the coalition of amateur logophiles and English professors that succeeded
in bringing Canadian English into print and, more important, into our
consciousness. Through him, this small, almost forgotten band of scholars
Dollinger
“Stefan Dollinger has undertaken heroic archival sleuthing to resuscitate
come to life with their foibles, their labours, and above all their dedication.”
“For this brilliantly researched book, Stefan Dollinger bravely ventured to
parts of the archives other scholars had never reached. He emerged with the
fascinating story of how the ‘Lennon & McCartney of Canadian English’,
Walter S. Avis and Charles J. Lovell, persuaded Canada – and then the
Dollinger.9781108497718. PPC. C M Y K
world – to recognize Canadian English as the distinctive language variety
that it truly is.”
Peter Trudgill, University of Fribourg, Switzerland
Stefan Dollinger is Associate Professor at the University of British
Columbia’s Department of English, specializing in Canadian English and
linguistic border studies. He is author of New-Dialect Formation in Canada
(2008), The Written Questionnaire in Social Dialectology (2015), and, of
particular interest for the present book, Chief Editor of the Dictionary of
Canadianisms on Historical Principles – www.dchp.ca/dchp2 (2017).
Cover illustration: aerial photo of the
southeastern tip of Vancouver Island, the
village of Oak Bay (part of the Victoria Capital
Region District), with Tl-chess (Discovery and
Chatham Islands) at high tide in the foreground;
Sitchanalth (Willows Beach) is on the left,
Cadboro Bay – Gyro Beach on the right
(Stefan Dollinger, 11 March 2018).
Creating Canadian English
Jack Chambers, University of Toronto
Creating Canadian
English
The Professor, the Mountaineer, and
a National Variety of English
Stefan Dollinger
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Creating Canadian English
This lively account of the making of Canadian English traces the variety’s
conceptual, social, and linguistic developments through the twentieth century
to the present. This book is not just another history of Canadian English; it is
a history of the variety’s discovery, codification, and eventual acceptance, as
well as the contribution of the linguists behind it. Written by an active
research linguist focussing on Canadian English, this book is an archivebased biography on multiple levels. Through a combination of new data and
reinterpretations of existing studies, a new voice is given to earlier generations of Canadian linguists who, generally forgotten today, shaped the
variety and how we think about it. Exploring topics such as linguistic description and codification, dictionary making, linguistic imperialism, linguistic
attitudes, language and Canadian identity, or the threat of Americanization,
Dollinger presents a coherent, integrated, and balanced account of developments spanning almost a century.
stefan dollinger is Associate Professor at the University of British
Columbia’s Department of English Language and Literatures, specializing
in Canadian English and linguistic border studies. He is the author of NewDialect Formation in Canada (2008) and The Written Questionnaire in
Social Dialectology (2015), and, of particular interest for the present book,
Chief Editor of the new edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms on
Historical Principles – www.dchp.ca/dchp2 (2017).
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Figure 1 Early twentieth-century map (1920–23) of Oak Bay
and Tl-chess – colonial names Discovery and Chatham Islands
(Oak Bay Archives, used by permission)
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Creating Canadian English
The Professor, the Mountaineer, and
a National Variety of English
Stefan Dollinger
University of British Columbia, Vancouver
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Title Name: Dollinger
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre,
New Delhi – 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906
Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108497718
DOI: 10.1017/9781108596862
© Stefan Dollinger 2019
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2019
Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Dollinger, Stefan, author.
Title: Creating Canadian English : the professor, the mountaineer,
and a national variety of English / Stefan Dollinger.
Description: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2019. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018057998| ISBN 9781108497718 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781108708753 (paperback)
Subjects: LCSH: English language–Canada–History. | English language–Dialects–
Canada. | English language–Variation–Canada.
Classification: LCC PE3208.8 .D65 2019 | DDC 427.9/71–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018057998
ISBN 978-1-108-49771-8 Hardback
ISBN 978-1-108-70875-3 Paperback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
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To my most brilliant teachers in Upper Austria,
Vienna,
Ontario,
and
British Columbia
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Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
Preface
Acknowledgements
A Note to the International Reader
1
What is Canadian English?
First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English
Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation
Canadian English in the Slow Cooker
A Very Concise History of Canadian English
Speaking and Writing: a Primer
Immigrant Spice: the Linguistic Flavour
The Bias against Canadian English
The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English
“Face-lifting” (Codification) in the Big Picture
This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998
What to Expect from this Book
2
The Heritage of Canadian English
Canadian English, B. L. (Before Lovell)
“Godfather” and “Father” of Canadian English
Were There Really No Women? The Enigma of Helen C. Munroe
Ms Faith Avis
Ms Joan Hall
The Pioneer Collector
Scholar Without Degrees
Lovell in Chicago
Lovell, the First Canadianist?
The Renaissance Man
Lovell, the Driven Linguist
3
Avis Pulls It Off
So Much to Do, So Little Time
Webster–Mencken, Lovell–Avis
Avis’ Early Years
Excellence Made in Ann Arbor
page x
xii
xiii
xiv
xvii
1
3
7
10
11
16
18
20
23
26
29
32
35
38
42
45
47
48
50
51
55
57
58
61
65
66
69
70
72
vii
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Contents
Two Workaholics: Lovell and Avis
Avis the Dictionary Editor
Doing the Legwork
Help from the Public
The Ailing Chief Editor
4
The “Technology”: Slips, Slips, and More Slips
Dictionaries Are Written, Not Edited
What Is a “Quotation Slip”?
Occam’s Razor: the Case of Canuck
The Summer of 1958
Collecting Data: Sisyphus or Icarus?
A Plan for a Dictionary: Lists, Lists, Lists
Shipping Slips across the Continent
Manuscript Writing à trois
Reading for Slips and Glory
Tracking Down Beaver Stone to 1696
5
1967 – Excitement and Hype
Dictionary-project Delays in Five Countries
What’s a Canadianism?
“Canadianisms”: a Six-tiered Typology
The “Centennial Dictionaries”
Breaking Foreign Dominance
Publishing in the Centennial Year
Public and Peer Reception
The Business Case
Top Secret: DCHP-1 Sales
What Was Missing
The “New” File: Revision Materials
6
Riding the Wave of Success
Return on Investment
Boom and Bust
The Concise DCHP-1: a Business Move
What Didn’t Get Finished
Moonlighting for the OED: Leechman 1968–1978
The Missing Revision of DCHP-1
New Chomskyan and Labovian “Schools”
Linguistics on the Move
7
A Global Village and a National Dictionary War
World Englishes and English as a Lingua Franca
Cry Wolf: the “Americanization” of Canadian English
Lamenting the Similarity of American and Canadian English
Linguistic Autonomy (vs Heteronomy)
Linguistic Homogeneity (vs Heterogeneity)
In Search of the Standard in Canadian English
What is Standard Canadian English?
The Great Canadian Dictionary War
T-shirt-wearing Corpus Linguists and Bow-tied Lexicographers
74
76
80
82
84
87
87
89
97
98
101
104
107
108
110
114
119
119
121
122
123
124
128
129
133
134
137
140
143
144
145
146
150
152
154
156
160
163
164
165
167
170
171
173
175
177
178
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Contents
Plagiarizing Lexicographers Always Go Scot-free
Don’t Judge a Book by its Cover
Counting Canadianisms: the Gage, Oxford, and ITP Nelson
No Winners, All Losers
Why Not Google Canadian Terms?
Take up #9 and “Dictionary Genealogy”
8
Decolonizing DCHP-1 and DCHP-2
Unwillingness and Refusal
Knowledge Gaps: the Canadian Press Stylebook
Example 1: from Eskimo to Inuit
Example 2: 137 Headwords with Indian
Example 3: Residential School
Subtler Issues: Treaty Indian
One Big Sixer in Alert Bay
A Benchmark: Attitudes in the 1960s
What’s Next for DCHP-2, If Anything?
9
Is There Really a Canadian English?
The “Groundhog Day Loop” of Canadian English
Canadian What? Must Be Weird . . .
Linguistic Identities and “Ownership” of Language
“Gift to the Nation” or the “Narcissism of Small Differences”?
What Do Canadians Think?
The “Miracle” of Canadian English
Why Not Teach it in Elementary School?
Tuum est: It’s Up to You
Notes
Further Reading
Bibliography
General Index
ix
182
183
184
190
191
194
197
199
199
201
202
204
207
210
214
216
219
221
224
226
229
233
235
237
241
245
256
259
274
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Figures
1 Early twentieth-century map (1920–1923) of Oak Bay
and Tl-chess
page ii
2 The staff at Ivy’s Bookshop, Oak Bay Avenue, 12 Jan. 2018
xviii
3 The mystery novel section at Ivy’s
xviii
4 View in 1896 from Oak Bay (Gonzales Hill) to Tl-chess
(Discovery Island)
4
5 Two totem poles in Victoria, and their plaques
9
6 Pluricentric English (standard varieties and feature overlap)
10
7 Tire centre sign in Vancouver on 2nd Avenue
15
8 Charles J. Lovell, c. 1946
34
9 Helen C. Munroe’s junior-year photo, University of Illinois (1926)
46
10 Faith Avis (far left) and Wally Avis (third from left) at a 1945/1946
Carleton University reception
47
11 Walter S. Avis in 1978
64
12 Info sheet for the reading programme (Scargill, late 1950s)
83
13 The “Quotation File” Room at Oxford University Press, Walton St
86
14 A 1958 quotation on Indian residential school
90
15 Quotation slips for Stickeen from DCHP-1
93
16 Documentation sheets by Lovell (UVic Archives)
102
17 Leechman fonds; the final version in www.dchp.ca/dchp1
109
18 DCHP-1 entry for beaver stone; beaver stone on
Leechman’s “documentation list”
114
19 Presentation copy of DCHP-1 with slip case
118
20 Overall mentions in the Canadian press of US, CDN,
and UK titles
125
21 Major dictionaries’ mentions in the Canadian press, 1977–2012
126
22 A 1970s edition of DCHP-1 and the 1991 reprint
136
23 DCHP-1 PR material; DCHP-1 billed as a Gage centennial
project
137
24 Paddy and Olwen Drysdale in their home in Oxfordshire,
March 2017
142
x
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List of Figures
25 Promotional flier for Gage’s Dictionary of Canadian English
series
26 Canada–USA border at Stansted, QC (Canada) and Stansted,
Vermont (USA)
27 The Canada–USA border along “0 Avenue” near Vancouver, BC
28 Cool in the Strathy Corpus of Canadian English (1985–2011)
29 Puck board (since 1996) and take up #9 ‘go over correct
answers’
30 Tl-chess (Discovery and Chatham Islands) at low and high tide
31 Legacy entry in DCHP-2 on yellow background with disclaimer
32 Entry for good Indian (DCHP-1 Online)
33 Entry for go Indian (DCHP-1 Online)
34 Entry for residential school (DCHP-1 Online)
35 Public mural in Victoria, BC, Pembroke Street
36 Yay spelled the Canadian way with “eh”, or Yeah?
37 Headline from The New York Times, 29 Nov. 1959: 148
38 The phrase “Canadian English”, 1977–1979 to 2015–2017
39 Perceived differences in Canadian English, Vancouver
40 “Believers” in Canadian English in Vancouver by age group
41 DCHP-2 Update, meaning by semantic domain
42 Playing shinny in the setting winter sun
43 Hayley Wickenheiser stickhandling for Team Canada
at the Sochi Olympics
xi
147
162
166
178
193
196
201
203
204
205
215
218
220
224
234
236
239
240
241
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Tables
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
xii
Canada’s five major immigration waves
page 12
Dynamic Model phases (Schneider 2007)
27
The quotations for Stickeen in DCHP-1 legacy file
94
The six types of Canadianisms in DCHP-2, plus one nonCanadianism
123
Sales figures for DCHP-1, 1967–1977
135
Sales figures for Concise DCHP-1, 1973–1977
148
Count of “Canadianisms” in three Canadian desk dictionaries
186
Select items marked “Cdn.” in COD-2 (2004)
187
Twenty (of 142) abbreviations marked “Cdn.” in COD-2
188
Comparison of entries for take up
194
Quotations by year from DCHP-1 quotation file for treaty Indian
207
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Preface
The intellectual history of individuals in the field of Canadian English is to a
considerable degree also the history of the development of linguistics in
Canada. This book is based on archival work, retracing and reconstructing
the creation of a Canadian variety of English – against the odds – by descriptive linguists from the 1940s to the 1990s. A synthesis of new data and
reinterpretations of older studies reveal that Canadian English appears to have
finally solidified as an accepted concept only as late as the 2000s, after a period
of prolonged debate.
It is hoped that the present account may start a conversation in Canada and
perhaps in the fields of sociolinguistics and English linguistics in general. This
is desirable in the light of linguists holding competing beliefs and often making
contradictory theoretical assumptions about the nature of language and how it
should be studied. The differences in opinion, however, have generally not
resulted in increased exchanges redressing incompatibilities, but in the formation of intellectual silos.
Any discipline that forgets its past is bound to repeat errors and add some new
ones. In the frenzy of linguistic inquiry today, which includes the relentless and
sometimes ruthless battle for funding, we have seen more and more ahistorical
perspectives taking hold, so much so that the “founders” of Canadian English need
to be written back into linguistic history. I have aimed to present a balanced account
of the developments over the past eighty years. While I hope that my interpretations
will meet with my colleagues’ approval – by and large, at least – I also hope that any
disagreements will be constructively discussed in future exchanges.
I believe that linguistic findings should be made widely accessible, which is
why the present book has been written with the general-interest reader in mind.
It is geared towards anyone with an interest in language and presumes no
advance knowledge.
Historical interpretations are bound to a given place, time, and interpreter. In
this light, this book is more personal than any of my previous linguistic texts.
While I strove to keep anecdotes to a minimum – hence the focus on 1940 to
1998 – I also felt that readers ought to know where this book’s language historian
positions himself.
xiii
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A Note to the International Reader
The use of the term American is in line with Canadian usage: American is
always the adjective/noun for the United States; North American refers to both
Canada and the USA. Referring to the southern parts of the Americas, we’d
use Central, Latin, or South America, respectively. While I use Canadian
terminology throughout, e.g. hockey but never ice hockey, I explain every
aspect of it – if not in the main text, then in a note.
xvii
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Figure 2 The staff at Ivy’s Bookshop, Oak Bay Avenue, 12 Jan. 2018 (Shirley
– left; Jessica – right)
Figure 3 The mystery novel section at Ivy’s
(Photos: S. Dollinger, 2018)
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What is Canadian English?
Until quite recently . . . few Canadians were interested enough in their speech
to undertake the gigantic task of finding out about it. Consequently, there
were no Canadian dictionaries worthy of the name; and our imported
dictionaries virtually ignored Canadian usage. After all, British dictionaries
are primarily intended for Britons and American dictionaries for Americans;
no reputable editor claims anything more.
(Walter S. Avis)1
Murder he must have read often. Professor Scargill was a man who loved
English whodunnit novels. From the 1960s until well into the 1990s, Scargill
used to get his weekly fix of crime novels at Ivy’s Bookshop, which today is a
local Victoria institution in the heart of lovely Oak Bay Village. The friendly
staff at Ivy’s remember Scargill, the Yorkshire–Canadian gentleman, habitually browsing the mystery section (opposite). Bookseller Shirley St. Pierre
tells me that staff knew Scargill as a linguistics professor at the then small
University of Victoria, but that they did not fathom his importance as a key
figure in the making of Canadian English – in the creation of a national variety
of English, lifting it and its speakers from ridicule and linguistic insecurity to
some prominence and pride. The way that Scargill, who was formally Director
of the Lexicographical Centre for Canadian English, and his many associates
achieved this monumental task was by writing a series of high-quality dictionaries. The flagship of the resulting four-volume series called Dictionary of
Canadian English was the scholarly Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical
Principles (DCHP-1),2 which was published in Canada’s centennial year of
1967 (Avis et al. 1967). Between the late 1950s and, basically, their deaths –
just one of the main players is alive today – Scargill and his team members
were continuously banging the drum for Canadian English. They were tooting
their own horn, but not primarily for their own sake.
Dictionary writing is, surprisingly perhaps, a lot like crime solving. Do you
remember Columbo, the detective show with Peter Falk? I know Columbo
because it attained a cult status when I was studying in Austria, running in the
Sunday 10 p.m. slot for years, long after no other station would buy it. That’s a
bit how I imagine Scargill going about establishing the correct etymology of
1
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What is Canadian English?
toque – invariably pronounced “tooke” in Canada – or Canuck: cigar in hand
and the like, much like Inspector Columbo. It’s not really how Margery Fee,
our team, and I proceeded half a century later on the second edition, but the
basic Sherlock-Holmesian principles have remained unchanged: data, data,
and more data; facts; plausible chains of events; historical knowledge; linguistic knowledge; logic; and a good helping of Occam’s razor as explained in
Chapter 4. These are the eternal tools of the word sleuth.
So far in the story, people are usually with me. I tell them about what I did
this past dozen years, at least some of the time, and they get it: writing a
dictionary. Boring, perhaps, because folks know what a dictionary is. But
“Canadian English”? This phrase people often repeat after me with a little
bewilderment and usually, if not always, a rising intonation, as if to question
whether such work could possibly be a real job. Their final intonation gets
particularly raised if they detected the colourful notes in my English accent.
So what, then, is Canadian English? By Canadian English we mean the English
language as used in Canada. Canadian English is therefore not a monolithic thing
but an assembly of the varieties of English that are spoken, written, texted,
dreamed, and occasionally sung in the country. Later, I will introduce a more
technical definition of what Canadian English is – or, to be precise, what Standard
Canadian English is, which is the English we hear from George Strombolopolous,
Canada’s news anchors, the prime minister, Avril Lavigne, and Shawn Mendes, for
the most part. But for now the very loose definition provided will do.
When it comes to language in Canada, English is just one of many languages,
of course. Besides French, the other former colonial language in the federal
domain, English is only 1 of at least 263 languages spoken in the country.3
English is the most widely used language in the country, but there are quite a few
oddities about English in Canada that we will need to explore later. About 60 of
the 263+ languages are the languages of the original population of Canada. I say
“about” because it is not universally agreed upon what counts as a particular
language and as a dialect of a given language. This should not be surprising,
as the concept of language is paradoxically not so much a linguistic one as
primarily a social one.4 Like all things social, the concept of language is subject
to debate and as many opinions as there are colours in the rainbow.
Where scholars do agree, however, is that the five dozen or so aboriginal
languages are divided into no fewer than ten language families,5 and some fifty
of them are spoken in the province of British Columbia (BC) alone. This is one
reason why some researchers think that BC is something like the cradle of
Indigenous languages in (northern) North America, as it is possible that the rest
of the (northern half of the) continent was settled, via Asia, from BC. This
was long before the Europeans made a showing with their Indo-European
languages, which they turned, through their actions, into colonial languages.
The linguistic diversity of BC is indeed special in the North American
context. Picture this diversity in comparison with the European Union, which
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First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English
3
is often taken as the epitome of linguistic tolerance and multilingualism in
western culture. One can quickly see that more than twice as many Indigenous
languages are spoken in BC, a Canadian province of just 5 million inhabitants
(Jan. 2019), as in the European Union, a 512-million-strong economical unit,
with twenty-four official languages at present. English is also, it needs to be
said at the outset, the offshoot of the language of the most “effective” colonizers. This “efficiency” has brought a number of negative effects that anyone
living in Canada is still confronted with today. This far-reaching fact means
that we need to consider the consequences of colonization, in particular by
English-speaking colonizers, throughout the entire book, in one way or
another. It’s therefore a good idea to start with the basics before we turn to
the story of the making of Canadian English.
First Nations Beginnings and Canadian English
The problems that are the result of colonialism are linguistic, cultural, and
social – in other words, they affect every area and cut through every aspect of
life. If you live in Canada, whether you’re aware of it or not, you’re without
exception affected by this colonial legacy.
Flashback to just a century before Professor Scargill’s browsing in the
crime-novel section at Ivy’s. Residential schools had not yet established their
steady grip on the First Nations peoples in the far west. Residential school is
a historical euphemism for colonial schools whose primary goal was to
“take”, by any legal and illegal means, “the Indian out of the child”, resulting
in cultural genocide that almost completely wiped out entire Indigenous
cultures and languages. These institutions were nothing other than inhumane
places of neglect, terror, and abuse: anything but places of learning. In 1897,
a century before Scargill’s death, a host of First Nations languages would
have been heard in the meadows, woods, and soft slopes through which Oak
Bay Avenue cuts today. While English – by which we mean forms of British
English, some American English, with some speakers starting to show early
Canadian English features – would have been firmly rooted by then, the
Indigenous languages that had been exclusively heard for thousands of years
in this land were still dominant in some locations. The first sizeable
in-migration of settlers happened in the wake of the Fraser River and Cariboo
Gold Rushes of the late 1850s and 1860s; before then, the settlers were
outnumbered by and depended on the goodwill of the First Nations. Migration from the Canadian East in considerable numbers only occurred after
the completion of the trans-Canadian railway in 1885, a generation after the
big BC Gold Rush.
The First Nations languages of the region are the languages of Coast Salish
peoples. Today these languages are frequently called Salishan, to distinguish
them from their linguistic relatives of the same name in Eastern Washington
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What is Canadian English?
Figure 4 View in 1896 from Oak Bay
(Gonzales Hill) to Tl-chess (Discovery Island)
(Photo: Oak Bay Archives, Image number 2012–001-018, used by permission)
State (Salish languages). The languages in and around Victoria belong to an
extensive array of Salishan and upriver varieties that are quite closely related.
It would be any dialectologist’s or sociolinguist’s dream to study these
languages and their relationships, yet most of them are either sleeping – what
used to be called dead – or on the brink of extinction with only a handful of
native speakers left. (In linguistics today, we prefer the term sleeping language over dead language – by which is meant a language awaiting revitalization based on archived material. Revived languages include Modern
Hebrew and, in fact, the Musqueam language that is now taught to dozens
of people at the University of British Columbia.) Ivy’s Bookshop is located
on traditional Chilcowitch territory, referring to the family or “band” of
Songhee Lekwungen speakers that are the traditional custodians – in western
parlance, “owners” – of that part of Oak Bay. The Chekonein Lekwungen
dialects would be heard as well, in addition to nearby Esquimalt Lekwungen
and Saanich Lekwungen dialects.6
Indigenous heritage is written all over Oak Bay and Greater Victoria – all
across Canada, actually, yet we have forgotten much about it. The islands off
Oak Bay, for instance, are in plain sight of Willows Beach, a popular Victoria
location that is visited by many locals and visitors alike. When you look out to
sea from Willows Beach, it’s impossible to miss them. This book’s cover
photo shows the islands in the foreground. They have a story that is not so
widely known, however, and today the two biggest ones are still most often
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referred to by their colonial names of Chatham and Discovery Islands, named
after Captain Vancouver’s two ships. The real name, from the local Lekwungen dialect of Salishan, is of course another one – so much so that it looks
different at one glance: ƛ̕čés. This word may be transcribed in English letters as
something like tl-chess, which is pronounced close to til-chess with stress or
emphasis on chess. ƛ̕ čés is an interesting case because it is a particular place
name in Lekwungen culture but also the general word for ‘island’ – any island.
Tim Montler from the University of North Texas, one of the experts in Coastal
Salish informs us that ƛ̕ čés
is both the word for ‘island’ and the proper name of Discovery Island in Lkwungen,
SENĆOŦEN (spelled ṮĆÁS), and in Klallam, which has a direct relative [a so-called
“cognate”], ƛ̕čás. The word for ‘island’ in Hul’q’umin’um’ [spoken from Saanich to
Nanaimo and over to the southern Gulf Islands] is not [related], but it is in Upriver
Halkomelem [Fraser Valley, Chilliwack, Harrison Lake], tl’chá:s, which has no proper
name for Discovery Island. Other smaller islands have their own names and the generic
word used is typically the diminutive of ƛ̕čés, ƛ̕əƛ̕éčəs. (Tim Montler: pers.
correspondence, April 2018)
The non-colonial, actual name for the island reveals an astonishing amount of
cultural knowledge and the connections via the Salish Sea among the Coast
Salish First Nations. Why, for instance, is one island’s name in the Lekwungen
language also the word for ‘island’ in general? It is as if it were a kind of
archetypal island, as Tim suggests.
Part of ƛ̕čés is today legally known as Chatham Islands Indian Reserve No. 4
and still owned by the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations.7 Having largely
remained in Native hands, ƛ̕čés – which from now on I shall render as Tl-chess
to help readers remember it8 – is sadly a rare exception to the rule of colonial
land grab on more or less outrageous terms, if any terms were offered. It is a
sad fact that British Columbia as a province has been exceptionally intransigent in refusing to negotiate treaties, which means that almost all lands were
seized illegally from their Native custodians (see Mawani 2009; Barman
2007). Today, we also have good evidence that even disease, against which
the First Nations had no immune response, was used as a means of conquest
(Swanky 2012: 70–97).
As the legal names make clear in almost all cases, it was the colonizers who
bestowed their names on everything, which had, among other things, the effect
that even today it is not easy to unearth the traditional, original names.
Although the land was usually taken from the First Nations by force or, less
often, by some sort of shady agreement, on Tl-chess the original custodians
managed, against all odds, to hold on to it until this day.
Who are the Songhees, then? (Today we usually speak of the Songhee,
Saanich, and Esquimalt First Nations.) Chief trader Charles Ross, put in charge
of Fort Victoria by Governor James Douglas, appears to be the first to spell
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Songhees in 1844, when he referred to the aboriginal people “encamped near
the fort” and added “whose lands we occupy”.9 Prior to this spelling being
standardized in English, the name had many variants, including Songish,
Samose, Stsamis, Tsomass, Tchanmus, or Etzamish, depending on which
Coastal Salishan dialect speaker’s version was rendered in English and by
whom. For the people as such, spellings were utterly irrelevant, as their
tradition was predominantly oral, with spelling questions playing no role
whatsoever. So by asking about the “right” spelling, we are already enacting
colonial routines and expectations on another culture that had more important
things to deal with, such as the co-existence with nature, sustainability, and
fostering respect for all things, living or not, but definitely not with spelling.
There are two contracts between Governor James Douglas and the Songhees
that are relevant for the land that the village of Oak Bay is located on, though
the interpretation of the vague terms is not agreed on. How could it be? The
territories were partly overlapping and somewhat fluid, as was the make-up of
families. On that, James Douglas tried to tease out definitions for his westernstyle contracts that did not exist; asking for boundaries, he got descriptions
that had worked for centuries but that were not the down-to-the-inch measurements he wanted to hear. It is like fitting square pegs into round holes:
the exercise was bound to fail and we are living with its negative ramifications
to this day.
The “Purchase of Land” from the Chilcowitch, dated 30 April 1850, is one of
fourteen treaties that James Douglas signed between 1850 and 1854. Collectively,
they cover only a minuscule part of BC’s vast landmass. In the Chilcowitch case,
the Crown agreed to pay “Thirty pounds sterling” for the treaty that includes the
location of Ivy’s Bookshop. While the Chilcowitch Lekwungen agreed to share
some of their lands, the alleged surrendering part is overly explicit, as they
do consent to surrender, entirely and for ever, to James Douglas, the agent of the
Hudson’s Bay Company in Vancouver Island, that is to say, for the Governor, Deputy
Governor, and Committee of the same, the whole of the lands situate [sic] and lying
between the Sandy Bay east of Clover Point, at the termination of the Whengwhung
[sic] line to Point Gonzalez, and thence north to a line of equal extent passing through
the north side of Minies Plan.
What is less clear is the purchase price beyond the 30 pounds sterling – a
bargain, truly, though it was not even paid in coins, but merely in blankets.
And here it comes: for the entire lands in the Victoria region 371 blankets were
paid.10 I would call that a rip-off. What comes with that purchase is stated in
the next paragraph:
The condition of or understanding of this sale is this, that our village sites and enclosed
field are to be kept for our own use, for the use of our children, and for those who may
follow after us; and the land shall be properly surveyed hereafter. It is understood,
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however, that the land itself, with these small exceptions, becomes the entire property of
the white people for ever; it is also understood that we are at liberty to hunt over the
unoccupied lands, and to carry on our fisheries as formerly.11
Any western lawyer would object to such formulation of benefits, “for ever” or
not, which includes a diminishing resource in hunting over “unoccupied” land.
It is clear that the Lekwungen could have no idea of just how many “white
people” would come and how little land would eventually be left. It was not
communicated to them. So many would come that soon nothing would be left
“to hunt over”.
The dice were heavily loaded against the First Nations. Speaking of “small
exceptions”, for instance, can easily be used to reduce the size of reserves later
on; after all, small is relative. What is clear is that “the content of that treaty is
not at all clear”.12 What makes matters worse is that the treaty above was only
agreed on orally, together with most other ones on Vancouver Island. Douglas
collected the signatures and marks of the chiefs on a blank sheet of paper and,
after consultation with London a few months later, filled in the sheet post hoc
(ibid.: 5). Any lawyer at the time would have argued that a people cannot sign
away their land with a carte blanche, an empty slate of conditions, to be filled
in post hoc unilaterally by only one party. Clearly, informed consent was
not given.
Languages, Cultures, and Reconciliation
Recent research at the University of Victoria’s Faculty of Law states that what
the First Nations thought they’d signed was a sharing agreement, not a treaty
handing over land in perpetuity; the former is fully in line with traditional
practices and Indigenous lines of thought. Such misunderstanding had profound consequences; as it was both culturally and linguistically caused, it calls
for reconciliation. The First Nations evidence is clear. The oral traditions of the
five participating First Nations on 30 April 1850, in combination,
provide a strong denial of the cession or surrender of their land in favour of the HBC
[Hudson’s Bay Company] or the Crown. The pieces of the puzzle contributed by each
account add up to a convincing argument that the oral agreements included the
following terms: compensation for land already occupied and resources previously
harvested by non-First Nation residents; continuation of the terms of their existing joint
occupation and enjoyment of land and resources; and, agreement to negotiate expansion
of non-First Nation establishments and activities, provided it did not interfere with the
existing way of life of the First Nations. In sum, the First Nation negotiators likely
agreed to share, not surrender, their land and its resources. (Vallance 2015: 361)
While the Lekwungen and others came to sign a sharing and joint occupation
contract with the Hudson’s Bay Company for the benefit of all – the typical
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win-win that is so deeply rooted in First Nations culture – the Crown considered James Douglas to be signing a treaty and they probably thought, in line
with early capitalist culture, that they’d won.
What is beyond doubt is that two very different cultures signed a contract in
very concise English, laying out neither western assumptions, rights, and
obligations nor Lekwungen assumptions, rights, and obligations. At that time,
the First Nations were still more powerful than the settlers, yet they agreed to
share a part of the land in exchange for some goods and services. As they were
soon to find out, the “contract” would come to haunt them, with their original
intention distorted and interpreted to their disadvantage. We can see what
western culture brought to the table. The story about pretty much all of Oak
Bay – with the exception of Tl-chess – is the sad story of how western legal
traditions exploited the trust of First Nations in British Columbia and in
Canada more generally.
The English language as used in Canada has enshrined many western
misunderstandings of both the land and the culture the colonizers had burst
into. It begins with the naming. Virtually all First Nation names known
today, for places, flora, fauna, and people, have been replaced with western
names. Take, for instance, Chatham and Discovery Islands, which are in
reality not two islands but just one. What happened? They were named in
1846, when the western portions of the Canadian–US border were finalized,
in honour of colonial explorer George Vancouver, who had sailed these
waters briefly half a century earlier. The surveyors who named them saw
what they thought were two islands. What they didn’t know was that they
saw two parts of one and the same island at high tide. (You can see it in the
foreground of this book’s cover, with Willows Beach behind it and towards
the left.) We can safely assume that they were so busy surveying in the name
of colonization and exploitation that they just didn’t care to ask any First
Nations member, who would have told them that they were looking at one
and the same island.
This little example is a good illustration of how colonial eyes, and with it
English and Canadian English, often construct the world differently from those
who really know.13 This upsetting legacy is part of the history of every (former)
colonial language and needs to be dealt with. We will address this difficult
aspect of linguistic “baggage” throughout, but with more focus in Chapter 8. It
would be wrong to say that colonialism is a thing of the past, as its legacy is
everywhere in one form or another. Consider the two totem poles in Figure 5,
both found in Victoria and both commissioned by non-Indigenous people.
In terms of awareness of the colonial processes, the plaques indicate some
progress between 1966 and 1997, when the two poles were erected. It is
striking that in the 1966 plaque (left), the donor of the log was given ample
space and acknowledgement: “Log donated by Macmillan, Bloedel and Powell
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Figure 5 Two totem poles in Victoria, and their plaques
(Photos: S. Dollinger, 2018)
River, Limited” – a company that in effect took the pole from lands seized
from the First Nations. The 1997 plaque does much better, using Native names
and Lekwungen language, but offers no contextualization, which, however,
might have been a deliberate choice.14 Today, more than twenty years after the
second pole was erected, we might be in the position to offer more than
symbolic improvements, which means legal settlement of the illegal Canadian
land grab from one or two centuries ago.
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StCanE
StAmE
social variation
StBrE
regional variation
English dialects
(Western) North America
legacy UK features
American dialects
Figure 6 Pluricentric English (standard varieties and feature overlap)
(Dollinger in press: fig. 1)
Canadian English in the Slow Cooker
There are different types of Canadian English. There is Standard Canadian
English, the type we teach in schools and the equivalent to Standard British
English,15 Standard American English, Standard Australian English, and so
forth. A long time ago there was only one “standard English”, but since about
1800, beginning with the political independence of the United States, the idea
of just one standard in the language is a thing of the past. English has since
been a “pluricentric language” (Clyne 1992), meaning that there is more than
one linguistic centre and standard.
Language is co-determined by a host of social and regional (= location)
features. The relationship between the standard varieties of English can be
illustrated by expanding a classic pyramid that schematizes social and regional
variation in language. The pyramid was originally published in 1974 by Peter
Trudgill, one of the most famous linguists today. In Trudgill (1974: 42), the
situation for English society is visualized, which has served as a direct input
for Standard British English (StBrE) depicted in Figure 6 on the left. As a rule
of thumb, the socially upwardly mobile and higher social strata speak the
standard variety – in this context, Standard British English – while lower
classes often speak more regional varieties. Note that standard refers to
phonology/phonetics (the sounds of the language) as well as all other levels:
syntax and morphology (often called grammar when combined), pragmatics
(how language is used in concrete contexts), and more, such as spelling, etc.
But there is more than standard and non-standard, as linguistically very
interesting, intermediate, mixed forms exist. Do you know the Naked Chef?
How does Jamie Oliver, the Naked Chef, speak, precisely? Standard or not?
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You’ll find his speech best characterized as some new in-between variety that
some call “Estuary English”, after the banks of the River Thames. (In German,
such intermediate variety has been quite common; it is called Umgangssprache, meaning “colloquial language”, and is the most frequently used kind
of German.) Is British English developing a less formal standard, for lack of a
better word, now? We need to revisit the question in a generation or two, but it
looks as if it is.
Returning to the question of standard varieties, the introduced principles
will lead us to make sense of the jungle of linguistic variation. As the
schematization in Figure 6 shows, there is overlap in each of the three depicted
Englishes: British, Canadian, and American. While there is more overlap with
American and Canadian than with British, overlap is present in all. Each
variety has its own standard represented by the peaks, while less standard
forms are found farther down the pyramid. Besides Standard British, Standard
Canadian, and Standard American English that are depicted in Figure 6, the
graph could be extended with Standard Australian and Standard Jamaican
English and many more Englishes [sic]. Because of this, we say that English
is a pluricentric language, meaning it has more than one norm, just as is the
case with German, Spanish, Portuguese, and many more languages (see Muhr
et al. 2013 for an overview).
In contrast to the two national standards of the more powerful nations of
the USA and the UK, Standard Canadian English is spoken by an astonishingly large portion of the Canadian society: close to 40 per cent of all
Canadians – from a total of some 38 million speakers – use that Canadian
standard habitually. That this figure is remarkable can only be seen in comparison to the other national standards. Standard British English, for instance,
is spoken by “probably not . . . more than about 15 per cent of the population of
England”.16 For Standard American English no reliable estimates exist, but in
all likelihood the US percentage would be situated somewhere between the UK
and the Canadian values. Perhaps it’s 20 or 25 per cent. For some reason, no
linguist has yet put a figure on it. Indirectly, as we move along, we will explore
possible reasons for the surprising fact that no American estimate seems
to exist.
A Very Concise History of Canadian English
As this book is a biography of the makers of Canadian English and their time,
we cannot discuss the development of the linguistic features of this national
variety without going beyond the bounds of this book. That is not a big
problem today, however. Fortunately, for the past decade or so we have had
a number of texts added to the very young field of historical Canadian English.
There is Chambers’ (2010) introductory text; Chapter 2 in Boberg’s book
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(2010: 55–105) stands out in sociohistorical detail. Dollinger (2008a) was the
first monograph on early Canadian English, using eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury data from Ontario; Reuter (2017) is a recent addition on early newspaper language in Ontario, while Tagliamonte (2013) traces grammatical
features in Canada back to Scotland, Northern England, and Ireland. More
recently, work on Victoria English and Manitoba English has begun. Even the
pragmatic marker like is traced back in time in Canadian English (D’Arcy
2017) and there is, of course, a wealth of information on Newfoundland
English (start with Clarke 2010). A recent summary of work on historical
Canadian English is available in Dollinger (2017a), while both Schneider’s
and Trudgill’s approaches are discussed for their strengths and weaknesses in
the Canadian context in Dollinger (2015a: 200–208).
It seems a good idea at this point to provide a developmental sketch of
Canadian English, the variety we are dealing with throughout this book. As a
linguistic variety that developed in a settler colony (see Denis and D’Arcy
2018), Canadian English has come about through dialect contact (different
dialects of English combine and form a new one) and language contact
(English takes up influences from other languages). These mixing processes
are followed by the formation of a new variety per se; this is called the newdialect formation or koinéization process.
We can organize the immigration that shaped the variety over the past three
centuries in five waves, as shown in Table 1. Ontario plays a central role in the
settlement of the country. While the Maritimes received a good number of
English speakers early on, they did not become the pivot point for the
settlement of the west, which happened from Ontario. Accepted opinion is
that the first wave of immigration, which was almost exclusively composed of
US immigration in the wake of the American Revolution in 1776, was responsible for establishing the basic character of Canadian English. Bloomfield
(1948) called this scenario the Loyalist Base Theory, named after the United
Table 1 Canada’s five major immigration waves
1776–1812
1815–1867
1890–1914
Wave I
Wave II
Wave III
1945–70s
Post World War II
Wave IV
1990s–Present
Wave V
American immigration (United Empire Loyalists)
British and Irish immigration (“British Isles”)
Continental European immigration (Germany, Italy,
Scandinavia, Ukraine) and British immigration
Highly diverse immigration populations, including
from Europe, Asia (Korea, China, Vietnam, India,
Pakistan), Latin America, and the USA
Diverse immigration continues, with Chinese
immigration now peaking
(Dollinger 2015a: 205, table 6.9), after Chambers (2010: 12–19, 28–32)
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Empire Loyalists leaving the newly founded USA for Canada. Between the
1780s, when Ontario was bush land, and 1812, about 1 million people, fourfifths of them from the USA, moved to what is now Ontario. There was a
sprinkling of Scots who came early and held important posts, as they were
often literate because of their advanced school system; German, Dutch, and
some other European nationalities complete the mix (Dollinger 2008a: 67–76).
French speakers were the majority in the province of Quebec, but usually not,
with the exception of the Catholic clergy, in positions of power.
Besides all of this, east of the Maritimes on the island of Newfoundland
were – aside from the local First Nations, of course – speakers of English,
French, Spanish, and Portuguese, who, from the sixteenth century, carried out
a summer fishery and returned in the fall to Europe. In the late eighteenth
century, the English and Irish speakers eventually decided to settle in what
would remain an independent colony until 1949, when Newfoundland and
Labrador joined the Canadian Confederation. An Irish component is very
strong to this day in parts of Newfoundland and an essential part of the
heritage. With permanent colonization, the settlers developed varieties of
English that they formed and developed from Southwest England and Southeast Ireland varieties. Newfoundland Englishes represent to this day, despite
influence from the mainland, a unique set of varieties that are Canada’s
most distinct linguistic enclave varieties (see Clarke 2010). Newfoundland
Englishes are so unique that an entire academic research unit has been studying
them, and nothing but them, for more than sixty years, and is still going strong.
In the Canadian context, however, the Newfoundland varieties have not
had much influence on the formation of Standard Canadian English, as a result
of location, settlement streams and, important in new-dialect formation,
numbers of speakers.
Before we move on to describe what came to be the dominant speech
patterns in Canada, a word or two is necessary on Maritimes English (from
New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island) and the Atlantic
Englishes (from the Maritimes and Newfoundland). Atlantic Englishes are
older than the varieties that would come to dominate later in Canada by virtue
of speaker numbers. Historically and linguistically, however, they are
immensely important in the Canadian context. If you travel to the Maritimes
or to Newfoundland and you poke around a bit – i.e., go off the beaten tourist
path – you’ll be able to hear the unique Eastern Canadian patterns of speech,
whether in Acadia (where French varieties and English co-exist and intermingle, as graduate student Kristan Newell (2019) has been researching), Lunenburg (founded by Germans in 1749 who left a trace of German substrate),
Halifax (the capital of Nova Scotia), Saint John (the first city in New Brunswick), St John’s (Newfoundland’s capital), or, certainly, in Gander, Patty
Harbour, and Carbonear (all in Newfoundland). This aspect is often forgotten
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in the big sea of millions of Canadians, who, due to a change in economical
and political fortunes starting in the nineteenth century, often no longer have
significant ties with the historically important Canadian Atlantic provinces.
We can see Canada is a beautifully complex place. If one aims to generalize
the immigration to Canada, however, it might be summarily captured as in
Table 1. Wave II followed in the wake of the War of 1812, when British
subjects were brought in to rid Britain of its demobbed soldiers after the
Napoleonic wars, and of its paupers, the first victims of the early Industrial
Revolution. The idea was also to “dilute” the American base, which was –
unjustly – suspected of potentially being disloyal towards the British Crown if
hostilities with the USA were to break out again. The Irish came late in that
period but in great numbers as of the late 1830s. Scargill (1957) identified this
“swamping” with British Isles speakers (from Britain and Ireland) as the
second important input to Canadian English. The British Isles immigrants
were from non-southern locations in Britain and more than 90 per cent of
them were probably non-standard speakers (Dollinger 2008a: 83).
Tagliamonte (2013: 195–213) shows some of the present-day reflexes of Irish
and non-standard British English in rural and urban Ontario English and refocusses on the Atlantic link that was at the base of The Linguistic Atlas of the
United States and Canada in the early twentieth century.
The British Isles migrants’ strong numbers were responsible for foregrounding linguistic variables of British descent that speakers can consciously manipulate. In total, 1.25 million British immigrants came between 1815 and 1865
(Dollinger 2008a: 79). With them, they brought features such as schedule with a
sh sound, fill in a form rather than fill out a form, tap instead of faucet, colour vs
color, centre vs center, and first person shall instead of will for the future tense –
all of which gained wide currency as the prestige forms in Canada. But the large
numbers of British Isles migrants from 1815 to 1867 were not nearly enough to
change the basically North American character of Canadian English.
Walter Avis, whom we’ll hear lots about in Chapters 2 and 3, used to make
the point in his teachings (reported in McConnell 1978: 47) that, in American
English, tire is the dominant spelling, but tyre in Britain. In the USA, of
course, center is the standard form today, while in Britain it is centre. What do
Canadians do? As Figure 7 shows, Canadians combine the originally American tire with British centre and create something of their own. We just don’t
see it so often today, with brand names having taken over since the 1960s –
Fountain Tire, Kal Tire, OK Tire, even Big O Tire, and the like – but Figure 7
is a photo from a Vancouver shop that meanwhile has given way to – you
guessed it – more condominium housing in that city.
Today, there is a wide range of features that is characteristic of Canadian
English. Vocabulary is only one – but an important and the most pervasive –
part. Canadian English also sounds a little different, uses grammatical forms in
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Figure 7 Tire centre sign in Vancouver on 2nd Avenue
(Photo: S. Dollinger, 2014)
different proportions than down in the USA and, very strikingly so, sometimes
employs the same linguistic material in different ways in terms of politeness
and language use more generally. It’s impossible to introduce these features,
many of which are very subtle, in the few words we have space for in this
book. But to give you an idea, here is a short list of phonetic (sound) features
that are found in Canadian English, often in contrast to the US dialects:
! a phenomenon called Canadian Raising, which is the “oot and aboot”
pronunciation of out and about that is different from most places in the USA
! the Canadian Vowel Shift, now also found in California and other places
and spreading quickly,17 making dress sound more like “drass” and a host of
related changes
! the pronunciation of “foreign a”, which is the a in original loan words, such
as pasta, drama, Iraq, or Stefan, where the a is usually pronounced “a” as in
cat in Canadian English, rather than “ah” as in father.
The effects of the subsequent immigration waves, Waves III to V, are important. They have added a lot of spice to what might have been a less exciting
linguistic broth. Of what we know now, the effects of these waves have been
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limited to cultural items, often loan words for various kinds of foods and other
concepts. But we have started to look beyond such obvious features of
language contact and have begun to explore how such interesting cultural
mélanges is expressed linguistically and constructed and negotiated in the
moment of speaking (e.g., Hoffman and Walker 2010; Hinrichs 2015, 2018;
Boyd, Hoffman, and Walker 2015).
Speaking and Writing: a Primer
In our introduction to basic linguistic concepts, we next need to reflect on the
roles of speaking vs writing. The overwhelming majority of writing in English
happens in the respective national standards, while, in speaking, non-standard
varieties have a very important part to play. The distinction between speaking
and writing is important, because before 1700 standard generally referred to
written English. In British English, we can still see some of that limitation, as
you can speak Standard British English with a wide variety of accents (the
Queen’s or an upper-class accent, or with a Scottish accent – think Ewan
McGregor – or with Jamie Oliver’s trendy London-inspired accent).
While the notion of a written English standard is old and goes back to the
Old English times of King Alfred the Great (who reigned AD 871–99),
standard English had little effect on most people’s lives until the early seventeenth century. At that point in time, scholars were beginning to promote
spoken forms of varieties that were “approved” by one means or another.
These approved forms, called “codified” forms, were as a rule the forms of the
king/queen or the forms of the most economically or politically powerful
speakers. These standardization processes were purely social processes, foregrounding the social acceptability of, for instance, “You and I are good
friends” over the variant “You and me are good friends”, which could both
be heard and read in English roughly equally at the time.18
Linguistically speaking, the selected forms of a language, the forms that
become the standard, are just one way of expressing an idea, like the you-andme vs you-and-I example. These selected forms are linguistically no better or
worse than the other ones, just different. Socially, however, the standard forms
generally bestow respect on the user, while the other forms don’t – at least, not
in official or public settings. It’s a bit like wearing black tie (a tuxedo) in
formal settings: people notice such things favourably, often by not sticking out
(but wear a Canadian tuxedo19 and you’re in trouble). The standard thus
creates clear uses for itself (e.g., in official forms of address, treaties between
heads of state, job negotiations, and other serious matters).
There are, however, also times when one would do better to avoid standard
forms in order not to appear too posh, too formal, or too aloof. For instance, in
a pub crawl with Liverpudlian (Liverpool), Haligonian (Halifax, NS), or
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Bostonian friends on a Friday night. Someone sounding like Prince Charles
would probably not be pub crawling for long on such a night unless they were
in a royal pub crawl, so to speak. (But that would be a very different pub crawl
altogether.) This is one of the downsides of speaking a standard variety: it
creates distance on less formal occasions, while bestowing social power on its
speakers in formal contexts. To keep with our attire analogy: wear a Canadian
tuxedo with your hipster friends, not a real tuxedo – but, most important of all:
know the difference.
In addition to the standard, many other varieties of English are used in
Canada. There are non-standard Englishes that linguists call “varieties” of
English or simply “dialects”. It is important to know that the standard variety
itself is also just another dialect, although a socially privileged one. In order
not to confuse this use of the word dialect with the word’s meaning of
traditional, rural ways of speaking, linguists therefore often prefer the word
varieties. As we said above, linguistically the standard dialect, or standard
variety, is no better or worse than any other dialect or variety. In this respect,
there is little to no semantic difference between the utterances A and B:
a:
b:
“Would you be so kind as to pass me the salt shaker, please?”
“Gimme the salt, eh!”
A and B are linguistically equivalent, in the strict sense of the word: they are
both the speech act we call requests, and both would in their respective
contexts be likely to get the job done of putting the speaker in temporary
possession of the salt container.
Socially, however, the two sentences are anything but equivalent: the former
is very conservative Standard Canadian English – or, perhaps more so, conservative Standard British English – while the latter is non-standard, more informal English. In this case, the latter is somewhat rude, but that assessment
depends entirely on the utterance’s context – that is, the concrete social and
situational conditions. One can easily imagine a situation, for instance, in
which sentence A would be very much out of place, even indeed wrong
(e.g., in a biker gang’s club house, but also during the lunch break of a group
of Canadian high-school students).
Reading of salt and salt shakers, the reader might make a connection with a
previous section’s slow-cooker metaphor. The reason may not be obvious but
is logical on second thought: like many things Canadian, Canadian English
took its sweet time to materialize. Like the yummy stew people throw into the
crockpot in the morning and let sit until the evening to come home to a ready
meal, Canadian English has been sitting and simmering for a long, long time –
centuries, actually, as the case of beaver stone will show us at the end of
Chapter 4. And since the beginning, a most important ingredient that has
turned an otherwise standard mix into a yummy broth with spunk has
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always been there. Sometimes more appreciated, sometimes not so much, this
ingredient, coming in all shades and colours, may be called “linguistic immigrant spice”.
Immigrant Spice: the Linguistic Flavour
There are many second language varieties of English around the world, and
many of them are used in Canada. Linguists call second language varieties
simply L2 varieties, to distinguish them from mother tongue or first language –
L1 – varieties. The more immigration there is, the more second languages
(or L2s, for short) are spoken, and Canada has been an immigrant destination
for many centuries. Some say it’s the immigrant destination par excellence.
English, indeed, is a bit of a strange language to begin with. It is the only
originally European language that is spoken by more L2 speakers than L1
speakers. So, in other words, there are more second language speakers of
English than there are first language (mother tongue) speakers.20 Many more.
As early as 2013, estimates deemed that for every native speaker of English
there were five (!) non-native speakers of reasonable competence. So is it not
reasonable to suggest that, as I am writing these lines in January 2018, we are
at a ratio of 1:6, if not higher?21 As that ratio has been shifting very dramatically in favour of L2 speakers over the past twenty years, we will continue to
see that trend for a couple of decades or so. Simultaneously, we will be facing
more and more debates over what is “acceptable” English. We will return to
this interesting question about the “ownership of English” – who “owns” the
language and who has the authority to decide what’s acceptable and what is
not – in Chapter 7 and in the last chapter, as we attempt to peer into the future.
For now, we only need to point out that, because of its many forms of L2
Englishes, Canada is a bit of an odd country – in the best sense of the word —
among its peers, which are usually the USA, UK, Australia, and New
Zealand. In a famous model of English in the world, the “Circle Model,”
Canada has traditionally been considered part of the “Inner Circle”, just like
the UK or the USA, while as a matter of fact Canada’s demographic and
linguistic make-up is surprisingly different from those countries. Many
readers will be thinking of the role of French in Canada, but that is just the
beginning of the story. Complementing the model, there is the “Outer Circle”
of countries in which English plays an institutional role, such as in India or
the Philippines, as well as the “Expanding Circle”, which is the rest of the
world where English has had no or only very limited functions, e.g., Austria,
China, or Russia.22
So how is Canada a strange bird in the mix of Inner Circle countries? It is all
linked to the gruesome days of overt and government-promoted colonialism,
when European powers were colonizing the world. In that task, the English
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were outperforming the French, Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, German,
Swedish, Italian, and any other colonizing navies as the most successful
colonizers – a most doubtful claim to fame. Clearly, having suppressed the
most peoples in the world under the pretext of civilization is nothing to be
proud of. But, as many authors have pointed out, the English language was
passed on that way too. Once a language is in the hands of others, it is only a
question of time before the colonized begin to mould the language the way
they see fit, whether the colonizers like it or not. It’s language change and
a natural process. The fact that the English subjugated peoples, however, is
not in any way natural but a matter of historical coincidence, disrespect of
other cultures, and a western superiority complex and arrogance.23 Edgar
W. Schneider, an Austrian scholar in Germany, has devised an appealing
universal model for the process of the creation of postcolonial Englishes
that impresses both by its simplicity (five phases) and by its complexity
(each phase has multiple processes), which we will introduce later in this
chapter.24
Coming back to the Circle Model, we can define the Inner Circle as the
English varieties around the world that go back to “settler” Englishes, varieties
that sprang up in locations in which enough native speakers were present to
ensure a steady transmission of English. Where this was not the case, in all
places where English speakers were far outnumbered by speakers of other
languages, the local languages played a very profound part in the formation of
the new Englishes that would eventually develop in these locations. These new
Englishes are the Outer Circle Englishes, such as those used in India, Pakistan,
or the Philippines.
Here lies the reason why Canada is a bit of an oddball in the Inner Circle.
When it comes to second language speakers among the Inner Circle countries,
Canada is almost playing in a league of its own. The census figures speak
clearly. According to the 2016 Canadian census, a mere 56 per cent of the
population, or just over half of all residents in Canada, are native speakers of
English. Compare this with any other Inner Circle country and you’ll see
Canada considerably lagging behind all others. This ratio has been decreasing
as of late, down from 58 per cent in the 2011 census, which shows that today,
somewhat counter-intuitively, Canada has fewer native speakers of English
than five years ago. Immigration continues to be strong and is expected to
shape Canadian English more than it has previously. Such facts make Canada
special in the best sense of the word. Francophone English, the English spoken
by the roughly 7 million Canadians who have French as their L1, is just one
type of L2 English with certain features, as is the L2 English of the half a
million L1 speakers of Punjabi, Chinese, and Arabic dialects. That is, half a
million each. Beyond these four groups of L2 speakers is a long list of over
250 other groups of L2 speakers of Canadian English.
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The Bias against Canadian English
With the basic terminology and the social setting covered, let’s go back to the
main theme. It is fair to say that, prior to the 1950s, no positive notion of
Canadian English existed. True, the term Canadian English is attested as early
as 1857, but it was a slur25 and remained so for the first century of its existence.
The situation of Canadian literature at that time simultaneously encapsulates
the dominant verdict on Canadian English, with the variety being worse off
than the literature. In a telling episode, the founding chair of the University of
British Columbia’s (UBC’s) Department of English Language and Literatures,
the locally celebrated Garnet G. Sedgewick, is a case in point. In the 1930s and
1940s, Sedgewick was considered by some of his peers as “the finest teacher of
English in Canada”,26 but he viewed Canadian literature “as essentially insignificant and repeatedly refused to permit a course in it at U.B.C.” (Akrigg
1980: 16). In 1959, a decade after the autocratic – yet also in many ways
innovative – Sedgewick passed away, UBC would launch the prime journal in
the field, Canadian Literature.
While Canadian literature is widely known today, Canadian English is still
the Cinderella among the “Canadian disciplines”, if there is such a thing.
The reason people look at you with incredulity when they hear that you’re
researching Canadian English is because no one ever mentioned the concept to
them during their schooling. If it was mentioned, it was in all likelihood a
negative mention.
Chances are that if the label of Canadian English was used prior to the
1950s, it was used utterly negatively, way, as a slur: no one wanted to be told
that they were speaking Canadian English. Sedgewick is once more a good
example: born in rural Nova Scotia in 1882, he is reported as saying he had
“spent forty years trying to smoke the Halifax dialect out of [his] speech” and
that he successfully “tempered his raw Nova Scotian” (Akrigg 1980: 21). What
needs to be eradicated like a bad habit is hardly a worthy object of study. Since
people like Sedgewick, who fostered a love for languages, thought that way,
there was little hope for Canadian English more generally at the time.
In this climate, the crime-novel-loving Matthew Harry Scargill from the first
pages of this chapter was one of a handful of linguists on a mission. It is
significant that he came to his object of study as an outsider, from England;
distance increases the likelihood that local ways of speaking are taken seriously, as something organically grown over the generations. Scargill’s mission was to work towards a description and appreciation of the varieties of
Canadian English, and while he had important roles to play, Scargill was not
the most widely known or the most prolific agent in a small group of scholars
at the time. The most famous one of them was Walter Spencer Avis, English
Professor at the Royal Military College in Kingston, though he should have
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worked at one of the big research universities. Avis died at the age of 60, at a
time when most scholars are just about ready to publish the books that will
form their legacies.
Another person might well have become more famous than Avis. This man,
Charles J. Lovell, is the protagonist of the first couple of chapters of this book,
but you will probably never have heard of him. He is the mountaineer in the
subtitle. Like Avis, who is the subtitle’s professor, Lovell died quite young in
scholarly life, at age 52. With two early deaths of main figures, from the
perspective of the early 1980s, Canadian English must have seemed like a most
hazardous enterprise.
Scargill, Avis, and Lovell were members of a small group of scholars that
I shall call the “Big Six”. While their group was not at all diverse in gender and
ethnicity, which reflects the academic biases (of gender) and cultural biases (of
ethnicity) of the day, they were rather diverse by other social parameters,
which makes them an interesting crowd to tell a story about. The Big Six
were comprised of two native-born Canadians – Walter Avis and Charles
Crate – and three individuals who came to Canada from Britain – Patrick
Drysdale, Matthew Scargill, and Douglas Leechman – and one American
working from the USA – Charles Lovell. Scargill was one of the many
“immigrants” – better described as non-natively born Canadians – who kept
explaining to everyone who cared to listen that there was something Canadian
about the English that was spoken and written in Canada. Scargill was a
Yorkshire man who migrated to Canada in 1948 – so, shortly after World
War II. With a Ph.D. from the University of Leeds and a profound interest in
languages – in those days, Leeds University was about to become the administering body for the first scientific study of the dialects of England – Scargill’s
career in academia seemed like a safe bet.
While the career seemed inevitable, his interest in Canadian English was a
rather unlikely choice in the Canadian intellectual climate of the day. That
climate has been labelled “Canadian Dainty”.27 Canadian Dainty refers to an
attitude that was prevalent from at least the 1830s onwards, when immigrants
from England first started to appear in bigger numbers with what we called
Wave II, until the last quarter of the twentieth century. That attitude put
everything English on a pedestal: not Scottish, not Irish, not Welsh, but
English.
At its tail end in the 1950s, funny man Irving Layton put his finger on the
upper-middle-class phenomenon of Canadian Dainty in a wonderfully
amusing three-stanza poem. The poem portrays a man of an old Canadian
lineage, a man who had lived all his life in Kingston, Ontario, as did his
parents and grandparents. After spending three years as a young adult at
Oxford University in England, however, we are informed he began to speak
the purest Canadian Dainty accent, an English that out-Englished the English,
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beating them on their linguistic home turf. How’s that for a dubious achievement and exercise in identity formation? Garnett Sedgewick displayed certain
traits of Canadian Dainty, when he “could not understand how people could
endure living with poorly enunciated, imprecise, or ugly speech”, which
included in his mind “a horrible harsh flat Ontario ‘a’” (Akrigg 1980: 21).
(So, can’t with the vowel sound from cat rather than from father.) Unpretentious, unaltered, and originally grown Canadian speech was not up to scratch
for Sedgewick (who had – so much is certain – other qualities that he put to
good use for his university). In Layton’s poignant words from the poem’s third
and last stanza, we see a more extreme form of Canadian Dainty than Sedgewick’s. A complete denial of his upbringing is found in the poem’s protagonist
and Kingston native:
Now his [the Kingston man’s] accent
makes even Englishmen
wince, and feel
unspeakably colonial.28
In this climate, Scargill, who was educated in England and clearly using
Standard British English, likely with northern English traits, had a different
take on Canadian English than one might expect to find in early postwar
Canadian academia: rather than ridiculing it, like so many before him, he
chose to research and promote it, something Sedgewick would not have
appreciated.
Scargill’s choice of Canadian English over the languages that carried a lot of
academic prestige in those days was even the more remarkable as Canadian
English was derided and attacked from Day 1, as it were. Called “a corrupt
dialect” by the nineteenth-century Scottish Presbyterian minister Reverend
A. Constable Geikie, the variety was off to a bad start. Geikie, who was posted
to the small town of Berlin, Ontario (now Kitchener), for a few years in the
1850s, coined the term Canadian English as a slur in a lecture read before a
Toronto learned society, a lecture that by today’s standards is better classified
as a rant against all things Canadian, for the simple reason that Canadian
English was different from the King’s or the Queen’s English.29
Lexicographer and linguist John Considine from the University of Alberta
has come up with the most convincing reason for Geikie’s astonishingly
dismissive lecture. Why should the small-town minister, giving a talk in the
Ontarian capital, vilify the language variety of the land? Considine speaks in
this context of Geikie’s “linguistic anxiety”, an anxiety
of someone triply remote from the norms of the metropolitan [in this case, London,
England] elite: as a Scot, as a resident of Canada, and as a resident of a town with a very
substantial German-speaking population [at the time, hence the name Berlin].
(Considine 2003: 251)
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It all makes perfect sense: if you might be attacked for not coming from
the “right” background, offence is the best defence, which gives us Geikie’s
rant. It was, after all, the heyday of colonialism and no one seemed to
question Geikie’s thesis. On the contrary, the Ontario learned men (we don’t
know of any women) must have approved the talk, as they published the
lecture in their 1857 proceedings – fortunately so, because that’s how we know
about it.30
Scargill was a scholar who loved to forge alliances and make projects
happen. His alliances went beyond the typical reach of the academic, which
in those days often meant confinement to one’s office only to emerge many
years later with a hefty manuscript in one’s name. While Scargill wrote books
as well, he seems to have enjoyed the brokering aspect of inquiry as much as
the research itself, if not more. In German you would have called Scargill a
Macher, a ‘maker’, someone who makes things happen. He provided the
Lexicographical Centre for Canadian English – first at two universities in
Alberta and, as of 1964, at the newly founded University of Victoria in
Saanich, BC – with an organizational frame that would allow a small group
of scholars to create what is today known as Canadian English.
The Big Six: Face-lifting the Idea of Canadian English
The group of scholars working on Canadian English was on one level shockingly homogeneous: they were, without exception, white males. This fact has
led more than one student to see a narrative of colonization in their work.
While this is a fair assumption, I think it is paramount to measure any
achievement against the sociohistorical backdrop of the period. From that
angle, that group was not as colonial as one would expect, and might even
be considered something of an establishment vanguard of decolonization at the
time. Maybe this was because, on some level, the group was a motley crew of
individuals who actively became involved with First Nations matters, long
before others would.
What strikes the eye is that many key players had not been socialized in
Canada. There were three men who hailed from England; besides Scargill,
there was Patrick “Paddy” Drysdale, who came from Oxfordshire with an MA
from prestigious Oxford University. (In those days, an Oxford BA was automatically “transformed” into an MA after a little while.) Drysdale was the
youngest of them all, about 10–15 years the junior of the others. The most
pivotal of the group while he was alive was Charles Julien Lovell. Lovell was a
writer and researcher with a most diverse past, a story that deserves treatment
in its own right.31 Orphaned at a very young age, Lovell grew up in various
foster homes in Massachusetts, before walking out the door in his Sunday best
one morning “at around 18”, never to return.32
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During the 1920s and 1930s, it is unclear precisely how Lovell spent his
time, but at some point he made his way across the USA to Pasadena, California. Along the way, he surely met all sorts of characters and their languages,
lingo, and linguistic varieties. This was the time of the Great Depression, so he
was not alone on the roads. In a touching memoir about her lexicographer
father, Bonnie Lovell can only speculate about the two decades between her
father running away from home and his marrying her mother in his late 30s in
1945. Daughter Lovell “became convinced Daddy [Lovell] had been a hobo,
riding the rails and camping in hobo jungles during the Depression years when
countless thousands of men did just that” (B. Lovell 2011: 48). As it turns out,
Lovell preferred to walk across the USA. He was a mountaineer, after all: “A
gentleman will walk but never run” was not just a line in Sting’s post-The
Police smash hit, but apparently also Lovell’s motto.
Despite having only a high school education, Lovell became perhaps the
most central figure in the making of Canadian English. These three “newcomers” to Canada, all of whom arrived in the early years after World War II,
were pivotal in the “construction” of Canadian English. Perhaps their roles
only prove a more general pattern, a pattern that makes the outsider see what’s
special about a particular linguistic variety they are not native to. There are
some famous examples that prove the rule. James A. H. Murray (1837–1915),
the primary and, to date, the longest-serving editor of the Oxford English
Dictionary (OED), hailed from Scotland and was therefore not exactly an
English gent by lineage. Yet, as the defining Chief Editor of the Oxford
English Dictionary, Murray described the language of the English for posterity, and – this point is important – not the language(s) of the Scots. Fredric
G. Cassidy, another giant in dialectology and lexicography, was instrumental
in the documentation of the English of Jamaica, the island of his birth. As he
left the Caribbean state at the age of 11, he too returned to it with an outsider’s
perspective, at least to some degree.33 Lovell, like Murray and Cassidy, was
also a linguistic outsider, which is no coincidence either.
Beyond Lovell, Drysdale, and Scargill, there was another “immigrant
scholar” of Canadian English. That fourth newcomer was Douglas Leechman
(FRSC), a man who was much older than the rest of them and whose “FRSC”
suffix declares him to be a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. Now there
is someone from the scholarly establishment. Born in 1890 in Coventry,
England, and thus at least three decades senior to the other five in the Big
Six, Leechman came to Canada as a young adult. In 1924, he joined the
Division of Anthropology at the National Museum of Canada. In addition to
a BA from the University of Washington in the early 1920s, he earned a Ph.D.
in Ottawa in the early 1940s and became a decorated anthropologist, archeologist, museum curator, and, perhaps most lastingly, an artefact conservation
scientist. In his day, Leechman was a prime authority on the lives of the
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Canadian Inuit and northern First Nations. As he fought for three years with
the 11th Mounted Rifles in World War I, much of that war’s military slang was
probably contributed to DCHP-1 by Leechman; for World War II military
slang, Avis and Scargill brought first-hand battle experience to the
editorial board.
Besides the three Englishmen and one American, two native-born Canadians complete the group. There is Walter Spencer “Wally” Avis, who would,
as Chief Editor, see to completion the defining dictionary of Canadian English.
As a recent graduate with a Ph.D. in Linguistics from the University of
Michigan, a leading school in the field since at least the 1920s, Avis was part
of the first generation of academically trained linguists in Canada. Avis
brought a unique skill set to the table. The second native-born Canadian was
Charles Brandel “Chuck” Crate. Crate was a university-educated man of many
trades and, during the dictionary days, a high school teacher in Alert Bay, BC –
an island community off the north coast of Vancouver Island with a majority
First Nations population – and later in Quesnel, BC, located in the old Cariboo
gold-digging Eldorado of northern British Columbia. Crate took an avid
interest in the Canadian north, thus contributing special expertise that was
otherwise hard to come by.
These six men – Lovell, Avis, Scargill, Drysdale, Leechman, and Crate –
comprised the editorial team that would write and publish the first significant
landmark in the study of Canadian English: a historical dictionary that would
document, through the historical record, about 10,000 terms with some 13,000
meanings and Canadian usages. This book, entitled A Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles (DCHP-1), was published to much acclaim in
November 1967, as a contribution to the Canadian centennial celebrations. The
A in the title is overly modest: it is not just a historical dictionary of Canadian
English – it is the historical dictionary of the variety. It is the only one there is.
It also reflects, however, the intent of the group to produce more than just one
historical dictionary, plans that didn’t materialize.
As all six men are listed on the dictionary’s masthead, we will place their
paths and contributions to DCHP-1 at the centre of the present book. We will
also look at the roles of women in that process, who were, more often than not,
in positions that were not sufficiently acknowledged. Without the Big Six, the
study of Canadian English would have developed very differently, if it had
developed at all.
The lion’s share of the present book aims to retrace and reconstruct how this
group of men managed to define, document, and propel Canadian English
based on the way Canadians use English, an idea that was nothing less than
ridiculous at the time. Canadian English was developed from a vague hunch to
a fully fledged theoretical concept with ample empirical proof in one and a half
decades. The Big Six must be credited for inventing or creating Canadian
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English. Their idea was not just backed up with scholarly articles, but with a
most impressive “proof of concept” in life size, so to speak: a complete set of
dictionaries, comprised of the scholarly historical DCHP-1, the “flagship”
dictionary as they called it, and a set of three graded school dictionaries (from
elementary to middle to high school).
Some Canadian readers may be familiar with the Gage Canadian Dictionary
from their own or their children’s school years. The Gage Canadian, first
published in 1967 as The Senior Dictionary, was the high school and lower
undergraduate dictionary. Together with The Intermediate Dictionary (1963,
with Scargill in charge), The Beginning Dictionary (1962, with Avis in charge),
and The Senior (1967, which was the responsibility of University of British
Columbia linguist Robert J. Gregg) formed the graded school dictionaries.
These three and DCHP-1 comprised, by 1967, the complete dictionary series,
which was called, collectively, the Dictionary of Canadian English – so no
single book was called this as such, only the collection of the four dictionaries.
Rounded off with a host of academic papers, some of which we’ll discuss in
the next chapter, and with a steady supply of press coverage that spread the
word, the Big Six ensured that no one would be able to escape their “face-lift”
of Canadian English – that is, the Big Six plus Robert J. Gregg, who would
turn them into the Magnificent Seven. At the end of 1967, Canadians would for
the first time be proudly proclaiming that they spoke Canadian English, and
there were four dictionaries to prove it, which is a far cry from the origins of
the term in Reverend Geikie’s mid-nineteenth-century mouth.
“Face-lifting” (Codification) in the Big Picture
Now that we know roughly what the Big Six did, let us look at their achievement in the bigger linguistic and historical contexts. Historical linguists – those
who study the development of languages over time – and sociolinguists – who
study the social correlations of language – have been very productive in the
theoretical modelling of new linguistic varieties over the past decade and a
half, so that today we have three models that together cover the process of
new-dialect formation in great detail. What we called informally the “facelifting” process is in the literature referred to as the new-dialect formation
process, the koinéization process, or the standardization process, depending on
the particular theoretical stance taken.
There are two models that can be applied to the development of the
dominant or colonial language in colonial settings: Edgar Schneider’s
Dynamic Model and Peter Trudgill’s New-Dialect Formation Model. Both
are useful in the Canadian context. A noteworthy development of the Dynamic
Model is Buschfeld, Kautzsch, and Schneider (2018), in which some of
Schneider’s former students are taking the model further.
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Table 2 Dynamic Model phases (Schneider 2007)
I
II
III
IV
V
Foundation (of the language in
the new location)
Exo-normative stabilization
Nativization
Endo-normative stabilization
Diversification
The most general model in this area is Edgar Schneider’s Dynamic Model
(Table 2). First published in 2003, and after in – recommendable – book form
(Schneider 2007), the model does not make any firm predictions, but instead
charts a sequence of five general phases that are required for a new language
variety to be formed out of an older variety or several older ones. Originally
developed for postcolonial Englishes, this model is of immediate relevance as
well for other languages in which writing plays a role.
Schneider’s scenario can be explained with the following thought experiment: suppose you transplant a language – say, German – to another part of the
world – say, Peru – in the 1850s. Provided that enough speakers followed
(which was not the case in the real-world Peruvian town of Pozuzo, which
inspired this example), sooner or later the imported German would develop
into a kind of Peruvian German that might attain public functions (which it
didn’t – today, Peruvian German, to the extent it is still spoken in the 8,000people town, is merely a language enclave). Suppose more and more German
speakers, from different parts of the German-speaking areas in Germany,
Austria, Switzerland, Northern Italy, East Belgium, Luxembourg, Liechtenstein, parts of Romania, and the Czech and Slovak Republics followed. Today,
we might have a Standard Peruvian German.
To use Schneider’s model, this development of a new standard variety
would have occurred in five successive phases (see Table 2). In Pozuzo, Peru,
the first settlement of German speakers arrived in 1859 and was comprised of
families with a total of 170 members from Austria (Tyrol) and Germany (the
Rhineland). This would have been Phase I: Foundation. In the Canadian
example, the scenario is more complex, as the speakers of English were to
arrive in what is now Canada in bigger numbers after 1714 in the Maritimes
(Nova Scotia), but only after 1763 in Montreal and Quebec, and after 1776 in
what was to become Ontario. The west of Canada, however, was not settled
until the mid and late 1800s. Before 1846, the area west of the Rockies and
north of the Columbia River, comprising what are today Oregon and Washington states, was, moreover, still in British-Canadian hands. The provinces of
Saskatchewan and Alberta were not settled until the early twentieth century.
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Following this foundation phase, the settlement stabilizes and it becomes
clear that the immigrants are here to stay. Their identities are tied to the
motherland. They are Motherland plus, so, in the Peruvian case, German plus
Peruvian. Culturally and linguistically, the settlers take their cues from
German-speaking Europe – hence exo-normative stabilization (from “exo”
meaning ‘outside of’) – for their norms. In the Pozuzo case, the Rhineland
influences were given up early in favour of the Tyrolean customs, so that today
you have a Spanish-speaking Tyrolean town in the remote South American
mountains. Phase III is the really interesting phase, when a creative combination of Old World German and New World linguistic features creates a kind
of language that is new. In Phase III, the settlers begin to identify with their
Peruvian-German identity for the first time. In this phase, something really
new happens, culturally and linguistically.
At this point, it’s a good idea to halt for a moment, because what Schneider
summarizes under Phases I, II, and perhaps also III, is spelled out in Peter
Trudgill’s New-Dialect Formation Theory (2004) in greater detail and with
testable claims. (Schneider’s model does not offer such testability, is rather
descriptive after the fact, and doesn’t allow much in the way of prediction.)
For the development of Canadian English, I applied Trudgill’s theory to
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ontario a few years back and found it
very useful (Dollinger 2008a). While it needs to be said that a lot of colleagues see opposition between Schneider and Trudgill, I see much more
common ground. I won’t focus on their differences here beyond the general
statement that Trudgill, the sociolinguist par excellence, sees social factors as
non-applicable in certain, well-defined situations in which the group sizes of
language speakers over-ride other aspects (for more, see, e.g., Dollinger
2015a: 200–208 and references therein), with Schneider objecting to that
aspect.
Returning to Schneider’s model, Phase IV is when the country has stabilized
as an entity in its own right rather than a colony and is in the process of gaining
a new sense of self. It is then when, linguistically, the focus is transferred to the
country rather than the motherland. This is the time when dictionaries and
grammars are composed and the country’s new norms, which solidified over
Phases I–III, are now codified into a new standard. In this phase the Big Six
were instrumental in Canada. The Big Six basically invented Canadian English
in that they undertook the “endo-normative stabilization” of Canadian English.
This chapter’s epigraph is taken from a little-known publication by Avis a year
before the major dictionaries, DCHP-1 (today at www.dchp.ca/dchp1) and The
Senior Dictionary, were published. Haugen’s (1966) classic model on the
standardization process of language, which he developed in the 1960s, deals
first and foremost with Schneider’s Phase IV. Together, the three models cover
the entire process admirably well.
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This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998
29
Phase V is then characterized by the period of post-nationalist zeal. The
country is long established and its linguistic standard is a given. In the
formation of Standard Austrian German (AutG), this phase would have been
in the 1990s, when AutG was more or less accepted. It is now – when other
forms of social organization trump the “national” story and other “affiliations”
are foregrounded, such as certain music styles, philosophies, perhaps professional memberships, and any other group construction markers – that more
cultural and linguistic diversification ensues.
This Book’s Scope: 1940 to 1998
Establishing cut-off points is usually a tricky issue, especially when it comes to
the creation of ideas or concepts. Think about Middle English, the language of
Chaucer. When did it start? We can offer political dates, such as 1066, the date of
the Norman Conquest, as the defining moment turning English from a fully
Germanic language into a mongrel of a Germanic legacy, which has been
swamped with Romance-type language varieties. So, 1066, right? On Christmas
Day, to be precise, the last English king of that period, Harold, was killed (by an
arrow straight into his eye!). But did Middle English then start on Boxing Day
1066, or even on New Year’s Day 1067? Hardly, as nothing much had changed
on the ground by then. This is why some scholars prefer 1100 as a reasonable
delimiter between Old English (think Beowulf) and Middle English (think
Canterbury Tales). Others still, though less often, set 1154 as a cut-off, because
it was the last year that an important Old English document, the Peterborough
Chronicle, was maintained. You can see this is the stuff that the worst academic
debates, those devoid of solution, are made of!
Periodization is a tough call, as you can see, and the call is not any less
tough in the case of Canadian English. So, when is the period of Canadian
English? A possible start date is in 1867 with Confederation, the Canadian
“independence day” of 1 July 1867. But what about 1917 and the date of the
often-quoted battle of Vimy Ridge, in which Canadian units won a victory on
the international stage paid in blood? Or 1926 with the Balfour Declaration
that rendered all colonies of Britain as de jure equal with Britain, at least on
paper? Perhaps later? What about 1945, when World War II was over and
Canada was finally, with newly found confidence, looking towards the future?
Or how about 1947, when the first Canadian passports and Canadian rather
than British citizenship certificates were issued? Or maybe as late as 1982,
when the original Canadian constitution – the British North America Act – was
brought home from Westminster, London, so it could be altered by the
Canadian rather than the British parliament? Perhaps a date in the future?
After all, we could argue that Canada is not yet fully “completed”, because the
Meech Lake Accord,34 an important fix in the Canadian constitution revolving
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What is Canadian English?
around Quebec, failed in 1990? I think we’d all agree that 1982 would be too
late and the last date nonsensical. But which date would it be?
I have chosen none of the above, because this book is not so much about the
political events as the language variety. While the former influence the latter,
I looked for a date that would be more language-related. And what better cutoff date than the publication of the first book that dealt in an empirical way
with Canadian English, even though (very Canadian perhaps) it didn’t highlight its Canadian content? This content was not advertised at all, so much so
that I have never seen it even mentioned in any of the works on Canadian
English. I therefore consider the book’s “rediscovery” an exciting event that is
important enough to mark the beginning of the scope of the present book.
So when does this book’s story start? In 1940. In that year, Queen’s
University Professor of English Henry Alexander, an Oxford-educated man
whom in the next chapter we will call “the grandfather of Canadian English”,
published a textbook on the history of English. He called it, revealingly and
somewhat imposingly – and, I’m sorry to say, certainly colonially – The Story
of Our Language. You can see why Hugh MacLennan felt the need to write
Two Solitudes, the novel about English-speaking and French-speaking Canadians, just five years later: French was not part of “our” story according to the
anglophone Alexander.
More interesting for our purposes, Alexander’s table of contents reveals
nothing about Canadian English. It only mentions – quite modern for the
time – British and American English and, in the later parts of the book, their
differences. Moreover, neither Canada nor any of its parts even makes the
index. Unless you read it from cover to cover, you won’t be able to appreciate
that this book, read by many a student (a new edition was published in 1962),
seems to be the first book that took Canadian English seriously, sprinkling
interesting tidbits of information on it into the chapters on British and American English, here and there.
It is clear that Alexander knew what he was writing about and that he had
first-hand experience (and data) on what he was adding to the book. So, in
other words, he added “Canadian spice” in what would otherwise have been a
more routine broth on the history of English. Here’s an example of that spice
concerning the word for what is often called a see-saw today in many Englishes and is found on playgrounds:
But in certain regions, especially in and near Cape Cod [MA, USA], tilt, tiltin board
and tilter are found. Tilter seems to be a “blend” of tilt and teeter. There are also
quite different expressions such as dandle, and dandle board and the picturesque tippetybounce. The word seesaw itself is also generally known, but is often felt to be somewhat
literary. In Nova Scotia most of these words are heard and in addition tippin board
and sawman. It is interesting to note that the form teeter-totter, which is very common
in Ontario, is rare in New England and Nova Scotia. (Alexander 1962 [1940]: 224)
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31
Teeter-totters, as a potentially Canadian form from Quebec westwards, was
new information at the time and extended the view of English, long overdue, to
north of the Canada–US border. We’d probably still be using teeter-totter
these days in most parts of Canada had the equipment not been banned from
Canadian playgrounds for being considered as excessively dangerous for
Canadian kids. Now only kids in other parts of the world can enjoy and
experiment with teeter-totters, see-saws, or tilting boards, so that Canada has
little use for the word.
Alexander’s book appeared two years before Martin Joos, a University of
Toronto linguist, would first describe what has since become known as
Canadian Raising, the particularly Canadian vowel pronunciations of out and
about or wife and life.35 Alexander must have felt that the time was not yet ripe
to mention the phrase “Canadian English”, but he managed to sneak a lot of
information into his textbook (a strategy that, more conspicuously and much
more directly, was continued by J. K. Chambers’ very readable textbook
Sociolinguistic Theory, first published in 1995; see Chambers 2009a for the
latest edition).
Having clarified the starting date of 1940, we note that this book formally
stops in 1998, with the occasional glimpse beyond. There are a number of
reasons for that second cut-off. First, any historian will tell you that it’s always
good to write with the benefit of hindsight – after the dust has settled, so to
speak. That’s the reason for not taking this book up to 2015 or so. Another,
more profound reason is that, as of 2002, I have had a role (and stake) in the
field myself and my involvement in it would certainly endanger the historian’s
balanced point of view. As of 2006, when I was appointed Editor of the second
edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms, I would stand in a potential conflict
of interest, writing on the history of my own project. Some things are better left
to others.
So far, so good. But why 1998? That was the year of publication of the
Canadian Oxford Dictionary, which, for about a decade, was a game changer
in the public perception of Canadian English. The year 1998 is also the
height of the Canadian dictionary war, in which three new dictionaries and
editions were competing in the small Canadian market, together with some
older editions. For a time it looked as if there was one clear winner – there
certainly was one big loser, the ITP Nelson Dictionary, and one not-so-big
loser, the Gage Canadian Dictionary. Since 2008, when the Canadian
Oxford Dictionary shut down its operations in Canada, we have known that
this desk dictionary war knew only losers. So, in a word, 1998 seemed
like a good cut-off.
But why not the year 2000 – perhaps just for the sake of being a bit
different? Canadians do things slightly differently at times, and this is perhaps
symbolized by the difference between 1998 and 2000: almost the same, but not
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What is Canadian English?
quite. Linguistically, it is often just like this: Canadian is almost the same as
American English, but not quite. (We could say, of course, that American
English is almost the same as Canadian English too.) Our Canadian linguistic
ride is therefore set for 1940 to 1998.
What to Expect from this Book
This book consists of nine chapters, of which the last one builds on the
previous chapters to make a number of suggestions and recommendations –
perhaps even something coming close to a call to action. Before that conclusion, Chapter 8 looks at what colonial bias there may be in DCHP-1 and what
can possibly be done about it. Chapter 7 is about the 1990s when a dictionary
war was raging behind the scenes in Canada, not unlike the one among
American dictionary publishers in the 1860s. It was the time of the Canadian
Oxford Dictionary, but there is so much more to it – for instance, the legacy of
the Gage Canadian Dictionary, which established the field of Canadian
English reference and which was not appreciated for what it was. Chapter 6
explains the business constraints behind dictionary publishing and how the
new discipline of sociolinguistics affected the study of Canadian English,
which, after the success of the 1970s (Chapter 5) had to re-orient itself, with
the old guard gone (or on their way out) and the new one not yet ready to
take over.
The earlier chapters, notably Chapters 3 and 4, are dedicated to the making of
the first edition of the Dictionary of Canadianisms, DCHP-1, which was
arguably the galvanizing project that put not just dictionaries but the entire field
of Canadian English into the mind of the public. Chapter 2 is on the American
lexicographer Charles Lovell, the person who was poised to lead the field but
died of a heart attack only days after having received the necessary funding from
the Canada Council that would have allowed him to lead the project. The story
of how this American “convinced” the Canadians that there was something
noteworthy about their English, and how it came to be that he knew so much
about it, will be the start of explaining how Canadian English was first envisaged, documented, conceptualized, and, ultimately, codified and promoted.
This is the story of the making of Canadian English, which was an early
working title for this book. Another, more provocative, title that did not make
the cut was Canadian English, American Made – American made because
Charles J. Lovell was American. Another reading of this title arises from the
historical relevance of American English for Canadian English, which
emerged out of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century American English
(mostly from the mid-Atlantic and New England). American English is for
Canadian English what British English is for American English: its immediate
and most important parent variety.36 A most accessible history of American
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33
English is Bailey (2012), while Mencken (1936) is still worth a read (after
almost a century!).
The Big Six were what early British Columbian settlers might have called
prairie chickens, which the Dictionary of Canadianisms defines in meaning
3 as “a newcomer, especially a farmer from the prairies” and labels it “especially B.C.”. For the Songhees people, it must have felt odd that the newcomers would, within a generation or two, develop their own words for
newcomers, or rather the “newcomers’ newcomers”. Language is meaningful
only in relation to the people who use it and their experiences. It is made just
for them.
I wonder which words the Songhees and Esquimalt used for the Europeans
who showed up on their shores and who were quite dependent on them. What
is the prairie chicken, or greenhorn, equivalent in the Lekwungen language?
There are indeed many other words for newcomers: cheechakos, also from BC
and the west more generally, were newcomers, not nearly as smart as the
sourdoughs, those who had already survived a winter in the wilderness. While
all these words are in DCHP-1, both DCHP-1 and DCHP-2 are quiet on the
Lekwungen terms for newcomers. The words in DCHP-1 are the product of a
settler society. Although the makers tried, both in the 1960s and half a century
later for the new edition, to do justice to the Indigenous experience, this
endeavour is bound to fail: only Indigenous people can speak for Indigenous
people, and in neither project was there an aboriginal core member. We will
need to keep in mind that entire nations and cultures are vastly underrepresented in Canadian English lexicography as we read on.
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General Index
Abley, Mark, 225, 254
acclaim (v.), 239
Adams, Michael P., 206, 250, 257–59
Alexander, Henry
Avis’ teacher, 71
Canadianisms, 237
fieldwork, 41, 150, 247
lex committee, 77
Massey Report, 44
Queen’s University, 43
textbook, 30
Winston Simplified, 173, 251, 253
all-candidates meeting, 192
all-dressed, 238
American Dialect Society (ADS), 42, 156
Americanization, 165–66, 168–69, 171
Anishnabe, 96–97 See Ojibway
attitudes, linguistic, 223, 226
Atwood, Margaret E., 46, 99
Auer, Anita, 48
Australian English, 252
autonomy, linguistic, 226, 231, 235,
258
Avis, Faith, 46–47, 50, 71–72, 112–13
Carleton University, 71
education, 71
picture, 47
Avis, Walter S.
army, 25, 70, 156
Beginning Dictionary, 26, 67
Big Six, 21, 25, 66
Calgary 1963, 81
Canadian English, 40–41, 44, 57–58, 62, 69,
72, 74
Canadian quotations, 74, 84, 208
career, 70, 76
Chambers, J. K., 44
CLA, 48, 66, 76
cross-border research, 76
cross-country travel, 79
death, 21, 44, 65–67, 155–56
dialectology, 159
274
dictionary plans, 74
dissertation, 74
early years, 70
editor, 78–79
editorial principles, 140
education, 43, 71
fame, 163
friendship, 67, 75
funding, 67–68
Gage, 68
health, 44, 74, 80, 85
historical linguistics, 43–44, 72
job prospects, 81
Kingston, 21
legacy, 21, 36, 43, 63, 66, 79, 155
lexicographical committee, 77
linguistic fashions, 69–70, 76, 156,
165
linguistics, 65, 76
Lovell, 51
Mathews, 121
McConnell, Ruth, 44
Michigan, 73
MLA, 48
obituary, 66–67, 77, 155, 264
perfectionism, 68
picture, xv, 47, 64
predecessor, 41, 43–44
Queen’s University, 41, 71
quotation slips, 79–80, 92
quotes, 28, 87, 245
recent graduate, 77
RMC, 20, 44, 66, 78, 82
role, 80
Sam Slick, 41, 43
scope creep, 68
successor, 62
teacher, 44, 49, 67, 73
teaching, 14, 43, 70
veteran, 71
Vinay, 155
workaholic, 62, 74–75, 80
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General Index
Bailey, Richard W., 33
Balfour Declaration (1926), 29
Ball of Fire (movie), 88–89
Barber, Katherine, 126–27, 138, 149, 163,
181–82, 190, 263
Barman, Jean, 5
Barnhart, Clarence, 68
Barnhart, David, 68
BDC, 239
Beaver, The (magazine), 103–4, 114–15, 187
beaver stone, 17, 114–15
Big Blue Machine, 239
Big Six, 21, 249
achievement, 36, 81, 140
Avis’ death, 145
catalysts, 25
Crate, 210
importance, 28
nationalism, 231, 243
plus Gregg, 175
PR, 26
statistical proof, 233
bilingual Canadian Dictionary, 150
blood donor, Lovell, C. J., 59
blood donor clinic, 239
Bloqiste, 239
Boberg, Charles, 11, 233
Bonhomme, Christine, 105
bonnet (car), 121
British English, 3, 10, 14, 16
Brodie, Steve (W. H.)
CBC language guidelines, 77
lex committee, 77
Brown, Dan, 112
Brown Corpus of American English, 179
bugger, 152
Burchfield, Robert, 120, 143, 152–53, 257
1968, 253
1978, 154
character, 81
Leechman, 153
OED appeals, 82
OED Supplement, 48, 82
Burton, Pierre, 99
Buschfeld, Sarah, 26, 261
Butch, Dick (Elder), 197
Canadian centennial, 257
Canadian Dainty, 21, 247
Canadian English. See also Standard Canadian
English
acceptance, 223
autonomy, 231
colonialism, 8
creation, 81
275
definition, 2
delay, 67
First Nations varieties, 3
immigrants, 10
in the press, 224
regional variation, 188
sceptics, 230
Canadian Linguistic Association, 66
1954, 75
1958, 99–100
Avis’ role, 76
dictionary committee, 58
historical dictionaries, 99
history, 250
Lovell’s death, 51, 53, 60
meetings, 48
negotiations with Gage, 100
Canadian Oxford Dictionary, 186–88
entry counts, 186
Canadian Press Stylebook. 200 See CP
Stylebook
Canadian tuxedo, 16, 246
Canadianisms
definition, 122
frequency, 194–95
identification problem, 237
Lovell, 57
Memorial, 202
Origin, 192, 254
Semantic Change, 192
T0 – Non-Canadian, 123
T1 – Origin, 123
T2 – Preservation, 123
T3 – Semantic Change, 123
T4 – Culturally Significant, 123
T5 – Frequency, 123
T6 – Memorial, 123
typology (T0–T6), 122–23
Canadianisms, preservation, 46, 123
canoe, 84, 110, 206
Cassidy, Frederick G., 24, 38, 58, 73, 137, 247,
257
death on the job, 104
cat spruce, 84
centre, 14
Chambers, J. K. (Jack), 11, 247–48,
252–54
Canadian content, 31
CLA, 66
dictionary review, 183–84, 189
new generation, 44, 157, 165
on Avis, 65
on Crate, 78
predecessors, 158
retirement, 62
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General Index
Chambers, J. K. (Jack) (cont.)
sociolinguists, 160
Standard Canadian English, 176
take up, 37
cheechako, 33
Cheezies, 238
citation slip, 80 See quotation slip/s
Clarke, John W., 57
Clarke, Sandra, 45, 158, 253
codification, 246
Cohen, Leonard, 99
color. See colour
colour, 14
Concise DCHP, royalty statements, 148
Concise Oxford Dictionary (1992), 183
Considine, John, 22, 127, 182, 254, 257
corrupt dialect. 22 See Geikie
CP Stylebook, 200
CPP, 239
Craigie, William A., 40–41, 55, 120, 248, 259,
262
character, 80
Chicago lexicography, 40, 55
link to DCHP-1, 40
outsider status, 40
Crate, Charles, 111, 254
Alert Bay, 197, 204, 207, 210, 212
beaver castor, 115
Big Six, 21, 25, 66
biography, 143, 210–11
Canadian quotations, 84, 106, 113, 205, 208
coding system, 106
editor, 78–79, 110
editorial principles, 139
education, 25
funding, 135
namesake fascist, 210, 249
quotation slips, 49, 80, 91–92, 107
revision, 108
role, 80
Victoria 1965, 111
Crosby, Sidney, 239
Crystal, David, 62, 165, 247, 250, 253, 262
cube van, 123, 192
Curzan, Anne, 228
Czech language, 27, 170
Czechoslovakian language, 170
Da Vinci Code, The, 112
Danish, 258
DARE, 38, 42, 58, 104, 120, 140, 257
DCHP-1
achievement, 140
contractual copies, 133
early plans, 99
marketing, 136, 148
planned publication date, 105
praise, 252
promised revisions, 154
publication, 132–33
published by McClelland & Stewart, 99
review, 252
revision, 131, 156
royalty statements, 134
DCHP-2 launch
Lovell’s memory, 37
project 2007, 236
Deutsches Wörterbuch (Grimms’), 104, 119
Devitt, Amy, 247
dictionaries, public relations (PR), 185, 187,
190, 235
Dictionary of American Regional English, 38,
42, 58, 104, 120, 140, 257 See DARE,
Dictionary of Canadian English
codification, 137
DCHP-1, 75, 91
marketing, 143, 147
school dictionaries, 179
series, 1, 124, 175
series name, 26
series revision, 143
series sales, 185
Dictionary of Newfoundland English, 77, 174
Dictionary Society of North America (DSNA),
250, 252
dictionary war, American 1860s, 175
Dictionary War, Great Canadian, 89, 127,
175–77, 180, 185, 191
dipsydoodle, 69, 239
Discovery Island, 5, 8, 196 See Tl-chess
Doherty, Alexandra, 244
Dollinger, Stefan, 9–10, 12–14, 28, 149, 176, 221
double-double, 238
Drysdale, Patrick (Paddy), 130
Big Six, 21, 25, 66
canoe, 110
CLA, 48
DCHP-1
orders, 134
DCHP-1 team, 23, 128
editor, 79–80, 110
education, 67
fame, 163
funding, 135
Gage, 67, 112, 144
immigrant, 23
marketing, 147
on Crate, 211–12
on DCHP-1, 132
on Scargill, 145
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General Index
on Wees, 100
picture, 142
presentation copy, 118
role, 80
Summer Institute 1958, 100
Durkin, Philip, 251, 257
Dynamic Model. See Schneider
Early Modern English, 97, 182
editing progress, 128
eh, 218, 221, 223, 225, 236, 252
Einstein, Albert, 35, 87
employment insurance, 188
English as a Lingua Franca, 48, 164, 226, 249,
257
English English, 174, 246
entry counts, 184
Eskimo, 123, 201
European Union (EU), 230
Expanding Circle, 164
falsification, 192, 233
Fee, Margery, 2, 143, 168, 254
copy-editing, 216
decolonization, 257
early corpora, 179
land claims, 198
on Pauline E. Johnson, 198
usage guide, 223, 235
First Minister, 239
First Nations, Inuit, and Métis, 197–98, 209,
212, 215–16 See FNIM
fly beer, 84
FNIM, 198, 209, 212, 215–16
for grass, 84
Ford, Baillie, 264
Fox, Terry, 238
Freud, Sigmund, 73, 230, 232
Friend, David, 62, 178, 182, 184, 252
Fries, Charles C., 72–73
fuddle duddle, 239, 242
Funk & Wagnalls, 49–50, 182
Funk & Wagnalls Canadian College
Dictionary (1989), 183
Furnivall, Frederick J., 78
quotations, 79
Gage, 26, 31–32, 175, 177, 254
American base, 189
Beginning Dictionary, 104–5
breaking US dominance, 124
Canadian dictionaries, 76, 249
competition, 181, 183
competitors’ praise, 129
DCHP-1, 128
277
dictionaries, 100
dictionary investment, 99
Dictionary of Canadian English (series),
124, 131, 137, 161
dictionary publishing, 100
dictionary war, 183–84
Drysdale’s role, 100
editorial input, 110
market leader, 177, 181
marketing, 135, 143–44, 146–48
national interest, 135, 137
Oxford prestige, 126
profit from DCHP-1, 134
publisher for DCHP-1, 99
publishing history, 134
renew DCHP-1 copyright, 182
scholarly reputation, 174, 184
school dictionaries, 144–45, 238
Toronto, 107, 128
Gage Canadian Dictionary, 124–25, 175,
185–86, 188–89
entry counts, 186
rebranding, 143
taboo words, 243
Gage Education, 31 See Gage
Game 7, 239
garburator, 123, 143, 171, 192
Gaylie, Alexandra, 185, 264
Geikie, Reverend A. Constable, 22, 26, 247
German, Austrian German, 29, 97–98, 171,
225, 231, 254, 258
German German, in Germany, 98, 171, 175,
231, 258
Gilliver, Peter, 52, 82, 101, 249–50, 256–57
go Indian, 203
gong show, 121
good Indian, 202–3
Great One, The, 239
Gregg, Robert J., 124, 141, 169, 175, 211,
249–50
death, 145
immigrant, 77
lex committee, 77
linguistic fashions, 165
on the dictionary market, 175
Senior Dictionary, 67
Gretzky, Wayne, 80, 255
Groundhog Day Loop, 172, 221, 226
GST, 239
Guide to Canadian English Usage, 179
half-blood, 199
Hall, Joan, 49–50, 103, 107–8, 111, 213
1965, 119
Crate’s coding system, 106
Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger
Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 278
278
General Index
Hall, Joan (cont.)
editing, 113
revision, 109
role of women, 78
training, 81
Halliday, M. A. K., 156
Hanks, Patrick, 255–56, 266
Haugen, Einar, 28, 81, 246, 258
HBC, 7, 198
heart attack, 32, 51, 61, 67, 75, 85
Helwich, Hartwich Richard, OED, 84
heterogeneity, linguistic, 171
heteronomy, linguistic, 167, 170
Hickey, Raymond, 252
hockey, xvii, 69, 80, 123, 154, 187, 240, 250
hockey dad, 240
hockey mom, 240
Hoffman, Michol F., 16, 266
home language, 239
homogeneity, linguistic, 172, 176, 223
hood (car), 121
hootch, 85
Hornby, A. S., 179
HST, 239
Hudson’s Bay Company. 6–7, 187, 198 See
HBC
Hutchison, Faith E. See Avis, Faith
Ice hockey. See hockey
icing, 238
identity, linguistic, 226, 235
idiot string, 240
immigration, to Canada, 12, 21, 44, 60,
143
Indian Register, 239
Inner Circle, 18–19, 164
Inspector Columbo, 2, 228
Inspector Morse, 52, 228
Intermediate Dictionary, The, 26, 67, 91, 110,
124
isolation pay, 239
ITP Nelson, 31, 127, 186, 189–90, 254
1997, 175
corpus planning, 178
dictionary war, 184
entry counts, 184, 186
review, 183–84
scholarly reputation, 184
Jeannerett, Marsh, 130
Jenkins, Jennifer, 249
Jenness, Diamond, 214–16, 254
Johnson, Pauline E., 198
Johnson, Samuel, 111, 115, 198, 229
Joos, Martin, 31, 100, 247
Kautzsch, Alexander, 26, 250, 261
Kinloch, Murray, 139, 150, 155–56
knowledge theory, 165
koinéization, 12, 26
Kraft Dinner, 238
Kretzschmar, William A., 246–47, 250
Linguistic Atlas of the United States and
Canada director, 71
Kuhn, Sherman M., 72
Kurath, Hans, 37–38, 71–73
Kytö, Merja, 43
Laforest, Guy, 242
Landau, Sidney I.
bad dictionaries, 89
congratulates Avis, 129
dictionary budgeting, 100
dictionary making, 257
dictionary publishing, 88
digitization, 179
entry counts, 184
Funk & Wagnalls, 129
quote, 129
scope of dictionary making, 121
textbook, 256
landed immigrant, 199
Late Modern English, 97
Layton, Irving, 21, 247
Lee, Richard H., 148
Leechman, Douglas, 115, 151, 154
1959, 124
1964, 104
1965, 85
1968, 153, 253
1976, 153
1978, 154
aboiteau, 151
anthropologist, 24
Avis, Faith, 47
Avis’ succession, 112
BC Archives, 251, 253
beaver castor, 115
Big Six, 21, 24–25, 66
biography, 111
bugger, 152
Calgary 1964, 113
Canadian quotations, 84, 115, 208
Chinook Jargon, 152
connection with OED, 253
copy-editing, 110
death, 149
editing, 49
editor, 78, 110–13, 115
end of OED work, 153
health, 153
Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger
Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 279
General Index
hootch, 85
immigrant, 24
Mathews, 121
meets Crate 1965, 111
Oak Bay, 111
paid OED reader, 152
Partridge, Eric, 116
progress, 113
publication, 151
quotation slips, 80
quotes, 87, 112, 143
reader for OED, 48, 143, 253
reading programme, 103, 115
revision, 108, 110
role, 80
royalty statements, 134
textbook, 135, 214
Victoria, 111
volunteer for OED, 152
Leechman, Ruth, 112–13
1965, 116
diary, 113
Lexicographical Centre of Canadian English
1970s, 144
1980s, 145
admin. support, 106
Calgary, 78
Edmonton, 23
Hall, Joan, 49, 103
mail delivery, 107
Scargill, 1, 80
Scargill’s presence, 50
Victoria, 78
women, 48
Lim, Gabrielle, 264
Linguistic Atlas of the United States and
Canada, 14, 38, 41, 43, 66, 71, 73, 150,
159, 247
linguistic autonomy
Canada, 69
USA, 69
Linguistic Society of America (LSA), 42
Love, Gage (president), 132, 134, 146
Lovell, Bonnie A.
1960, 51
contacting DCHP-2, 79
memoir, 247
Lovell, Charles J.
1930s, 54
1946, 56
1951, 59
1954, 58
American quotations, 56
autodidact, 24, 57–58, 60, 211
Barnhart, 68
279
Big Six, 25, 66
birth year, 247
blood donor, 59
bookplates, 59
Canada, 57
Canadian English, 58, 62
Canadian quotations, 40–41, 62, 80, 82, 84,
208
Canadian Studies, 57
Chicago, 55
childhood, 53, 59–60
CLA, 48, 58, 119
co-editor credit for DA, 56, 250
collaboration with Avis, 75
collector, 54, 107
coordination problems, 103
DA, 120
DCHP-1 team, 23
death, 51, 61, 67, 76, 78
dictionary plans, 74
documentation sheets, 101
early 1940s, 54
early life, 53
editor, 79
education, 52
effects on Avis, 76
effects on Canadian English, 76
fame, 163
father of Canadian English, 43
founding editor, 38, 141, 238
friendship, 75
funding, 50, 68
Gage, 68
health, 74, 76, 84
hiking, 55
immigrant, 24
legacy, 21, 32, 36, 43, 51, 58, 61–63
lex committee, 77
linguistic fashions, 165
link to OED, 40
mountaineer, 54, 56, 60
nationalism, 231
obituary, 155
on Craigie, 248
parallels with Murray, 52
perfectionism, 68–69
picture, 34
predecessor, 41
public outreach, 62
quotation slip, 92
quotes, 35
reading programme, 102, 106
scope creep, 68
word nerd, 54
word pun, 65
Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger
Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 280
280
General Index
Lovell, Charles J. (cont.)
workaholic, 56, 61, 67, 74–75
worries, 99
young adult, 24
Luick, Karl, 73, 159
Lunenburg dory, 130
make-work, 239
Mathews, Mitford M., 40, 55–56, 60, 69, 75,
120–21, 129–30, 140
on DCHP-1, 130
on Lovell, 56–57
Mauranen, Anna, 249
Mawani, Renisa, 5
May, Bryan (guitarist in Queen), 44
May long, 240
May long weekend, 240
May two-four, 240
McClelland & Stewart, 99
publisher for DCHP-1, 99
McDavid, Raven I., 231, 247
army, 156
Linguistic Atlas of the United States and
Canada director, 66, 71, 73
on Avis, 65–66, 69, 78, 138
on Scargill’s late work, 144
quote, 138, 154
review of DCHP-1, 130, 140
tribute to Avis, 70, 76, 130, 154
Memorial University, 45, 67, 100, 139, 158
Mencken, H. L., 33, 46, 55, 75, 115, 152, 154,
253
Avis, 65
death, 66
household name, 70
life, 69
linguistic autonomy, 69
Merriam-Webster, 161, 174
Messner, Reinhold, 54
Meyerhoff, Miriam, 251
Middle English, 29, 72, 84, 228, 242
Minor, W. C., 56, 84, 101, 249
moccasin, 84
Modern Languages Association (MLA),
41–42, 48
Montgomery, Michael, 250
Montreal smoked meat, 238
mountaineering, 21, 24, 54
Mountie, 199
multilingualism, 176, 180
Munroe, Helen C., 45–46
Murray, Bill (actor), 221, 226
Murray, James A. H., 52, 252
character, 80
death on the job, 104
link to Lovell, 40
outsider status, 24, 52
parallels with Lovell, 52
Philological Society, 55
quotations, 79
Scot, 58
W. C. Minor, 56, 84, 101
muskeg, 37, 95
Nanaimo bar, 238
National Film Board, 239
nationalism, 69, 124, 127, 166, 230–31, 235,
241, 258
native speaker, 4, 18–19, 164, 182, 217,
227–28
Nelson Ltd, 161
Neufeldt, Victoria, xv
New Canadian, 239
new-dialect formation, 12, 26
New-Dialect Formation Theory. See Trudgill
Newfoundland English, 167, 172, 253
ballicater, 139
COD-2, 188
critique of DCHP-1, 139
Drysdale, 100
in DCHP-1, 129
linguistic enclave, 172
nose (Grand Banks), 187
present-day change, 173
Story, 77
variation studies, 158
wreckhouse winds, 187
yod-dropping, 169
Newfoundland terms, in DCHP-1, 129
non-native speaker, 18, 48, 164
non-native/native speaker ratio, English,
18–19, 92, 152, 247
Norwegian, 258
OED. See Oxford English Dictionary
Ojibway, 96–97
Old English, 16, 29, 257, 266
Orkin, Mark M., 67, 149, 169, 225–26, 256
Orkneyman, 186
Outer Circle, 19, 163–64, 226, 267
ownership, linguistic, 18, 226, 254
Oxford English Dictionary
before 1879, 82
Canadian data, 153
Canadian quotations, 153
CD-ROM, 180
Chicago, 38, 99
Chief Editor, 90
DCHP-1 connection, 38, 152–53, 253, 257
earlier fascicles, 140
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Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:00 Page Number: 281
General Index
281
flagship dictionary, 134
funding, 78
Global Englishes, 257
history, 249, 256–57
Leechman’s pay, 153
Minor, 56, 101
model, 120
Murray, 55
Murray as outsider, 58
Murray’s doctorate, 52
OED-3, 202
praise for DCHP-1, 131
project length, 104, 120
quotations, 92
reading programme, 101
revenue, 133, 180
scope, 102
Supplement, 48, 120, 143, 152, 154
support, 82, 84
take up, 232
Oxford University Press, 153, 175
1990s, 180
1992, 222
2008, 126
Canadian Oxford Dictionary, 182
Canadian reference unit, 181
dictionary war, 149, 182
Leechman, 153
OED quotation room, 86
shutdown in Canada, 190
reading programme
DCHP-1, 80, 100, 103, 115
OED, 80, 100, 103, 115
reception, DCHP-1, 129
reconciliation, 7, 207, 257
residential school, 90–91, 123, 197, 204–6
Rest of Canada, 239
reversing falls, 186
revision process, 109–10, 115, 139
1967, 128
DCHP-2, 119, 131
Gage Canadian, 124
Ritt, Nikolaus, 159, 250
Romaine, Suzanne, 247
Royal Military College, 66, 69–70, 75, 81, 85,
112, 237, See also Avis, Walter
S. (RMC)
royalty statements, 148
RRSP, 239
Paikeday, Thomas M., 183
Palmer, Harold E., 179
Partridge, Eric, 57, 116, 253, 270
pencil crayon, 122–23
Penguin Canadian Dictionary (1990), 183
Penzl, Herbert, 73
Peters, Pam, 174
Pike, Kenneth Lee, 73
Planck, Max, 35
plant names, 53–54
playoff beard, 239
pluricentricity. See autonomy, linguistic
pop, 238
Poplack, Shana, 158
Popper, Karl, Sir, 165, 253
postal code, 239
Potter, Harry, 60
prairie chicken, 33
Pratt, T. K. (Terry), 62, 158, 174, 248
Canadian English, 42
sociolinguists, 160
proofing process, 128
puck board, 192–93
Pulgram, Ernst, 72, 250
Sandilands, John, 38
Sawczak, Debbie, 177
Scargill, Matthew H. (Harry)
1965, 85
Big Six, 21, 25, 66
Bilingual dictionary, 151, 253
British influence, 14
Calgary, 81, 113
Canadian English, 1, 20, 22, 58
canoe, 110
career, 21, 23
CLA, 48, 77
coding scheme, 106
DCHP-1
orders, 134
DCHP-1 reading programme, 82, 84, 100
death, 145
director, 49
editor, 49, 78–79, 110
fame, 163
funding, 68, 135
Gage, 68
general historical dictionary, 132
immigrant, 21–24
Queen’s University (Kingston, ON), 66
Quirk, Randoph, Sir, 163, 178
quotation slip/s, 80, 92
cross-checking, 115
definition, 89
for DCHP-1, 84, 91, 108
missing from DCHP-1 file, 115
muskeg, 95
overview slip, 96
shipments, 104
Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger
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282
General Index
Scargill, Matthew H. (Harry) (cont.)
Intermediate Dictionary, 26, 67, 110
Ivy’s Bookshop, 1
legacy, 36
lex committee, 77, 99
linguistic fashions, 165
linguistic history, 144
Mathews, 121
Oak Bay, 1
organizer, 20, 23, 50, 78, 80, 110, 145
post-1979, 145, 155
preface, 251
publication date, 105
reading programme, 131
role, 80
Survey of Canadian English, 82, 138
teacher, 50, 100, 246
University of Victoria, 81
Vinay, 155
schedule, 14
Schendl, Herbert, 159, 250
Schneider, Edgar W., 27–28, 247, 252, 261
debate with Trudgill, 28
diversification, 170
Dynamic Model, 12, 124
Canada, 220
descriptive, 28
five phases, 27
Dynamic Model 2.0, 26
fictional example, 27
linguist, 19, 220
model scope, 28
stage reversal, 127
scrum, 239
Seidlhofer, Barbara, 48, 249, 257
Senior Dictionary, The, 26, 49–50, 124, 132,
141, 143, 145–46 See Gage Canadian
Dictionary
separatism (sovereignty), Quebec, 151, 239
shall, 1st person, 14
Sheidlower, Jesse, 223
shinny, 239
Sid the Kid. See Crosby
Simpson, John, 81, 90, 120, 180
SIN, 239
Sinclair, John, 178
skedaddler, 130
skookum, 133
slang, 140, 226
derogatory, 199
less-formal language, 225
military slang, 25
slip case, 118, 136, 147
Slovak language, 27, 170
Smeaton, Hunter Dr, 81, 105
Songhees, 5, 33, 196, 245–46
sovereignty, FNIM, 151
Stamper, Kory, 257
Standard American English, 10–11, 152, 228,
267
Standard British English, 10, 164
Standard Canadian English, definition, 2, 176
standardization, 16, 26, 28, 160, 176, 223, 246
Stickeen, 84, 92, 94, 96
Strathy Corpus of Canadian English, 178
Strathy Language Unit, 46, 140, 168, 173, 175,
178
stubby, 238
Summer Institute of Linguistics, 73
Swanky, Tom, 5
Swedish, 19, 240, 258
T4 slip, 123, 239
Tagliamonte, Sali A., 12, 14, 45, 158–59, 250,
256
take up #9, 37, 156, 192–95, 199, 232
tap, 14
Tieken-Boon van Ostade, Ingrid, 48, 160
Tl-chess, 5, 8, 196
Tragically Hip, The, 222
treaty Indian, 207–9
Trudeau, Pierre E., 124, 166, 242
Trudeaumania, 239
Trudgill, Peter, 10, 28, 44, 158, 165, 176, 261,
272
model scope, 28
New-Dialect Formation Theory, 12, 28
Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 206,
217
University of British Columbia, UBC
apology to FNIMs, 254
Canadian English Lab, 250
Canadian Literature, 20
English linguistics, 157
Gregg, 77
Hawthorn Report, 91
linguistics, 157
McConnell, 44
motto, 241
Musqueam language, 4
Sedgewick, 22
unemployment insurance, 239
University of Illinois, 45
University of Michigan, 272
Alva Davis, 263
Avis, 25, 43, 66
Canadians, 72
graduates, 77
linguists, 73
Comp. by: saroj Stage: Revises2 Chapter No.: Index Title Name: Dollinger
Date:8/4/19 Time:12:28:01 Page Number: 283
General Index
Penzl, 73
Pike, 73
Pulgram, 73
Rex Wilson, 273
University of Victoria (UVic), xiv, 248, 250,
252
Archives, xv, 35, 49, 61, 90, 93, 134, 237
Avis, 68, 119
bilingual, 150
Bilingual dictionary, 150, 253
Centre for Lexicography, 49–50, 108, 145
Crate, 106
DCHP-1 file, 115
Faculty of Law, 7
Fee, Margery, 168
Hall, 106
linguistics, 143, 145
Lovell, 65, 68–69, 74–75, 81, 85, 102
quotations, 209
Vinay, 77, 81
upload, 239
Urdang, Laurence, 181, 252
vacation pay, 239
Valpy, Michael, 223
Van Herk, Gerard, 158, 172–73
vang, 238
Vi-Co, 238
Vienna University (Uni Wien), v, xiv
Divjak, 255
English Department, 177, 250
Luick, 73, 159
Nazi period, 72
OED connection, 84
Pulgram, 72
Schendl, 250
Seidlhofer, 249
Widdowson, 160, 227
Vinay, Paul, 155
W. J. Gage Ltd. 31 See Gage
Walker, James A., 16, 158, 248, 251, 256, 266,
272
283
Wanamaker, Murray, 71–72, 150
education, 71
Warkentyne, Henry, 82, 143, 145, 168,
235
death, 145
Survey of Canadian English, 138
washroom, 123, 192
Webster
Second New International Dictionary, 249
Webster, Noah
Avis, 65
death, 66
dictionary war, 175
household name, 70
life, 69
linguistic autonomy, 69, 242
Wees, Wilf, 68, 99–100, 130, 134
Whitney, William Dwight, 179
Wickenheiser, Hayley, 239
Widdowson, H. G. (Henry), 160,
227–28
Wilder, Billy, 88
windscreen (car), 121
windshield (car), 121
Winston Simplified Dictionary, 174, 251,
261
Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 165, 253
women
role of, 45–46, 49–50
Woods, Howard, 166, 169, 253
Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal, 120
World Englishes, 137, 141, 163–64, 179, 247,
257
wreckhouse winds, 186
Wright, Laura, 48
yod-dropping, 169
Yu, Skylet, 183
Zimmer, Ben, 43, 273
Zipf’s law, 255
zombie, 101, 104, 187
zunga, 240
5
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