat asirle," rnay be paid out as SHB.ZER. 

OThe a-ma in li-mi-da-ma indicates tho chieI sentence. Em&du c. acc. and ana, "clmas far jcmand feslsetten, 

Destinzmen," "to set aside." 

~ consccutivum. 

BFor SHSHB.ZEB = ziru, see hfeiswer, idcogr., Nu. 5406. 

I,[. 6-8 is quite a stl.&nge answer to tlre inqui~y of (Ire "Lord." In fttrt it is no answer at all, but o. repien6 

on thc part of the writer that. if he is to pay harlcy to tllc riqqu and KA.ZID.DA, tho "Lard" may first uf all "sot aside" 

thc barley (i.c., give orders that the barley be "set asiilon)-not, that of Bibariti md Ifbr-Nab& however, but that of 

d l , L ~ ~ ~ k i ! 

'O The traces speak rather for ra, fa, sh6. 

I' abr~HlmePh, 

lit. "Angrnsteine," "pei~rls(?)." With regard to these "stonc oyes of . . . . stone" Prof. 

Hilprecht writ,cs me under date of July 2, 11108, as follows: 

"Among the numerous smaller votive ohjects left by the Cassite Icings in Nippur (cf. Hilprecht, R. E., Serics I), 

Vol. I, pp. 335f.) two classes are especially well represented in the museums or Constantinople and Philadelphia: (1) 

Lapis lazuli disks, known under the name of ASH-ME ""'1%knt2 (ei. Hilprecht, 0. B. I, Nos. 58, 59,61, and pp. 49ff., 

and Mcissner, Ideogramme, No. 28). (2) Little plano-convex roundor oval objcots in polished agate, resembling eyes. 

Cf. Hilprecht, LC., Nos. 29, 31, 51, 52, 6.5, 73, 134, 135, 130. In my 'Description 01 Ohjects' I called then, simply 

'agate cameos.' Moreexactly they arc cut out of two-colored agate in snch n manner that tl~elower white layer rep- 

resents the white of the ryos, the uppersrnallcr hrotvn layor thc pupil. As a rule tile pupil alone bears thovotiveinscrip- 

tion, exceptionally it is engraved on the white layer (73), sometimes euneifonn signs arc iound on both (135). All the 

'agatc eyes' so far discovered in Nippur by tho four expeditions, especially hy (.he second and third, hrlong exolusively 

to the Cassite period. In Babylon similar 'eyes' inagate were found in a jeweler's shopof thePo.rthianperiod. From

%&OM TEIE TEMPLE ARCSITES OF NIPPUR. 119 

13 a-nu "I-li-ab-hi-e-ri-bat a-[. . . ."- (I beg to state that) they will be taken 

ma (shall take them?) 

14 i-li-ik-pa-a3 to Ili-ahhi-eriba, the . . . . 

15 hsh-shum shh-ba-shi4 sha be-li ish- With regard to the ploughing, concernpu-ra 

ing which my "Lord" has inquired, 

(I beg to say that) 

16 timu 2k"m a-na shh-ba-shi e-ki-ri-ibj I am at the ploughing for the last two 

days. 

17 Ccsh-shum shh-ki-iVhh i-tu-i~ "12- With regard to the watering tank(?) 

gur-i"Errish(t) ( = NIN.IB) which the it6 Iqur-Errish 

18 shbak-nu-ma be-li ish-pu-ra a-na b&bi is putting up (and) concerning which 

my "Lord" has written (I beg to 

assure my Lord that) 

19 shh b5t be-li-ia ul i-la-ak ku-bur-ra7 it shall not go up (extend to) the gate 

tho insc1,iptions on some of them it becomes elcar that they also belong to the Cassito psriod and originally oame from 

Nippur. There are, howcvor, known two idcnticnl, bcn~itilnl agate ryes (fonnod af three-colored ngnte, tlic lowest lightbrown 

lnyer serving as a basis for tho two upper layers), ~rllicll dattc from the tirnr of Nehnchndrczmr 11, and according 

to the story of tile Arabs, corroborated by the inscription (~.mlning in ininutc hut very clear cllmi~eters along the outer 

edge of the pupil), came from the rilirls of Bitl,yion. This insc1,iption reads: dl?Jabfi-kudum~-t~~i~~ siia~. Bhbili, apil 

dNaba-a.pal-u~ur, nna dMarduic, b8li-shu ipesh(-esh), 'N., king of Babylon, son of N., presented it to &fardnli, liis lord.' 

"In view of these characteristic votive objects of tllc Cusite kings xvc arc scarcely wrong in interpreting 'the 

stone eyes of . . . . stone' montianed in the nborrc pasage m objccta in the sliapc of eyes cut out of a certain stone, 

the name of which is unfortunately broken away, but wliiclr according to the results of the exc,zrations in all proba- 

bility was 'agate,' " Cf. in this conncetion the "eye of God" which secs everything! 

I In vicw of i-li-ik-qa-n. (1. 14) onc might he inclirled to read hcre ml-ii-A&l$ e-ri-ba-a[. . . .]-ma, but tllis would 

give no sati.tisfaetory scnse. 

a We would upeel liere a "title" or tlre "name of the profession" oi Ili-a&i-eribn: ((goldsmith," "gem-cuttor," 

etc. The traces, however, do not fit for zadimrnu or kudirnrnu. 

By translating as given aljovc, 1 tdic i-li-ik-qa-a to he a 3d pcrs. fern, plur. IV1: illiqqd =


XI. 

No. 35 (- C. B. NI. G057) 

of the house of my "Lord." Of 

wells there are only a few 

and of pastures there are none. 

Report of the royal superintendent Kishabbut about his affairs. Time of Kadashman- 

Turgu, about 1355 B.C. 

Kishahbut,"he writer of this and the preceding letter (No. 34), has, if our 

combinations be correct, gradually worked himself up from a rather lowly position 

to that of an itd (1. 25), an "inspector," of the king. In the 11th year (of Nazi- 

Maruttash)' he acted as na-gid, "shepherd," for (ki shum) "Ku-du-ra-ni." In the 

12th year of Nazi-Maruttushbe find him in Zarat-IM" as one of the ENGAR, 

"farmers," "irrigators," receiving PAD or "wages." In the 14th year of the same 

ruler7 (month Tishri) he is stationed as riqqu in KI-"Ga-irki, receiving llKU.QAR 

wages" from Enlil-muktn-apal. Two months later (Kislev) we meet him in the 

same capacity, but in the city Du-un-ni-a-hiki,Veceiving some more "KU.QAR 

wages" from Enlil-muktn-apal. In the 15th year of Nazi-MaruttashQ he is still in 

Du-un-ni-a-hiki, where "KU.QAR wagcs" are "furnishedJ' by him to Apil-i'"Ramm&n 

who is to transport them by ship to Nippur. While living in Kur(or Tar)-ri-ti" he 

appears, during the 14th and 15th year of Kadashman-Turgu'; again as a "payer of 

wages." Finally in the 15th year (of Kadashman-Turgu")wc find him in Dd"~r~~"Nusku~~, 

apparently as a supcrintendent (itd) of the Temple's storehouse, receiving (mi-tab-&rum) 

grain (SHE) from (i-nu q&t) various persons. While in ~dr-"~Nusku~'"' Kishahbut, 

I For nm@u = rnesu, "to be smnll, to be few in nurnbcr (opp. nm'dui," scc Jcnscn, I


no doubt, wrote the letter translated below. The writer's official life extended, 

therefore, over a period of thirty-one years (i.e., from the 11th year of Nazi-Maruttash 

to the 15th of Kadashman-Turgu), and supposing him to have been twenty 

years old when first mentioned, he would have been about fifty-one years when he 

wrote this letter. If our deductions be correct, the be-li of 1. 1 must have been King 

Kadashman-Turgu. 

Erba-M~rduk,.~ "the servant" and sukkalmahhu of the king (11. 17, 26), I propose 

to identify with the one known from B. E., XIV, 19 : 23, as "the son of Sin-n&m&ti."' 

According to this passage Erba-Marduk was one of the Temple or Palace 

servants receiving wages due him for the last six months of the 13th year of Kuri- 

Galzt~. Again supposing that Erba-Mardulc was during the 13th year of Kuri- 

Galzu about twenty years old, he must have been eighty-four years of age in the 15th 

year of Kadashman-Turgu, when he had reached the exalted position of a suklcalmahht~. 

Need we wonder that Kishahbut should have been somewhat irritated about the 

slowness of this old and venerable ~fficial?~ 

The contents of this letter might be conveniently subdivided into the following 

parts: 

(a) Report about a successful completion of building operations, 11. 6-9. 

(b) Fifty-five out of seventy gur of kasia due to the King have been sent,l1.10-12. 

(c) The disposition of wool has been communicated to the King, while the writer 

was received, in Nippur, in private audience by his "Lord," 11. 13, 14. 

(d) Certain buildings (in Ddr-'"'iVuskuk~ need "strengtheningn('!), 11. 15, 16. 

(e) The garments have not been paid to the weavers and fuller^,^ 11. 17-19. 

(f) Digression: Twofold complaint, 11. 20-24. 

(g) Renewed request that adobes be ordered to be made, 11. 25-29. 

(h) The sesame oil of the King has been sent, the shatammu must now store it, 

11. 30-33. 

1 ardi-ka "Ki-shah-bu-u[t] Thy servant Kishahbut ; 

2 a-na di-nu-an be-li-ia lu [1-lik] before the presence of my "Lord" may I 

come I 

3 a-na btt be-li-ia shri-u[l-mu] To the house of my "Lord" greeting! 

I Cf. 1rnl.e also ahoxre, pp. 7, note 1 ; 14, notc 7; 23, 107. 

2 Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 43a, rluotes two passages 11.1iere tliis Erba-Marduic is supposed to liil~re been mentioned, 

hut the second passage (27 : 14) is wrong. Und'er Sin-nlil;mOli only one passage is iluutcd. 

Cf. 11. 25ff., and see already above, Chapter 111, pp. 44ff. 

1 Or complaint about Erhn-Marduk in not sending tlie garn~ents for llre wenvers and fullers, see notes to 11. 17f. 

16

4 ultu(= TA) amTcm ak-shk-d[a]' Since the day I began, I have covered 

5 ish-te-en btta pa-ar-ha2 us-!a-li-i13 one building with (flower) ornamentations. 

6 iL btti ru-uk-ki4 shh be-h i-mu-ru-ma And the farther (away) building which 

my "LordJ' has examined 

7 bu-us-sus na-pa-la%q-ba-a and whose front side he has commanded 

to tear down 

8 ki-i a-mu-ru-ma bu-bu-ur-shQ I hme, after I had examined it, torn 

9 bu-ud-du-ma at-ta-pa-ale it down to improve its ensemble. 

'Lit., "since tlre day wlicn (sc. shd, llencc the relatirc a in akrl~udn) I went at it," i.c., when I began doing it, 

I~ance kashddu llas hcre the iignification of "to hegin, to eornnlence." 

2 Po-or-ha. On account ol the ish-teen we cannot connect Btt-pa-ar-ha, but must take pirrba us object to u?.snlil, 

i.e., prba must signify sometlling with wkicl~ tlre ishten bitn was "covcrcd." From Enod. 25 : 33; 37 : 20 we learn 

thst a m3, generally trinlslated by "flower," was an ornament, resp. ornamention, of the "rsndlrsticl~." Thcre can be 

no doubt that we lrnve thc sane word liere, but ~vl?lretlit:r the ornaments wcm in the shapo 01 "Ruwers" hns to rein air^, 

at tlre present, an open question. 

112 %P C. double ace., "to covcr something with something." Cf. nlsa tile 111 (or I12?) iondin 06 : 22, 

nish~r~~mesh li-gi-el-li-lu-ma. For a diRrrent translntiun of sallilu 11' (a IIZis not rncntioned), see Dclitzsch, N. W. B., 

p. 568n, and Jmsen, K. B., VI1, pp. 485, 343. 

Ru-z~k-ki seems to be here in opposition to ish-ie-en. If so, we might translate islr-te-en bitn . . . . Mti ru-uk-ki 

hy "thc first (= nearer) llvusr . . . . the farther (away) house.'' A place name ifit-Ruyr(i is out of question. 

' Either for pad-su (Dclitzsch, H. I,V, H., p. 516a, "sidc"; Jensen, I

10 iL 70' ZJUka~d(= PUBADU)med'rL shci 

be-li-in3 

11 iq-bu-h4 55 """kastt( = PUBADU)'ne8h 

12 ish-shh-ni-ma id-di-nu-ni" 

13 hsh-shum ship&tu(= SIG)"ia8 i-na 

Nippur( = EN.I,IL)""7 

14 a-na be-li-ia aq-ta-bi 

15 cish-shum E.GAL E A-nu zi b&b A- 

n [u-um ]. 

16 ki-i a-ha-mi-ish ri-i[t-ta?]. 

17 & lubushti(= KU)"."l0 shci ardi-ka 

mErba-"uMurduk 

Flt0,YI THE TEMPLE AIlCHIVES OF NII'FUR. 123 

And with regard to the 70 (gur) of nlg 

"Lord'sJ' kasia- 

"they informcd (me) that they have paid 

out 55 (gur) of kasia." 

As resards the wool-"in Nippur 

I have spoken to my 'Lord' about it." 

As regards the palace, the "Temple of 

God" and the "gate of Godn- 

(I . . . . one with the other." 

And as regards the garments which thy 

servant Erba-Marduk 

' The measure Gull is (a8 is oftcn done at tliis time) left out here; rf. nlso 37 : 8 and sce Tnllqnist, Spmel~e, p. 21. 

'For *"PU&ADU or Sham~~&AU~~.~IIAR or PU&ADU.SZZAR = k


18 a-na """""ishparu(= USH.BAR) u was to have given to the weavers and 

ka-si-rzl fullers 

19 ki-i man-da-at-ti-shC-nu' id-di-nu3 as their due (I beg to state that) 

20 a-shar4 6-kal-lum5 ma-am-ma-1 wherever one looks-none has been 

im(?) -ma-ha-ar received : 

21 um-ma-a7 & shiqlu(= TU)-ma8 hur&pi 

(= AZAG.GI) 

"not even a half sheqel of gold 

22 ul ub-ha-lum do they bring." 

23 urn-ma-a' a-na btti ki-i a-ha-mi- "(Surely), they are, one with the other, 

[ish ] against the 'house' (se. of 

'Lord') ." 

my 

24 it(?)-ta-shci-ah\ ti libittu(= SHEG)'Vhere are also no adobes! 

ia-a'-nu" 

--~~ .~ ~ 

ZZU UD, LC., XV, 140 : 2; KU mi-ir-gi~, l.c.,XV, 110 : 3; XIV, 1170. : 4; KU USII, l.c., XV, 140 : 1; ICU.D.4 GISII. 

BAR SRE.BA, LC., XV, 140 : 5; ICUar-ki-i ("ruckslandiges(Y) Meld"), l.e., XV, 168 : 20; ki-mu, L.c., XV, 59 : 20 1 144: 4, 

5 (not to be identified wit11 ki MU(= shum) hetwecn twu proper names, far which scc p. 6, note); ki-mu HAR.RA, 

LC., XV, 135 : 7. ICU.&AR, for wliich scc Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 28, note to No. 8 : 4, does probably not belong hcrc. 

Are also the pi-&+urn, SHZ GAR.RASH of B. E., XIV, 117a, 11. 1, 3, to be referred to here ? With KUbi." of. 109,l. 8. 

' For kagiru = qiigiru = "fuller," sce Meissner, M. V. A. G., IX (l904), p. 52. %ce p. 99, n. 3. 

The translation of 11. 17-21 depends entirely upon what view one takes with regard to the beginning of thc 

apodosis or answer. Thns per se thc following transli~tions might be suggcstcd: (a) "as regards the garments of thy 

servant-Erba-Ma~dulc 11% given," ete.; (b) ''as rcgnrds thc garments of thy servant E~hn-Murduk-they have given"; 

(e) "as regards the garnlents which thy servant Erba-Mnrduk . . . has given (was to have S-iven)"-answer : 1. 201, ie., 

"whcreuer one looks (where they kecp them), none are (have been) rr:ceived." 

'Far this signification uf a-shnr ef., e.g., C. T.: VI, 3 : 12, a-shar i-qa-ah-bu-d, i.e., (I will give it) "alierever lie 

shall say." 

G-kablum by itself might be takcn cither as a 11' of $13 (i.e., uIeB1Q-ma, cf. d-ka-a-al, Enm. L., 37 : G; II%ktnli, 

Jensen, K. B., VI1, p. 356), "to lift up" (synonym ol nashtt), used not only of "the head" hut also of " thc eyes," 

i.e., "to see "; cf. kullu shd mimma(!), 11 R. 27 : 39, 40e, f. Or, if one prcfers, he rrligllt see in f~kaliam n 111 of ili3 

(i.e.,ukallt-ma) with the signification 01 "to sllut up," "lo kocp," c. inn, "in soinetl~ing," cl. C. T., 11, 19 (=B2 290): 1, 

ka-li-a-lcu, "I am shut up, kept (in the house of the obarakku)"; B. I{., XIV, 135 : 3, i-na k%-li . . . ik-lcb-shii-ma. If 

~ 

talcen in the latter sonso, 1. 20 might hc translatcrl: "wherc they I'rrp tllcln (se. tho garments) nurlc have beer, received." 

'Here "r~eulcr" as in S. 273 : 22, akdla(= GAR) me-am-ma a-na a-ko-li-ia, " samething to eat" ; V. 8. 'l'l~., 

809 : 8, a-na ma-am(?)-ma, "fur anytl~ing," i.e, "at all events," kaspa shu-hi-lcm. See also Dclitcsoh, Gram., p. 142. 

Introduces here the direct speech of the implied coznplairll ol I. 20. 

Stands herc for A.AN, "vis." For the signification of A .4N behind numerals see now Hilprecllt, 11. E., XX', 

p. 22, note 2, and ef. Xo. 33a : 13, p. 137. 

It-ta-sha-ah, tltougll parallcl to ?rh-bn-Ltm, is liere in thc singular on nc:coui~t oi tlie silbject "one" implied in 

ki-i a-ha-mi-ish. I0Sce p. 95, n. 4. 

" Besides ia-a'-nu (so also 11 : 22, 28 1 13 : 15 ! 28 : 20 187 : 14, 18) there occur the lollowing variants in these 

letters: ia-a'-nu-urn, 26 : 20; ia-a-nu, 18 : 28 1 66 : 27, 29 1 71 : 16 1 83 : 21; ia-nu, 14 : 13 1 23 : 30 1 44 : 11 1 57 : 13, 

14 181 : 12 195 : 14; ia-a-nu-me, 95 : 18; ia-a-nu-urn-mi, U. E., XIV, 8 : 8. For tho -mi(= -mu, -me) rf. now Hinl'e, 

8. E., Series Il, IV, p. 282a. For this and tbe following liacs cl. pp. 41f.

FROM THIC TTEXPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 125 

25 hsh-shum a-na-ku i-tu' be-li-ia As regards this that I, the it0, of my 

"Lord," 

26 al-li(?)-kaz a-na "Erba-'""rfarduk have come (saying): "Send to Erba- 

Marduk 

27 shk-pu-ur-ma a-nu mKu-du-ra-ni that he send to KudurhniH- 

28 [lil-ish-pu-ra-ma sukkalmahhu(= "so may the sulckalmahhu (i.e., Erba- 

PAP.LUGH.MAGH) li-i [q-bi] Marduk) finally give orders 

29 libittu( = SHEG)m"h li-il-bi-nu that adobes be made." 

30 hsh-shum3 shamnu(= NI.GISH)hhu As regards the sesame-oil of my "Lord"be-li-ia 

na-shu- [ma? lj "It has been removed" they read 

31 il-ta-na-sz~ a-na " Ku-du-r [a-nil when I spoke to Kudurkni 

- 

32 [ardil-ka ki-i aq-bu-6 um-ma-a thy servant : "Give the sesame-oil to 

shamnu(= NI.GISH) i-nu qkti-ia me." 

[i-din]" 

33 be-li a-na shatammi(- SHAG.TAM)' My "Lord" may now send to the shatam- 

li-islz-pu-ra-ma shamnu(=NI.GISH) mi that they store up the oil. 

shub( = R U)-ta lish-ki-nu-[ma]" 

'See Chapter 111, p. 35, nolr 4. 

The ain al-li-ka sllows that it is depcndent upon a suppressed shd after dsh-shum. And because allika is folloned 

by the imperative shupurma (1. 27) we Imve to supply an uncrnd bcforc a-namE~-ba-il"Marduk, maldng it a dircrt speech. 

See Chapter IVc, p. 82. 

' Prom 84 : 6 it is apparent that NI.GISH, "the fat of the tree," i.e., shamnu or "oil," was obtained by "pressing" 

(sabdtu) the SNlC.CISH.NI, i.e., the shamashshammu or "sesame." NIGISlI is, therefore, at this time the ''sesame 

oil." For other occurienccs of NI.GISII in our letters sec 13 : 14 / 21 : 32 127 : 12, 13, 15 1 35 : 32, 33, and for 

SHE.GISH.NI cf. 8 : 3 6 5 : 5 8 4 : 3, 5; B. A'., XIV, 136 : 4. Cf. p. 114, note 2. 

Emendation doubtl'ol, yet probable. For nnshii in connection with the "removal" of goods "fronr" or "to" 

certain places cf. among other passagcs also B.E., SV, 53 : 12, ASH.AN.NA . . . . shd d kzr-nt6-uk-ki a-na EAT.LIL~~ 

na-shu-zi; LC., 5.5 : 3, JCU.DA . . . . sl~d ishtu shb fie., "which lrorrl that of," Clay, LC., p. lg, Nu. 14, wrongly "from") 

6"71Ske-li-bi ~ur-sho-a; l.e., 1011 : 1, SI1E sl~d ishtu EN.LILki ra-sha-a 1CI-II (i.e., SHE sb6 ishtu) ""~al-bi4o (sc. nasba-a); 

l.c, 115 : 25, IISH.AN.N~I shi6-shum shb . . . . a-na karr2 ish-shu-wi; l.c., 181 : 2, RU.DA . . . . a-na UA'UG~~ 

ish-shu-zi, etc., cte. Cf. already p. 116, note 4. 

BTllis is, it secms to me, the best cmmldation aecordirlg to the traccs visible. 1-na *&ti-ia i-din, "give into my 

hand," is as rnuch as idinanni, "givr (unto) me." 

'See Chapter 111, p. 35, note 3. 

BSht~btn 

shnkdns, c, nec., "to put sometliirlg on a place," "to makc a resting place for something," ie., "to store 

it." Herr (and p. 62, n. 5) rhnkiinu is construed with double ace, Lhr p,ssit,ility of whirli appearrd to Jenscn, IC. B., VI', 

p. 412, doubtful. Sotice also the vdgitr preterit fonn (1)ish-hi(!)-nzr for (1)ish-ku(!)-nu, dnc, no doubt, to the influence 

of n, aided by the i oi lish; ci, also p. 'J7, n. 7. If one prefers, lrc may see in lishkinu a 111"' of 113, ushkin 

(cf, ushmit of nln) + lu = lishkin (for lushkin), taking it as a causative of 111, for whioh sge Delitzseh, H. W. B., 

p. 322a, "etwas an elnem Ort aujstellen, niederlegen."

LETTERS TO CASSlTE KINGS 

XII. 

No. 39 (= C. B. $1. 3661). 

Ubarrum, a royal inspector, resp. superintendent, of rivers and canals reports to King 

Kudur-Enlil about the results of his various inspections. About 1335 B.C. 

From No. 39 : 21 we learn that the writer of this and the following letter, 

Ubarrum, was in one way or another connected with the city Drir-i'uEnlil"i"~'"e6hhbi. 

This very same city is mentioned, among other places, also in B. E., XIV, 118 : 1' 

(5th year of Kudur-Enlll). It happens that this last-named tablet mentions, to a 

great extent, the same persons which occur again in No. 48.qmong the names of 

No. 48 is to be found also that of "U-bar-rum (48 : 7). From. this it would follow 

that both3 persons by the name of Ubarmm, because closely connected with one 

and the same city, are in all probability identical. If so, I propose to identify our 

writer with the father of both Kudurhni, B. E., XIV, 112 : 7 (14th year of Kadashman-Turyu) 

and Zakirum, B. E., XIV, 114 : 17 (15th year of Kadashman-Turgu) ; 

in other words, Ubarrum, the writer of Nos. 39 and 40, is the father of lmiter ai Nos. 39, 40 nrld Llrnt of 48 : 7. 

See introduction lo No. 26, p 117. 

5B. E., XIV, 112 : 7 1 114 : 17 . 

0 Cf. No. 48 : 7 vitli 1. 8 and witli B, B., XIV, 118 : 16 ( 124 : 14.



(a) Concerning the fields of ~ulculti-l?.~~~~~, 11. 4-6. 

(b) Concerning a flooded district, 11. 7-12. 

(c) Concerning the condition of the fields with crop belonging to Burr&, 11. 

12-16. 

(d) Concerning ~ a ~ - ~ ~ , 11. ~ 17(?)-26. ~ ~ l i l ~ . ~ - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 

(e) L1. 27-39, too fragmentary. 

This letter may be read and translated: 

1 ardi-lea "U-bar-rum a-nn di-na-an 

be-1 [i-ia lul-lik] 

2 um-m [a-a] a-na be-li-ia-ma 

3 a-nu eql2(= A.SIlAG?') iL am"l"alcil 

erish6( .PA"?) .ENGA R)shi. be-ti-ia 

4 shk-ul-ntu i-na bu-ut" eql&(= A. 

Thy servant Ubarrum; before the pres- 

ence of my "Lord" may I come, 


To the field and the chief irrigator of my 

"Lord" 

greeting! With regard to the fields 

5 shh Tuk( = KU)-kul-ti-l?.K~R~~~ of ~ukulti-&.KU~ concerning which my 

sha b [e-li] 

"Lord" has written (I beg tlo state 

6 ' ish-pu-ra ik-te-di-ir-[ru?]" 

that) they have established their 

boundaries. 

7 it ummbni( = SAB)"." shh pa-te-simeeh And as regards the workmen of the 

,iL [la-me-e?]%e-e pa-te-si and the [flood?] of waters 

8 ish-turn7 ""'"Tulc(= KU)-kul-ti-I?. extending from the canal Tukulti- 

KURki &.KUR 

9 a-di k-ga-ri-e"hh ta-mi-ir-ti to the plains in the neighborhood 

' Doulitful, supplied ~cconiing tol. 4. %Xigirt ha SIIA(G).TAM., for whicli see Chapter 111, p. 35, note 3. 

2The PA = nkil is uncertain. Wc possibly might lla\.e tn rcad amel% nirh.E~~.4~, id., "one that tends tlis 

watering machine." For "ilhE.V~illl, i.e., nnrcobu, "S~lzDpjwerk," see Hilprecht, R. E., IS, p. 40, notc to I. 2, cf. Code 

oj I,'amnit~mbi, 3R : 11, 14, and nhavc p, 35, lrotc 3. A greeting "to the field nncl irrigator(s)" would hc, it seonls, 

Inore in accord with tlrc position of Uharru, tile royltl inspertor of rands and watcrwitys. 

Y-no. bu-ut = inrr rnvbbi = shd ot.6shsi~tcni, see Chapler 11, p. 24, note 7. 

' Cf. hcre mTuk~~lti(= RU)'"@.I


10 ha-am-n1 shh i-na mi-li ma-ha-ri-i2 of the hamri-the district which during 

11 mu4 is-ha-tu-ma ip-ti-nu-ma3 

a former flood 

the waters had seized and devoured (I 

beg to state that) 

12 iz-zi-zu4 ih-ta-tu-ni tl bar-bus they have subdued (sc. the [flood] of 

waters of that district). And with 

regard to the (field with) crop 

13 shh "Bu-ur-ru-ti sh6 i-na belonging to Burrzlti, which 

14 ta-mi-ir-ti ha-am-ri in the inundated district has become free 

15 za-ku"dic( = du1)-ul-la7 ul i-pu-ush (sc. from the waters of the flood, I beg 

to state that) nothing is being (has 

been) done. 

16 mu4 ma-ha-ru-&turn8[. . . . .] The former waters . . . . 

17 ti umm&ni(= SAB)"." shh be-li-ia And as regards the workmen of my 

dtl( = du1)-ul-la "Lord," (I beg to say that) the 

work 

18-20 [. . . . ] .... 

21 [, . , , 1 shb ~ 

22 [....I 

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ - l i l " i . ~ - . . ~ . ~ . of ~ ' Ddr-Enlil. 

~ - ~ ~ 

.... 

With ha-am-~i, ef. I. 14; 52 : 19, ztr(?) epli(= A.SHAG) ha-am-rum; B. E., XIV, 114 : 13, 14, ~n-am-riki. 

Delitzsch, II. Ill. /I., p. 283a, mcnt,ions a bamru wititout giving a, transli~tion. I'iiiclllcr, MedLrin, p. 110, renders 

hamilru by "wallen." In our possngc here bamrlr is apparently n kind of field, more particularly n field tliat has becn 

seized and east into disorder by waters. Prof. Ililprecht (personal eo~ninunication of July 9, 1908) cornpilrcs rvitli it, 

quiteeorrectly, the Hebr. >@I, Rnh. 3 : 15, Ex. 8 : 19, and suggcsts s translation "Uebc~~sel~wemncung~~ebiet." 

2 Ma-ha-ri-i (a side form of mabrd) ha8 IL pl~lr8.1 ma-ha-7%-li-Lwm (I, 16); frorrl this it follows t,llat mu-li (1. 1G) 

must likewise be a plural. 

3 Ip-ti-nu-ma, root lnD. The signification "to strengthen, support, protect" (Hilprrcllt, Ij. E., IX, p. 53, 

note :), does not fit l~crc, nor does any signification wlrich Delitaseli, R. 117. B., p. 553h, assigns to it. Pethnu here is 

parallel to ~ahhtu, and, because it follows the latter, expresses tlic ~.csult of the snhdtu. Dclitasch, l.c., lrlcntions s pitnu, 

"Schlinge," i.e., lit. "a seizer," thus showing again that pntilnu is a synonym of sabiilu. Tile walcrs took (pabiZtu) and 

seized (pafdnu) the fields during a former flood and, as a result of this, were east into disorder (ei. Arab, pafana, e. i., 

ezeiler, seduire); pilnat, diseorde, sddition, froubles, cto.). Still bcttcr it would be to derive this putirnu, witli Hilpreeht, 

from pathnu = akiilu, "to eat, to devour," Deliteach, H. W. B., p. 553h., hence pnfbnu, iptin, ipatlan! 

4 Zp&-zu ibta-tu-wi is (like is-ba-lu-mo ip-ti-nu-ma) a i u drii rluui~i ; lit.: "as regards tile worl-men . . . . 

they arose, subducd the wsters (se. by leading thorn back into their dams, cf. 40 : 19)." Zb-ta-tu-ni I take as a I2 of 

nnn, "to subdue," I)elitzsch, H. 1V. B., p. 295b. 

For bar-bu see p. 130, note 6. 

Za-ku I take as a permnnsive af n31, "to be or hecomc free of something" (Delitasch, H. W. B., p. 2.54a). 

Translate: "with regard ta . . . . which (is ~ituated) in . . . . (and which) has becomc free (sc. from the water of 

the flood)." 

1 For dulla epdsl~u 

see also Uehrens, L. S. S., II', p. 8. 

Cf. above. note 2.

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NI~PUR. 129 

23 [. . . . ] li-ish-pu-.iL-ra-[am-]ma1 . . . . may send 

24-26 [. . . . ] .... 

27 um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia i-na [. . . . ] Also the following to my "Lord": "In 

.... 

28-37 [. . . .] .... 

38 sh6 be-li ish-pu-ra a-na be-li-ia concerning which my 'Lord' has in- 

quired (I beg 

39 ush-te-bi-la to say that) I have sent it to my 'Lord.' " 

XIII. 

No. 40 (= C. B. &I. 6134). (Ci. pliotogrphic reproduction, PI. X, 24, 25.) 

Ubarrum, the royal superintendent of rivers and canals, lodges a complaint against 

the prefect of DQr-Sukal-papaki. Time of Kudur-Enlil, about 1335 B.C. 

. 

For the general introduction see preceding letter, No. 39. 

The contents of this letter, being similar to those of No. 39, may be subdivided 

into the following parts: 

(a) Complaint lodged against the prefect of DQr-Sukal-patraki for neglect of 

a certain canal, 11. 3-20. 

The answer to this complaint lodged with King Kuclur-Enlil by Ubarnn. is, no 

doubt, contained in No. 42 : 4f. : "As regards the fields, which my 'Lord' has given 

and concerning which Ubamu has reported to my 'Lord' saying: 'he has 

neglected (lit. forsaken) them,' (s.c. I beg to state that) 'I have not neglected 

(forsaken) them,' " see above, p. 26, note 6. From this it follows that No. 42 is a 

letter of the "prefect" (hazannu) of DCr-Sukal-papa, addressed to the be-li or King 

Kudur-Enlil, teaching us that the prefect held DCr-Sukal-patra as a fief of the crown 

(eqlbesh shd, be-li id-di-nu, 42 : 4, cf. below 1. 11, shh i-nu libbibi-shh h-ma-al-lu-iL), and 

that royal officers never mention their titles when writing to their "Lord," but have 

to be content with the sttribute "servant," ardu. 

(b) Request that the King issue orders to the sheriff2 that the waters of the 

Ilu-ipush and Nalah canals be led back into their dams, 11. 21-26. 

' Notieo hcre tlie long ?i in bd and ef., e.g., 21 : 28, im-qu-zi-tu; 40 : 12, irm-'u-21-ub (or i-ra-a'-21-ub?); 38 : 2, lu-21ul-li-ik. 

=The iaet that orders shall be given to tlic "sheriff" shows that the waters of thcse two canals, in wliicll the 

King bas an interest, had been criminally pit to misuse. 

17

1 ardi-ka " U-bar-mm a-na di-na-'an be- 

li-i [a lul-lilc ] 

2 um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-a-ma 

3 ba-za-an-nu shh D&r-mSukal( = 

PAP?)-pad-ra"' 

4 nam-ga-ra2 is-si-[ki-]iF a-di shi-it-ta4 

5 ta-mi-ru-tis shh bar-piG i-sha-aq-qu-iL1 

6 u 20 bar-bu8 sha ub-bu-lig 

Thy servant Ubamm; before the pres- 

ence of my "Lord" may I come, 


The prefect of Dar-Sukal-pabra 

has shut off the canal so that they can 

irrigate (water) at the most 

only two fields with crops, 

while there are 20 (fields with) crops 

which 

are perfectly dry and hence are de- 

stroyed. 

I For furnlstion ci. DiLP-ZC~ri-Ca1zu and Diir-'" il"~rrish(t)-npal-i~ldina, U. E., XIV, 18 : 7. 

'For thc various oecnrrcnces and writings see under "Names of Rircrs nnd Cannls." 

Sakdru when used of "cnnal8" mcans "Lo sl>ut off, stop LIP, dam" (opp. pita). Cf. is-ki-ir, 40 : 9; c si-ki-ir-mu, 

3 : 18; is-5-i-i-ki-ir, 34 : 32; us-si-ki-ir, 12 : 5. Zssikir = itsikir = itarrkir (the i in thc last syllable on account' ul the 

r! sec p. (17, note 7) = ilsakar, a 12, SO lilr I

8 [be]-li me-e a-a-&-ti1 ish-ki-ma 

9 [. . . . ]-aZ nam-gar-ra is-ki-ir 

10 be-li lish-pu-ra-am-ma ta-mi-ir-ta 

11 shci i-nu libbihi-shh &-ma-al-lu-12 

lish-ki 

12 & ub-bu-la li-shh-alc-li-ma4 

13 be-2% mi-ig-ra iL e-ri-shci 

14 la 1;-ha-ad-di nam-gar-shh mush-shur" 

15 iL sh&-& a-nava-an nam-ga-ri 

16 shh be-li-ia a-shi-ib mu-& i-na namga-ri-shu 

17 m[a]-a'-du iL shh-& a-na pa-an 

18 nam-ga-ri an-ni-i a-shi-ib 


My "Lord," thus he has watered and 

. . . . the canal he has shut off! 

My "Lordnmay give orders that he water 

the whole field with which he has been 

entrusted 

and thus put an end to its being dry. 

My "Lord," may not delight in a favorite 

and (or: i.e., in) an irrigator who neglects 

his canal ! 

Let either the superintendent of the 

canal 

of my "Lord"-if water be plentiful 

in his canal- 

or the superintendent of 

this canal (sc., which has been neglected 

so shamefully by the prefect) 

'?%, "to ernhamass," etc.). I propose, tlicreforc; to take i-di-ip-p as standing for i'laqqii, iltnygii, ittcyrlii, iteqp, idiqqli, 

IZ of ili)?, "to he in want." The long li at thc end is not the plur;tl, but the relntivc in pause: ittitqya+, alter shd (1. 6). 

Ililprecht (Icttcr of July 9, 1001) proposes to derive idikka from clikiZ, postulating the significations: 1, "stiirzen, 

ucmiehten, zerslnren" (tmnsitiro) ; 2, "z~v~starzen, wmfnllen, umkomrncn" (intr:~nsitivc), tritilslittirlg "und verderben 

(kommen urn)," and referring this oxprcssion to the "Getreide, dns die Xripfe hhnqen lhsst, dns umf&llt, un~lnickt." 

Howevel., if one prefers, he may see in i-di-ik-ku-u a IZ or IV1 (cl. No. 26 : 1.4, i-li-ik-qn-a, seep. 119, note 3) of i131 = 

ili)l with passive signification: "and in consequence of wltiell ( = iL consecutivum) are cast down, destroyed!" The 

last derivation and translation is possibly better than the one mentioned abovc ("are in want"). 

A-a-11-ti cannot he licrc translated by "mer, weleher" (It. W. R., p. 47b), but must be, on account of its position 

(after the noun), an adjective. A-a-&ti me-e = "what waters?" me-e n-a-&ti = "what kind of waters!" i.e., "such 

waters!" This line, therefore, is a cornplaint in the farm of ridiculc and scorn which the writer expresses with regard 

to the preleet's doings: "My 'Lard!' (or en-ni = en-na, "behold"?) in sucll a way, 154th such waters he Ilao, watered the 

fields!" 

a Read [iL shlil-~j? For -ma ti ef. also p. 138, note 4.. Trsnslatc: "Thus he llas wntercd secing that (A) 'that 

one' (shli-zi) has shut off the cmal." 

*Lit., "\vitll wlli~ll he (i.e., my "lr,rd") has filled his heart," i.e., "which hc has given him.'' Hence i-na 

1ihbi"-shzi = ana (inn) @ti-shdumalld, "with which he has filled his hand, which he has entrusted to him." 

111' of i113, a synonym of ilil3, and having the same meaning as sabhyu, "to cover something, to suppress it, 

to bring to end, to end." 

Wu-ushshur, 11' permansive in eircumstmtial i:lause: "leaving," i.e., "who leaves!' This explains how 

the prefcct "shot off" (is-si-lei+, 1. 4) the canal: he left it, paid no attention to it, neglected it (Permansive 11' = 

duration and intensity!). .4nd by neglecting it, the ennal was in course of time filled up with mud. This caused the 

dryness (ub-bu-li, 1. 6). 

A-m pa-an . . . . a-shi-ib = ina pdn Ashib, one that dwclls, is at the head of sorncthing, i.e., a superinte~deet. 

Cf. here also 13 : 9, a-sl'i-ib pa-ni-shzl-nu. Or is it only "the one who lives near it"?


19 i-nanam-ga-ri-sh&(?)'me-e lil-ki-ma2 lead (take)waters through (into) his canal 

20 nam-gar-ra shci be-li-ia li-mash-shi-ir3 and (in this case) let alone my "Lord's" 

21 ine-e "'""Ilu-i-pu-ush 

22 iL me-e "AmNa-la-a& 

23 me-e xi-it-ti5 shci be-li-ia 

canal! 

As regards the waters of the Ilu-ipush 

and the waters of the Nalahwaters 

in which my "Lord" has an 

interest- 

['let my 'Lord' send greeting to the 

sheriff 

24 be-lia-na GU.EN.NA~~~~~U(=DI) li-iq-bi-ma7 

25 a-na ki-sir( = BU)-tis lish-pu-ru- that they lead (the waters) back into the 

ni-im-ma" dam 

26 lid-di-nu-ma e-ri-shi~ la i-ma-ad-di.1° in order that the 'irrigator' do not complain." 

XIV 

No. 75 (= C. B. M. 12,582). (Cf. photograplrio rcproductian, PI. 111, 89.) 

Royal summons issued by King Shagarakti-Shuriash to his sheriff Amel-Marduk. 


The King as shalckanakku i"'Enlil administered and looked after the Temple 

property of the god of Nippur, consisting of fields, flocks, taxes, revenues, etc. In 

the administration of such vast and extended holdings of god Enlil he had to depend, 

in a large measure at least, upon his officials: shepherds, farmers, collectors of taxes, 

prefects, governors, etc. It is only natural that such an army of officers, differing 

' I.c., into the canal of the barannu (1. 3) who had ncglceted it by forsaking it (I. 14). 

>Z.e., my Lord may command that either he . . . or he lead (tskc). 

Seeing that the Eatannu has forsaken and neglected his canal, the 1-ing sllall issue orders tu the "supcrinten- 

dent" (who apparently is a higher official than the "preEectn) that thc latter lead waters through (into) tlie neglected 

canal and in this case do without tho waters from the "Lord's" canal. 

' For the situation of t,l~is c;~nal cf. tile topographies1 nap of Nippur in T. D. 8, of U. o/ Pa., 11, p. 223f., and sco 

Cli~y, B. E., XIV, p. 7, comparing with it what has been said under n"uNalabin "Nalncs of Canals and Rivers," below. 

'See Delitssch, H. W. B., p. 21i5b; Tallquist, Sprache, p. 70, and Meissner, 8. P., p. 104. 

"or this title cf. introduction to No. 75, p. 133. 

Lit., "speak greeting!' 

With ki-sir-ti, "stone dam," of. also 13 : 6. 

QLish-bu-m-ni-irn-rna lid-di-nu-ma, Ev ri~d Svoiv: that they (the men instructed by the slicriff, i.e., the deputy 

sheriffs) may send or give orders that the waters of the two canals (11. 21, 22) be given back, returned, led back into 

their dams. 

'OFor i-ma-ad-di = i-ma-a&& root ifBD, see Jensen, R. B., VI', pp. 364,557, "klagen, sliihnen, Wehklage crheben 

u. derg2." and cf. 13 : 18, d-ma-da = urnat@.

FROM THE TEMI'LE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 133 

in rank and influence, could not at all times work together in harmony and peacefulness. 

Then, as now, petty jealousies made themselves felt, which very often 

took the form of slander. Wheresoever and whensoever opportunity offered itself, 

one official would accuse the other of all imaginable offenses in the administration 

of his particular office. The result of such an accusation, which here is indignantly 

referred to as "slander," is this letter. 

Banibi, son of #&mi, a shepherd, had complained to the King, his highest, 

superior, of having been slandered by Errish-niidin-shum and others. The nature 

of this slander is, unfortunately, not to bc made out, as the passage in question is 

very mutilated. It possibly referred to some wrong statements supposedly to have 

been made by the complainant at the time when the inventory of the flocks was taken. 

The King, knowing that the affairs of the Temple and State can best be administered 

only if slanders, wrong accusations, and jealousies give way to peace, quietness, and 

"brotherly love" among the several officials, dispatches this letter to Amel-Marduk, 

summoning him to produce the orginators of the slanders and bring them before 

him (the King). 

Two things become evident from this letter: (1) Every offense against an 

official of the Temple or State is a crime against the King-a Zhse majesth. The King, 

therefore, appears not only as the person to whom the officials had to and did report 

their grievances, but he, as good administrator, takes an interest in the happiness 

and contentment of his subordinates by trying to do justice to both, offender and 

offended. This he did by inquiring into the pro and con of the accusations and by 

passing judgment thereon: the King becomes thus the highest judge, the court of last 

appeal. (2) Amel-Mardz~lc, to whom the royal summons was issued, is evidently an 

official of the King, whose functions consisted in citing, resp. arresting, and bringing 

before the King, for purposes of judgment (dtnu), slanderers or other criminal offenders. 

From 81 : 6f. we learn that such an official was known by the title GU.EN.NA, i.e., 

lit. "strength of the Lord," who may or may not have other GU.EN.NA's,i.e.,dePuty 

sheriffs, under him, for we read,l.c.,Qsh-shum miir&m"h Ni-ib-bu-rum shQ GU.EN.NA-ka 

ash-shi-mi-ka im-ta-nu-ah-ha-rum wm-ma-a a-na M&r-"In-ni-bi a-na di-ni [. . . . 1, i.e., 

"as regards the Nippurians whom thy1 sheriff has seized (lit. has received) upon thy 

command (I beg to state) the following: 'To M&r-Innibi for the purpose of judgment 

[hehas taken them"."' Amel-Marduk, exercising here the functions of the GU.EN.NA, 

has, therefore, to be identified with the Amel-i"Marduk GU.EN.NA En-lilk. B. E., 

' I.c., '"Abu-li-a-Ba-ni, thc addressee uf the letter, who, therelore, nlust have been n sheriff-in-chief. 

%See already abovc, p. 24, note 5.


XIV, 136 : 1. From B. E., XIV, we furthermore learn that Amel-Marduk lived 

during the 5th' and 8th"ear of Kudt~r-Enlil,' "the beginning of the reign,'I4 and the 

8th; 9th: and 10t,hl year of Shagarakti-Shuriash. As sheriff (GU.EN.NA" he had, of 

course, a prison (ki-li, B. E., XIV, 135 : 3), where such persons as "xErr/.rzsh(t)- 

nddin-shum, the slanderer, were held (lcalli) for judgment; he had to be present 

(h-kin-nu) when the several scribes made their final reports (ri-ba-a-nu shci DUB. 

SHARmehshci NIN.APh, B. E., XIV, 136 : 1) or "drew the balance of accounts." 

In short, wherever and whenever the "affairs (amktz) of the KingJ' were in need of the 

strong support of the "arm of the law," the GU.EN.NA had to give it: he was "the 

Lord's (EN-NA) strength (GU)," as such acting "for (or in place .of) the King," 

ina muh, LUGAL, p. 84, note 9. 

Amel-Marduk seems to have advanced to the office of a GU.EN.NA from that of a 

""""SAG.LUGAL. In the latter position he is mentioned during the 6th and 7th 

year of Shagarakti-Shuriash. I read therefore, B. E., XIV, 132 : 2, ~mAmel-i'u]fifarduk 

amobSAG.LUGAL. In his capacity as SAG.LUGAL he was present (h-kin-nu,) 

at the taking of the inventory of the flocks (mi-nu LIT.GUD ti GANAM.LU). 

This very same tablet mentions also "Ha-ni-bi m&r Sa-a-mi (l.c., 1. 12), the nu-gid or 

"shepherd," who appears in our letter as the complainant (1. 7). There can, then, be 

no doubt that the Amel-Marduk of our letter has to be identified with the GU.EN.NA 

of Nippur, and that the King who addressed this letter to his sheriff was none other 

than Shagaralcti-Shuriash. Our letter has, consequently, to be placed at about 1325 

B.C. For documents which are clearly official reports ("""nUB) of the sheriff Amel- 

Marduk"o his "Lord," i.e., either to King Kudur-Enlil or to King Shagaralcti- 

Shuriash, see No. 3 (report about the condition of canals, cf. 40 : 24 146 : 11); B. E., 

XIV, 123a : 15 (report about the royal(!) ZI.GA), and B. E., XIV, 137 (report about 

the liabilities, LAL.NI, of the prefects, bazannu). Our letter may be transcribed 

and translated as follows: 

B. fi., XIV, 118 : 19. 

L.c., 1Z3a : 15. 

#Tho An,ol-ihMa~du!: ~nentioued in the 13th year of Ru[ . . . . 1, B. &., XIV, 125 : 4, bclongs to the reign of 

Ku[ri-Gulzu!]. This against Clay, 1.c. 

' L.c., 127 : 3. 

' L.c., 135 : 3, 15. 

' L.c., 130 : 1. 

' L.c., 137 : 27. 

a For other occurrences see 40 : 24 145 : 19 ( 46 : 11 j 59 : 5; B. E., XIV, 39 : 1 / 142 : 28; R. E., XV, 191 : 13; 

Meis~ner, ~dko~rarnrne, No. 2050; HinBe, B. E., Series D, IV, p. 2646. Far tho (;~.EN.NA among the gods see my forth- 

coming volume on "The Religious Texts ol the Tcmple Library." 

'The shd-la-dsh-shum after Amcl-Mardtbk in B. E., XI', 171 : 6, wbich Clay, l.c., p. 26b, takes to be a title, is, 

of course, an Imperat. 1111 of 7 5 ~ 

+ shli + m(a).

1 a-na "Ame1'"Marduk ki-bi-ma 

2 um-ma sharru( = T,UGA L)-ma 

3 um-ma-a a-na mAm~el-i"Marduk 

4 " ""Errish(t) ( = NIN.IB)-n&din ( = 

SE)-shum( = MU) 

5 m&r "A p-pa1-nu-a-[a?] 

6 shci da-ba-ab [limndtim] 

7 it-ti "Ma-ni-[bi id-bu-ub] 

8 ic "Dam-qu [micr . . . . ] 

9 [shci i]t-ti " Q"XXX-[. . . . ] 

10 [da-ba]-ab [limndtim idbub] 

11 iL[....] 

12 [. . . . ] " i"XXX-[&rish] 

13-17 [. . . . ] 

18 [. . . . ]a bu(?) nu(?) 

19 [. . . . 1-di-in 

20 [. . . . 1-da-ku 

21 [. . . . be]-el da-ba-bi-shh 

22 a-na m[uh]-ia 

23 shh-bi-la-ash-shh. 


XV. 

To Amel-Marduk speak, 

thus saith the King. 

The following to Amel-Marduk : 

Errish-nicdin-shum, 

son of Appanki, 

who has slandered 

Hanibi; 

and Damqu, the son of . . . . 

who has slandered Sin-. . . . 

and . . . . 

. . . . Sin- 

. . . . his slanderer 

bring him 

before me! 

No. 33a (= C. B. M. 6123). (Cf. photograpl~ir rcproduction, PI. IV, 10, 11.) 

A general's explanatory letter to the King. About 1400 B.C. 

The expressions "guards," "chariots," "fortress," "enemy," "to campaign," 

L' to go on an expedition" (ana girri alicku resp. tebd), "to plunder," etc., etc., occur- 

ring in this letter, show that the writer must have been an officer, more especially a 

general commanding the chariots (cf. ash-ba-tu, 1. 22) in his King's army. Unfor- 

tunately for our investigation there occurs only one name in the whole letter, and 

this is not mentioned in any of the tablets published in B. E., XIV and XV. We 

are, therefore, at a loss to state definitely who the King here referred to was. The 

name of the writer and "general" was "NIM.GI-shar(= LUGAL)-ilt(= AN)"'", 

i.e., "NIM.GI is the king of the godsn-a formation parallel to Rammdn-shar-ili


(No. 36 : 1; B. E., XIV, 101 : 5 et passim), Marduk-shar-ilt (B. E., XIV, 121 : 3), 

etc. Clay, B. E., XIV, p. 48b, mentions a NIM.GI-ra-bi (LC., 142 : 5), and in B. E., 

XV, p. 38a, a NIM.GI-ra-bu (LC., 130 : 3), adding in both cases: "(Cassite)". This 

addition he, no doubt, made on the'strength of Delitzsch, Die Xprache der Kosstier, 

p. 26 : 41, where the Cassite nim-gi-ra-ab is explained by the Assyrian e-te-rum, "to 

protect." As, however, NIM.GI-ra-bi, resp. NIM.GI-ra-bu, corresponds to such 

names as Shamash-rabd (B. E., XV, 183 : 3) or Ilu-ra-bi (B. E., XIV, 39 : 7), resp. 

Ilu-rabu (LC., 106 : 4), we have to understand the so-called Cassite vocabulary cum 

grano salis! NIM.GI-ra-ab (ra-bi, rabil) must be translated by "NIM.GI is (the) great 

one (sc. among the gods) ." This "great one" was, like NIN.IB, a god of lightning, 

"one who smites the enemies," and also "one who protects (6tir) the faithful." In 

this wise it happened that NIM.GI-ra-ab came tg be looked upon as the e-te-mm, 

the "protector" par excellence. Such an izuE-di-ru we find among the gods of g-sag-11, 

I11 R., 66, Rev. 13b. And as NIN.IB was identified with Enlil, so NIM.GI, resp. 

NIM.GI-ra-bi, was considered to be one with gar-be (= Enlil); hence the name 

NIM.GI-ra-Ear-be (C. B. M. 3446, Clay, B. h'., XIV, 48b) has to be read $tirra-Earbe, 

"a protector is Earbe." NIM.GI becomes thus the name of a Cassite god who 

played originally the rdle of the "Son," but who, later on, was identified with the 

"Father," with Earbe. 

The several subject matters of this letter are clearly indicated by the stereo- 

typed repetition of the um-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma and are the following: 

(a) Answer to an inquiry of the King as to whether the chariots have gone out 

to the place previously designated, 11. 5-12. 

(b) The five old chariots shall go out on the expedition as commanded, 11. 12-14. 

(c) Suggestion as to how the gouvernement and the fortress may be protected 

by the cities and by the writer, 11. 15-24. 

(d) Rectification of the writer's former suggestion as to the use of one chariot, 

coupled with the request that the King command either the sak-shup-par or the writer 

to go out with two chariots, while other two are to be left behind to guard the 

fortified camp, 11. 25-37. 

The letter reads: 

1 ardi-ka "NIM.GI-shar(= LUGAL)- Thy servant NIM.GI-shar-ili; 

ilt(= AN)["""] 

2 a-na di-nu-an be-&-ia l[u-ul-li]k before the presence of my "Lord" may 

I come(!)

3 a-na iclu""" massartu( = EN.NU. 

UN. [NA])2 

4 shh be-li-ia shh-ul-[m]u 

5 urn-ma-a a-nu be-li-ia-ma 

6 shQ be-Pi ish-pu-ra um-ma-a V "S"nar- 

1cabti3-ka 

7 lu-ic am-ra-ad-ma' a-shar a-sap-pa- 

,rak-ku 

8 tu-si-i-ma5 tal( = PI) -1alc 


11 shci be-li i-du-h a-a i-tu um-ma-a 

12 i-ba-cish-shi7 um-ma-a a-na be-li-iama 

13 V-ma""'nar1cabtu labirtu ( = U) * 

a-nu gir-ri shh be-Pi 

14 i-gab-bu-h il-la-alc'" 

PROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OE' NIPPER, 

Unto the cities and the guards 

of my "Lord" greeting! 


With regard to what my "Lord" has 

written, saying: 

"Behold I have ordered out thy five 

chariots; have they started going 

to the place I have written thee?" 

I beg to state the following to my 

" Lord" : 

"I am there at the head of the five 

chariots, 

asmy 'Lord' knows-or has theinspector 

not informed (my Lord) saying: 

'he is'?" Also the following to my 

"Lord" : 

"The five old chariots shall go to where- 

soever my 'Lord' 

shall command." 

I For Efil resp. dsh-dsh as plural sign ri'. 1. 15, on-nu-?i-t7~m hl?cl'"' and scc Ch,zpt.cr I, p. 12, note 1. 

EN.NU.UN = EN.NUS = massnrlu, II. Ti'. B., p. 478". See nlsr, p. 37, not.e !I. 

Wbjeets counted st:mci in, and mc consirued as, singnlnrs-l~enec tzi-si-i-ma ini-Inlc, 1. 8-cl. i-bn-ash-shi, 1.12; 

ie-ba-at, 1. 24, and see p. 95, natc 6. In 1. 34, 11 i'Unarkabtu arc trentccl, lmwrver, as a mosc. sisgl.: tii-li-,ik for la 

lnllik. See alsonote 10. 

l~elitasal~, It. 1,V. B., p. 425h, mentions s root lli) nitlt


15 an-nu-&-turn &ZU"~ shh be-li' As regards these cities concerning which 

my "Lord" (has inquired, saying) : 

16 i-na mi-ni-i pih&ta2 ( = NA M)ln "With what (how) shall they guard 

I7 li-is-su-ru the youvernement ?" 

18 [urn]-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma I beg tostate the following to my "Lord" : 

19 [%I-na gi-na-a a-nu-leu ash-ba-ku-ma3 "I shall be campaigning in the fields 

20 ti4 gi-nu-a ir-te-ni-id-du-mas while they (are trying to)invade the fields 

21 a-na &lubl shci be-li shh-ul-m[u-shk]- up to the very cities the welfare of which 

ni my 'Lord' has at heart. 

22 i-nu-an-nu V-ma V8"narkabtu shh ash,- Now, the five chariots which I have comba-tu-ma8 

manded 

23 [bli-ir-ta i-na-as-sa-ru' a-na gir-ri must be going out to wheresoever my 

'Lord' shall command, 

24 shci be-li i-gab-bu-& te-ba-at only while they (the cities) guard the 

fortified camp. 

"Lord," concerning whom the writer liad received orders to send him out \vit,Il firs old rhuiots. Alirku ano yirri e. 

ace., "to go (mttrrh) wit,h something to," here apparently nscd of militmy expeditions. Cf. tebti nnagirn', 1. 24. 

Undoubtedly n shortcncd scntcnce for ashshum alznljtum ijiub"' shd bali isl~ptirn ummd. Yotiee the position 

of onndtum! 

' NAIW = pabrlti, pibiiti is well Imiter in 

his cepsrily as "gencml" (i.e., liis chariots and men) and tlrat of ir-te-ni-id-du-mo are tlic "enemirs." 

' Notice the -nLn li! Cf. llere "die Wagen sha riilribushin dikdma 7,. s1~in11 mmh~hlt~ijvla l?iriz6nush~hin iltnnalla~~ii, 

deren Wngenlcnkcr gcfollen mr, wilhrend sie selbst verlnssen waren und jiLr sirh selhst t~mhcrfahrcn," quoted l,y Delitasch, 

Gram., p. 3Gi, from Snnlr., 1'1, 9ff. 

Jrn~en, R. B., VI1, p. 317, has sl~owm (ngainst Dclitasch, H. TI. B., p. G121., who enumerates fuur roots in,) 

that tllerc is only one m, bul tlle sigr~ificntionn wl~ich he assigns to tliis verb (flicsscn, naehfolgen, hinlerhcrgehen, 

treibcn) do no1 fit hrrc. Nagel, B. A,, ITr, p. 450, xgucd on tlic hasis af Lclicrs of Hammwabi, 34 : 7, for a, ~ncnning 

"holen, nchman," comparing it with hid. 14 : 9, "and the ltuney i.i)3-5~ >ill,:! hc tooli into liis hands.'' The 

best translation OF I3 W, beenuse eonslrr~ed c. acc, artd ana, would hr, it seems lo me, "they ivcnt (se. to take, 

plundpr, cf. $so 1. Zi)," "th~y invaded," "swept down upon." 

Fur sl~nhnlu (ashllat(!), nal~nbot), "treiben," sec Jenserr, X. B., VI', p. 533. Here, because applied ton "genrral" 

in connection with elinriats = "t,o ronitnnnd." 

"1-nn-as-sn-ru . . . . le-ha-a1 is a rircumstnntial dnuse (I'enn. plus Pres.), with 8. change of subjects. The 

subject of i-na-a!-*a-mi is 61uC1, whilr that of te-bn-ut is 1'-mo '""nariinbiu (ri. note 3). For such ronstruetions see 

Delitzseh, Gram., g 152, pp. 364, 363 and abal-t', note 3. Tile suggestiorl \vl~icli t1lca~itc:r makes lo Iris Xing's inquiry 

is this: "Lct me defend thc open rountry with the chariots, wllile the cities, resp. the inhabitant,^ al tlic oities, 

must protect the fortress." To protect the open country chnriuts cue nbsolutrly necessary; with llrrse the gent:ral 

can hurry quickly from place to place and thus drive away tlre mcml-. For tlip protection of the iortifi~d camp 

chariots are lass needcd than mcn, soldiers, and these tliu cities sli~ll funlish.

25 iL it-ti' a-nu tur(= KU)-ru-lci-iaz 

"""""nakru(= PAP) 

26 ul ilkad( = PA)-di3 up-sa-am-w~a 

27 i-hub-ba-at um-ma-a a-nu be-li-ia-ma 

28 be-li a-nu sak-shup-par' liq-bi-[ma] 

29 I1 i'unarkabtu a-na yir-ri shh be-li 

i-gab-bu-ic 

30 lil-li-ik iL a-na-ku lu-uk-ka-li-ma5 

31 i-nu II '"narkabtu bi-ir-la shci be-li-ia 

32 lu-up-surLiL a-lu-ka 

33 be-li ish-tap-ra-am-ma 

34 11 ""narlcabtu ,it-ti-ia lil-li-ik7 

35 iL II i"narkabtu li-ik-ka-li-ma5 

36 bi-ir-la shci be-li-i[a] 

37 li-is-suP 

FROX TIIE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 139 

And with regard to the one (chariot with 

which I was) to smite (the enemy) 

so that (t)he (enemy) 

may not(again)become fresh, go out, and 

plunder, the following to my "Lord" : 

"My 'Lord' may give orders to the sak- 

shuppar 

that he go with two chariots to whereso- 

ever my 'Lord' shall command, 

while I may be kept behind (back) 

and guard with two (other) chariots the 

fortified camp of my 'Lord'; 

hut if my 'Lord' 

should writc, telling me to go, 

then may two chariots accompany me, 

while he may be kept behind with two 

chariots 

and guard the fortified camp 

of my 'Lord.' " 

' It-ti, sc. norkabtu, is the fern. of edu, "une." 

Ynf. 11' of lyn, Jcnsen, K. B., VI1, pp. 421, 436, 450, 405, zer-, niedar-scldayen; l)elitasclr, II. W. B., p. 714a, 

entzweircissen, ierspwngcn. Turruku is used here nppnrcntly in the selrsc of ninbiigia, both m a means uf "defense" and 

"olIanse." Lit. translated this linc would read: "And witli regard to that one (chariot) whicli was (to serve) for my 

smiting (se. the enemy)." 

3 A reatling i-pa-di, from ma, "to dcstroy " (cf. lapda, "destruction, " Delitusel~, H. W. B., p. 515b), thougli 

possible, is ngainst the suc:cession of evcnts-we would cxpect: go out, plunder, destroy! Z-had-di = i-hat-ti from 

*On, "lo sin"; and ~7 eilclr and every sin is a "Vcrrncssenhcit (gcyen Gott)," I translated as givmr ahovc. Prof. Hilpreclit 

suggcsts a translation, "mdge sich nicht freuerh (i-bad-di = i-bo-di, I/ ilYil1," d. I,., " mdge kein Vergnugcn darar~ finden 

nuszuriickcn," in andwen Worten, "maye r~icht f7-6hlich dwauf l~s~lii?~(ie~n." (Pe~~sonitleommilnicstion of July 0,190S.) 

"For the sak-shy-par see above, Clwpter 111, p. 37, note 12. 

Noticc the difference belwcen 2uk/~alirnu, 1. 30 (= 1st person) and likkalirna, 1. 35 (= 3d person). But11 forms 

are IV1 of ;113, "to be kept back,'' "to bc rctained." 

Nagdm c. acc. and inn, "to protect, guard sometiling with something." Cf. p. 138, note 2. 

As narkablu is fern. (p. 137, 11. 3), we would expect here lil tallik, cf., liowever, ibid., note 10. 

8The writer apparently has changed his mind since hc arldresscd his last note to thc King. He fmds that one 

chariot will not be sufficient to cope effectively with the enemy. Two chariots must be sent against the enemy, while 

two others arc needed to protect the fortified camp. (The birta of 11. 31, 36 has, of course, nothing to do with 

t,hat of 1. ??!I He leaves it,however, to the King as t,g whom to sendaut or t,o keep behindwith the chariots requested.


XVI. 

Yo. 38 (= C. B. 11. 1955). (a. pl~otograpllic rc~~roduction, PI. VII, 18, 10.) 

A letter of Shiriqtum, a Nippurian, sent out by his Lord and King to look after the 

receipts of wool and provender. About 1400 B.C. 

This letter has been translated chiefly on account of its manifold peculiarities: 

(1) i'aSUGH, generally read Tishhu and identified either with NIN.IB or with 

Ishtar, is here apparently a name for ""En-lil; (2) the strange form nap-ti (11. 4, A) 

for nap-shci-ti(?) ; (3) the unusual stat. constr. in shikittum(=N~G.~~~)'~" nap-ti-ka 

(1. 6) ; (4) the expression a-nu li-ti for single a-na (11. 14, 17) ; (5) the two new words 

a-da-turnm""" and il-hu-u; (A) the long tl in lu-G-ul-li-ik (1. 2). 

Unfortunately there is no other person mentioned in B. E., XIV or XV, lrnown 

by the name Shiriqtum. We are, therefore, at a loss to place this letter historically. 

This much, however, we may maintain, that our writer was a Nippuriar~, living probably 

at the time of Kuri-Galzu (cf. the invocation and see aboye,Chapter 111, pp. 38ff.), 

who had been sent out by his "Lord" and King to look after the receipts of wool and 

provender. 

The contents of that part of the letter which is preserved are the following: 

(a) A-da-turn"""" and ilhu have been sent, 11. 15-18. 

(b) 12 ya of barley shall be removed, as per previous order, 11. 19-21. 

1 ardi-ka "Shi-ri-iq-turn a-na d[i-naan 

I 

2 be-li-ia lu-h-ul-li-[ik]' 

3 i"Ti.shhu2( = ST;GH) iL shar-rat 

"uNzppur( = EN. IJI,) [ki] 

4 nap-ti be-li-ia li-is-su-rum 

5 il"Errish(t) (= NIN.IB) u i'uNIN. 

MAGH a-shib 

6 shci &lu-ki shikittum(= NI(G).GJI,)'~'~ 

nap-ti-ka 

7 li-is-su-rum ma-an-nu pa-an 

8 ba-~zu-turn shci be-li-ia li-mur 

. 

Thy servant Shiriqtum; before the pres- 

ence 


Tishhu and the queen of Nippur 

may protect the life of my "LordJ'; 

Errish and NIN.MAGH who inhabit 

the city (i.e., Nippur) may protect thy 

creatures! 

Whosoever 

may see the gracious face of my "r,ord9' 

I Notice here tire long 6, out uf la + u (of 1st person), in lu-li-ul-li-ik. Tllough this lusy hc called a 

grapllieally long 12, it need not lic n morphologienlli/ long li [for lu-li-ul-li-ilc may st,and for lli -i- ii-ul-ii-ik, a form we!l 

known frorn the inscriptions, but not yet found in tablets from tllc Cassite period, Hilprecht]. But then zi-ul-li-ik 

would have to Lw a 111, wllile in this and all otlx:~ ppass:lges it is evidently s I'! 

Tor introduction, 11. 3-11, see above, Clmptw 111, pp. 308:

9 d(?) man-nu da-ba-ba ?&b( = HI)"" 

10 [a-na] be-li-ia li-zl-te-mi 

11 [um-m]a-a a-na be-li-ia- [ma] 

[. . . . large break . . . . ] 

12 .... 

13 [. . . . 1"""" i-qa-bud 

14 a-na li-ti' be-li-ia 

15 i-li-qa-a" MA3 shci a-da-tum"''s"' 

16 d. 2 il-bu-12 

17 a-na li-ti be-h-ia 

18 il-te-bi-la 

FRO>% THE TE~IPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUH. 

and whosoever be of "good words" 

may listen to my "LordJ' ! 


141 

. . . . they say 

to my "LordJ' 

they (he) will take. Two mana of dark- 

red(?) wool 

and two ilbd 

he has sent 

to my "Lord." 

19 .ic si-di-tum" be-li li-mur And as regards the provender, my "Lord" 

may be assured 

20 12 [SHE].BAR i-na-[sh&-6 ki] that they shall take away the 12 (qa) of 

barley as 

21 [ash-pu?]-ra-ka." I have written thee(?). 

' For litu ei. King, Lsltcrs of gammurabi,I, p. XLII; Nagcl, B. A ., IV, p. 479, and especially Jensen. I

LETTERS TO CASS'LTE KINGS 

XVII. 

An unknown writer complains to his "Lord" and King that, though he asked for 

'(pots," "straw" has been sent to him-a mistake showing that even Babylonians 

could and actually did misread their own signs: IN" (= straw) was read 

instead of KAN.NI""h (= pots). About 1370 B.C. 

More particularly the contents of this lettcr are the following: 

(a) The "good reeds" have been sent to the King, 11. 4-9. 

(b) Complaint about the "straw" which has been sent instead of "pots," 11.10-13. 

(c) Request for (a) one talent of copper, 11. 14, 15; (b) for good bulup trees, 

11. 16, 17. 

(d) The affairs of the King are being well looked after by the sheriffs, 11. 18-22. 

(c) Communication that the writer had gone to Dih-Ku7.i-Galzu for one purpose 

or another, 11. 23-25. 

1 [ardi-ka ,X . , , . ] Thy servant X . . . . ; 

2 a-na cli- [nu-an be-li-ia] before the presence of my "Lord" 

3 [lull-lik u[m-ma-a a-na be-li-ia-ma] may I come,speaking thus to my "Lord": 

4 [cish-shum sh]h t [a-ash-pu-ra] [With regard to thy inquiry(?) . . . . ] 

5 [. . . .]-be-(?) zl GI DUG(- EI).GA1 [whether . . . . ] and the good reeds 

6 [. . . . ]-a ul-te-b[i-l]a . . . . has brought 

7 ha [arldi-ka "Abu-ra(?)-ci~h-shh(?)~ (I beg to state that) thy servant 

Aburashsha 

8 GI DUG(= EI).GA a-na be-ti-ia has brought the good reeds 

9 ul-te-bi-la to my "Lord." 

10 zl i-na bu-ut di-qa-ra-ti Furthermore I wrote that "pots" 

11 a-na ra-di-i al-ta-p [ar] 

12 zl tibnu( = IN)"""" be-li 

13 am-mi%n-nu-a iL-she-bi-la 

be brought down, 

but they were "straw" ! 

What for has my "Lord" sent this? 

' GI DUG.GA = qanti tdhu, good, ie., sound, reeds tliat are not rotten. 

' 2i introduces here the apodosis. 

Or mAbu-shd(?)-dsh('l)-ra(l); buth readings are very doubtful. 

'The only way to aceaunt for such a mistake in sending "straw" instead of "pots" is by supposing that our writer 

must have used in his farmer letter the ideogram KAhr.NZ for diqardli. The "order-filler" mistook KAhr.NI for IN 

and scnt, accordingly, "straw." 

Ammi = ana-mi = an++. Mi, thereiore, iu an abbreviation fur nzinu, "what," Jensen, R. B., VI1, p. 472. For 

another mi =-mu = -ma, S C p. ~ 124, rmte 11,

14 1 biltu(- GUN) era(= URUDU) 

be-li 

15 li-she-bi-lam-ma 

16 si-it hu(?)'-lu-ub da-a-a-biz 

17 lu-shal-li-im3 


19 a-ma-ti shci GU.EN.NA~ 

20 ma-la i-ba-ash-shu-ti 

21 a-nu be-2i-ia 

22 pa-aq-da-at 

23 a-na "uDzir-Ku-ri-[Gal-zu] 

24 [at-ta]-lak [. . . . ] 

25 [....I 

PROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPdR. 143 

XVIII 

My 'LLord" may send one talent 

of copper. 

May I bring the rest of the 

good bulup trees? 

Also the following to my "Lord": 

"The affairs of the Gu.EN.NA, 

as many as there are, 

are entrusted safely 

to my 'Lord.' 

To Dzir-Kuri-Galzu 

Iwent . . . ." 

No. 76 (= C. B. M. 3DBO). (Cf. pi~otogwpliie reproduction, PI. XI, 28.) 

A father's peremptory order to his son to send in his report. About 1400 B.C. 

From this letter we learn that the "report" (di-e-ma, 1. 5) took its origin with 

the "son," who had to send it to the be-el XHE.BAR (1. 7). The latter again had to 

report to the "fat,her," who turned it over to the King (be-el).j As the report has to 

be sent by the "son" to the be-el SHE.RAR, we may, and this quite rightly, assume 

that the di-e-ma embodied a report about the receipts, resp. expenditures, of "barley" 

in connection with a sub-station of a branch storehouse of the Temple of Enlil, over 

which the "son" presided." This would give us the following classification of the 

various storehouses: (a) sub-station of a branch storehouse (son); (b) branch 

' The sign bu lloolc~ hme like si in &it, hut a word si-19'-ub dofs not exist; or is si-lib-?rb = sti-lz-zp, "rlnt~s"'~ 

As, hawever, the things here mentiomd a1.c apparently building matcrinln (rri:ds, bvonzc, Edup trcps), I prcfer ta rend 

as given abuve. If si-lu-uh = su-lu-up Ire preferred, we might translate : " Sh,zll I bring the rest of thc good dates?" 

2Thc bi hm here the appcnmnce of Trill resp. I. Daihi is n in"n1 ionn, rsprcssing pali!?, or occupation. 

Delitzsch, G~mn., p. 1G8 ($ 65), No. 24. Cf. also tile strrss laid upon the qu;~lity of tile GI, 11. 5,s. 

Wn ~ccount of tlie lzb in lu-shnl-li-in?., this form rainot bo tile tllird (ruhieh ]lad lo be iishallim), but rnust be the 

first person. But whether it be ib I' or 11' is doubtlul. I take it to be a II', for whir11 sce King, Letters of 

Bnmmurahi, 111, p. 292. 

'See introduction to No. 75, p. 133. 

'It auglit to be nolieed herc that thc King, whpn addressed by his subjects, is eallcd be-h ar fi-V-(li), but when 

spoken of to a third pcrson, is referred to as either LUGAL or heel. 

Wf. hero also the repuest for such are~ort in No. 84 : 11, see pp. 114, 84ff.

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCIIIVES OF NIPPUR. 

v 1. 

CONCOltDANCE OF PROPER NAMES. 

addr., addressee; b., brother ; "b.," brotller (in i~ddress) ; cf., confer; d., ilaugittor ; C, father; S., following 

page; ff., foilolring pages; I.c., loco citnla; p., page ; ~ p., wages ; cl.v., guod aide; S., son ; si.. sister; 

wr., mriter. 

Detenniualives : ilo, gorl ; mesh, pitirnl ; m.. masculine ; S., feminine; [ . . 1 =text restorecl: ( . . . .) = 

iotet.pretiltion of text; C. B. M., refers to the "Cntnlogue of tlle Babylonian and Gencml Semitic Section of the 

Arcbzeological Mnsoum of ihe University of I'cnnsylvanin," prepared by Prof. Dr. H. V. Hilprecllt. Tile numbers 

refer ta the cuneiform texts of the i~utograpll plates. 

nb-a-ri,' 47 : 3. mA?n8bizu~arduk, 

m~a-[...]; 69 :4. I. wr., 3 : 2. 

mAbi(= AD)-ia, f. of iUi-lzi, 85 : 10. 2. addr. 75 : 1 3. 

mAEu( = SHESII)-d-a-Ba-ni, arldr., "b." of "Erba- mA-mi-li-in, "b." of ~luEn-lil-mu-kin-npaI(= TUR.USH'), 

ilaMarduk 81 : 1. 80:1,5. 

"'A-Ig-Ba-ni, wr., 2 : 3. [m]A-~~-ku-rum-ma.S wr., 4 : 1. 

mAb(=SHESR)-iddina (= S~)"~-~"'~ardk, wr., 1 : 1. m~-nn-izu~in(= XXX)-tak-Za-ku, 48 : 5. 

m.4~u(= SHESH)-ni, 31 : 7. 

"A~L( = SHESF{)-sit/i(?)-dsh(?)-TO: 45 : 7. 

mA-no-t~~kul!i (= ICU)-ilu-ma, 29 : g, 15. 

"Ap-paa-na-n-[a], I. of " diiuh'IAT.IB-rz~din(= SE)-S/LZ(~~, 

"A-bu-shi-na, z~ddr., 78 : 1. 75 : 5. 

"A k-ka-du-d," 54 : 11. "Api[. . . .I, 69 : 4. 

"'AmeCBa-ni-i, 86 : 16. nArdi-Bblil (= GASZlAN),8 wt., 5 : 3. 

~ - 

- -~ ~ 

' Cf. 'ln-bi-A-n-ri. 

2 or m iitb~~.? 

-- 

~ 

~- 

. -- 

"or mA&uqa(?)-dsh-shri(?). 

"The Al~kadian!" Cf. "mez7hAk-ka-di-i 18: 25 I 41 : 14. 

Wf. B. X., XIV, 11 : 16, or have we to rend here "A-na-tuhlti(= KU)-ilumo? 

$Or is Ap-pa= Isin(= EZZN) and Isin-na-a-a = "One who is From Isin?" Cf. Irere tlic nom. pr. quoted undcr 

Ap-pa-ai in B. E., XIV, p. 40a and Z.C., XV, p. 27a. 

See note to mAb-[ . . b above. 

a Cf. aiu.4v,li-~~~~ki and "iZArrli-GASHAi~. 

19


Masculine Names 

Ardi(?)-GAB(?)-BA(?)-ma(?) in Bdb-Ardi-GAU.UA-ma mDi-in-,ili(= AN-l,u-mu~, 27 : 18. 

(q.u.),81 : 14. 

mDmoC(= [DZ?]-TAR)-li-[mur?],8 addr., 91 : 1. 

mArdi-Ia-ti, 48 : 9. m h . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ l\'U)-GAL-li-mi-*. . ~ ~ ~ ~ ( l 37 ( = : 18. 

m~wli-iziL~Marduk, wr., G : 2. m~-mi-da(!)g-izi',~~ard,,~k, 

11. (1. 19) of fin-hi-A-a-ri, 86 : 18. 

Ar-rap-ba-a-a-[urn],' 53 : 20, 27, 32. mE,V-, sec mB+l-. 

""Ash-pi-la-nn-dr~,1 55 : 5. 

" i"A-shur-shum(= MU)-ilir (= ICAR), mr., r'b."] or 

izuEn-[. . . .],l"53 : l(i 169 : 4. 

m ihfi.iil-[bEl(= ~~).~i~l~~maS"~h~~],'~ 

%ddr,, 77 : 1, 

iiuEn-lil-[hfl-nishlmeg"-s~, 77 : 3. m ila'~&il.k&dk~i 

[m].4-zi-r[u-um], wr., 7 : 2. 1. wr., 78 : 3 179 : 3. 

m~a-il-ii"~~rdu,lc, wr., 8 : 2. 

"Rnnn(= Ih;tptcr 111, p. .52, nobc 3. 

or ;luEn-[. . . ]?~ 

"'"B81el[li-sn-tum]? 

Or mSIZE-[. . . 1, 

*On account of the n~dr (not m44, 59: 14,I do not consider this person to bc n bruthrt. of izu~.4.1

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPI'UR. 147 

Maseulinc Names 

" ilz~rrish(t)(= MASH)-npal(= TUIZ.USH)-iddina (= "Idin(= ~E)-~~~I$~rish(t) (= NIN.IB), wr., 20 : 3. 

JSE)"~, wr., 84 : 2. "-lain( =!MU)-GIIE.GAL,"~~ : 14. 

" ilufirrish(l)(= NIN.IB)-GA.DU-.~N"~~B,' wr., 17 : 2 I XiClr~is-'i'L~Mnrduk,D 59 : 18. 

18: I(?). "Idir~(S~)-~~~.?'erg


Masculin~e Nalnes 

ml~.-si~d-a, 4 : 19. M.4.AN.USH,' 37 : 9. 

"'lsh-shd-ki,' 54 : 7. 

rn ilw~shter-, see " il"~l~.~A~-. s"cdlan-nu-gi-ir'-i11~a7n~~~dn (= IM), 24 : 13, 18. 

"'~an-nu-iii-~~~~ukal (= LUGII), s. of [. . .I-sbd, 18 : 23. 

mlz-g2~r-~l~~1.rish(t) (= I\~ZN.IB), ild, 26 : 17. . 1, 24 : 29 1 GO : 3, 5. 

mIa-gnr-i'iL~shtar (= DIL.BAT), 28 : 5. ~Mdr-~~-na-~"Si,(= XXX)-laic-la-ku, 48 : 6. 

nKalbi(= UR)-~'~N~N.DIN.D~G.G~,~ 

wr., 25 : 2. ~l/liiT-~A~-di-Ia-ii, 48 : 9. 

~albi-~"USfI,~7 : 9. 

mICa6bu, wr., 21 : 9, 38. 

"Ili-din-[. . . 1, 97 : 5. 

1Kdr-""Ash-pi-la-an-duU8 55 : 5. 

[~lIdr-m]Bu-u[n-. . .I,' 57 : 1 1 60 : G. 

1Mdr-"Dn-an-[. . . 1, G9 : 3, 6. 

[mKi]-di-in, s. (TUR.USH) oi [. . . 1, 1 : 13. 

Md~.-~gu-nu-bi, 48 : 16. 

["]Ilkdi-ni, s. of [. . . 1, 18 : 22. Mdr-"Is-&hi, 81 : 9. 

"Ki-din-ni, 9 : 23 I 41 : 15. 

"'I~i-din-~~~Mnrdt~k, 23 : 23. 

~iir"~"~a~~-n~~-h-i-~~~'Sukal 

(= LUGH), 18 : 23. 

fif6~-'"1W,-[. . .I, ti0 : 4. 

mKi-din-iluRammdn(==IM',, 33 : 12. 

Afiir-mMu-ra-ni, its, 78 : 4. 

mKi-ir-~a-ma(Y ba), 21 : 29. 

"'ICi-shd-ab"bu-ut, wr., 34 : 1. 

1Md1.-~ illsin(= XXX)-ma-ba-lit," 49 : 6. 

lMd~-The'"[. . 1, 57 : 4. 

mKi-shab-bu-ut, wr., 35 : 1. i~dr-f~a-o-du,'"3 3 14, 35. 

mIfi-shd-tum,5 s. of mZdin-i".4rzrgal, 56 : 4. 

1~6r-"6-da-shd-dsh," rnessengcr of Icing Bum-B,~viash, 

mKi-li-i[l?], 28 : 17. 

55 : 8, 16, 20. 

mICu-du-ra-r~u, ~ldr-"~-su-z~b-Shi-~ak, 55 : 2. 

1. wr., 26 : 1 27 : 1 128 : 1. [" il"]Mnrduk-crba (= SU), 16 : 13 

2. 35 : 27, 31 (here "Ku-du-re-ni). 'n iiu~ardulc-i'S-sh~. wr., 50 : 1. 

"'IlURGAL-[. .], 92 : 16. [m]iliLMa~duk-mu-[riLal-]lizn, urr., 29 : 1. 

Ku-ri-Gal-zu, see 61uDlir-Kt~-ri-Cal-zu. "' il"lMarduk-nd?.ir (= SHESH), 3 : 22, 26 1 15 : 12. 

mKu-ri-i, 31 : 7. 

mLa-ki-pa, ardi $.GAL, 34 : 11. 

zluMar&uk-ra-im-kit-[li], wr., 30 : 3. 

" il"Marduk-shum( = MU)-iddina( = MU), amclu~A~, 

rn il"LUGH-, see iluSulcal-. 93 : 7. 

-~ p ~ p ~ ~ ~~p ~ ~ 

~ . ~~ ~ ~ 

1 Sotice that we find in this connection generally " i e h ~ ~ ~ . shd ~ ~ z (= ~ . numeral) D A pa-te-simc8ib. Should 

wc, therefore, read "mu = 1 or 60: Sce under pa-tesimesh. 

Cf. I

FRON THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUX. 

Mascolil~o N;Lmeu 

OZ!Me-li-Shi-pak, 17 : 32. 

mllle-li-ilu~hu-Pa-~nnu.-~~, f. of " i"Pussku-a&-iddina, 

" ilu~anamdn(= IM)-si~e-mi, 5% : 16. 

"'Sin(= XXX)-[. . . 1, 8 : 10 ( 66 : 17. 

50 : 14. i'"~in-[. . . 1, 75 : 9, 12. 

"'.VIu-[. . . I, GO : L sin(= XXX)'-npnl( = TUltUSIIj-iddina(= SE)7Ln, 

'nM,~~-knl-lim, nr., 31 : 1 1 32 : 1 1 33 : 1. 53 : 22. 

mMu-m-ni, 78 : 4. 

m~llU.GtIIC.GAL,' 5ga : 1-L. 

m iii~~i~: erssh(= . ENC.~R)~"', wr., 90 : 2. 

" iiiLSin-is-s[nb]-m, 9 : 16 1 8.5 : 8. 

"'Mush-la-li, 3L : 11 1 32 : 7. 'n il"Sin-ga-ncil, nmeliLIASIf, 72 : 4. 

mvA adan(=MIJ)-nubshi 

. (= GIIE.GAIlj,2 50n : 14. 

"nNn-ab(or a' ?j-zi-il'LMnrduie, 42 : 12 1 15 : 8. 

i1iLSin-karadi-esh-7na, wr., 37 : 3. 

" iluSin-ma-gir, 11 : 25 1 50 : 6. 

m ~Vannari(= SfIESIf .ICI)'"-i~Mn~du/~, 34 : 11. 

iiu~in-~nu-bn-li$,s 4!1 : 6. 

"Nw-zbil"En-lil, 2-1 : 25. 

['" iiu]~if~-na-din-up-li,n, 68 : 32. 

" i1i6~ergal-Ba-ni, ba-za-na sh6 'iiURa-ka-nu, 9 : 21. mSi-ri-shdO-esh, 28 : 5. 

"MM.GI-sha7(= I,UGI~L)-ili (= .‘1~)"~~~,33a : 1. 

""~~N.~~j-, see " i1u8r,.ish(t)-. 

mLS,,knl(= PAP)-pa$-m,'" 40 : 3. 

iiiiAfu/ial(= LUGHj-she-mi, 20 : 10. 

m,\~~~~.~~..ii.~? e'b," o[ ~piill~y.~riL.liL.rn ZL7, i'uShama.sh(= UD)-sharm (= LUG1 L), 11 : 18. 

89 : 1, [14], 28. 

(Sic) iLi~~hamash(= UDj-tu-k1~1-li," 10 : 8, 12. 

ifu,~~N.SlfA~1-i61a-ti-liku-nn, 34 : 12. 

mSh6-mi-lu-si~d, amof'Lnangam, 59 : 16. 

"lVilr(= S.4 11)-~~~~harnash( = lJD), 

"sIIESH.KI"~, see ",\'annari-. 

1. """luSA~ LOGBL, 1 : 5, [IS]. 

mShi-ri-iq-tum, wr., 35 : 1. 

2. gil-gal-lum, 27 : 8. 

"Shi-riq-tiai, 87 : 8. 

na i'uLVusku(= PA.KU)-ah(= SH1CSH)-iddin&(= SEjna, "Tar-ha-ru, 22 : 13. 

s. of "~eli-i'"~~hu-qa-mu-laa, 5!1 : 13. miiuTAR-gU-nzir(= S.4B)-gabha, wr., 91 : 3. 

m i ' u KU-, ~ ~ seem iiuA"v'skz~-, 

~ukicultid.Ii~R, see undcr "Places" and "ltivcm." 

*Pan(= SKI)-AN.GAL-lu-mur, wr., "h." of "IVIN-nu- mb-bn'2-[. . 1 , 34 : 11. 

ti-a, 80 : 2. mU-bar-n~ni, 

"Pi-[. . .I, wr., 43 : 1. 1. wr.,13 30 : l 40 : 1. 

"Pi-la-an-d~,~ 55 : 5. 2. 48 : 7. 

mifwRammdn(= IMI-&ish(= ENGAR)i*",B48 : 11. "U-bar-n~, 42 : 5, 7. 

[m ii'liamdn(=I~)-ra]-im-zt~, 9 : 12. "~-da-sh6-6sl~,'~ 55 : 8, 16, 20. 

[m i"]~amrndn(= IM)-shar(= LUGAL)-iE(= il~)"'", mUR-, sce "ICalbi. 

wr., 36 : 1. i'"Ur-ro-, see i'UGir-m-. 

- ~ 

-~ 

~~ 

- 

~p 

'Probably ta be read eitlicr "Idin-CNX.GAL or "'Nddin-nubshi. The latter might be abbreviated from 

" ilil~~(or hrIN.IR, etc.j-nddin-nubshi, 

Wee ""AVIU.GHLC.GAL. 

NIM.CI is probably to be road &ir, see rulder Translations, pp. 135f. 

'See also "In-nu-6-a and ef. Chapter 11, p. 15, note 5. 

See ""Ashpi-la-an-du. 

For the pronunciation of "UIM = i1u~amm6n, cf. ~an-nu-~i-ir-~'"~M, Cllapter 111, p. 49, note 1. 

So in all names beginning with itusin-. 

'Or " iLu~in--shum(= MU)-iqlsha(= BA-shn). 

lo 

or da? 

See also p. 129. 

" Ilere the name of a city, ci. iiuGir-ra-ga-mil. 

" Or md-su-[ub-~h~pak?]. 

DOCS No. 23 : 1 [mu-bar]-mnc belong hcre? 13ut seo p. 04. 

" Cl. 13. E., XV, 168 : 4, ash(!).

150 LETTERS TO CA~SITE KINGS 

m6-su-ub-Si~-pak, 55 : 2. 

Masculil~e Names 

[. . . ]-ilu~liarduk , wr., 10: 2. 

mUsi~-bu-la, f. mfi-tel-bt~, 24 : la. [. . . 1-mi-il-kisb-si~a-ti('?), 3 : 5. 

["dl-she-la-as(?)-i'UEn-lil', 18 : 8. [. . . . ]-i"NIA'.GAi,, 50 : 9. 

m [. . . ]du-[. . . 1, 72 : 6. [. . . 1-shd, s, of m~~nn-nz~-ki-il"~uknl(= LUGH), 18 : 23. 

[. . . ]-ik-li-li-in,2X8 : 1. [. . . . ]-i""Sanniasl~(= UD), w~., 41 : 1. 

[. . .]-BN.TIIII, 41 : 19. [. . . .]-URUT(= SIIESII), a2 : 17. 

m[, . . . . 1-Ishtar(= IlIL.B.4 T), 72 : 5. See $80 43 : 7 1 60 : 10. 

'A-[. . 1 , 78 :8. 

f.4b-b[u-ut-t]n-?~i-la,J dl.. of m&~-[dCib-ti-i]l, 78 : 6. 

iBa(? 01. Usb)-bo(? or 11111)-[. . . I, 31,27. 

fDa-ak-dn, 34 : 14' 1 41 : 5. 

[f?]Do(?)-li-li-h,"addr., "b." ur 'Si." ai m?-li-ip-pa-dsh-m, 

88 : 1. 

""Ua-~bi-li-ia,' addr., "si." (or "b."'?) of mErba-!lfarduk, 

82 : 1. 8. 

'Di-ni,'d. of %ilbi-ia, 85 : 10. 

fE-di-ir-ta, 31 : 5. 

iE-di-ir-ti, 32 : 5 1 33 : 6. 

[f]fJ-di-ir-lum, 38 : 3. 

fGa-ga-dn-ni-turn, zamarcrlu(= LUL), 22 : 5. 

[f I-lu]m(?)-mu-bal-li-i~tB 31 : 23. 

[In-bi-A-a-ri, wr., si.O uf mE-n~i-da-i'"llfarduk, 85 : 2 1 8G : 3. 

fLo-la(? ur shd, ra?),lo 31 : 20. 

Miiral(= Tl111.S.41,)"-m.4-a-ri,'Z 47 : 3. 

lVi4rc~l-~A bu( = SIIESI1)-ni, 31 : 7. 

A4CrdJBa('t or Usl~?)-ha(? or ka?)-[. . . 1, 31 : 27. 

~lfdrat-~Ilu( = fl N)-ip-pn-dsh-ra, 31 : 15. 

ikIii~.at-'"Xi-din-[. . .], 97 : 5. 

lMOmt-mKt~-ri-i, 31 : 7. 

Milmt-mMushla-li, 31 : 11 1 32 : 7. 

MiiralTSic13Ta-a-du, 83 : 14, 35. 

Mil~atJUsh(? or Do,?)-ba(? or ka'!)-[. . . 1, 31 : 27. 

fIt-shb-tum, 95 : 9. 

f Ta-a-du13, 83 : 14, 35. 

fUsh('? or Ba?)-ba(? or ka'7)-[. . .I, 31 : 27. 

a-hi1 bbbi, 86 : 2.1. 

amelxAk-ka-di-i'S, 18 : 25 141 : 14. 

ah-la-mi-ti,'& 31 : 25. 

amP1uaklu(- PA)'O ENGAR, 39 : 3. 

[ah]-lim-mi-ti, 32 : 8. a-li-ik p&ni(= SHI)"', 37 : 21. 

~- -- ~~p~~ 

- 

'Z.e., "E. makes to rejoice." 

Or [m]Da-li-li-ia? 

WC fAb-bu-ut-ta-ni-turn, B. E., XV, 185 : 11. 

Were the da is doubtful; it ,night be also ra, then cf. f(!)Da-ak-ra ?'UR.SAL "' ililAG.DI.TdH, B. A!., 

XV, 188, IV : 10. 

5 Cf. TUR.SAL Da-li-lu-shb, B. E., XIV, 58 : 7. Here probably a "Koscname" which the writcr applies to his 

"sister." 

A "ZCosename." 

1 Hypoco~isticon for Di-ni-ili-lu-mur, cf. B. I$., XIV, 58 : 21. 

BDoubtful whether a nom. pr. 

But see pp. 25, note 1; 110, note 3. 

'OMigl~t expect 'La-ta-rak, but no tract! of rak is visible. 

So also in all fallowing names. 

Cf. fln-bi-A-a-ri. 

l3 See note to Mdr-fTa-a-du. 

" Cf. B. E., XV, 154 : 26, ah-la-mu-ti (not registered by Clay). 

Cf. mAk-ka-du-ti, 54: 11. 

'OOr better ~S~ENGAR, i. e., na~$abu, see pp. 35, note 3; 127, note 2.


Professional and Gentilio Names 

nmelu( = GALU), 44 : 17; a-PI-lu, 67 : 7 ; a-mi-la, 66 : Ha-bi(!)B-yal-ba-ti-i, 53 : 28; Ha-hi(!)-gal1-tu-ll, 53 : 33. 

25 ; a-mi-li, 42 : 9 172 : 10; a-mi-li-e, 89 : 17; ha-za-na, 9 : 22; bcra-an-nn, 9 : 23 172 : 14; bn-za-an-nu, 

a-mi-lu-ti, 83 : 16; a-me-lu-shtl, 92 : 17; a-mi-li-e- 40 : 3 / 56 : 3; bn-za-an-nn-ti, 37 : 21; &a-za-an- 

shzi, 84 : 16 ; a-mi-2u-us-su, 83 : 16; a-PI-lu-us- na-a-li, 51 : 14 1 56 : 8 184 : 3. 

/ su-nu, 51 : 17, 20 67 : 13. 7nIsin-na-a-a, see " Proper Names " under mAp-pa-nn-n-n. 

nrdu,' 1 : 4, 16 1 3 : 58 ! 14 : 18 1 15 : 10 1 24 : 30, 32 1 27 : anriuihpan~(= USH.BIII~), 35 : 18 1 44 : 12; "mel"USII. 

30, 32 134 : 34 13.5 : 17, 32 / 41 : 7 142 : 13 1 45 : BARm"'", 23 : 33. 

7 1 G5 : 9 1 67.: 15; nr-du, 21 : 10; ar-di, 50 : 6; ishshaku, sce pa-lc-si. 

nrddnimesh, 13 : 6; I1 a&&, 21 : 27; Wdi ~.G.~L, i.it~,R 24 : 36 j 33" : 11 / 35 : 25; i-t~ am""SIIA(G).TAM, 

34 : 11 1 50 : 11. 21 : 4; i-lu-zi, 11 : 21 126 : 17 34 : 28 7 8 : 4; 

Ar-mp-ha-a-a-t~m, sce " Proper Nsmes." i-iu-!i SIIA(~).TAM-mi, 27 : 1.5. 

amrluAZAG.Gl~M, see kz~dimmu. knn-d~-ri-e,~ 18 : 38. 

"moiub~'im(= s~I~.cH.~),~ 58 : 3. ka-si-ri, 35 : 18. 

ame1abnrt2, set ameiYMdSII. amelx~A.~l~i= ICU).DA, 20 : 5, 7. 

helpihdl?(= EN.NAM), 24 : 30 41 : 7; />Eli(= EN)^^^^ ki-ib,I0 24 : 4 1 46 : 17. 

pi-bu-li, 92 : 10, 20. "maiukt~dimmu(= AZAG.GZM). 82 : 9. 

he-el SIIE.BAR, 76 : 7. Ku-lu-ri-n, 87 : 14. 

ameiz'~.4~.~.4~mesh, 55 : 10, 2 186 : 7, 11. LUI, see ram~ncrtu. 

ENGAR sce E ~ ~ ~ s I L u . mn(?)-&pa, 9 : 7. 

EI\T.NAIM, see bE1 pibdli. """'"mdkisu(= NI(G).RUD.DA),ll 27 : 35 1 57 : 7. 

"mo'*errisl~t~(S ENGA~~)~~~", 11 : 10; amelaPA .ENGAR, mlLrL.za.az 48 : 27. 

39 : 3. Ci. also c-ri-shh, 40 : 13; a+i-shli, 40 : 20 

el passim. 

IMA,A~~.USH(~~ N117,1Z 37 : 9. 

md7(=TUR) ship-ri, 4 : 17 1 22 : 17 1 26 : 10 1 33 : 26 1 34 : 

GIL, see im. 21147:6/53:37/G8:37]79:8189:21,2,5192: 

amo2rGAR, see sl~aknu. 6; mdr sl~i-ip-ri, 7 : 4 143 : 8, 11 ; mdr ship-ri 

GIR(= NER),92 2 5. ~1~6 be-1%-ia, 8 : 17;mdr ship-ri LUGAI,, 55 : 13. 

amell1 QishEN~AR(=~~l:tahu), sec ameiUnklu-BNGAR. mijrF(='I'UR)m'sh ~n-lil",'~ 86 : 5, 8;mdri (=TUR)meSh 

~~.~~.~~,".10:24/45:19)4~:11\59:518~:7. Ni-ib-bu-mm, 81 : 6. 

gh-gablum, 27 : 8. 

m61&(= TuR)"~'~ B1"Iii"-im-ma, 9G : 20, 25. 

amriuGU~~~R.RA.GAL, 

amelu,MASH, 72 : 4. 

see a me1u6~,~~.~~~. 

~ ~ -~ 

- -- 

See i~lso tlie sddrcss of Xos. 1-74 and ci. Chnpter 111, p. 35, not~ 2. 

Cf. B. I$., XV, 162c : 14, napbar 11 SII~.GHA'~~" (omitted by Cl.z)r). 

Cf. pa-ha-ti-kn, 77 : 5; fi-hal, 3 : 41. 

' Daubtlul; it may bo LUL = zammerlu, 9.u. 

See introduction to No. 75 undor "Translatians," p. 133. 

'So rlcarly here. At this time the hi and NI = li aro very oitcn written alike, el. e.g., 44 : 0, id-dl&-6-ni(! 

9 : 23, Bil3Ki-din-ni(!, the sign looks liBe bi!). See B. lj.. XV. 174 : 17, 175 : 45, UR.PA .NI (so Clay, Z.A., XX 

- -M!); 

(IsOi), p. 417f.).B1, which, when compared with l.c., 84 : 5, UB4nt(= PA)-tc-ia, has to be read (against Clay, LC., p. 

45b) Kalbi(=UlZ)-ha&i(= PA)-i-I%(= BI=ATI). Ha-hi(!= NI =li)-gnkba-tu-li is, ol course, the same as the fJa-li(sie!, 

not li)-gal-ha-lwli 01 Scheil, Tezles $lam. Sdm., I, pl. 20 (opp. p. DG), 2. 

7 Ba omitted by scribe. Cf. B. E., XIV, 164 : 2, Ba-hi(!)-gal-ha-tu-zi (not registered by Clay). 

a IS i-tii(?), 53 : 12; GAL i-LzL(?), 21 : 27, to he conferred here? Cf. hcro p. 36, notr 4. 

Cf. ""'ICnndur8 in B. R., XIV, XV, and see Chapter IV, pp. 79ff. 

lo See p. 47, note 1. " See p. 36, note 5. 

Doubtful; might be a nom. pr.: [~R-'"uL'sH. 

Sre also Ni-ib-bu-ri-i. 

34 or d lu-ki~~.~~.

FROX THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NlPYUR. 

111. NAMES OE PLACES. 

mGtx.4.AB.BAki, see "Ldt'bT(imlim. Dzir-'"hush(= PA .KU), 3 : 40. 

mdtUA-ga-a-dB(= NX), 28 : 21; A-ga-dB(= NElki, 27 : 23. Dar-mSukal(=PA~)-pat-raki, 40 : 3. 

G"~ma(or ba?)-laki, 96 : 4, 11, 21, 28 ; cf. 1. 7, "%A- D&-U.DAR.MAGH, see D22r-lshtar-6frut. 

maki.> d-, sea Bit-. 

auA~di-B&lit(= GASHAN),> 13 : 7; 66 : 24; dl"Ardi- E.k,la-ti"i, 1 : 18. 

GASHANlii, 11 : 20: G1'l~rdi-~~~ki, 18 : 18. ~~uE-n~u-ga-at-iiu~arduk,' GG : 3 1 67 : 3. 

ma-at Ash-shur, 20 : 18. 

diuBhb-ili( = KA.DZNGZR.RA), 60n : G 1 95 : 3 ; RA. 

i2"~mki-~~g, 730. : 15. 

En-lilki, see Nippur". 

DINGIR.RA", 62 : 7 1 71 : 8. 

aiuBa18ti(= TZ)"(?),~ 65 : 19. 

BAR.TUR~~, sco ~arak-rnbri~~. 

Bit-ml


Kames of Places 

alUNiYpur(= EN.LIL)ki, 38 : 3 189 : 21 ; EN.LIL~', d'USF;i-i-t2i-na-li,B 28 : 22. 

11 : 19 113 : 6 1 18 : 20 127 : 29 135 : 13 1 58 : 4 1 mdtuTdmtim(= A.AB.BA)~~,~ 22 : 15 137 : 10. 

83 : 8 ( 86 : 7 (95 : 17. Cf. shnr- at a'"~~.L~~ki, aluTe-ri-ba-a-tum, 66 : 23. 

38 : 3, mdrem~~h. EN-LILki, see " Prolessional ""TIki(?), see dl"~ald$iki. 

and Gentilic Names." 

Tuic(= IZU)-~U~-~~-E.ICUR~~,~ 

39 : .5. 

""'Pa-an-Ba-!iki, 23 : 34. aLu~D.l


k~lUE~~.~U-[?], 53 : 22. 

Names of Houses and Temples 

~.LTJGAL, scc bit share. 

kGAL,' 34 : 11 135 : 15 150 : 11 159 : 4. k-ililu~~~.~~, 

73a : 3. 

bit-ilu, see 2.il.V. k-ilu~ergal(?), 54 : 20. 

bit-i"irshu( = NAD), 66 : 21 : hit i'ulrsl~~(~VAD)mes'h, E.SAG.~L, see Hascolino Names. 

23 : 14 1 66 : 22. g-SAL.AZAG, 91 : 7. 

~.ICISH.SII?R( = NU).GAl,, see filasculine Names. j"l'sin., g.ihfi~.zU.. 

,$.KUR~~~", 66 : 23 ; &.I


AN-TIM, 41 : 19. 

Names of Gods 

"uGU,' 89 : 4. 

i'"A-nu, 24 : 6; A-ni~: E-, biib-; 11-wu-urn: b6h-. il'L~r~-sir sscc i'"IiA.DI. 

il"A-si~t~r: ""'"4-sht~r-; ~na-at Ash-~hur. CHE-GAL: "'1Mzt-. 

Ba-li: UP^-an-. 

Ba-ni : "A-/-ti-a-, "'A-bu-, illLl)II,.BA T-, rn i"Nerla-d 

[il indccd name of a got1 and not tlie hypoeorist 

ending ia + nominative ending u irequently 

gal-; Ba-ni-i: "'Ameb; Bana-a: mBana-a-. attached tu names without regard to their last 

BE: 1Va?,z-ya-ra-BE( = 681). 

clement]: mArdi-. 

B&l, see BE; EN. 

1381 wdliili, see EAr.I


Names of Gods 

i " ~ ~ ~ ( ? 50 ) : 9. . ~ ~ ~ , 

i " ~ see ~ ilu~ishbu. ~ ~ , 

i l u ~ :I ~ rn ~ ils~visk(t)-, . ~ ~ mBu-na-, mBu-un-na-, ilu~~kal: rn ilu~ukal-: see also ""LUGH; PAP. 

%Idin-, mIegur-. iLu~hamash(=UD), 33: 25,29 141: 11 81:4; mi'~hamash-, 

il"~~~.~,I~,l 89 : 4; Nam-gar-I


VII. 

DESCRIPTION OF TABLETS. 

c., cbea; C. B. M., Catalogue of tlic 13abylonim Museum, University of Pennsylvania, prepared by tlie Editur, 

Prof. 1)r. H. V. Hilprecht; of., confcr; Exp., Expedition; f., following page; E., following pagcs; fragm., fragrnent(ary); 

insor., inscription; L. E., Left Edge; li., line(s); LO. E., LowerEdgo; Nu(s)., Nnn~bers; O., Obvcr,l.sr; 

p., page; pp., pages; R., Reversc; R. E., Right Edge; U. E., IJpper Edge; Vol., Volume. 

Measurements arc given in centilnetres, widtli X lengtll (lleight) X tlliekness. Wilenever tho tablet (or ft.agmcnt) 

varies in size, the largest lneasurement is given. The HOMAN uurnbers under "d~scription" indicate thc several expcditions: 

I - first; 11 = second; 111 = third; IV = fourth expedition. 

A. AUTOGRAPH REPRODUCTIONS. 

TEXT. PLATE. To FROM AGE. C. B. M. Dsscnr~~~o~. 

1 1 "My Lord" m~&iddina"~-il"~ar- Kuri-Gnlm, 11716 Bakod. Light brown. Left 

(a-na be-li-?a) duk. about 1420 B.C. part of it. and right lower 

oarner broken off. 4 X 

5.8 X 2. Inscr. 11 (0.) + 

12 (R.) = 23 1i. 11. 

2 1 "A-hu-Ba-ni. Icu~i-Galm, 10930 Balred. Ruled. Light brown 

about 1400 U.C. with occasional dark spots. 

Left part and lower half of 

tablet broken off. 4.5 X 

4.5 X 2.6. Inscr. 7 (0.) + 

4 R = 1 I 111. 

3 2,3 mArnel-ilu~arduk. ~lm~arakti-~huriash, 11426 Baked. Ruled. Light brown. 

about 1325 B.C. Craeked.Ctrumbling. Several 

fragments glued together. 

Insertion of fragments a and 

b on place indicated very 

doubtful. 14 X 8.4 X 3.2. 

Inscr. 29 (0.) + 32 (R.) + 

3 (U. E.) + 2 (L. E.) + 4 

(fragm. c) + 4 (fragm. d) = 

741i. 11. 

4 4 " mA-na-ku-~-rna. About 1400 B.C. 3669 Unbaked. Light brown. Lower 

part of tablet broken off. 

4.5 X 6.5 X 2. Inscr. 9 (0.)


TEXT. PLATE. Tc FROM AGE. C.B.M. DISC~IPTION. 

+ 8 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) + 3 

(1. E. = 22 I. 11. 

5 5 "h1y 1,ard" "'4rdi-Belit. Icuri-Gnl~u, 11 149 Baked. Dark brown. CracBcd. 

(a-na bs-liia) about 1400 B.C. Right lowor corner of 0. 

broken off. lo me^. part of 

R. not insclibed. 5.5 X 10 

X 2.8. Inscr. 16 (0.) + 7 

(R.) = 23 li. I (stray tablet 

found out of place). 

169 

m~rdi-i-izu~arduk. SCuri-Galzu, 12559 Unbaked. Light brown. 

about 1400 B.C. Ruled. Beginning and end 

of lines crumbled away. 

Lower part broken away. 

R. razed off. 7.5. X 8 X 

2.7. Inscr. 9 1i. 11. 

About 1360 B.C. 3787 TJnbsked. Dark brown. 

Cracked. Crumbling. Right 

side and lower part ol 

tablet broken away. 4 X 

7.5 X 3. Inser. 11 (0.) + 

9 (R.) = 20 Ii. 11. 

mBo-il-iL7~Mo[rdulc]. Nazi-Marutlash, 1ORlG Unbalred. Dark brawn. 

about 1370 B.C. Cracked. Glued together. 

m~am-,-shn-iiuM~~dukk Ifwi-Galru, 

nl~out 1390 B.C. 

Fragment. Upper left corner 

of larger tablet. 4.3 X 

8.2 X 4. Inscr. 14 (0.) + 

14 (It.) = 28 li. 111. 

11635 Unbaked. Dark brown. Lower 

partbrokenoff. 5 x 6 x 2. 

Inscr. 12 (0.) + 12 (R.) = 

24li. II(?). Translation, pp. 

104ff. 

[. . . . i Lu]~a~d~~k. 

IIuri-Galm, 3537 Unbaked. Light brow. 

ahout 1390 R.C. Ruled. Left half md lower 

part of tablet broken away. 

Remainder of R. not in- 

soribed. 5.2 X 4.5 x 3. 

Inscr. 7 (0.) + 2 (R.) = 

9 li. 111. 

mB+la-nu. Kudur-Enlil, 19781 Unbaked. Light brown, R. 

about 1335 B.C. darker. 0. crumbling and 

greatly obliterated. 4.8 X 

7.3 X 2.2. Inscr. 14 (0.) 

+ 2 (Lo. E.) + 14 (R.) + 1 

(U. E.) = 31 1i. IV. 

n.Etir-izu~arduk. About 1350 B.C. 11929 Baked. Light brown. Ruled. 

Beginning of lines on 0. 

broken away. 4.5 X 7 x

13 11 "My Lord" 

(a-na be-?cia) 


FROM A~E. C.B.M. DESCRIPTION. 

2. Insor. 11 (0.) + 11 

(R.) = 22 1i. 11. 

'"Er-ba iLu~a~d~k. Shagarakti-Shuksh, 10804 Unbaked. Light brown. 

about 1325 B.C. Cracked. 0. and R. dot- 

ted with dark spots. Lower 


Lower part of R. not 

inscribed. 5 X 5.2 X 3. 

Inscr. 11 (0.) + 7 (R.) = 

18 li. 111. 

m~~-ba-am~Lu~arduk. Shagarakti-Shuriash, 11637 Baked. Dark brom. Lower 

about 1325 R.C. half of tablct broken away. 

4.5 X 3.8 X 2. Inscr. 9 

(0.) + 8 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 

+ 1 (L. E.) = 21 li. 11. 

iLuErrish(t)-[z&r-ib-]ni. Burna-Buriash, 10571 Baked. Light brown. Crum- 

about 1430 B.C. bling. Cracked. Beginning 

of lines and lower part 

of tablet braken away. 6 

X 4.5 X 2.5. Inscr. 8 

(0.) + 8 (R.) i 3 (U. E.) 

= 19 li. 111. 

izu~m'sh(t)-[z&-ib-nil. Burna-Budash. 10951 Unbaked. Darlt. Ruled. Badly 

about 1430 B.C. effaced. Upper right and 

'" iLu~rrish(t)-~~.~~- About 1350 R.C. 19780 

lower left corners brokon 

away. Only upper part of 

R. inscribed. 5.8 X 9.5 X 

2.5. Inscr. 15 (0.) t 3 (R.) 

= 18 Ii. 11. 

Raked. Light brom. Vwy 

j~trnesh 

small script. The end of 

nearly all lines is broken 

away. Lower part of R.not 

[. . . . 1-ilPesh. About 1350 B.C. 

inscribed. 4.3 X 6.7 X 2. 

Inscr. 20 (0.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 

+ 14 (R.) = 36 1i. IV. 

3655 Raked. Light brown. Most 

of 0. and left part of R, 

brolten away. 6 X 11.5 X 

2.8. Inscr. 15 (0.) + 25 (R.) 

+ 1 (U. E.) = 41 Ii. 11. 

m~b-ni""~aarduk. Icudur-EnZil, 19787 Unbaked. Light brown. 

about 1335 B.C. Ruled. 0.erurnbling. Lower 


Only upper part of R. in- 

scribed. 4.3 X 6.8 X 2. 

Inscr. 12 (0.) + 1 (R.) = 

13 li. IV.


TEXT. PLATE. To F R ~ I AGE. 

20 15 "hly Lord" m~din-2'u~wish(l), Nazi-Marultaah, 

(a-na be-li-ia) about 1375 U.C. 

mIlu-MU.TUK.A- ICndashmon-Enlil, 

rimnma. about 1345 B.C. 

Rurna-Bu~iash, 

about 1430 H.C. 

Burno-Buriask, 

about 1430 H.C. 

Ifuri-Galztc, 

about 1430 B.C. 

m~ialbi-i'u~~~.~~N. Ka,~htiliashu, 

D~G.GA. about 1309 B.C. 

Kadashman-Turgu, 


C.U.M. DESCRIPTION. 

19798 Unbaked. Light. Lower part 

of tablet broken away. R. 

mostly crumbled off. 5.8 

X 6.3 X 2.4. Inscr. 13 

(0.) + 13 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) 

= 291i. IV. 

10806 TJnbaked. Li gll t brown. 

Imx-er right part oi tablet 

broken off. 5.3 X 8.4 X 

2.3. Inscr. 14 (0.) t 16 

(R.) + 1 (U. E:.) i 2 (L. 

E.) = 331i. 111. 

11101 Bal

27 20 "My 1,orcl" 

(a-nn be-li-ia) 


Fnmr As,,:. C.TIM. D~scit11~~1alv. 

+ 11 (R.) = 20 li. ITr. 

Tmnslntion, pp. Illiff. 

mIit~-di~-~~-r~z~. I

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF SII'PUR. 163 

AGE. ( 

About 1-100 1J.C. 

4.8 X 7.3 X 2.2. Ilrscr. 

13 (0.) + 1 (I,". F.) + 15 

(I


TEXT. PLATE. TO Fnonr AGE. G.B.M. DESCRIPTION. 

40 32 "My l,ordn mU-bn7-rum. Kudur-tinlil, 5134 Bilked. Dark. Cmclied. 

(a-na he-ii-ia) about 1335 B.C. Glued together. Lower 

41 32 [N&~?]-~'~~harnash. Kadaskman-Tulyu, 

llalf of K. not insc~.ibed. 

5.5 X 9.3 X 2.5. Inscr. 17 

(0.) + 1 (Lo. E.) + 8 (R.) 

= 26 1i. 111. Translation, 

pp. 129ff. 

11787 Bal'ed. Dark brm~m. Cracl'ed. 

about 1350 B.C. C~.umbling. 1.cit part and 

lower half of tablet broken 

away. Glued together. 6.2 

X 5 X 2.5. Inset.. 11 (0.) 1 

12(R.)+3(U.E.) =201i. 11. 

42 33 barannu of Diir-Sukal- Kudur-Enlil, 11498 Unbslred. Lightbrown. Lower 

potra, cf. p. 129. about 1335 B.C. lmlf of tablet broken away. 

First line and some signs of 

R.ellippedoff. 5 X 6 X 2.5. 

Inscr. 10 (0.) + 11 (R.) + 2 

(U.E.)+3(L.>>.) =261i. 11. 

Abont 1350 B.C. 19779 Unbaked. Light brown, 0. 

has large blaclc spot. 

Crumbling. End of lincs 

on 0. covered with silica. 

Lowcr part of R. not 

Ku~i-Gnlzu, 

inscribed. Line at end of R. 

5 x 7.2 X 2.3. hlscr. 13 

(0.) + 4 (R.)= 171i. IV. 

19799 Unbaked. Darlcbrown. Ruled. 

about 1400 B.C. Crumbling. Cmclied. Upper 

part broken away. 

Lower part of R. not inscribed. 

5.7 X 9.3 X 2.4. 

Inscr. 14 (0.) + 6 (It.) = 

20 1i. IV. 

108ff. 

Translation,pp. 

About 1370 B.C. 11860 Unbaked. Liglltbrown. Crunlhling. 

Cracked. Upper part 

of tablet broraken away. 4.5 

X 7 X 2. Inscr. 12 (0.) + 

12 (R.) = 24 1i. 11. Trunslation, 

pp. 1428. 

About 1350 B.C. 10952 Unbal

48 38 "My Lord" 

(a-%a be-li-ia) 


TEXT. PLATE. To FROM AGE. c.B.~I. DESCRIPTION. 

Upper part of tablet hroken 

away. Line after inscrip- 

tion on Lo. E. 5.7 X 7.4 X 

2.3. Inscr. 12 (0.) + 11 

(It.) = 23 ti. 111. 

Icudur-Enlil, 11893 Unbaked. Light brown. 

about 1335 B.C. First two lines broken 

away. Cracked. Right up- 

per oorner of R. chipped off. 

4.5 X 5.8 X 2. Inscr. 15 

(0.) + 15 (R.) = 30 li. I1 

Nazi-Mnruttash, 10913 Unbaked. Light brown. 

about 1380 H.C. Cracked. Upper and lower 

part of tablct broken away. 

Lower part of R. not in- 

scribed. Line at end of 

inscription, 4.5 X 4.8 X 

2.5. Inscr. 8 (0.) + 3 (R.) 

= 11 li. 111. 

ICwi-Galzu, 3662 Baked. 0. darli, K. light 

about 1400 D.C. brown. Left and right side 

and lower part of tablet 

broken away. Line after 

0. 1. 12 and at end of in- 

scription. Greatly rnuti- 

lated. Lower part of R. 

not inscribod. 6.2 X 8.5 

X 2.5. Inscr. 13 (0.) + 5 

(R.) = 18 li. 11. 

About 1350 H.C. 1U510 Unbaked. Light bro wn. 

Rulcd. Crumbling. End of 

all lines broken away. 4.5 

X 8 X 2.5. Inscr. 12 (0.) 

+ 9 (R.) = 21 li. 111. 

Bum-Uuriash, 10504 Unbalced. Light. Cracked. 

about 1430 B.C. Upper part broken away. 

Script almost obliterated. 

5 X 9 X 2.5. Inscr. 18 

(0.) + 22 (R.) i- 1 (U. E.) 

= 41 1i. 111. 

Shayarakti-Shun'ash, 11504 Unbaked. Ligllt brown. 

about 1320 B.C. Crumbling. Glued together. 

Line at end of inscription. 

End of lines and beginning 

of 0. broken away. Greatly 

mutilated. 6.2 X 9.6 X 

2.7. Inscr. 22 (0.) + 19 

(R.) = 41 1i. 11.


TI,:xT. PLATE. To Frtor~ Acc. C.D,bI. Uascn~m~o~. 

5-1 42 "\ly Lord" !ll,nut 1350 H(:. 11654 Dnlitlbcd. 0. liglit, K. d:~rl

FRODZ THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 167 

TEST. PLATE. To Flrohi :\oc. C.B.U. D~sca~r~ro~. 

(a,) + 2 (U. E.) = 13 li. 

111. 

GOa 40 "My Lord"('!) [. . . .]-ir,~. .bout 1350 B.C. 3604 lial-ed. Iigllt brown. Left 

(a-na bc-li-in) side and upper part of it. 

.okcn ~ ~ 2 ~ 5 7 . 

Line nftcr 

. 1. 1. Clotlr iinprcssion 

I right lower corner of 0. 

lience strictly speaking no 

ttcr(?). 5 X 7 X a. 

cser. 10 (0.) + 2 (La. E.) 

10 (R.) = 22 Ii. 11. 

12634 lialred. Brown. 0. and up- 

per part ol R. broken awny. 

Pustsclipt,cf.No. 00. 1,o~ver 

part of It. not inscribed. 7 

X 13 X 2.7. Inscr.8li. 11. 

10878 Bsl

68 50 "My Lord" 

(a-na be-li-ia) 


Kudur-Enlil, 



C.B.21. Dmscnr~r~o~. 

0. dark, It. light brown. 

B. badly mutilated. 8 X 

8.5 X 4. Inscr. 17 (0.) + 

13 (R.) = 301i. 11. 

11946 Unbaked. 0. dark, R. light 

brawn. TJpper, lower, and 

right part of tablet broken 

away. Inscription on L. E. 

in tvo columns. Cf. No. li9. 

8 X 8.5 X 4. Inscr. 17 (0.) 

+ 14 (R.) + 9 (Ii. E:.) = 40 

li. 11. 

10621 Unbaked. Light brown. 

Fragm. (left lower part) of 

larger tablet. R. eom- 

plctcly broken away, Cf. 

Xo. 68. 4 X 4.6 x 2.2. 

Inscr. 9 (0.) + 1 (L. E.) = 

10 li. 111. 

3836 Unbaked. Frsgm. of larger 

tablet. Light brown. Cf. 

No. 66. 4 X 4 X 3.8. 

Inser. 5 + G - 11 1i. 111. 

10392 Unbaked. Light brawn. 

Fragm. (right lower part) 

of larger tsb!et. Ruled. 

4.5 X 5.5 X 3.8. Inscr. 10 

(0.) + 8 (K.) = 18 1i. 111. 

10924 Unbaked. Ligbt brown. 

Crumbling. Occasional dark 

spots on 0. and R. Upper 

part and end of lines 

broken away. 4.8 X 5.5 

X 2.2. Inscr. 9 (0.) f 10 

(R.) = 191;. 111. 

10658 Unbaked. Li gll t brown . 

Crumbling. Fragm.of 

larger tablet. Only on ono 

side is the inscription pre- 

served. 3.8 X 6.5 X 3.2. 

Inscr. 14 li. 111. 

10938 Unbaked. Light brawn. 

Cracked. Fragm. (upper 

middle pat) of larger tab- 

let. Gr e at1 y mutilated. 

3.8 X 5 X 2.3. Inscr. 8 

(0.) + 10 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 

= 20 1;. 111. 

10853 Unbal~ed. Dark brown .

78 5 "Son." "Fathw." 

FEOM THE TEKPLE ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 169 

TEXT. PLATE. To F~osr AGE. C.B.NI. DESCRIPTION. 

75 54 

Yragm. (middle part) of 

tablet. Only one side preserved. 

5.5 X 6.8 X 2.4. 

Inscr. 14 li. 111. 

mAmel-i2uMu~dt~k. "The King" (LUGAI,) Shagarakti-Shueash, 12582 TJnbaked. I,i gli t brown . 

(cf. No. 93). about 1325 B.C. End of lines and lower part 

of tablet brobrn sway. 12. 

almost con~plctely crum- 

bled off. 3.9 X 4.8 X 1.7. 

lo (0.) + 10 (R.) + 

rns~r. 

3 (U. E.) = 23 li. 111. 

About 1400 13.C. 

Tmnsl:ttion, pp. 132ff. 

3660 11nb:~krd. 1,igll t bro wn . 

C~.nekcd. Covered with 

blaelr pots. Lino after 0. 

1. 1. R. Ijns only onc line 

of inscription, rrst not 

inscribed. 5 + 7.5 X 2.3. 

Inser.9 (0.) + 1 (R.) = 11) 

li. 11. Translatiun,pp.l43f. 

77 55 m"zf+ ;n-lilL[hEl- " i"'~-shu~-shz~m-i$ir. Kadoshmnn-Turgu, 10575 T:i~bnl-ed. Dark h r o wn . 

nishimESh-sht~]. L L ~ U1360 U ~ B.C. Cracked. Crumbling. Itigbt 

side and lower part of tablet 

broken nwny. 4.8 X 6.8 X 

2.2. Inscr. 10 li. 111. 

78 56 "A-bu-shi-nn. ' i2~~~-lil-lci-di-ni. Rz~ma-Burinsh, 10774 TTnbakcd. Light brown . 

about 1430 B.C. Lower part oi tablet hroken 

nway. Only upper part of 

It. is inscribed. 4.7 X 6.5 

X 2.4. Inscr. 10 (0.) + 3 

(K.) = 13 1i. 111. 

79 56 "Im-qu-ri. " i2"'~n-lil-bi-di-[~~i]. Ijumn-Rueash, 11931 Balced. Brown. I,rf t side 

about 1430 B.C. h~.olrm away. Badly mutilated. 

Crmnbling. Lower 

part of it. not inscribed. 4 

80 57 "A -mi-li-in. ' i2rc~n-lil-mu-kin-apal. NazblVarutIfish, 6051; 

X 6.8 X 2.5. Inssr. (l (0.) 

+ 4 (R.) = 13 Ii. 11. 

Unbaked. Light h r a w 11 . 

ahout 13.50 B.C. 1,ower l~alf of tablet hrolcen 

away. Right upper corner 

of 0. wns pressed domnward 

while tablet was still 

soft. 4 X 4 X 2. Insrr. 

8 (0.) + 7 (R.) + 2 (17. E.) 

= 171i. 11. 

81 57 "AEu-6-a-Ba-ni. mErba-i'UMnrduk. ICadashman-Enlil, 3692 Baked. 0. light brawn, R. 

about 1335 B.C. darker. Occasional black 

spots. Lower part of t:tb!et 

22


TEXT. PLATE. To FROM AGE. C.B.M. Il~scnr~i~ro~. 

broken away. 4.6 X 5 X 

2.3. Insor. 10 (0.) + 10 

(n.) = 20 a. 11. 

82 57 /In-ni-ti-ia. ""~rba-~'"'Marduk. Shagarnkli-SI~uriasiL, 118.52 TJnhakcd. Dark 11 row n . 

about 1325 B.C. Grcirtly mutilated. 0. lcft 

lowcr comrr broken auray. 

R. complett:ly crurnbled 

off. 3.7 X 5.1 X 1.7. 

Inscr. 10 li. 11. 

33 58 "In-na-an-ni. " i'"~rrisl~(l)(=NZN. ZCuri-Gala, 3315 Bal

FRON THE TEDIPLE: ARCHIVES OF NIPPUR. 171 

TEXT. PLATE. To FROM Ace. 

89 62 "NZN-nu-&a. nLPdn-A~V.G4L-lu-mur. About 1350 13.C 

'n ili~,yi~.e~i~hZah, Kadashmnn-Turgu, 


91 63 [mI-na]-gil-li-a-[lak]. " i1wDAR.BU-n127-gob- About 1350 I1.C 

ba. 

Na~i-Maruttash, 

1390 B.C. 

"Tho Icing"(?) (cf. No. About 1400 B.C 

75). 

About 1350 B.C 

C.u.hf. DESCXIPTIUN. 

19764 Baked. ])ark brown. Right 

luu5,cr earner bruken away. 

4 X 6.3 X 1.7. Inscr. 14 

(0.) + 14 (R.) + 2 (U. E.) 

= 30 li. IV. Translation, 

pp. 10ff.; 25, note 4; 27, 

note 8. 

1093G Baked. Darli. F~zgm. (lcft 

upper part) oi tablet. 4 x 

5 X 2.3. Inscr. 7 (0.) + 7 

R . = i . 111. 

19796 l3alied. Light brown. 3 lines 

on tablct. Beginning of first 

section brolren away. 0.1.5 

is continued over thc wirole 

ol R. Lowcr part uf R. not 

inscribed. 5 X 5 X 2. 

Inscr. 10 (0.) + 2 (Lo. E.) 

+ 3 (R.) = 15 li. IV. 

19784 Bakcd. Light brown. I~onrr 

right part af tablet broken 

away. 4.5 X 7.5 X 2. 

Inscr. 14 (0.) + 2 (In. E.) 

+ 15 (R.) + 3 (U. E.) = 

34 li. IV. 

3674 Unbaked. Fragm. (lower 

right part) af tablet. 

Crumbling. Cracked. Badly 

mutilated. Other side 

uf tablct compl&ely effaced. 

4.5 X 5.3 X 2. Inscr. 8 li. 

11. 

3665 U~~bal

8, 9 111 

10, 11 IV 

12, 13 V 

14, 15 VI 

16, 17 VII 

18, 19 VII 

20 VIII 

21 IX 

LETTERS TO CASSITE ICINGS 

Fnob~ dcs. C.R.M. UESCHIFTIOX. 

dnrl-cr. Cracked. Crunib- 

ling. Fragm. (~niddle part) 

of largcr tablet. 6.8 X 9.5 

X 3. Inscr. 15 (0.) + 14 

(R.) = 29li. 111. 

ICadashman-Turgu, 10922 Unhsl-cd. D a r I< 1) r o w n . 

about 1360 B.C. Ruled. Upper part and 

About 1350 1i.C. 

right sido of tablet broken 

away. Last line and all ol 

other sidc not inscribed. 

3.8 X 5.5 X 2.7. Inscr. 7 

li. 111. 

10895 U~~hal-cd. Frsgtn. of larger 

tzblct. Dark broxvn. Ruled. 

Crumbling. R. eon~pletely 

broken away. 6.3 X 5.8 X 

1.5. Inser. 8 li. 111. 

10915 Unbslred. I n . Fragm. 

(middle part) of larger tab- 

let. Tlrc athcr side of 

B. PHOTOGRAPHIC (HALF-TONE) REPIIODUCTIOXS. 

tablct completely eru~rlbled 

away. Cracked. 5.4 X 6 

X 2. Inscr. 10 li. 111. 

C. B. M. D~scarl~~lon. 

0. and It. oi s lctter from ICalbu to the "Lord." Cf. 19703 Cf. description of tcxt KO. 24. 

Translation on pp. 10lff. 

Part of onuclopc, 1%. E. and Lo. E. oi a letter Irorn 19703 Cf. description of text No. 24. 

Xalbu to the "Lord." Cf. Translation on pp. 10lff. 

0. and H. of s letter referring to Enlil-kidinni. For 10497 Cf. description of text No. 55. 

Translation ci. Chapter 111, pp. 51ff. 

0. and R. of a royal letter to Arncbn/larduii. Cf. Trans- 12582 CI. dcseriptiun of tcst No. 75. 

lation on pp. 132ff. 

0. and R. of a lettrr iron, NZM.GI-sliar-ili to the 6123 Cf. descriptio~l of tcst No. 33a. 

"Lord!' Cf. Translation on pp. 135ff. 

0. and R. of 3. letter irorrl [Zm-gu]-rum to thc "Lord." 

Cf. Translation on pp. 94ff. 

11090 Cf. description of text No. 23. 

0. and R. of a letter from Mukallirn to the "Lord." 

Cf. Chapter 111, p. 36, note 7. 


0. arid R. of 8. letter from illuknllim to the "1,ord." 

Cf. Chapter 111, p. 36, note 7. 


0. and 12. af a letter from Shiriqlim to thc "1,ord." 

Cf. Translation on pp. 140If. 


0. of a lettcr from Amel-lfarduk to the "l,ord!' 11426 Cf. description of text No. 3. 

12. of a letter from AmcbMare "Lord." 11426 CI. description of text NO. 3.

FROM THE TEMPLE ARCHIVES OF NII'PUR. 173 

0. and R, of s letter from Sin-kavabi-cshme ta tlio 

"Lurd." 

c. 13. fir. 

lrJ783 

0. and I?. oi a lctter from U6nn.u.m to thc "1,ard." 

Translation on lip. 129ff. 

CI. 5134 

12. of a letter slruwiny tile irzg.gment:try cunditiun uf the 

collcotion. 

10504 

0. of alettrr frinn Imyz~rum to tile "1,ord." 11101 

0, of ,z letter lrorn a "fntller" to liis "son." 

lation on pp. 143ff. 

CI. Trms- 3660 

0. and 12. oI a lctter from E~rish(t)-npnbiddina to 

Imanni. Cf. Translation on pp. IlOff. 

3315 

0. and It. oi a letter from 3r.irisl~(t)-apal-iddinn to 3258 

Znnnnni. Cf. Translation on pp. 113fi. 

C. NUMBERS OF THE CATALOGUE OF THE BABYLONIAN 

PROF. DR. H. V. HILPRECHT). 

Dsscx11.no~. 

CI. description of tcst No. 37. 

Ci. dcsc~iptian of Lcxt Nu. 40. 

Cf. description of text No. 52. 

Cf. descriptiou of tcst No. 22. 

Cf. description of tcxt No. 76. 



MUSEUM (PREPARED BY

LETTERS TO CASSITE KJNGS.

Obverse. Reverse.

Y 

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3 

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8 

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13 

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Obuerse. Reverse

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20 

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Lo. E. $0

6 

PI. 19 

0- 0 

Erasure.

20 

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28 

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Lo. E. 10 

R.

32 

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PI. 80

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10 

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R. 

16 

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6 

Reverse.

Pl. 47

68 

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Oherse. Reverse

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78 

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6 

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10 

16 

U. E. 

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PI. 57

87 

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10 

R. 16 

20 

26 

U. E. 

SO 

o. ~..O 

Erasure. 

Erasure.

Obverse

96 

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Reverse.

4 

ENVELOPE I. RIGHT EDGE 5. LOWER EDGE OF NO. 21 

B U REPORTS TO THE KING ABOUT A OISASTROUS FLOOD, ABOUT 1430 B.C. 

PL. II

s s 

s~i, osuinsi a~olnrvi~si oi NO, 55 8s. OBVERSE ANO REVERSE OF NO. 75 

6-7. DISPUTE ABOUT THE EXACT WORDING OF A MESSAGE FROM KING BURNA-BURASH. ABOUT I440 B.C. 

8-9. ROYAL SUMMONS FROM KING SHAGAqAKTl-SHURIASH TO HIS SHERIFF AMEL-MARDUK, ABOUT 1325 B.C.

A GENERAL'S EXPLANATORY LETTER TO THE KING. ABOUT 1400 B.C.

e /Q 

16-17. OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF NO. 13 18-19 OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF NO. 38 

16-17. A PHYSICIAN'S REPORT TO THE KlNG ABOUT THE RELAPSE OF A SICK TEMPLE WOMAN, ABOUT 1430 B.C. 

18-18. REPORT TO THE KlNG ABOUT THE RECEIPT OF WOOL AND PROVENDER, ABOUT 1400 B.C.

2 0 

OBVERSE OF NO. 3 

A SHERIFFS REPORT TO KING SHAGARAKTI-SHURIASH ABOUT THE CONOlTlON OF CERTAIN CANALS, 

ABOUT 1325 B.C.

s 7 

REVERSE OF NO. I 

A SHERIFF'S REPORT TO KING SHAGARAKTI-SHURIASH ABOUT THE CONDITION OF CERTAIN CANALS, 

ABOUT 1325 B.C.

2 4 

22-23 OBUERSf AN0 REVERSE OF NO. 37 

24-25 OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF 80 40 

REP, )RT TO THE KING ABOUT THE PAYMENT OF GRAIN AND WHEAT, ABOUT 1430 8 C. 

THE SUPERINTENDENT OF RIVERS AND CANALS COMPLAINS TO KING KUOUR-ENLIL ABOUT THE PREFECT OF D~R-SUI 

ABOUT 1335 B.C. 

2 5

26. REVERSE OF NO. 52 21. OBVERSE OF No, 22 28. OBVERSE OF NO. 75 

REPORT TO THE KING ABOUT THE NON-ARRIVAL OF A CERTAIN SLAVE, ABOUT 1430 B.C. 

REPORT TO THE KING ABOUT THE ILLNESS OF A WOMAN AND THE MAKING OF BRICKS, ABOUT 1430 B.C. 

A FATHER'S PEREMPTORY ORDER TO HIS SON. ABOUT 1400 B.C.

31 3 2 

23-30 OBYERSI AND REVERSE OF NO. 83 31-32. OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF NO. 84 

29-32. TWO LETTERSOFCOMPLAINTS, REQUESTS. AND THREATS ADDRESSED BY A GOVERNOR TO THE BURSAR-IN-CHIEF, ABOUT 1400 B.C.

THE BABYLONIAN EXPEDITION 

OF 

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EDITED 111' 

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~ ~ ~ 

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Part 1, chiefly from Nippur, by A. T. Clay, 1908, 86.00. 

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I . 

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Mark in eiotl>. The second part is in press. 

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(OTHER YDI,UMRS WII.~, RE ANNOIINCED LATEX.) 

All ot.,Irrs for tilese hooks to be addressed to 

THE MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY, 

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Electronic publication prepared by 

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THE BABYLONIAN EXPEDITION

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