To Write &amp; to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters&#39; Marks in the Aegean

John  Papadopoulos

The discovery of numerous inscriptions in a sealed archaeological deposit at Methone in Pieria that is securely dated to the last decades of the eighth century BC is no less a cause for celebration than their rapid and careful publication in a full and well-illustrated edition. This new and very unexpected material sheds light on the diffusion of Euboean writing, on the different stages in the evolution of the Hellenic alphabet, and on when Greek poetry began to be written down. Inscriptions from 730 BC or earlier are now known from a number of coastal sites in the central and eastern Mediterranean, ranging from Pithecussae on Ischia off the west coast of Italy all the way to Methone in Macedonia. Even earlier inscriptions in varieties of the earliest true alphabet come from Lefkandi and Eretria in Euboea, dating by the traditional chronology to 775-750 BC, and from two places just beyond the fringes of the Greek-speaking world, Gordion in Phrygia and Gabii near Rome, where there is an inscription dated according to that chronology to c.770. However, as we shall see, the absolute chronology of the Iron Age is controversial, and the date of this inscription may need to be raised to c.825 at the latest. § 1. The alphabet and dialect of the long inscriptions from Methone As the editors note, it is wonderful to see Plutarch's story 1 about the foundation of Methone by Eretrian settlers confirmed, at least in outline, by the date of the pottery that has been found there, and with it the traditional date of 733/2 BC for the foundation of Syracuse. 2 But are the new inscriptions from Methone written in a range of different alphabets, the origins of which are correlated with the wide geographical range of the place of manufacture of the vessels on which they are inscribed, as the editors suggest, or is their nature more specifically localized? Since most of these alphabetic inscriptions consist of isolated signs, I shall focus on the longest, which offer better prospects of analysis. For convenience, unless otherwise indicated, I shall show the shapes of the * I wish to thank audiences in Thessaloniki in June 2012, at the conference to celebrate the publication of the inscriptions from Methone, and at the Institute of Classical Studies in London, where I presented this topic as the J. P. Barron Lecture in June 2014, for furthering my thoughts on this topic. I am grateful to Yannis Z. Tzifopoulos for his gracious invitation to his conference, the proceedings of which I now learn are to be published, and to Matthew Newman and David Tandy for commenting on drafts of this article. Responsibility for errors remains mine alone. 1 Plut. Mor. 293 A-B.

According to ancient sources, Methone in Pieria was established by Euboean colonists from Eretria in 733/2 BC. Excavation (ongoing since 2003-04) of a rectangular pit, apparently used as an apothetes, on top of the lower eastern hill, revealed a huge quantity of pots, potsherds, and other remnants of the activities of nearby workshops. 191 of these pots and potsherds bear inscriptions, graffiti/dipinti, and (trade)marks, the majority of which (157) date to c. 700 BC. The great majority, 166 pots and potsherds (amphorae and sympotic vessels), bear non-alphabetic symbols, marks, graffiti and very few dipinti, most probably signs of ownership and/or trading. Of the remaining 25 amphorae and sympotic vessels, 18 bear alphabetic symbols, marks, and graffiti, which again probably denote ownership and/or trading activities, and seven bear complete or fragmentary inscriptions. This unique and unexpected group from Methone should be added to the chronologically comparable groups from Lefkandi, Eretria, Oropos and Thebes, from Hymettos and Attica, from Pithekoussai and Cumae, and especially from Kommos in south Crete, where the same variety of vessel provenance and incised inscriptions, symbols, and (trade)marks is clearly evident. The new Methone group presents evidence for: trading and economic activities during the colonization period; the early phase of the alphabet and its scripts and techniques, the Greek language and dialects, and competence in writing in commercial and sympotic contexts; and, finally, for literary beginnings in Greece, which soon afterwards emerge with Archilochos’ Panhellenes at Thasos.

Catalogue of the Exhibition in Venice, Palazzo Loredan, Campo Santo Stefano, January 30, 2017 – April 25, 2017. Catalogue edited by Adriano Favaro. Texts by F.M. Fales and R. Del Fabbro (Chs. 1-9: subdivision given on frontispiece), with brief essays by S. de Martino, P. Matthiae, P. Odifreddi, D.I. Owen. Prefaces by I. Ligabue, F.M. Fales, G. Ortalli, A. Favaro. Photographs by V. Grier Dufournier, Nicola Facchini. Translated from the Italian original by R. Battista, L. Culver, L. Filippone, C. Frost. Pp. 272; 58 Figs.;193 photographs of catalogued pieces. Low resolution searchable scan. SEE ALSO UNDER "TALKS" FOR A VIRTUAL VISIT TO THE EXHIBITION.

Panhellenes at Methone Trends in Classics – Supplementary Volumes | Edited by Franco Montanari and Antonios Rengakos Scientific Committee Alberto Bernabé · Margarethe Billerbeck Claude Calame · Philip R. Hardie · Stephen J. Harrison Stephen Hinds · Richard Hunter · Christina Kraus Giuseppe Mastromarco · Gregory Nagy Theodore D. Papanghelis · Giusto Picone Kurt Raaflaub · Bernhard Zimmermann Volume 44 Panhellenes at Methone | Graphê in Late Geometric and Protoarchaic Methone, Macedonia (ca. 700 BCE) Edited by Jenny Strauss Clay, Irad Malkin and Yannis Z. Tzifopoulos ISBN 978-3-11-050127-8 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-051569-5 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-051467-4 ISSN 1868-4785 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Logo: Christopher Schneider, Laufen Typesetting: jürgen ullrich typosatz, 86720 Nördlingen Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Table of Contents | IX Table of Contents Table of Contents Table of Contents Preface | V Jenny Strauss Clay, Irad Malkin and Yannis Z. Tzifopoulos Introduction | 1 Part I: Graphê and Archaeology Antonis Kotsonas, Evangelia Kiriatzi, Xenia Charalambidou, Maria Roumpou, Noémi Suzanne Müller and Matthaios Bessios Transport Amphorae from Methone: An Interdisciplinary Study of Production and Trade ca. 700 BCE | 9 Nota Kourou The Archaeological Background of the Earliest Graffiti and Finds from Methone | 20 John K. Papadopoulos To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 36 Samuel Verdan Counting on Pots? Reflections on Numerical Notations in Early Iron Age Greece | 105 Alan Johnston Texts and Amphoras in the Methone “Ypogeio” | 123 Part II: Graphê, Alphabet, Dialect, and Language Richard Janko From Gabii and Gordion to Eretria and Methone: the Rise of the Greek Alphabet | 135 Francesca Dell’Oro Alphabets and Dialects in the Euboean Colonies of Sicily and Magna Graecia or What Could Have Happened in Methone | 165 X | Table of Contents Roger D. Woodard Alphabet and Phonology at Methone: Beginning a Typology of Methone Alphabetic Symbols and an Alternative Hypothesis for Reading Hακεσάνδρō | 182 Christina Skelton Thoughts on the Initial Aspiration of HAKEΣANΔPO | 219 Anna Panayotou-Triantaphyllopoulou The Impact of Late Geometric Greek Inscriptions from Methone on Understanding the Development of Early Euboean Alphabet | 232 Julián Méndez Dosuna Methone of Pieria: a Reassessment of Epigraphical Evidence (with a Special Attention to Pleonastic Sigma) | 242 Part III: Graphê and Culture Niki Oikonomaki Local ‘Literacies’ in the Making: Early Alphabetic Writing and Modern Literacy Theories | 261 Alexandra Pappas Form Follows Function? Toward an Aesthetics of Early Greek Inscriptions at Methone | 285 Marek Węcowski Wine and the Early History of the Greek Alphabet. Early Greek Vase-Inscriptions and the Symposion | 309 Bibliography and Abbreviations | 329 Notes on Contributors | 360 General Index | 365 Index Locorum | 374 M Preface | V Preface Preface Preface Excavations, ongoing since 2003–04, have begun to bring to light ancient Methone in the southern tip of the Haliacmon River Delta, immediately north of modern-day Agathoupolis, ca. 35 kilometers southwest of Thessaloniki. According to the ancient sources, Methone was established by colonists from Eretria in Euboea during the second colonization period (800–500 BCE) and is the oldest colony of the southern Greeks on the northern shores of the Aegean. By the end of the 8th century, with its safest harbor in the Thermaic Gulf, Methone became a chief commercial and industrial centre. Methone occupies two hills, which were located by the sea before sedimentations of the rivers Axios, Loudias, and especially the nearby Haliacmon pushed the coastline ca. 500 meters away from the site. On the eastern, lower hill habitation already starts by the late Neolithic (5200 BCE) and continues throughout the Bronze Age (3000–1100 BCE), while a Late Bronze Age (1400– 1100 BCE) cemetery has been located on the western, higher hill. During the Early Iron Age (1100–700 BCE) habitation extends on both hills, and the finds from the eastern hill confirm that colonists from Eretria settled in Methone around 733 BCE. Unique and so far unprecedented for Macedonia are the pots and potsherds unearthed from a rectangular pit of 3.50 × 4.50 meters wide and over 11 meters in depth, apparently used as an apothetes. The greatest majority of these sherds dates to ca. 700 BCE, and 191 of them, recently pieced together, bear inscriptions, graffiti, and (trade)marks inscribed, incised, scratched, and (rarely) painted. The Centre for the Greek Language, a private legal entity under the auspices of the Ministry of Education, Research, and Religious Affairs, under John Kazazis and Antonios Rengakos, undertook the implementation of the project, cofinanced by the European Union (European Social Fund) and the Greek State: “Ancient Greek Dialects of vital importance for the continuity of the Greek language and the cultural tradition – A documentation project for the support of the curricula in the Universities’ Departments of Language and Literature” – Horizontal Action, priority axes 1-2-3 of the Operational Programme “Education and Lifelong Learning” in accordance with the decision of accession No 24885/ 30.11.2010 of the Ministry of Education, Lifelong Learning and Religious Affairs. Within the framework of this Project, the Centre for the Greek Language undertook the publication of the 191 incised sherds from Methone, dated to ca. 700 BCE, which appeared as: Matthaios Bessios, Yannis Tzifopoulos, and Antonis Kotsonas, Μεθώνη Πιερίας Ι: Επιγραφές, χαράγματα και εμπορικά σύμβολα στη γεωμετρική και αρχαϊκή κεραμική από το ‘Υπόγειο’ της Μεθώνης Πιερίας στη VI | Preface Μακεδονία, Thessaloniki (2012) (online: http://ancdialects.greeklanguage.gr/ studies/methoni-pierias-i). Also, within the framework of the same Project, the Centre for the Greek Language entrusted to Jenny Strauss Clay, Antonios Rengakos, and Yannis Tzifopoulos the organization of an international interdisciplinary conference, which took place in Thessaloniki (June 8–10, 2012), under the title: “Panhellenes at Methone: graphê in Late Geometric and Proto-archaic Methone, Macedonia (ca. 700 BCE).” We would like to thank all invited speakers, chairs, and participants for an eventful and “out of the ordinary” conference, which raised many stimulating ideas and generated lively responses and discussion (in addition to the authors and editors of this volume, in alphabetic order): Ioannis Akamatis, Stelios Andreou, Lucia Athanassaki, Ewen Bowie, Albio Cesare Cassio, Stella Drougou, Giorgos Giannakis, Miltiadis Hatzopoulos, Richard Hunter, John Kazazis, Anne Kenzelmann Pfyffer, Barbara Kowalzig, Irene Lemos, Angelos Matthaiou, Alexandros Mazarakis Ainian, Franco Montanari, Aliki Moustaka, Chryssoula Paliadeli, Nikolaos Papazarkadas, Katerina Rhomiopoulou, Petros Themelis, Thierry Theurillat, Rosalind Thomas, Michalis Tiverios, Kyriakos Tsantsanoglou, Manolis Voutiras, and Rudolph Wachter. Because of the significance for archaeology, ancient history, literature, and the study of the Greek dialects, the conference took the form of a round-table discussion of these new ‘texts’ from Methone and their contexts; the major themes and issues discussed were: Greek(s) in Macedonia and the Second Colonization; trade and the earliest transport amphorae; the scripts of Methone and the appearance of the alphabet; the dialect(s) of Methone and the Greek dialects; contexts for the development of writing, ‘literacy’, and the literary beginnings (trade and economic factors, symposia and literary performances, Homer and heroic/didactic poetry). The fourteen papers in this volume resulted from the conference’s discussions, scrutinizing the finds from these different angles, and have been thoroughly revised and a few written anew. The conference’s success emphasized the need for further study of the finds hitherto unearthed from excavations in Methone and was, therefore, instrumental in the resumption of excavations in 2014 with the cooperation of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Pieria (Matthaios Bessios, Athena Athanassiadou, Kostas Noulas and their team) and the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA, John K. Papadopoulos, Sarah P. Morris and their team). Much of the conference’s success was due to the assistance of departmental colleagues, research assistants, both graduate and undergraduate students of the Department of Philology at the Aristotle University, and the colleagues from the Centre for the Greek Language. Preface | VII We are very much indebted to our co-organizer Professor Jenny Strauss Clay, and also to the President of the Centre for the Greek Language Professor Emeritus John Kazazis and his team for helping us run a successful conference. A special debt of gratitude goes also to Franco Montanari, General Co-Editor of Trends in Classics, for his constant interest and support, as well as to Professors Jenny Strauss Clay and Irad Malkin for accepting our invitation to serve as editors. Last but not least, at De Gruyter we would like to thank Katharina Legutke, Sabina Dabrowski and Elisabeth Kempf for their efficiency and professionalism. Antonios Rengakos and Yannis Tzifopoulos Thessaloniki, July 2016 VIII | Preface 36 | John K. Papadopoulos John K. Papadopoulos To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean John K. Papadopoulos To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean Abstract: In 1994 I published a paper on Protogeometric and Geometric potters’ marks in Greece, which, up to that time, were largely overlooked. Since then not only has the number of potters’ marks—symbols inscribed or painted prior to firing—more than doubled, from 70 to at least 172, but so too the number of postfiring marks, including the new corpus from the “Ypogeio” at Methone. The first part of this paper assembles and discusses the growing number of Early Iron Age potters’ marks that have come to light since 1994 known to me. The fact that the new corpus includes no fewer than nine Late Geometric alphabetic inscriptions from Eretria and Pithekoussai painted before firing indicates that potters were among the earliest literate population of the 8th century BCE. The remainder of the paper focuses on what bearing these early potters’ marks had on the issue of literacy. The paper also looks at the similarity of the vowels in early Greek and Phrygian, together with the Phoenician symbols from which they were derived, the testimony of Herodotus, and argues that the place of the adoption and adaptation of the Phoenician alphabet must be imagined as one where not only Greeks and Phoenicians interacted, but also Phrygians. That place can only have been the Aegean. Twenty years ago, I published a paper on Protogeometric and Geometric potters’ marks in Greece, which, up to that time, were largely overlooked.1 I provided a _____ 1 Papadopoulos 1994. I am grateful to a good many colleagues and friends for all sorts of assistance, not least for discussion of material in their care and/or for permission to illustrate individual pieces, especially the following: Stelios Andreou, Georgina Borromeo, Amy Brauer, Richard Catling, Susanne Ebbinghaus, Anastasia Gadolou, Alan Johnston, Kostas Kotsakis, Catherine Morgan, Erik Østby, Jutta Stroszeck, Nancy and Sarantis Symeonoglou, Samuel Verdan and other members of the École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce at Eretria, the late Ioulia Vokotopoulou, and Mary Voyatzis. For assistance on linguistic matters I am grateful to my UCLA colleagues Brent Vine and Jacco Dieleman (all errors and misconceptions are my own); I am also grateful to Sandra Blakely for sharing with me her thoughts on Phrygians and Phoenicians on Samothrace. Especial thanks are due to Anne Hooton for her drawings of the Agora and Kerameikos material presented in this paper; she was ably assisted by Freya Evenson. I am also grateful to all my Methone/Makrygialos friends, especially Manthos Bessios, Antonis Kotsonas, Athena Athanassiadou, and Konstantinos Noulas; my thanks, too, to another Methonean, Yan- To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 37 catalogue of some seventy pieces, from various parts of the Greek world, which had symbols—painted, incised, stamped—that could be interpreted as potters’ marks; the corpus also included several pieces of uncertain nature. My primary aim in that paper was to draw attention to the existence of such marks and to provide a preliminary classification of the main types. The purpose of this paper is several-fold: first of all, to collect those potters’ marks of Protogeometric and Geometric date (ca. 1050–700 BCE) that have come to my attention since 1994. Secondly, I want to review the various interpretations as to the function or functions such marks served. Finally, and most importantly, I want to contextualize potters’ marks against the backdrop of literacy and the adoption and adaptation of the alphabet. To this end, I not only include the alphabetic marks of the new Group F (see below), but I also turn to the new material from Methone and Eretria, the former the principal port of the Thermaic Gulf, and one of the most important harbors of the north Aegean, and to speculate on the place or places where the Greek alphabet was adopted and adapted from the Phoenician/Aramaic script. Indeed, the adoption of alphabetic writing and its adaptation, by the Greeks sometime in the 8th century BCE was one of the most critical developments in world history. The ramifications were almost immediate and far-reaching. For the first time writing was not limited to a scribal class serving a ruling or religious elite, be it in Mesopotamia, Egypt, the Levant, or in the syllabic Linear B world of the Mycenaean palatial system. One of the most important developments since 1994 is the incidence—near the very end of the Geometric period—of pre-firing inscriptions, whether incised or painted, in alphabetic Greek. At least one of these, such as the example listed below from Pithekoussai (F6), was known prior to 1994, but the growing number of such inscriptions, presumably made by the potter, and clearly before firing, is such that they now form a full-fledged group of potters’ marks. I have assigned all such marks to my new Group F. To be sure, some of the marks on earlier or contemporary Early Iron Age pots may also be alphabetic, such as the possible “N” on B63, but I distinguish the marks of Group F from all others when there is more than one clearly alphabetic symbol. The fact that these inscriptions were made before firing associates them with the potter and, as such, one can trace a direct line between potters’ marks of the pre-literate or prealphabetic period and those of the full-fledged alphabetic period that can be assigned to a time before 700 BCE in our conventional chronology. That potters were able to paint or inscribe alphabetic Greek at or before 700 BCE speaks vol- _____ nis Tzifopoulos, for the invitation to attend the conference in Thessaloniki that inspired this paper. 38 | John K. Papadopoulos umes on the issue of the spread of literacy in the Greek world.2 As do the numerous Archaic rock-cut inscriptions of rural Attica inscribed on the living rock by shepherds and studied by Merle Langdon. Their very existence—together with the earlier evidence of potters’ marks—dispels, once and for all, elitist notions of the spread of literacy. The core of this study is the catalogue of new potters’ mark that I have amassed since 1994, which I present immediately below. From there, I discuss the various functions of potters’ marks, before drawing attention to what I consider a critical insight into the Greek mindset, namely that there is in Greek no distinction between “to write” and “to paint”: the word γρά φειν is used for both meanings. In the final section of this paper, I return to an issue that is crucial in our understanding of how and where the Greeks adopted and adapted the Phoenician alphabet: the similarity between Greek and Phrygian vowels. Greek and Phrygian vowels are so similar to one another that they could not have been developed independently. Consequently, we need to add Phrygians into the mix and imagine a locale where Semitic, Greek and Phrygian letters may have coalesced. More Early Iron Age potters’ marks My original classification of potters’ marks in 1994 was according to five main categories: – Group A: painted symbols of wheelmade pottery – Group B: incised symbols, including impressed dots, on wheelmade and handmade pottery – Group C: stamped impressions on coarseware vessels – Group D: finger or thumb impressions at base of handle – Group E: painted figures Of these five categories, Group E should, strictly speaking, be listed under Group A, but it seemed useful, as it still does, to separate figured from nonfigured marks. The one example of a handmade pot with a painted potter’s mark (A31) is probably of Middle Helladic, rather than Early Iron Age, date. In 1994 I knew of no stamped impression that could qualify as a potter’s mark on anything other than a coarseware vessel; this has now changed, as there are a few late examples (C6–C7), one from Methone (late 8th or early 7th century BCE), _____ 2 For a recent overview, see Papadopoulos 2014, especially 190–192. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 39 another from Kommos, which is 7th century. Although the latter falls outside the period of my focus, it seemed useful to include it. As such, the five main groups as discerned can stand, at least for the time being.3 As it turns out, what I collected and presented in 1994 was only the tip of the proverbial iceberg and since that date more Early Iron Age potters’ marks have come to my attention. Some of these I had inadvertently overlooked, others I owe to the kindness of colleagues and friends. As I noted in Hesperia 1994, a useful definition of potters’ marks was provided by Aliki Halepa Bikaki, who noted: “We consider as potters’ marks … those made on the pot before firing, when the pot was still in the hands of the potter, and therefore added most probably by the potter himself (hence the term), whatever their meaning and function.”4 With the exception of my Group E, the marks are usually simple and as a rule occur on inconspicuous parts of vases, especially on or immediately below handles, or else on the underside of a vessel. Less inconspicuous are a group of isolated painted symbols, primarily crosses, on one side of the neck of Protogeometric/Sub-Protogeometric neck-handled amphorae or at the center of the neck on contemporary hydriae. Although this difference of position is noteworthy, these are nevertheless classified as potters’ marks, provided they are isolated and not part of any clearly defined decorative scheme.5 Any signs painted or incised after firing—such as the majority of the marks, as well as the alphabetic inscriptions, from Eretria, Methone, Kommos, Pithekoussai, and the north Aegean amphorae from Lefkandi and elsewhere with trademarks6 to mention only a few—are not included as potters’ marks.7 Moreover, whatever the meaning of a mark, it clearly has reference to the object on which it appears.8 _____ 3 I do not include painted decoration on the undersides of predominantly Late Geometric vessels, such as pyxides and plates, that were commonly decorated. 4 Halepa Bikaki 1984, 2; Papadopoulos 1994, 438–439. 5 Cf. Vitelli 1977, 19, who notes: “We might consider … the free-floating, non-repetitive painted motif another version of the potter’s mark.” See also Donnan 1971, 464, where it is noted that potters’ marks incised on utility vessels of the Moche style of Peru (ca. CE 100–800) “are consistently located on the neck of the vessel … and are on one side only.” 6 For the Methone marks, published in exemplary detail, see Methone Pierias I; for the north Aegean amphorae from Lefkandi, see Catling 1996; Lemos 2012; the examples from Eretria, Kommos, and Pithekoussai are discussed in more detail below and in Papadopoulos 1994. 7 Cf. Halepa Bikaki 1984, 3. Similarly, other marks made during the process of forming a vase, such as mat impressions or slashes, gouges, or other impressions on or near handle and leg attachments specifically for the purpose of attaching the handle or leg, are not included. 8 Halepa Bikaki 1984, 3. 40 | John K. Papadopoulos Since 1994, numerous Early Iron Age potters’ marks have come to light. It goes without saying that the list that follows does not aim to be exhaustive, and it is beyond the scope of this paper to provide a fuller treatment of the material as I attempted in 1994. The most common additions to the corpus are the marks of Groups A and B, and it would be useful to begin with these. In order to facilitate cross-reference, I continue the numbering of each group from that in Hesperia 1994. Group A: Painted symbols on wheelmade painted pottery Athens The number of new examples of painted potters’ marks from Athens that I know of is limited. There appears to be a painted potter’s mark on the high-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (A40), which I noted in the National Museum on July 13, 1996. Dr. Anastasia Gadolou was kind enough to inspect the piece in 2013 and confirmed the existence of the painted mark, but noted that it may have been accidental, rather than an intentional mark.9 A40. Athens, National Museum, inv. 790. From the 1891 excavation of the Sapountzaki plot on Odos Peiraios. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, Athenian. Painted horizontal line below one handle, perhaps accidental; deep circular depression below the other handle (probably accidental). Cf. Brückner/Pernice 1893 for the context. Late Geometric. A41. Athens, Kerameikos, inv. 2679. Fig. 1. Ribbon-handle bowl, with lid, Athenian. Irregular, roughly vertical stroke, below one handle. Large deeply incised X underneath the lid toward one side. Briefly noted in Vierneisel 1964, 462–467, fig. 53. Late Geometric. _____ 9 Dr. Gadolou also inspected another high-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl I noted in 1996, National Museum, inv. 989. I had noted a diagonal painted line under one handle; Dr. Gadolou notes: “To me it looks more like a small accident during the making of the vase rather than a potter’s mark.” Inv. 989 has no known provenance, though it should be from Athens. I am grateful to Dr. Gadolou for her assistance. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 41 Papadop_01 Figure 1: Potter’s marks on ribbon-handled bowl from the Athenian Kerameikos, inv. 2679 (A41). Left: incised mark on underside of lid; right: painted mark under one handle. Drawing Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. I had considered including the following vase in my original list in Hesperia 1994, but thought better of it at that time. The vessel, a handled “pyxis,” for want of a better term, of unique form, continues to trouble me, so I thought it best to include it here as a problem piece. The possibility that the asterisk (eight-pointed star) on its underside is merely decorative, is high. A42. Athens, Acropolis South Slope, ΓΜ 41, Tomb XV. Lidded pyxis, with one vertical and one horizontal handle, Athenian. Crudely painted asterisk (eight-pointed star) on underside. Charitonides 1973, pl. 10α–γ. For a combination handled skyphos/cup, not identical but not dissimilar, cf. Kübler 1954, pl. 117, Grab 88, inv. 813 (ca. 750 BCE); also pl. 133, inv. 1237, 1374, 1365. Late Geometric. Aeginetan The skyphos from Aegina I published in 1994 (A9) now has its potter’s mark properly illustrated in a drawing and photograph published by Veronika Jarosch-Reinholdt (I illustrate here only the drawing: Fig. 2).10 In her republication of the Early Iron Age material from Kolonna, some of which was previously published by Wilhelm Kraiker,11 Jarosch-Reinholdt presents one new example, a fragmentary skyphos that is almost certainly Athenian, with a painted X below the one preserved handle. _____ 10 Jarosch-Reinholdt 2009, 150, Beil. 23, pl. 48, no. 572. 11 Kraiker 1951. 42 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_02 Figure 2: Painted potter’s mark under one handle of an Athenian skyphos from Aegina (A9). After Jarosch-Reinholdt 2009, Beil. 23, no. 572. A43. Aegina, ST 4389. Fig. 3. Body and handle fr, skyphos, Attic. Painted X below the one preserved handle. Jarosch-Reinholdt 2009, 148, Beil. 22, pl. 46, no. 539. Late Protogeometric. Papadop_03 Figure 3: Athenian skyphos fragment from Aegina (A43). After Jarosch-Reinholdt 2009, Beil. 22, no. 539. Boeotian The following mark, found beneath one handle of a Boeotian amphora, is one of the few Boeotian vases of the Early Iron Age known to me with a potter’s mark. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 43 A44. Heidelberg University, inv. G 81. Amphora, Boeotian, said to be from Vouliagmeni. Painted cross (X or +) below one handle. Canciani 1966, 61, pl. 121: 1,3; pl. 128: 17. Late Geometric. Euboea, Lefkandi The following marks from Lefkandi were not fully published when my 1994 article was submitted or appeared too late to be included; I am grateful to Richard Catling for bringing these to my attention.12 A45. Lefkandi, Palia Perivolia, North Channel. Fig. 4. Neck-handled amphora. Euboean. Large painted + on neck on one side of the vessel. Popham, Sackett, and Themelis 1979–1980, 272–273, 335, pl. 282C; Catling 1996, 130, note 14. Originally published as Late Protogeometric, but tentatively reassigned to Middle Protogeometric by Catling. The mark is not mentioned in the original publication. The cross is slightly larger than others published from Lefkandi. Papadop_04 Figure 4: Lefkandi, Palia Perivolia, North Channel: large painted + on neck of neck-handled amphora (A45). Popham, Sackett, and Themelis 1979–1980, pl. 282C. Photo courtesy Richard Catling. _____ 12 Catling 1996, 130, note 14. 44 | John K. Papadopoulos A46. Lefkandi, Toumba Building, no. 252a. Lower body and base fragment, small open vessel with conical foot, Euboean. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Catling/Lemos 1990, 107, pl. 13, no. 252a. Middle Protogeometric. A47. Lefkandi, Toumba Building, no. 252b. Lower body and base fragment, small open vessel with conical foot, Euboean. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Catling/Lemos 1990, 107, pl. 13, no. 252b. Middle Protogeometric. Mention is also made by Catling of several more closed vessels, either with crosses, or crossed diagonals, but the pieces were not considered significant enough for publication. In his discussion of the statistical analysis of the uncatalogued pottery from the Toumba Building at Lefkandi, Catling notes: “Only twelve [large closed vessels] preserve traces of decoration other than added bands; four have crossed diagonals (as 466),13 two a cross, one a single wavy line, with the remainder indecipherable.”14 The crosses on the necks of the two uncatalogued amphorae or hydriae may be listed as potters’ marks, though the four “crossed diagonals” are much less certain, as they could well be decorative.15 In the published description of Lefkandi 466 it was noted that the crossed diagonals occur on only one side of the vessel; the other side was evidently reserved.16 Since the non-inventoried pieces from the Toumba Building are fragmentary, it remains unclear whether the crossed diagonals were found on one or both sides of the vessel. If they occur on both sides of the neck, the diagonals would constitute part of the decorative scheme of the vase inasmuch as they would represent the continuation, onto the neck, of the painted decoration of the handles, such as that on the Thessalian Late Protogeometric neck-handled amphorae.17 The unpublished examples from Lefkandi thus add two and perhaps as many as six additional potters’ marks to the list assembled in 1994 from the site. _____ 13 Published in Papadopoulos 1994, 444, fig. 4, pl. 111e, A13. 14 Catling/Lemos 1990, 150; Catling 1996, 130, note 14. 15 See the discussion in Papadopoulos 1994, 459. 16 Catling/Lemos 1990, 116, no. 466; Papadopoulos 1994, 444, fig. 4, pl. 111e, A13. 17 See Heurtley/Skeat 1930–1931; Desborough 1952, 77–79, pl. 22; Verdelis 1958, 91–93. For further references and discussion see Papadopoulos 1994, 459, notes 37–40. + To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 45 Corinthia The Corinthia has produced a handful of new examples. First there is the material from Perachora, long-known and fully published, that I had inadvertently overlooked in 1994, together with the more recently published material from Isthmia. Perachora A48. Perachora, Sanctuary of Hera Akraia. Fig. 5. Base of monochrome cup, Corinthian. Painted cross (X or +) in orange paint on the underside, different to the paint on the exterior and interior of the vessel. Payne 1940, 58, pl. 13, no. 18; pl. 121, 2. Late Geometric. Papadop_05 Figure 5: Perachora, Sanctuary of Hera Akraia: base of Corinthian monochrome cup with painted potter’s mark on underside (A48). Photo after Payne 1940, 58, pl. 13, no. 18. Mention is made of another similar foot with an “orange cross” on underside.18 There is, furthermore, a painted motif on the underside of a conical oinochoe from Perachora, but this may be decoration, rather than a potter’s mark, as conical oinochoai are often decorated on the undersides. This said, the mark is most unusual and does not resemble other, more clearly decorative, painting on the undersides of oinochoai. _____ 18 Payne 1940, 58, under no. 18. 46 | John K. Papadopoulos A49. Perachora, Sanctuary of Hera Akraia. Fig. 6. Fragmentary conical oinochoe, Corinthian. Painted motif on underside. Payne describes the piece as follows: “Painted on the bottom, the mark shown on pl. 123, 9. This is probably a pattern, not a maker’s mark, as conical oinochoai are very often decorated on the bottom.” The idiosyncratic nature of the mark is such as to suggest that it may be a potter’s mark and it is thus included here. Payne 1940, 63, pl. 123, no. 9 (13). Late Geometric/Early Protocorinthian. Cf. A51 from Isthmia below. Papadop_06 Figure 6: Perachora, Sanctuary of Hera Akraia: painted motif on base of fragmentary Corinthian conical oinochoe (A49). Drawing after Payne 1940, 58, pl. 123, no. 9 (13). Whether or not A49 is a potter’s marks remains moot, but it is precisely such symbols that blur the distinction, if there really is one, between painted potters’ marks and decoration. Thomas Dunbabin has the following to say about the decoration on the base of conical oinochoiai. “Decoration of the bottom is usually confined to straight lines, from four to ten in number, crossing the bottom in one direction or two; less frequently, a cross of single lines. This is most frequent in the eighth century, when it appears almost as often as not; there are also a number that must belong to the seventh century, but before the middle of the century it was given up.”19 Christopher Pfaff has provided a complete list of inventoried Corinthian Geometric pottery with decoration on the underside, and the vessel forms are consistent: oinochoai, kalathoi, and proto-kotylai.20 The idiosyncratic nature of the mark is such that it does not immediately look decorative, and the possibility that it represents a potter’s mark should be noted. _____ 19 Dunbabin 1962, 35. 20 Pfaff 1988, 56, note 137. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 47 Isthmia Elsewhere in the Corinthia, there are a few potters’ marks on fragmentary pottery from the excavations of the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Isthmia, quantified with exemplary detail by Catherine Morgan. Among the 18,372 Early Iron Age fragments, weighing over 85 kg, only two possible potters’ marks were noted by Morgan. One is clearly a potter’s mark, the other much less likely. A50. Isthmia, Sanctuary of Poseidon, IP 1020. Base, monochrome one-handled cup, Corinthian. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Morgan 1999, 90–91, fig. I.39, pl. 31, no. 232. Early Geometric – Middle Geometric II. A51. Isthmia, Sanctuary of Poseidon, IP 1126. Base of conical oinochoe, Corinthian. Painted triangular and curvilinear motif on underside. Morgan 1999, 127, 129, fig. I.51, pl. 51, no. 388. Cf. A49 from Perachora above. Late Geometric/Early Protocorinthian. Of this sizable assemblage from the Sanctuary of Poseidon, just under one-half consists of standard Protogeometric tall-footed skyphoi and Geometric onehandled cups, with key areas, such as bases, well represented. The Isthmia material is the first large assembly of pottery from a sanctuary in the Corinthia, and the paucity of potters’ marks is in keeping with the situation at Athens and Lefkandi that I discussed in 1994; it also supports my caution about interpreting individual potter’s marks as “dedication markings.”21 Peloponnese (Argos?) The following piece is said to be from Argos and was originally considered by Mary Moore to be of Argive manufacture, but finally, and perhaps wisely, classified as “fabric uncertain.”22 The round-bottomed shape, with the impressively blatant cross is certainly unique in form and decoration; although assigned by Moore to the late 8th century BCE, the piece dates, conceivably, to an earlier _____ 21 Papadopoulos 1994. I am not convinced, however, that the Isthmia Late Bronze and Early Iron Age assemblage represents material dedicated to the sanctuary. 22 Moore 2004, 91, pl. 53:5-6. I have not seen the vase but from the illustrations the decoration seems closer to Arcadian or Laconian Early Iron Age, and it may be quite a bit earlier than the assigned Late Geometric date. 48 | John K. Papadopoulos phase of the Early Iron Age. The sheer size of the cross is unlike the vast majority of potters’ marks, and I am not sure that A52 qualifies as a potter’s mark; I include it here as a problem piece. A52. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Acc. no. 19.45.7. Round-bottom jug, considered local, but perhaps from elsewhere in the Peloponnese. Very thick and solid painted cross on round bottom. Moore 2004, 91, pl. 53, Acc. no. 19.45.7. Assigned to the late 8th century BCE by Moore, but is conceivably earlier. Tegea (Laconian) The following I owe to the kindness of my colleagues, Professors Mary Voyatzis and Erik Østby. The fragment is assigned by Voyatzis as Laconian and compared with Laconian Protogeometric. The form of the cup, as preserved, is most likely Early Geometric and perhaps as late as Middle Geometric. A53. Tegea, E1S/133-06 (B-8a). Fig. 7. Base fragment, small open vessel, probably one-handled cup rather than skyphos. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Nordquist/Voyatzis/Østby forthcoming, Fig. 9B, no. B-29. Early or Middle Geometric (best assigned as Early Geometric). Papadop_07 Figure 7: Tegea, Sanctuary of Athena Alea: painted cross on the underside of a fragmentary Laconian Geometric cup (A53). Courtesy Mary Voyatzis and Erik Østby. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 49 Ithake, Aetos Undoubtedly, the most important single collection of potters’ marks that has come to light in recent years is that from the excavations directed by Sarantis Symeonoglou at the Sanctuary of Apollo at Aetos on Ithake. In 1994, I included a solitary mark among the Ithakesian pottery previously published from the British School excavations at the site; the mark was noted in the published description, and although the vessel on which the mark appeared was illustrated, the mark itself was not.23 The painted mark appears on the underside of a kantharos that was described by Robertson as “cross-hatched … perhaps a potter’s mark.”24 The recent excavations have brought to light more marked vases, and in the process of studying this material, Dr. Nancy Symeonoglou, who is responsible for its publication, has re-examined all the previously published Ithakesian pottery and has noted several more marks that were overlooked. The total number of painted potters’ marks from Aetos is now 32, of which at least 27 are from the recent excavations. On all of the 32 vases the marks are painted in red or orange paint (cf. the marks noted from Perachora above) on the underside, except in one instance where the mark is under the handle; all of the vessels are assigned to the Middle and Late Geometric period. The 27 marked vases from the recent excavations are all assigned to the so-called Kandyliotis Workshop, which is important when considering the possible functions of the marks in the context of pottery production within a workshop. The red paint used for the marks is different to the normal black or brown or reddish-brown gloss of the painted decoration. Although the position of the marks is canonical when compared to the corpus of Early Iron Age potters’ marks, their variety and number is noteworthy. Although ostensibly unpublished, drawings of five of the vessels and their marks were presented in a newsletter of the excavations, which I assemble and reproduce here as Figure 8.25 Of the 32 Ithakesian marks I list only the five that have been published, to date, in preliminary form. _____ 23 Robertson 1948, 66–69, fig. 40, pl. 23, no. 357; Coldstream 1968, 224, note 3; Papadopoulos 1994, 446, A37. 24 Robertson 1948, 66–69. 25 See Symeonoglou 1989, 1, 3, figs. 2–6. I am grateful to both Sarantis and Nancy Symeonoglou for sharing and discussing their material with me. 50 | John K. Papadopoulos A54. Ithake, Aetos. Fig. 8a. Round-mouth juglet, Ithakesian. Painted mark in red/orange paint on underside, composed of a horizontal line with two vertical lines at either end (or vertical line with two horizontal lines). Symeonoglou 1989, 1, fig. 2. Late Geometric. A55. Ithake, Aetos. Fig. 8b. Skyphos, Ithakesian. Painted mark in red/orange paint on underside: three dots arranged asymmetrically. Symeonoglou 1989, 2, fig. 3. Late Geometric (rather than Middle Geometric II). A56. Ithake, Aetos. Fig. 8c. Kantharos, Ithakesian. Painted mark in red/orange paint on underside, as shown, consisting of a V- or Λ-shaped symbol, with dot to one side. Symeonoglou 1989, 3, fig. 4. Late Geometric. A57. Ithake, Aetos. Fig. 8d. Conical oinochoe, Ithakesian. Painted mark in red/orange paint on underside, as shown, consisting of a vertical line, with diagonals lines extending, one from the top, the other from the bottom. Symeonoglou 1989, 3, fig. 5. Late Geometric. A58. Ithake, Aetos. Fig. 8e. Lidded pyxis, Ithakesian. Roughly formed painted cross (X or +) in red/orange paint on underside. Symeonoglou 1989, 3, fig. 6 Late Geometric. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 51 Papadop_08 Figure 8: Selection of vessels of the Kandyliotis Workshop from Aetos on Ithake with potters’ marks (A54–A58). Drawing courtesy Nancy and Sarantis Symeonoglou. In discussing these five vessels, Symeonoglou notes that A54 is a very common shape on Ithake but rare in other parts of Greece, and considers it a local invention;26 it is the same shape as the vessel with a potter’s mark from Vitsa listed below (A60). In his discussion of the other vessels, he notes that the three dots on A55 occur on two other vases of different shape; that the V- or Λ-shaped symbol on A56 is one of the most common signs in the group; and that the cross on A58 is found on two other vases from Aetos.27 Rhodes I also inadvertently overlooked the large amphora, published in 1933, from Kameiros on Rhodes with a Λ-shaped potter’s mark under one handle. The amphora is large and was used as the burial container for a neonate in an enchytrismos burial. A59. Kameiros, inv. 14073. Fig. 9. Large belly-handled amphora, East Greek. Painted Λ-shaped mark under one handle. _____ 26 Symeonoglou 1989, 1. 27 Symeonoglou 1989, 3. 52 | John K. Papadopoulos Jacopi 1933, 127–130, figs. 144–145, Tomb XLIII, 1. Early Geometric (rather than Protogeometric). Papadop_09 Figure 9: Kameiros (Rhodes), inv. 14073 (A59): large belly-handled amphora, East Greek, with painted Λ-shaped mark under one handle. Epirus, Vitsa Zagoriou This solitary mark is very closely related to the Ithakesian potters’ marks. Vokotopoulou assigned the tomb and vase to the Late Geometric period, dating it to the third quarter of the eighth century BCE. The mark itself, in light red paint, is very similar to the marks from Ithake and that from Perachora already discussed. Although Vokotopoulou considered the vessel Corinthian, I am more inclined to think of it as Ithakesian.28 A60. Vitsa Zagoriou, Tomb 161, inv. 5238. Fig. 10. Small round-mouth juglet, thought to be Corinthian, but more likely Ithakesian. Paint “S” in light red paint on underside. Vokotopoulou 1986, Vol. A, 205, no. 5; Vol. B, pl. 323α, fig. 67β, inv. 5238 (T 161). Late Geometric. _____ 28 I am grateful to Ioulia Vokotopoulou for sending me an illustration of the vessel (Fig. 10). Having seen the vase in the Ioannina Museum, I am pretty certain it is not Corinthian, but resembles more closely the standard fabric of Late Geometric Ithake. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 53 Papadop_010 Figure 10: Small jug/kyathos, from Vitsa Zagoriou in Epirus with potter’s mark on underside (A60). Drawing courtesy Ioulia Vokotopoulou. Macedonia, Toumba Thessalonikis Elsewhere in northern Greece, Toumba Thessalonikis has produced at least two potters’ marks that date very close to the transition from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age, and represent a welcome addition to the potters’ marks from Kastanas in central Macedonia and Torone in Chalcidice published in 1994.29 I am grateful to Professors Stelios Andreou and Kostas Kotsakis for kindly showing me the finds from the site, and to Professor Andreou for illustrations of the two pieces and permission to include them here. A61. Toumba Thessalonikis, KA 641/707. Fig. 11. Belly-handled amphora, north Aegean. Painted + under one handle only. Andreou 2009, 23, 38, fig. 13:10. LH IIIC Late. A62. Toumba Thessalonikis, KA 1005/1008/2699. Fig. 12. Fragmentary skyphos/deep bowl, north Aegean. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Unpublished. Transitional Late Bronze Age/Early Protogeometric. _____ 29 For Kastanas, see Hänsel 1979, 198, fig. 18, no. 3; Papadopoulos 1994, 446–447, fig. 5, pl. 113f, A38. For Torone, see Papadopoulos 1994, 448–451, figs. 8–11, pls. 114d–f, 115a–f, nos. B5–B11; Papadopoulos 2005, 541–552. 54 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_011 Figure 11: Toumba Thessalonikis, KA 641/707: painted + under one handle only of North Aegean belly-handled amphora (A61). Drawing courtesy Stelios Andreou. Papadop_012 Figure 12: Toumba Thessalonikis, KA 1005/1008/2699: painted cross (X or +) on underside of fragmentary skyphos/deep bowl (A62). Drawing courtesy Stelios Andreou. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 55 Macedonia, Kastanas The more recent publication of the painted pottery from Levels 19–11 at Kastanas have brought to light a few more potters’ marks.30 A63. Kastanas, Kat. Nr. 253. Fig. 13. Skyphos, north Aegean. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Jung 2002, 371–372, pl. 23, no. 253. Level 12 (Haupthaus, Raum 3): transitional Late Bronze/Early Iron Age. A64. Kastanas, Kat. Nr. 327. Fig. 14. Small open vessel, north Aegean. Painted cross (X or +) on underside. Jung 2002, 393, pl. 30, no. 327. Level 12 (Südhof): transitional Late Bronze/Early Iron Age. Papadop_013 Figure 13: Kastanas, 253 (A63): painted cross (X or +) on underside of North Aegean skyphos. After Jung 2002, 371–372, pl. 23, no. 253. _____ 30 In discussing comparanda, Jung (2002, pl. 74, no. 3) illustrates a base fragment from a small open vessel, listed as “Argolis, Fundort unbekannt,” with a painted cross (X or +) on the underside. As the context and date of the piece cannot be verified, I have decided not to include it in the catalogue here. 56 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_014 Figure 14: Kastanas, 327 (A64): painted cross (X or +) on underside of small North Aegean open vessel. After Jung 2002, 393, pl. 30, no. 327. Methone, Pieria The recent publication of the material from the “Ypogeio” at Methone has brought to light no shortage of both painted and incised pre-firing potters’ marks.31 The latter are dealt with under Group B; here I include only those that are painted.32 A65. Methone, ΜΕΘ 1360. Fig. 15a–b. Euboean-style skyphos made in the Thermaic Gulf region. Two vertical parallel lines below the handle on one side of the vase, near one of the lower handle attachments. Methone Pierias I, 375–376, no. 26. L ate 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadp_15a/b Figure 15: a)–b) Euboean-style skyphos made in the Thermaic Gulf region ΜΕΘ 1360 (A65): two vertical parallel lines below the handle on one side of the vase, near one of the lower handle attachments. _____ 31 Methone Pierias I. 32 As the Methone marks are fully published, with good drawings and photographs, and with the publication available online, I have decided not to illustrate them here except for select pieces. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 57 A66. Methone, ΜΕΘ 2767. Fig. 16. Euboean-style skyphos made in the Thermaic Gulf region. Two thin vertical parallel lines below the handle on one side of the vase, near one of the lower handle attachments, one on top of the area painted solid. Methone Pierias I, 381–382, no. 31. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadop_016 Figure 16: Euboean-style skyphos made in the Thermaic Gulf region, ΜΕΘ 2767 (A66): two thin vertical lines below the handle on one side of the vase, near one of the lower handle attachments, one on top of the area painted solid. A67. Methone, ΜΕΘ 2259. Fig. 17. Fragmentary Corinthian-style kotyle made in the Thermaic Gulf region. Two thin parallel lines below the handle on the underside of the surviving handle. Methone Pierias I, 384–385, no. 34. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadop_017 Figure 17: Fragmentary Corinthian-style kotyle made in the Thermaic Gulf region, ΜΕΘ 2259 (A67): two thin parallel lines below the handle on the underside of the surviving handle. 58 | John K. Papadopoulos A68. Methone, ΜEΘ 2188. Fragmentary north Aegean amphora made in the Thermaic Gulf region. Large painted cross (X or +) beside the one preserved handle. There is also a post-firing mark near the mid-point of the same vertical handle. Methone Pierias I, 421–422, no. 80. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. A69. Methone, ΜEΘ 2917. Fig. 18. Fragmentary North Ionian bird-kotyle. Short painted horizontal stroke below the surviving handle. Methone Pierias I, 433–434, no. 94. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadop_018 Figure 18: Fragmentary North Ionian bird-kotyle, ΜΕΘ 2917 (A69): short painted horizontal stroke below the surviving handle. A70. Methone, ΜEΘ 2246. Shoulder fragment, Samian amphora. Possible, but far from clear (and unlikely) painted marks, barely visible, on the shoulder immediately below juncture with neck. Methone Pierias I, 451–452, no. 115. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. A71. Methone, ΜEΘ 2191. Rim, neck and handle fragment, Lesbian amphora. Faint traces of painted triangular symbol/mark on one side of the neck. There are, in addition, post-firing marks at the base of the handle and on the upper shoulder. Methone Pierias I, 465–466, no. 132. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 59 Other Not wishing to stray too far into the 7th century BCE. I note here, but do not catalogue, an example from Kommos, a dipinto in red paint, evidently ΑΚ, on the underside of the base of an Ionian rosette bowl.33 Group B: Incised symbols, including impressed dots, on wheelmade and handmade pottery In Hesperia 1994 I was able to assemble and illustrate 14 examples of incised symbols: two only on wheelmade and painted pots (B1–B2), the remainder on handmade pottery, with eight examples from Torone in Chalcidice (B4–B11), three from Corinth (B12–B14), and one from Marmariani in Thessaly (B3). Over the past few years, the number of incised marks on Early Iron Age wheelmade pottery has grown exponentially—primarily, though not exclusively, from a category that I had completely overlooked: reference marks—whereas the number of additional incised symbols on handmade pots is modest. Before dealing with the “reference marks” that are found primarily on Early Iron Age pyxides, I begin with a series of Early Iron Age high-rimmed ribbonhandled bowls, together with a few pyxides, with incised symbols under one handle or else on the lid. Although these incisions may have served as reference marks, that is, indicating to the potter where the handle was to be attached, the fact that they are usually found only under one handle, coupled with the fact that it is unclear whether they were incised before or after the attachment of the handle, makes them less likely to be reference marks. In addition to the highrimmed ribbon-handled bowls of Athenian manufacture, there are a few more wheelmade painted pots with incised potters’ marks, one that is probably Boeotian, another of north Aegean manufacture. In addition to the reference marks assembled here under sub-heading (iii), I have added another sub-heading (iv), which deals with incised potters’ marks on transport/storage amphorae, in order to distinguish them from marks on both wheelmade and painted pots, on the one hand, and handmade pottery on the other. _____ 33 Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 124, pls. 2.4, 2.11, inv. C7487; see also Johnston 1983; Johnston 1993, 353, fig. 5e, pl. 77, no. 59. This dipinto could as easily be classified under Group F. 60 | John K. Papadopoulos (i) WHEELMADE, PAINTED POTTERY Athens, Kerameikos All of the following vessels are Athenian unless otherwise noted.34 B15. Kerameikos, inv. 2681. Fig. 19a. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, with lid. Very deeply incised diagonal stroke below one handle only; similar, though less deeply incised diagonal, underneath lid. Briefly noted in Vierneisel 1964, 462–467, fig. 53. Late Geometric. B16. Kerameikos, inv. 378 (44). Figs. 19b, 20. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Very deeply incised diagonal stroke below one handle only. Kübler 1954, 226, pl. 120. Late Geometric. B17. Kerameikos, inv. 374 (44). Fig. 19c. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Very deeply incised diagonal stroke below one handle only. Kübler 1954, 226, pl. 120. Late Geometric. B18. Kerameikos, inv. 1343 (49). Fig. 19d. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Shorter incised diagonal stroke below one handle only. Kübler 1954, 243, pl. 121. Late Geometric. B19. Kerameikos, inv. 2680. Fig. 19e. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, with lid. Two fairly deeply incised, but rather worn, diagonal strokes below one handle; larger, deeply incised diagonal stroke underneath lid toward one side. Briefly noted in Vierneisel 1964, 462–467, fig. 53. Late Geometric. B20. Kerameikos, inv. 382. Fig. 19f. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Deeply incised X below one handle only. Kübler 1954, 259, pl. 119; Coldstream 1968, 51–52. Middle Geometric II. _____ 34 See also the incised X underneath the lid of Kerameikos, inv. 2679 presented above, as A41. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 61 B21. Kerameikos, inv. 815. Fig. 19g. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Incised mark, approaching X, below one handle only. Kübler 1954, 268, pl. 120; Coldstream 1968, pl. 10h. Late Geometric Ib. B22. Kerameikos, inv. 384. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (no lid). Incised diagonal stroke below one handle only; immediately above and to the right, portion of a slightly less deeply incised diagonal stroke at right angles to the first, which does not cross it; the upper part of this diagonal is obliterated by a chip on the body at this point. Kübler 1954, 260, pl. 119; Coldstream 1968, 50, note 6, 51–52. Late Geometric I. B23. Kerameikos, inv. 345. Fig. 19h. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, with lid. Incised mark, roughly L-shaped, in part deeply incised, below one handle only; deeply incised X on underneath of lid toward one side. Kübler 1945, 258, pl. 119; Coldstream 1968, pl. 10g. Late Geometric Ib. B24. Kerameikos, inv. 775. Fig. 19i. Flat (standard) pyxis, with lid, with three horses on top. No mark on pyxis body; fairly deeply incised roughly L-shaped mark near center of underside of lid, but bearing no relationship to either of the well-preserved pairs of tie-holes. The symbol, its position, and the fact that there is no corresponding mark on the pyxis body, are all odd features. Bohen 1988, 100, pl. 29.1, 3–5, no. 192 (mark not noted). Middle Geometric II, ca. 770–760 BCE. 62 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_019 Figure 19: Incised potters’ marks on Geometric vessels from the Athenian Kerameikos: a) inv. 2681 (B15); b) inv. 378 (B16); c) inv. 374 (B17); d) inv. 1343 (B18); e) inv. 2680 (B19); f) inv. 382 (B20); g) inv. 815 (B21); h) inv. 345 (B23); i) inv. 775 (B24). Drawings Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 63 Papadop_020 Figure 20: Kerameikos, inv. 378 (44): deeply incised diagonal stroke below one handle of Athenian ribbon-handled bowl (B16). Photo author. Athens, Agora B25. Agora T24-1 (P 14816). Flat pyxis, with lid. Potter’s mark, rather than reference mark: large X, lightly incised prior to painting on top of lid, near one tie-hole. Both the size and the position of the mark are unusual and it may be a potter’s mark serving some function other than as a reference mark. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T24-1. Middle Geometric II. Athens, Sapountzaki Plot, Odos Peiraios The following three pieces (B26–B28), together with A40, all derive from the 1891 excavations of the Sapountzaki Plot on Peiraios Street in the Kerameikos, and were deposited in the National Museum of Athens. The tombs from which these vessels derive were published by Alfred Brückner and Erich Pernice in 1893.35 B26. Athens, National Museum, inv. 772. Dipylon Ivories Grave. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, Athenian. Incised cross below one handle only. _____ 35 Brückner/Pernice 1893, 73–191, especially pls. VI–VIII (several of these vases are illustrated on pl. VIII). 64 | John K. Papadopoulos Brückner and Pernice 1893 (for context). Late Geometric. B27. Athens, National Museum, inv. 783. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, Athenian. Deeply incised diagonal stroke, with shorter and less deep crossbar at one end, below one handle only. Brückner and Pernice 1893 (for context). Late Geometric. B28. Athens, National Museum, inv. 796. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, Athenian. Incised mark under one handle only, consisting of two vertical lines, that to the right longer than the other, and a deep irregular impression a little to the right of the lines. Brückner and Pernice 1893 (for context). Late Geometric. Athenian, Unknown Provenance B29. Harvard University Art Museums, Acc. no. 1960.272. Figs. 21a–b. High-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl, Athenian. Deeply incised Λ-shaped mark below one handle only. Unpublished. Late Geometric. Papado021a/b Figure 21: a)–b) Harvard University Art Museums, Acc. no. 1960.272: deeply incised Λ-shaped mark below one handle of Athenian high-rimmed ribbon-handled bowl (B29). Photo courtesy museum. Boeotian? I have not seen the following mark myself; I owe its knowledge, together with the sketch, to the kindness of Dr. Georgina Borromeo. I cannot say whether the mark was incised or scratched before or after firing. Coldstream makes note of To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 65 the krater under his heading of Boeotian Geometric pottery.36 As I have not seen the vessel, I cannot confirm it as Boeotian. Stylistically, the krater recalls both Boeotian and Euboean Subgeometric. B30. Providence, Rhode Island School of Design, Museum of Art, Acc. no. 23.300. Fig. 22. Footed krater. Incised/scratched motif, as shown, on underside of base. Luce 1933, 18, pl. 8, no. 1a–1b. Late Geometric/Subgeometric. Papadop_022 Figure 22: Providence, Rhode Island School of Design, Museum of Art, inv. 23.300, incised/ scratched motif, as shown, on underside of base of footed krater (B30). Sketch courtesy of Georgina Borromeo. Crete, Kommos The excavations in the Iron Age levels of Kommos have yielded no shortage of pre-firing potters’ marks. The majority of these are assigned, either by context, fabric or style, to the 7th century BCE, though a few are earlier. For the purposes of this paper I have decided to catalogue only two examples, one assigned to the late 8th or early 7th century BCE, the other to the early 7th century BCE. In addition to these I list several more examples that are 7th century BCE, many of them assigned to the second half of the century. B31. Kommos, I 17. Base fragment, slipped fine ware cup of south Cretan fabric. Incised symbol, considered to be alphabetic: ]Φ[, though its form is such that assigning it as alphabetic with conviction seems difficult. Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 111–112, pls. 2.1, 2.9; Csapo 1991. Late 8th–early 7th century BCE. _____ 36 Coldstream 1968, 204, 208, 209, note 3. 66 | John K. Papadopoulos B32. Kommos, I 54. Fragment of vertical handle of a locally manufactured amphora or hydria. Incised symbol, X or K, near upper break of handle. Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 119, pls. 2.3. Early 7th century BCE by context. Examples of 7th-century BCE pre-firing marks on pottery at Kommos include the following:37 – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 119, no. 32, inv. I 72, pls. 2.3, 2.11 (local, perhaps Bronze Age). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 121, no. 46, inv. I 41, pl. 2.3 (perhaps Cycladic or East Greek). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 121, no. 48, inv. I 24, pl. 2.3 (local krater). Thasos The following fragment was found on Thasos and is probably of Subgeometric, rather than Late Geometric date. I am grateful to Richard Catling for bringing it to my attention. The fragment derives from the 1960 and 1961 campaigns at ancient Thasos.38 B33. Thasos, no. 147. Handle fragment, large wheelmade and painted closed vessel, almost certainly amphora rather than hydria. Incised potter’s mark at base of vertical handle comprising three deeply incised vertical parallel strokes (clearly pre-firing) at base of handle stump, only partially preserved. Horizontal line, less deeply incised across the vertical strokes, immediately below break (it is unclear whether this horizontal line is pre- or post-firing). Bernard 1964, 122–123, fig. 35, no. 147. Probably Subgeometric (rather than Late Geometric). _____ 37 Additional examples, incised on transport/storage amphorae, are listed below under category (iv). 38 The material, Subgeometric in the main, derives from two sondages: I (Champ Héraclis) and II (region Est du champ Dimitriadis); for context, see Bernard 1964, 78–87. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 67 (ii) HANDMADE POTTERY Southern Pieria, foothills of Mt. Olympos I have not had occasion to study this material closely; I noted the following mark in the Dion Museum. The material is to be published by Effie PoulakiPantermali. B34. Dion Museum, no. 685. Handmade jug with cutaway neck, local. Two neatly impressed triangular, wedge-shaped marks on body at base of handle. Unpublished. Probably Late Protogeometric – Sub-Protogeometric. Ithake, Aetos The following two vessels were made known to me by Nancy Symeonoglou, to whom I am most grateful. Both are described as coarse vessels. B35. Aetos. Fragmentary handle from round-mouthed jug, local. Deeply incised cross on the outer surface of the handle. Unpublished. Protogeometric-7th century BCE. B36. Aetos. Fragmentary handle, probably from amphora, local. Three incised parallel lines. Unpublished. Protogeometric-7th century BCE. (iii) REFERENCE MARKS ON EARY IRON AGE PYXIDES I had completely overlooked this important group of potters’ marks in Hesperia 1994, although they should have been known to me. Many pyxides, including examples of the shape that are globular, flat, and pointed, have “reference marks,” one of the few categories of Early Iron Age potters’ marks the function of which is clear. As Evelyn Smithson elaborated, reference marks are “casual gashes or ‘X’s,’ matching on underside of lid and lip or top of shoulder. There is a pair of such marks, always diametrically opposite and near the tie-holes. They seem to indicate that this lid belongs to this pot and that it fits best in this posi- 68 | John K. Papadopoulos tion. The ‘reference marks’ appear to have served as a temporary guide until the tie-holes could be punched. The tie-holes were made by one stroke passing through lid and lip, after painting had been completed, but while the clay was still soft enough to be displaced slightly. ‘Reference marks’ were rarely smoothed away, almost never from the body, although glaze sometimes obscures them. On Agora P 7204 … the one preserved tie-hole cuts straight through a sloppy ‘X’ incised on the flange.”39 Indeed, these reference or guide-marks, always incised before firing, indicated the correct positioning of the tie-holes on both the rim and lid. Such references marks—like other categories of potters’ marks—have been generally overlooked, though they are occasionally noted.40 As I have studied most carefully those pyxides from tombs in the Agora, I will begin with them; several of the Agora pyxides preserve string marks and a few also preserve tie-marks.41 The Agora pyxides listed here are only those few that were deposited in tombs of the Early Iron Age, through the close of the Middle Geometric period. Given the number of reference marks from such a circumscribed sample—also the number of Geometric pyxides with reference marks in the Royal Ontario Museum—the list presented here should be viewed as a bare minimum; I am sure there are many more. Athens, Agora B37. Agora T15-6 (P 27634). Fig. 23. Globular pyxis, with lid. Short vertical stoke at the top of the shoulder, just below each tie-hole. The position of these strokes and the fact that they are not deeply incised, suggest that they may be string marks, though they could also serve as reference marks. This lid does not appear to have been made for this box, but was found with it. It does not rest tightly against the recessed flange. Two pairs of opposite tie-holes, each with reference marks, diametrically opposed strokes on underside of lid, just to the right of each set of tie-holes. Smithson 1968, 87, no. 6; Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T15-6. Early Geometric II. _____ 39 Smithson 1968, 87. Agora P 7204 is a pointed pyxis that should be EG II, published in Brann 1961, 107–108, pl. 18, no. I 24, described by Smithson (1968, p. 87) as “EG II rubbish in a MG II context.” P 7204 is almost certainly a displaced tomb pot. 40 E.g., Hayes 1992, 4–8, nos. 3, 5–7, 10; there are none mentioned in Bohen 1988. 41 String marks are described more fully in the catalogue below. Tie-marks are lightly incised, post-firing lines or scratches, usually on the body of a pyxis (e.g., Agora T59–2, see below), evidently the result of tying the lid and pyxis box together. It is unclear whether tie-marks are ancient or modern. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 69 Papadop_023 Figure 23: Athenian Agora T15-6 (P 27634), reference marks on globular pyxis, with lid (B37). Drawing Anne Hooton. B38. Agora T15-7 (P 27717). Globular pyxis (no lid). Possible reference mark, consisting of an incised stroke between two tie-holes; this may be accidental rather than an intentional mark. Smithson 1968, 88–89, no. 7; Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T15-7. Early Geometric II. B39. Agora T15-9 (P 27638). Fragments of globular pyxis/pyxides. Reference mark: vertical stroke on shoulder, about 0.025 to the left of the preserved tiehole. The position of this mark is unique with reference to the tie-hole and may represent either an aborted reference mark, or else some other form of potter’s mark. Smithson 1968, 89, no. 9; Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T15-9. Early Geometric II. B40. Agora T15-13 (P 27640). Fig. 24. Pointed pyxis (no lid). Reference mark: a single vertical stroke on the shoulder aligns with the center of the hole. Smithson 1968, 90, no. 13; Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T15–13. Early Geometric II. 70 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_024 Figure 24: Athenian Agora T15-13 (P 27640), reference mark on pointed pyxis (B40). Drawing Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. B41. Agora T15-14 (P 27660). Fig. 25a. Fragmentary pyxis lid. Reference mark: vertical stroke deeply incised on underside of lid between the tie-holes. Smithson 1968, 90–91, no. 14; Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T15-14. Early Geometric II. B42. Agora T18-3 (P 17484). Fig. 25b. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: vertical stroke, deeply incised on underside of lid, between one pair of tie-holes, but not quite centered. Shorter diagonal stroke on flanged rim top between one pair of tie-holes, also not quite centered. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-3. Middle Geometric I. B43. Agora T18-4 (P 17483). Fig. 25c. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: shallow diagonal short stroke on flange; longer and deeper vertical stroke between tie-holes on underside of lid, both not quite centered. Diagonal stroke, perhaps accidental, next to tie-holes on opposite side of lid. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-4. Middle Geometric I. B44. Agora T18-5 (P 17482). Flat pyxis, with lid. A short incised nick on the underside of the lid, centered on one of the tie-hole, and another diametrically opposite near another tie-hole, look more like string impressions than intentionally incised reference marks. Papadopoulos/ Smithson forthcoming, T18-5. Middle Geometric I. B45. Agora T18-9 (P 17479). Fig. 25d. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: a large incised cross “X” on the underside of lid between one pair of tie-holes; small line, barely a nick, but clearly incised, between the same pair of To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 71 tie-holes at edge, extending the line of the cross, but not connected to it. Matching “X,” slightly smaller and less deeply incised on shoulder exterior, between one set of tie-holes, aligns with that on lid. The “X” on the box exterior was clearly incised prior to painting; its location is rare in comparison to reference marks on other pieces. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-9. Middle Geometric I. Papadop_025 Figure 25: Incised potters marks: a) Agora T15-14 (B41); b) Agora T18-3 (B42); c) Agora T18-4 (B43); d) Agora T18-9 (B45); e) Agora T18-15 (B48); f) Kerameikos 4240 (B58). Drawings Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. 72 | John K. Papadopoulos B46. Agora T18-10 (P 17473). Fig. 26a. Flat pyxis, with lid. No clear reference marks. A rough gash, made before painting, is found on the flange midway between the two sets of tie-holes, on one side only; it bears no relationship to anything on the lid and it is a highly unlikely reference mark. String marks on underside of lid rim: two opposite pairs of string marks, midway between the two sets of tie-holes (cf. T18-11); they have no counterpart on the box. These marks appear to be the impressions made by a string or strings used for lifting the lid while the fabric or paint was drying. Such string marks are found primarily, as one would expect, on lids that are flat. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-10. Middle Geometric I. B47. Agora T18-11 (P 17476). Fig. 26b. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: short stroke between one set of tie-holes on flange; a longer, matching, incised stroke between one set of tie-holes on underside of lid. Single opposite string marks on underside of lid, about 30o from the tie-holes. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-11. Middle Geometric I. Papadop_026 Figure 26: Incised potters’ marks and string marks: a) Agora T18-10 (B46); b) Agora T18-11 (B47). Drawings Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 73 B48. Agora T18-15 (P 17485). Fig. 25e. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: long vertical stroke centered between one set of tie-holes on underside of lid; corresponding stroke, only partially preserved, between one set of tie-holes on flange. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-15. Middle Geometric I. B49. Agora T18-16 (P 17475). Fig. 27. Pointed pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: a short stroke on underside of lid near one tie-hole; a similar stroke, slightly diagonal, on shoulder of pyxis box below one of the tie-holes. On the rim, next to the tie-hole with the reference mark, three very short strokes that look deliberate, incised prior to painting, but which may be accidental; there are no corresponding marks on the body. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-16. Middle Geometric I. Papadop_027 Figure 27: Agora T18-16 (B49). Drawing Anne Hooton. B50. Agora T18-23 (P 17465). Pyxis lid. Reference mark: a comparatively short, vertical stroke centered between one pair of tieholes. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T18-23. Middle Geometric I. 74 | John K. Papadopoulos B51. Agora T19-2 (P 540). Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference mark: incised diagonal stroke centered between two tie-holes on one side only; part of one matching tie-hole survives on the preserved lid fragment. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T19-2. Middle Geometric I. B52. Agora T20-7 (P 544). Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference mark: an incised stroke on flange between one set of tie-holes only. The corresponding part of the lid is lost (there is no reference mark between the preserved tie-holes). A short incision on underside of lid about midway toward the center is probably accidental. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T20-7. Middle Geometric I. B53. Agora T20-8 (P 545). Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: an incised stroke between one set of tie-holes on flanged rim and lid. The one on the pyxis rim is shallow and neatly incised, that on the lid longer and very deeply cut, almost a gash. This deeper stroke is now somewhat less clear, since the lid has cracked and broken partly along the line of the incised stroke, but it is nevertheless quite clear. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T20-8. Middle Geometric I. B54. Agora T23-3 (P 28000). Large flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks (incised prior to painting): firm, but lightly incised, short vertical stroke on exterior on the shoulder of the box below two the tie-holes on opposite sides of the vessel (the corresponding mark for the third preserved tie-hole is obscured by chipping). No preserved reference marks on the lid. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T23-3. Middle Geometric II. B55. Agora T25-4 (P 15513). Fragmentary flat pyxis, with lid. No certain reference marks, though there is a very irregular horizontal gash, probably accidental, between the preserved pair of tie-holes on the flange. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T25-4. Middle Geometric II. B56. Agora T59-1 (P 4884). Fig. 28a–b. Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: incised cross between one pair of tie-holes on flange; similar, but more deeply incised cross between one set of tie-holes on underside of lid. Between the opposite pair of tie-holes, a short vertical stroke on flange and lid. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 75 Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T59-1. Middle Geometric II. B57. Agora T59-2 (P 4883). Flat pyxis, with lid. Reference marks: rather spindly incised cross between one pair of tie-holes on lid, not quite centered. There are some scratches between one pair of tie-holes on rim, but these appear to be post-depositional damage and not reference marks. The same set of tie-holes does, however, has a possible reference mark in the form of a short, incised diagonal stroke extending from one of the tie-holes. It is not absolutely clear whether the latter is intentional or accidental. There is a similar diagonal, but less deeply or clearly incised, extending from one of the tie-holes on the opposite side. Papadopoulos/Smithson forthcoming, T59-2. Papadop_028 Figure 28: Incised potters’ marks: a)–b) Agora T59-1 (B56). Drawings Anne Hooton and Freya Evenson. Athens, Kerameikos B58. Kerameikos, inv. 4240. Fig. 25f. Flat pyxis, with lid. Incised horizontal stroke between one pair of tie-holes on rim (no mark on the opposite tie-holes); corresponding incised diagonal-horizontal stroke on underside of lid near one pair of tie-holes only. Bohen 1988, 95, Beil. 8, no. 169 (not noted). Late Geometric. 76 | John K. Papadopoulos Athenian, uncertain provenance42 The pyxides now in the Royal Ontario Museum with reference marks were acquired in 1930 as part of a single grave group.43 That they are of Athenian manufacture is clear enough. B59. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, inv. 930.12.6A-B (formerly C1029). Pointed pyxis, with lid. An X incised prior to firing on underside of lid close to one string-hole to indicate correct positioning. Hayes 1992, 4–5, no. 3. Middle Geometric I. B60. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, inv. 930.12.11A-B (formerly C1034). Pointed pyxis, with lid. Hayes notes: “An ‘X’ incised before firing on underside of lid beside one string-hole; similar mark (fainter) on outside of body below rim indicates correct positioning.” Hayes 1992, 5–6, no. 5. Middle Geometric I. B61. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, inv. 930.12.12 (formerly C1035). Pointed pyxis (no lid). Hayes notes: “Single string-hole pierced through flange on each side for attachment of (missing) lid; an incised vertical line and (on other side) and incised ‘+’ indicate positioning.” Hayes 1992, 6, no. 6. Middle Geometric I. B62. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, inv. 930.12.12 (formerly C1036). Pointed pyxis (no lid). Hayes notes: “Three incised lines on flange around one string-hole (for positioning of lid). Hayes 1992, 6, no. 7. Middle Geometric I. B63. Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum, inv. 930.12.15A-B (formerly C1040). Flat pyxis, with lid. Hayes notes: “A small incised ‘X’ on flange between one set of holes and two slashes on underside of lid are guide-marks.” Hayes 1992, 8, no. 10. Middle Geometric I. _____ 42 In addition to the pyxides with reference marks in Toronto and Providence listed below, I think that I can also see an incised cross on the flanged rim of a pyxis in Oxford: Catling and Mannack 2010, 21, pl. 48, no. 2. 43 They were originally published in Iliffe 1931. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 77 B64. Providence, Rhode Island School of Design, Museum of Art, Acc. no. 24.022. Flat pyxis, with lid. Incised cross (X) between one set of holes both on the flanged rim and the underside of the lid. Luce 1933, 18, pl. 8, no. 4. Middle Geometric. (iv) WHEELMADE TRANSPORT AMPHORAE I have added the following vessels as a new category, as there were no wheelmade transport/storage amphoras known to me with incised potters’ marks in 1994 that could be dated before or near 700 BCE. Two amphorae are from Eretria, assigned to the Late Geometric period, and two were found in the “Ypogeio” at Methone.44 The example from Thasos presented above (B33), may as easily be listed here, though it is decorated. I have also listed several incised marks on transport amphorae from Kommos that are 7th century BCE. Eretria The two following incised marks are found on the handles of transport or storage amphorae. B65. Eretria, FK99277. Vertical handle, neck-handled transport/storage amphora. Incised X at midpoint of handle. Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 71, no. 48. Late Geometric. B66. Eretria, 69, D659. Handle fragment, transport/storage amphora, imported. Incised symbol comprising long vertical stroke with two parallel horizontal strokes, only partially preserved. Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 71, no. 49. Context uncertain, perhaps Late Geometric/Subgeometric. _____ 44 I do not include incised potters’ marks on vessels from Methone that are later (7th or 6th century BCE). 78 | John K. Papadopoulos Methone B67. Methone, ΜEΘ 2420. Fig. 29. Samian transport amphora. Incised pre-firing mark classified as an ‘N’ (retrograde) on the shoulder, immediately below the neck. There are, in addition, several post-firing marks, one immediately below the pre-firing mark (considered to be an Archaic Χ), another to one side (considered to be Η or Ζ). As the ‘N’ is isolated, I am not absolutely certain whether it is alphabetic or non-alphabetic. Methone Pierias I, 362–364, no. 17. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadop_029 Figure 29: Samian transport amphora, Methone ΜΕΘ 2420 (B67): incised pre-firing mark classified as an ‘N’ (retrograde) on shoulder, immediately below neck. There are, in addition, several post-firing marks, one immediately below the pre-firing mark. B68. Methone, ΜEΘ 2422. Fig. 30. Fragmentary transport amphora, undetermined provenance. There are a series of post-firing marks, one on the center of the neck on one side, another on the shoulder. At the base of one of the handles an idiosyncratic mark, clearly incised before firing (with likely post-depositional damage immediately above the mark). Methone Pierias I, 480–481, no. 150. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 79 Papadop_030 Figure 30: Fragmentary transport amphora, undetermined provenance, Methone ΜΕΘ 2422 (B68): a series of post-firing marks and, at the base of one of the handles, an idiosyncratic mark, clearly incised before firing (with likely post-depositional damage immediately above the mark). Examples of 7th-century BCE pre-firing marks from pottery at Kommos include the following: – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 120, no. 42, inv. I 27, pl. 2.3 (Corinthian or local). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 120–121, no. 43, inv. I 34, pls. 2.3, 2.11 (East Greek). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 121, no. 47, inv. I 46, pls. 2.3, 2.11 (Klazomenian?). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 121, no. 50, inv. I 40, pl. 2.3 (Corinthian or local). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 123, no. 61, inv. I 44, pl. 2.4 (East Greek, probably Milesian). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 123, no. 62, inv. C 8397, pls. 2.4, 2.11 (Laconian). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 124, no. 67, inv. I 48, pl. 2.4 (Lesbian). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 124, no. 68, inv. I 49, pl. 2.4 (Klazomenian?). – Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 124, no. 69, inv. I 59, pl. 2.4 (East Greek, probably Milesian). 80 | John K. Papadopoulos Group C: Stamped impressions on fineware and coarseware vessels This was a small group of five examples, all from settlement contexts, four from Corinth (C1–4), one from Pithekoussai (C5).45 They range in date from Middle to Late Geometric. Most appear to be on Corinthian handmade vessels.46 I know of no new examples of this category on coarseware vessels, but there is one small body fragment deriving from a small, wheelmade and painted open vessel from Methone (C6). The new piece is of interest because the same stamped circle appears at least three times on the fragment. It is assigned to the later 8th or earlier 7th century BCE. I am also listing two other interesting pieces from Kommos on Crete, which are 7th century BCE. C6. Methone, ΜEΘ 2344. Fig. 31. Small body fragment, locally-made Thermaic Gulf small open vessel. Three stamped circles on one side of the sherd, as preserved arranged in a horizontal row; two of the circles are fully preserved, one is only partially preserved. The circles were impressed using the same tool Methone Pierias I, 389, no. 39. Late 8th or early 7th century BCE. Papadop_031 Figure 31: Group C potters’ marks. Small body fragment, locally-made Thermaic Gulf small open vessel, Methone ΜΕΘ 2344 (C6), with three stamped circles arranged in a horizontal row. _____ 45 Papadopoulos 1994, 453, 470–471. 46 As noted in Papadopoulos 1994, 470–471, the same stamp used on D5 seems to have been also used to decorate a terracotta plaque found at the Heraion on Samos; the motif is repeated at least eight times on the plaque (with references). To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 81 C7. Kommos I 38. Handle fragment, large closed vessel (probably amphora). Fabric described as “Iron Age, but not identified.” Stamp on upper right side of vertical handle. The stamp itself is compared to a Geometric example from Corinth (Pfaff 1988, 39. pl. 31, no. 112). Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 120, pl. 2.3 (= D12). Before the end of the 7th century BCE. C8. Kommos C11312 (52A/3:14, temple dump). Rim and neck fragment, Milesian transport amphora. Johnston (2005, 368) writes: “Four pre-firing punch marks, two overlapping, in a line on the neck. The punch is 0.4 in diameter and contains a simple cross. Johnston 2005, 368, fig. 29, no. 215. 7th century BCE. In his discussion of C8, Johnston also notes: “Naturally the original intended use of such a punch is an interesting question, and one’s thoughts drift inevitably to the use of similarly sized punches in early coinage.”47 In contrast, I suspect that the marks on the Methone fragment were made with a simple tool. Group D: Finger or thumb impressions at base of handle I have not pursued this category perhaps as conscientiously as other types of potters’ marks, but in addition to the nine examples I assembled in 1994 from Athens and Corinth, I know of at least two more examples that are Protogeometric and a few more that are Subgeometric (7th century BCE). Of the examples in Hesperia 1994, only one (D1) was on a wheelmade pot, which is quite early, dating as it does to latest Mycenaean/Submycenaean; the remainder were on handmade vessels (D2–D9). The two new Protogeometric examples are both on wheelmade and painted pots from Athens and are a welcome addition to such impressions on wheelmade pottery. The later examples from Kommos are also wheelmade. Athens, Kerameikos D10. Kerameikos, inv. 915. Fig. 32a. Neck-handled amphora. Thumb or finger impression at the base of both handles. Kübler 1943, 33, pl. 5, inv. 915 (Grave 25). Protogeometric. _____ 47 Johnston 2005, 368, no. 215. 82 | John K. Papadopoulos D11. Kerameikos, inv. 524. Fig. 32b. Trefoil oinochoe. Very small circular impression at the base of the sole handle. The impression is too small to have been made by an adult potter’s finger or thumb, and was probably made by some other implement. Kraiker/Kübler 1939, 102–103, fig. 7 (Grab A); Ruppenstein 2007, pl. 46. Protogeometric. Papado32a/b Figure 32: Group D potters’ marks, finger or thumb impressions at base of handle: a) Kerameikos, inv. 915 (D11); b) Kerameikos, inv. 524 (D12). Photos author. Crete, Kommos The few examples from the Iron Age levels at Kommos assembled below are all of 7th century BCE date. One, D12, also bears a stamp (see C7). D12. Kommos, I 38. Handle fragment, large closed vessel (probably amphora). Fabric described as “Iron Age, but not identified.” Three finger impressions at the base of the handle, where it joins the shoulder. Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 120, pl. 2.3. Before the end of the 7th century BCE by context. D13. Kommos, I 69. Body and handle fragment, large amphora of East or North Greek type. Large and deep finger or thumb impression at base of handle, with post-firing mark above. Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 123, pl. 2.4. 7th century BCE, probably latter half, by context. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 83 D14. Kommos, I 62. Handle fragment, large amphora, perhaps of East Greek origin? Finger impressions at the base of the handle, oblique post-firing scratchings/marks around the finger impression. Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000, 125, pl. 2.4; Johnston 1993, 373, no. 146. Latter half of the 7th century BCE. Group E: Painted figures (Attic Protogeometric horses and birds) In Hesperia 1994 I listed only three examples, two from Athens (E1–E2), one from Lefkandi (E3), and I also referred to several comparative pieces, again from Athens.48 I know of no new examples other than those I noted in 1994, although I remain sanguine that this is a specific category of potters’ marks. In terms of placement on the vessel and probably also function they are remarkably similar to the marks of Group A, the only difference being that they are figurative. I will return to this and other categories in the discussion below. Group F: Alphabetic inscriptions, painted or incised before firing, consisting of more than one letter This is a new group. It includes both painted and incised marks that are clearly alphabetic, comprising more than one letter, made before firing on any type of pot dating before 700 BCE. Although one of the fragments from Eretria (F2) preserves only one letter, the small size of the piece and its similarity to F1 warrants its inclusion here. I do not include here B67 from Methone, as the mark, clearly incised before firing, considered to be a retrograde ‘N’ is isolated and I cannot be certain whether or not it is alphabetic. I have also included the pre-firing inscription on the terracotta spindlewhorl, bead, or button, F5, since terracotta objects, including loomweights and spindlewhorls are found together in Early Iron Age kiln contexts.49 _____ 48 Papadopoulos 1994, 455–457. 49 See, among others, Papadopoulos 1989, 2013 for the Early Iron Age potter’s kiln at Torone, and Papadopoulos 2003, 126–186, 217–219, for kilns and ceramic production discards, including terracotta objects other than pottery, in Early Iron Age Athens. 84 | John K. Papadopoulos Eretria F1. Eretria, fosse 211, FK00382. Fig. 33. One-handled cup. Painted alphabetic possessive in white paint on exterior of body: Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 59, no. 1. Late Geometric. ]λχαδεοεμι. Papadop_033 Figure 33: Eretria, fosse 211, FK00382 (F1), Euboean one-handled cup: painted alphabetic possessive in white paint on exterior of body ←]λχαδεοεμι. Drawing courtesy École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce. F2. Eretria, FK01611. Fig. 34. Small body fragment, one-handled cup. Painted ε ( ) in white paint on exterior of body. Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 60, no. 2. Late Geometric. Papadop_034 Figure 34: Eretria, FK01611 (F2), small body fragment, Euboean one-handled cup: painted ε ← in white paint on exterior of body, as preserved. Drawing courtesy École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce. F3. Eretria, FK78200. Fig. 35. Fragmentary one-handled cup. Three preserved letters incised on exterior of body: ]⊕οπ[. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 85 Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 60, no. 3. Context disturbed, date uncertain, but probably Late Geometric. Papadop_035 Figure 35: Eretria, FK78200 (F3), fragmentary Euboean one-handled cup: three preserved letters incised on exterior of body (pre-firing): ] ⊕ [ ←. Drawing courtesy École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce. F4. Eretria, édifice 2, FK73113. Fig. 36. Rim fragment, coarse “lebes.” Incised alphabetic inscription immediately below rim, only partially preserved: Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 74–75, no. 62. Late Geometric. ]ιερ[. Papadop_036 Figure 36: Eretria, edifice 2, FK73113 (F4). Rim fragment, coarse “lebes”, with incised alphabetic inscription immediately below rim, only partially preserved: ]ιερ[ ←. Drawing courtesy École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce. F5. Eretria, fosse 26, FK80398, Δ1688. Fig. 37a–b. Terracotta spindlewhorl, bead, or button. Incised alphabetic inscription around body of terracotta: ? δαι ανα (pre-firing). Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 75–76, no. 65. Late Geometric. Papadop_037a 86 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_037b Figure 37: Eretria, fosse 26, FK80398, Δ1688 (F5), terracotta spindlewhorl, bead, or button: incised alphabetic inscription around body of terracotta (pre-firing): δαι ανα → ?. a) Drawing; b) Photographs. Courtesy École Suisse d’Archéologie en Grèce. Pithekoussai Two of the following three inscriptions are well known, and include the earliest extant alphabetic signature of a vase-painter (F6). F6. Pithekoussai, Mazzola, inv. MANN 239083. Fig. 38. Rim and upper body fragment, krater, locally produced. Painted alphabetic signature, in horizontal register, framed by lines above and below, on uppermost shoulder, immediately below rim, only partially preserved: ]ινοςμεποιεσε. Jeffery 1982, 829, fig. 106:2; Johnston 1983, 64, fig. 4; Powell 1991, 128, no. 10; Bartoněk/Buchner 1995, 177, 219, fig. 43, no. 43. Ca. 700 BCE. Papadop_038 Figure 38: Pithekoussai, Mazzola, inv. MANN 239083 (F6), krater fragment, locally produced, with painted alphabetic signature: ]ινοςμεποιεσε ←. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 87 F7. Pithekoussai, S. Montano Cemetery, inv. MANN 166780. Fig. 39. Footed krater, Euboean. Painted alphabetic “sacred inscription,” in horizontal register, framed by lines above and below, on upper part of tall pedestal foot: ]εξ θεο. Bartoněk/Buchner 1995, 177–178, 220, fig. 44, no. 44. Ca. 720 BCE. Papadop_039 Figure 39: Pithekoussai, S. Montano Cemetery, inv. MANN 166780 (F7), Euboean footed krater, with painted alphabetic dipinto in horizontal register on upper part of tall pedestal foot: ]εξ θεο ←. F8. Pithekoussai, Scarico Gosetti, inv. MANN 170144. Fig. 40. Rim and upper body fragment, one-handled cup or skyphos, locally produced but Euboean inspired (cf. F1, F2). Painted alphabetic dipinto in white paint on uppermost body on exterior, immediately below rim: ]λειτ. Bartoněk/Buchner 1995, 178–179, fig. 45, no. 45. Late Geometric. Papadop_040 Figure 40: Pithekoussai, Scarico Gosetti, inv. MANN 170144 (F8), one-handled cup or skyphos rim fragment, locally produced but Euboean inspired, with painted alphabetic dipinto in white paint: ]λειτ ←. F9. Pithekoussai, Lacco Ameno, 1994. Rim fragment, large locally-produced krater. Incised graffito thought to represent a constellation, with a linked B. At least two stars and the letter B (thought to stand for the name of the constellation Boötes [Arctophylax]) linked by lines themselves defining something of a star-pattern. The idea that the graffito represents a constellation was first made by Pietro Monti, and 88 | John K. Papadopoulos further discussed by Nicolas Coldstream and George Huxley, as well as in Bartoněk/Buchner 1995. Bartoněk/Buchner 1995, 179–180, 221, fig. 46, no. 46; Monti 1996; Coldtream/Huxley 1996. Late Geometric, ca. 700 BCE (Coldstream in Coldstream/Huxley 1996, 222). Discussion: The Function of Potters’ Marks The only category of mark where the function is straightforward is, ironically, the only one overlooked in 1994: reference marks on Early Iron Age pyxides. As for the function of the remainder, the patterns we have for the Early Iron Age, as well as the quantity of marks, is not as robust as that in the Bronze Age, though it is increasing. In the majority of cases it seems unlikely that the marks function to indicate capacity, on account of the fact that similar marks—such as the ubiquitous crosses—appear on vessels of different shapes and sizes, as well as different function: cups and amphorae being cases in point. Numerical value is also unlikely, although some of the strokes and dots could well refer to numbers. The problem lies in the fact that there is a lack of clear patterning. Here the X = 10, now most recently discussed by Samuel Verdan, is certainly interesting,50 though what is abundantly clear is that the Xs serving as reference marks on Early Iron Age pyxides are clearly not numerical, and the same appears to be the case for the Xs on most, if not all, other types of vessels. Establishing commodity as the function of the marks faces the same challenges as capacity, and again the problem is that there is no clear patterning. The only possible exception is the mark conceivably, but far from certainly, denoting “water” or “liquid” on the underside of a solitary Argive pouring vessel that I noted in 1994.51 The mark consists of five parallel zigzags framed on all four sides by single zigzags. In the context of Argive Late Geometric, John Boardman has argued that the multiple zigzag may, in certain cases, represent “water,” 52 serving as a parallel to the Egyptian hieroglyphic ﹏ (phonetic value = n). Whether or not the symbol denotes water or liquid remains moot, as the undersides of such pouring vessels are commonly decorated.53 In a similar vein, owner’s marks are unlikely as the majority, if not all genuine owners’ marks, are post-firing, such as the recently published examples from Me- _____ 50 Verdan, this volume. 51 Papadopoulos 1994, 445–446, pl. 113b, A30. 52 Boardman 1983, 19, with fig. 2.4a, b (= Courbin 1966), pl. 40; Courbin (1966, 475), sees the multiple wavy lines as the offspring of the old multiple-brush pattern. 53 See Courbin 1966, 311; Pfaff 1988, 56. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 89 thone.54 The only exception thus far appears to be the alphabetic dipinto on F1 (and note also the potter’s signature on F6). That some of the potters’ marks assembled here and in 1994 are symbols denoting specially commissioned, preordered, prepaid, or reserved pots—or sets of pots—seems possible, as least in certain cases. Indeed, Vincent Desborough had noted two Athenian Protogeometric skyphoi, each with a painted cross beneath one handle, found at Knossos.55 The fact that these marks were painted by the potter before the pots were fired appears to bolster such an interpretation, though it is clear that any such interpretation is far from certain and Desborough rightly issued a word of warning. In his discussion of them, Desborough writes that these “have one peculiarity in common—a roughly painted cross beneath one of the handles; it is tempting to suppose that the potter who made them had perhaps marked them thus as for export, but apart from the unlikelihood of such a theory, a skyphos of Type IV, found in the Kerameikos, has the same distinguishing mark, and there is no reason to doubt that this vase was made locally.”56 In the context of workshop production, what is striking, however, is the similarity of the Early Iron Age stamped marks with the later Greek stamped amphora handles. As I have noted, the quantity of such marks is not great, but the majority of the Early Iron Age examples are on large Corinthian coarse pots, the precursors of Corinthian A and Aˊ transport amphorae.57 The few new examples of such marks on amphorae assembled here (C7–C8) on late 8th or 7th century transport amphorae include amphora types from the north Aegean, as well as Miletos. This said, stamped marks are not confined to transport amphorae, as the body fragment of a small open vessel of Thermaic Gulf manufacture attests (C6). The most basic purpose of sealing/stamping is to identify property. Thus a mark need not specify a particular commodity, but that the commodity, or the _____ 54 Methone Pierias I, especially 337–344, nos. 1–3; cf. 345–350, nos.4–7. 55 Desborough 1952, 83–84; Brock 1957, 13, pl. 7, no. 58; 21, pl. 12, no. 187; Papadopoulos 1994, 443, A10 and A11. 56 Desborough 1952, 83–84; Papadopoulos 1994, 437–438. A further important difference between the Early Iron Age potters’ marks, on the one hand, and the Bronze Age and postGeometric marks on the other is that the vast majority of the Bronze Age marks are on pottery in settlement contexts: Bronze Age Phylakopi, Lerna, Keos, and Cyprus, being a few cases in point. Although many of the Early Iron Age potters’ marks also derive from settlements (e.g., those from Ithake), a greater quantity proportionally was found in tombs; see discussion in Papadopoulos 1994, 489–490; for reference to Bronze Age marks, see Papadopoulos 1994, 473, notes 126–127. 57 With further discussion in Papadopoulos 1994, 470–471. 90 | John K. Papadopoulos container in which it was placed, was the property or product of the owner of the seal; the stamp/seal may also have served to guarantee the contents of the vessel.58 A possible clue as to the function of the early post-Mycenaean use of “to seal” is provided by Theognis (1.19–24): “I seal my words of wisdom with your name, Kyrnos; no man can steal them now, nor try to slip his trash in with my excellence, and every man will say, ‘This is the song that great Theognis, the Megarian, sang.’” A similar use of σφραγί ζω is echoed in Kritias, Elegiac Poems 4. In both passages, whether the “seal of the wise man” or “the seal of my tongue,” σφρηγί ς/ σϕραγίς is used metaphorically as a warrant, guarantee, or signature. In Theognis it is specifically used to guard against theft or plagiarism and to avert the misrepresentation of his meaning. A similar function may well lie behind the stamping of vases in the Early Iron Age. One of the most common interpretations of the Bronze Age and Geometric marks is that they are makers’ marks. The apparent, if not obvious, similarity between the humble Early Iron Age crosses and the ubiquitous X serving as a signature for illiterate people living in our own or past generations is noteworthy. The use of identification marks in Greek literature goes back to Homer. In Iliad 7, 161–199, Nestor, having shamed the Achaeans for not standing up to Hektor’s challenge to fight a man in single combat, moved nine Greeks to spring to their feet as volunteers. Nestor recommended that the winner be chosen by lot and, in accordance with his recommendation, each man marked his lot and these were cast into the helmet of Agamemnon. The marks are referred to as sēmata (σή ματα), not grammata (γρά μματα). The winning lot was circulated by herald among the Achaean throng and was finally recognized by Aias, who knew at a glance his mark: σῆμα. Although a number of philologists would like to think of these sēmata as written letters, this is far from clear in Homer, and I would consider their interpretation as non-alphabetic marks cogent, and perhaps more so than written letters. The use of personal marks in Homer is a significant precursor to their use in lots in general in the Greek world—not only in democratic Athens—and they provide yet another insight into a Greek mindset that sees writing and equality, or rather “equal chances,” as a defining aspect of a community at any given time. In Homer, the equal chances were open only to peers, to those qualified to _____ 58 This is more fully discussed in Papadopoulos 1994, 482–485. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 91 participate. This is also true later on, though in time, such an aristocratic principle was widened to incorporate a much larger group; in Athens it was widened to include all male citizens.59 Similarly, the σή ματα λυγρά of Bellerophon in Iliad 6.1168 are more reasonably simple symbols, pictorial tokens, or devices, rather than written letters. The later, Archaic and Classical, meaning of σῆμα, σημεῖον, ἐπί σημα, ἐπί σημον, παρά σημα, whether denoting “sign,” “mark,” “seal,” “signature,” “token,” “device,” or “emblem,” have been reviewed by Jeffrey Spier.60 He notes that most sēmata are common, single-figure motifs, usually animals, that are neither part of a narrative composition nor abbreviations of a more complex scene.61 Here the animals on the Protogeometric vases of my Group E take on a potentially added meaning. It is even possible that some of the horses were painted by the same potter, who used this distinctive design as his mark. Certainly, the vases in question with horses are contemporary, they were made in the Athenian Kerameikos, and their stylistic similarity is striking. So, can we speak of “signatures” this early, already in the Protogeometric period? I would issue a word of caution, but the possibility is a very real one. The earliest alphabetic signature we have is still the sherd from Pithekoussai with the inscription: “[- - -]ινος μ’ ἐποί εσε,” written retrograde, dating to ca. 725–700 BCE. (F6).62 It is precisely here that K.D. Vitelli’s experimental studies with students simulating the processes of the prehistoric potter are so important. She states: “Many of them do mark their creations, usually by incising initials or a symbol on the bottom of their objects.”63 If Vitelli’s students—like the potter craftsmen of Athenian black- and red-figured pottery—felt the urge to sign or mark their vases, then why not the Early Iron Age potter? And if a potter had this urge in the pre-alphabetic Protogeometric period, then what sort of symbol would s/he use?64 I would think that an X, just like a horse or bird, would do very nicely. _____ 59 I am grateful to one of the editors of this volume, Jenny Strauss Clay, for her comments on this important aspect. 60 Spier 1990. 61 Spier 1990, 127–128. 62 See Peruzzi 1973, pl. III; Jeffery 1976, fig. 1; Jeffery 1982, 829, fig. 2; Heubeck 1979, 123, fig. 50; Johnston 1983, 64, fig. 4; Powell 1991, 128, no. 10. For the signatures of later Athenian potters and painters especially useful are the comments of Alan Boegehold 1985, 15–32. 63 Vitelli 1977, 27. 64 What is interesting is that some of the early black-figure signatures, together with all manner of pictorial experimentation, occur beneath or near the handle of a vase, just like many earlier potters’ marks. This is certainly a topic that requires further investigation. 92 | John K. Papadopoulos To Write and To Paint One thing seems reasonably clear: Early Iron Age potters’ marks, like those of the Bronze Age, are intentional and they mean, or refer to, something. In dealing with the Aegean Bronze Age, Sterling Dow wrote “… we may urge that most potters’ marks are not meaningless whimsical scratches, but are lines drawn with full intent; they mean something. Whatever the purpose(s) … the impulse was common.”65 Dow recognized in potters’ marks some connection, however remote, to literacy: “potters’ marks were in the soil from which literacy grew.”66 Other scholars, like Maurice Pope, believed that certain Bronze Age potters’ marks suggest, but by no means prove, a contemporary knowledge of writing.67 Yet others, like Anna Sacconi, concluded that potters’ marks in the Bronze Age do not constitute a system of any kind and that any resemblance they may have to Aegean scripts is purely fortuitous.68 Indeed, any quest to see Linear B or alphabetic symbols in potters’ marks may be doomed, but to do so is to miss the point. There is something deeper that is so often overlooked in the study of potters’ marks, something that is enshrined in the Greek psyche and language: There is in Greek no distinction between the word to write and to paint. The word γρά φειν/γρά φω may denote any number of meanings, including to scratch (e.g., σή ματα γρά ψας ἐν πί νακι: “having scratched marks or figures on a tablet”); to sketch, draw (e.g., γῆς περιό δους γρά φω: “draw maps”), or paint; to write (e.g., γρά φειν εἰς διφθέ ρας: “to write on skins”); to write (e.g., γρά φειν εἰς στή λην: “to inscribe a stele”); to brand (e.g., ἐν τῷ προσώπῳ γραφεὶς τὴν συμφορά ν: “having it branded on his forehead”), or, generally, to write down.69 In Athenian black-figured pottery of the 6th century BCE the distinction between to write and to paint becomes very blurred. In the celebrated amphora signed by Exekias, now in the Vatican, not only are Achilles and Ajax shown playing a game of chance—both heroes named, Ajax’s name left to right, Achilles’ retrograde)—but we also know what they have thrown (Fig. 41).70 As the best of the Achaians, Achilles has thrown a “four,” Ajax a “three” (the former num- _____ 65 Dow 1973, 585. 66 Dow 1973, 585. 67 Pope 1964, 4. 68 Sacconi 1974, 207–209. 69 LSJ, s.v. γρά φω; see also Rumpf 1947, 10; Jucker 1978, 39. In Homer, Iliad 17.599 “…γρά ψεν δέ οἱ ὀστέ ον ἄχρις,” the word γρά ψεν denotes “to cut,” in this case the spear-point of Polydamas cutting to the shoulder bone of Peneleos. 70 Black-figure amphora (type A) by Exekias from Vulci. Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Vatican 344 (inv. 16757). Beazley 1956, 145, 13; ca. 540/535 BCE. Photo courtesy of the Vatican Museums. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 93 ber is written left to right, the latter retrograde): Achilles wins. Here nothing is left to chance. Writing and painting tell the same story; they serve the same purpose. In the event that Ajax and Achilles are “speaking” it is through writing and painting that the potter indicates this action. Papadop_041 Figure 41: Black-figure amphora (type A) by Exekias from Vulci. Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Vatican 344 (inv. 16757). Photo courtesy of the Vatican Museums. The distinction between to write and to paint is perhaps nowhere more blurred than in the even earlier Athenian black-figure volute krater discovered in Etruria in the so-called François tomb in the 19th century and normally referred to as the François Vase (Fig. 42).71 Dating to about 570 BCE, the vase is signed by Kleitias as painter (ΕΓΡΑΦΣΕΝ), Ergotimos as potter (ΕΠΟΙΕΣΕΝ). It is a veritable encyclopedia of Greek mythology, with more than 250 figures painted, each one named. Not only are the human figures (Achilles, Atalante, Diomedes, Meleager, Peleus, Priam, Theseus, Troilos, to mention only a few), as well as the celestial (e.g., Dionysos, Hephaistos, Hermes, Iris, Thetis, even the Potnia Theron, among others), named, but so too the dogs attacking the Kalydonian boar: ΜΕΘΕΠΟΝ behind Peleus and Meleager; ΟΡΜΕΝΟΣ on his back, disemboweled, in front. Kleitias painstakingly painted each figure and he also named them. For Kleitias there was no distinction between writing and painting. _____ 71 Beazley 1951, 26–37, pl. 11; Beazley 1956, 76, no. 1; Beazley 1986, 24–34, pls. 23–28; Arias/ Hirmer/Shefton 1962, 286–292, pls. 40–46. 94 | John K. Papadopoulos Papadop_042 Figure 42: François Vase. Black-figure volute krater signed by Kleitias as painter, Ergotimos as potter. Firenze, Museo Archeologico Etrusco, inv. 4209. Photo courtesy museum. In pretty short order, writing—not to mention art—enters a completely unimaginable conceptual level. And it is here where the red-figure cup by Do[u]ris, now in Berlin, originally from Cerveteri, showing a schoolroom scene, can be brought into the discussion (Fig. 43).72 The important point about the vase is that it was painted in the early 5th century BCE not by a royal or religious scribe, but by a lowly Athenian potter, a kerameus, not an aoidos or a rhapsoidos. The school scenes on both sides are related to one another: on one side a student is learning to play the kithara from a bearded teacher; while a young boy is taught to read, standing as he does between two older bearded men. On the opposite side another student is taught music, this time the aulos, while a seated, beardless youth is writing on a diptych, observed by a young boy, and an older bearded man. On the first side, the central, seated, bearded man holds up a scroll with writing, which reads: _____ 72 Beazley 1963, 411–412, no. 48; Sider 2010; Berlin, inv. 2285. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 95 “Μοῖσά μοι ἀ[μ]φὶ Σκά μανδρον ἐΰρ[ρ]οον ἄρχομαι ἀεί νδεν” Here it is, in verse, the beginning of a song. “My Muse,” the River Skamander, the word “to sing,” both written and painted. Add Achilles to the mix and your epic is all set! Papadop_043a Papadop_043b Figure 43: a)–b) Both sides of red-figure cup by Do[u]ris, Berlin, Antikenmuseum, inv. 2285. Photo courtesy museum. As David Sider has recently shown, the schoolroom scene by Douris presents two interdependent problems of reading: one concerns the text on the scroll held up by the teacher.73 Is it hexameters or lyric, and is it part of a pre-existing _____ 73 Sider 2010. 96 | John K. Papadopoulos poem or an ad hoc composition by the painter? The second problem, as laid out by Sider, is iconographical: how is the viewer to interpret the “action,” and especially the mistakes on the scroll? Sider argues that the verse is in epic hexameter, and that its mistakes are to be attributed to the student, rather than to Douris. I agree with Sider on all except the last point. I very much doubt that a student would have practiced writing on a scroll; this would have been done first on a diptych, such as that depicted on the opposite side of the cup, before being transposed to a scroll. The mistakes are, I think, better attributed to the vase painter, who usually signs his name not as Douris, but as Doris.74 What is most critical here is another issue that is often overlooked. Namely, that the alphabet was introduced, adopted and adapted to the specific cultural context of Early Iron Age Greece. The importance of the place and date of the adoption and adaptation of the alphabet has taken precedence over what I consider a more important issue. For the first time in world history writing was not limited to a scribal class serving a ruling or religious elite, be it in Mesopotamia, the Levant, or in the Linear B world of the Mycenaean palatial system. As I have stated elsewhere: “Henceforth, a bard could reach across centuries to relate a real or imagined world of heroes, a woman could write poetry, a farmer could write of works and days, even on the birth of gods, a playwright could construct figures of high tragedy or slapstick comedy, a seasoned traveler could recount his journeys and the customs of the peoples he chanced across, a failed and frustrated general could write a history of a war, and any male citizen could scratch on a potsherd the name of whomever he wished to ostracize.”75 Coda: The Adoption and Adaptation of the Phoenician Alphabet in the Aegean In 1994, as in the previous section of this paper, I drew attention to the relationship, however tenuous, between potters’ marks and literacy. Since 1994 not only has the number of potters’ marks more than doubled—from 70 to at least 172— but so too the number of post-firing marks, and here the 191 alphabetic and non-alphabetic marks from the “Ypogeio”o at Methone are a case in point. More _____ 74 Beazley 1963, 425–428; as Beazley (1963, 425) notes, the signature of Douris occurs on 39 vases, mostly cups (i.e., 35 of the 39), and that he nearly always signs as painter, though he does sign as potter and painter on a kantharos, and as potter only on an aryballos. For Douris, see further Buitron-Oliver 1995. 75 Papadopoulos 2014, 192. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 97 than this, however, is the fact that sometime in the late 8th century BCE, before the close of the Geometric period, Greek potters who were previously painting or incising a number of different symbols on their pots are now painting and incising alphabetic Greek. These pre-firing alphabetic inscriptions are full-fledged potters’ marks. In 1994 there was only the sole potter’s signature from Pithekoussai (F6). This is now joined by two more alphabetic pre-firing inscriptions from Pithekoussai and no fewer than five from Eretria. Moreover, the eight examples of pre-firing alphabetic inscriptions assembled above represent the minimum, as several of the incised one-letter inscriptions from Methone and elsewhere are probably also alphabetic (see especially B67). What is all the more remarkable is that these dipinti and graffiti were not made by scribes, but by potters: the earliest alphabetic Greek we have in captivity is written by potters! Without archaeology and without marks, including alphabetic inscriptions, on pottery—and they are primarily on pottery—from secure contexts, our knowledge of the antiquity of the Greek alphabet would be a sad guessing game. The growing number of Protogeometric and Geometric potters’ marks, together with post-firing marks in the Aegean allows us to return to the critical issues of where and when Greeks adopted and adapted the Phoenician/Aramaic alphabet, issues that continue to exercise scholars.76 So, I want to end this survey by looking very briefly at the potters’ marks of Group F from Eretria and Pithekoussai, together with the new material from Methone and its remarkable corpus of alphabetic and non-alphabetic inscriptions. In many ways, the Methone marks are all the more extraordinary because they range from the familiar to the less familiar, found as they are on pottery from all over the Greek world, and beyond. But Methone, like Eretria, is not off the west coast of Italy, but very much in the Aegean. In this, the largely 7th-century BCE material from Kommos in southern Crete shares a good deal in common with Methone and Eretria, and a few of the inscribed pieces from the site are late 8th century BCE.77 Dating as they do to the late 8th and early 7th century BCE, the Methone marks—pre- and post-firing—are roughly contemporary with the corpus from Pithekoussai, which also consists of pre- and post-firing marks and inscriptions.78 And the five new pre-firing alphabetic inscriptions from Eretria are also Late Geometric. Eretria, however, has yielded an even earlier, Middle Geometric, cup fragment (inv. FK90657), of local fabric, with a Semitic inscription _____ 76 Compare the schematic language family trees drawn up by Naveh (1982, 10) and Sass (2005, 12); cf. Powell 1991. An earlier and expanded version of this coda, with many more illustrations, was published as Papadopoulos 2016. 77 See Csapo 1991; Johnston 1993, 2005; Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000. 78 For the Pithekoussai marks, see Bartonĕk/Buchner 1995. 98 | John K. Papadopoulos KPLŠ, written retrograde after firing.79 The inscription could be Phoenician or North Syrian or Cilician.80 But who inscribed it? An individual from Phoenicia, North Syria or Cilicia seems the obvious answer, whether a Semitic trader or an Eastern resident alien.81 Indeed, evidence for immigrant craftsmen and others on Crete and in Corinth is straightforward, including examples that date to earlier stages of the Iron Age.82 As for the when, the evidence from Eretria, Pithekoussai and Methone only corroborates that already known. The latest date for the adoption and adaptation would be sometime around 750 BCE, which is in keeping with the earliest Greek inscriptions, such as the Dipylon oinochoe, as well as the date of Semitic prototypes.83 As Benjamin Sass has shown, after the middle of the 8th century BCE, several Phoenician and Aramaic letters evolved away from the shapes that served as models for the corresponding Greek letters.84 The latest evidence, based primarily on letter forms, would suggest that a date range of ca. 825/800– 750 BCE can be substantiated reasonably well by the Semitic evidence.85 The issue of where the transmission or adoption occurred is more problematic, in part because there are no fewer than three alternatives for the mother script of Greek: it could have been exclusively Phoenician, or Phoenician/ Aramaic, or Phrygian deriving from Phoenician.86 In all three, the Phoenician alphabet is the lowest common denominator. As for the physical place or places where the adoption and adaptation took place, several areas in the Mediterranean have been suggested, from Al Mina in the East to Pithekoussai in the West. Cyprus has loomed large in this discussion, especially the Phoenician settlement at Kition, as has Euboea—with eastern inscriptions from Lefkandi and Ere- _____ 79 Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 76–77, no. 66; Papadopoulos 2011, 116, 133, fig. 2a–b. 80 Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 76–77. 81 See the discussion in Papadopoulos 2011, 116–120; Bourogiannis 2015. 82 For Crete, see Hoffman 1997; for Corinth, Morris/Papadopoulos 1998. 83 For the Dipylon oinochoe, see Papadopoulos 2014, 191, fig. 10.6. Athens, National Museum 192 [2074], with the inscription: “He who, of all the dancers, now performs most daintily, this is his.” The reading and interpretation of the very last part of the inscription is controversial (and sometimes even thought to be a nonsense-word or a doodle), but there is consensus that the word after ΠΑΙΖΕΙ is ΤΟΤΟ (i.e., τ`τ`, τού του) “of him, of that one,” probably indicating the possessor of the (prizewinning) vessel. 84 This is despite Naveh’s (1982) strong arguments for the adoption occurring earlier, around 1100 BCE. See also Isserlin’s (1982) overview of the earliest alphabetic writing in the Semitic world. 85 Sass 2005, 145. 86 Sass 2005, 133–152. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 99 tria—and other Aegean islands, including Rhodes and Crete.87 The problem is well framed by Sass: “The fact that at least four different locations for the adoption could be defended so eruditely and with such excellent arguments … indicates that the evidence presented thus far is perhaps less forthcoming than one would wish.”88 For Herodotus the place of transmission was mainland Greece, directly from Phoenicians. The place was Boeotian Thebes, a stone’s throw from the Euboean Gulf and to the Aegean beyond. Whatever date Herodotus had in mind, he does mince his words: “These Phoenicians who came [into Boeotia] with Kadmos … after settling in this district introduced to the Greeks many kinds of learning (διδασκά λια) and particularly writing (γρά μματα), which did not previously exist among the Greeks ….”89 In the same passage, Herodotus goes on to note: “At first they [the Greeks] used the same script as all Phoenicians use. Then, as time went on, they changed, with the language (φωνή ), the shape (ῥυθμό ς) also of the letters. At this time, the Greeks occupying most of the land round them were Ionians. These learnt the letters from Phoenicians, and reformed a few of them and used them, but in this usage spoke of them by name as ‘Phoenician’ (Φοινική ια)—as was just, the Phoenicians having brought them to Greece …. I personally have seen Cadmeian writing (Καδμή ια γρά μματα) in the precinct of Ismenian Apollo in Boeotian Thebes, incised on three tripods, and for the most part similar to the Ionic ….”90 One could add that it is no accident that Homer begins his Catalogue of Ships (Iliad 2.494–759) with Boeotia and the Theban region, and why the Achaean fleet assembled at Aulis is, as Joachim Latacz states, at once explained: “Thebes dominated Mycenaean Greece at the time, and Aulis … had always been the natural harbor of Thebes.”91 Whether or not Thebes was the seat of the ruler of Aḫḫijawa is moot, but it was Thebes where Phoenician Kadmos settled and married Harmonia, and where he introduced, according to Herodotus, writing. Of course, Herodotus may have got it all wrong. What is clear is that we simply do _____ 87 See Powell 1991, 12–18; Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, 76–77; Papadopoulos 2011, 116. 88 Sass 2005, 149. 89 Herodotus 5.58; translated by Lilian Jeffery (1967, 153). The passage is discussed in Jeffery 1967, 1982; see further Murray 1993, 92–101; West 1985, 290–293. 90 Herodotus 5.58; translated by Lilian Jeffery 1967, 153. 91 Latacz 2004, 242–243. I cannot agree with some authors who would make Aulis the “port for Euboean overseas embarkation” (Powell 2002, 196). 100 | John K. Papadopoulos not have sufficient evidence to clinch the issue of the place(s) where the adoption might have happened. If, however, the idea that the mother script of Greek was Phrygian, deriving from Phoenician, is true, then one should look more to places where Greeks, Phoenicians, and Phrygians had early contact. Lilian Jeffery argued that, on the balance of the evidence as preserved, a limited area of origin of the Greek alphabet seemed more likely.92 She favored Al Mina as a promising candidate, with its Greek pottery from Euboea—and elsewhere—and where there is evidence for Greeks dwelling among west Semitic speakers and where Phrygians also had early contact.93 One problem with the Orontes region as the place where the Greeks and Phrygians adopted and adapted the Aramaic script lies in the transmission back to both the Aegean and Phrygia of the newly minted script, which may work for the vowels but not for all the consonants (although the Phrygian and Greek vowels are similar, the same is not true for the respective consonants).94 A more promising area would therefore be the eastern and northern Aegean and western Asia Minor as the place of adaptation.95 The overlap of the shared vowel letters in both Phrygian and Greek seems to rule out an adoption independent of one another: “Either the Phrygian script was adopted from the Phoenician and subsequently the Greek from the Phrygian, or vice versa.”96 Phrygian or Greek precedence, however, relies on absolute chronology, which is a thorny issue.97 This is not the place to enter this chronological debate, but much of the most recently published material would seem to argue for Phrygian chronological precedence, if anything, though the matter is very far from resolved.98 If we are to take this line of reasoning seriously, and the extant evi- _____ 92 Jeffery 1982, 822. 93 Jeffery 1982, 822–823. In arguing for north Syria or Cilicia as the place where Greeks, Phrygians, and Semitic-speakers coexisted, Rodney Young (1969, 256) noted that until the conquest of the west by Tiglathpileser III in 738 BCE, Cilicia and the Syrian coast should have been freely accessible to the Phrygians and that there is no evidence that communication of this area with the Phrygian interior of Anatolia was cut off after the conquest. Young further adds that in 717 BCE, King Midas was pushing Pisiris of Charchemish to revolt from Assyria. 94 See Krebernik 2007. 95 See Sass 2005, 146–149; cf. Janko, this volume. 96 Sass 2005, 147. 97 See Papadopoulos 2014, 184–186. 98 See various papers in Rose and Darbyshire 2011; Sams 2012 (both with references to earlier material). That Greek writing inspired Etruscan (and indirectly Latin, mediated via Etruscan, together with other native Italic alphabets—Oscan, Umbrian, South Picene, and Venetic) is beyond doubt. What remains problematic is the assumption that Greek writing also “jumped to Phrygian,” as some scholars continue to maintain (e.g., Powell 2002, 109). To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 101 dence is certainly compelling, then we have to add Phrygians to the mix, or a place where Greeks and Phrygians—not only Greeks and Phoenicians—interacted. As Barry Powell noted over a decade ago: “Greeks and Semitic Levantines mixed in the Orontes estuary, Euboea, Boeotia, Samos, Crete, Cyprus, and Italy.”99 Today the locale must include not only Greeks and west Semitic speakers, but Phrygians. This would greatly diminish the primacy of certain locales— Cyprus, some, though not all, of the coastal Levant, Italy, the Nile Delta—as possible places for the adoption and adaptation. As we have seen, Jeffery favored the north Syrian (or Cilician) coast, while others, most recently Roger Woodard, have argued for the importance of Cyprus in the adoption and adaptation of the Phoenican script. As Woodard has argued, the Phoenician consonantal script, together with the two pre-alphabetic Greek writing systems of Linear B and the Cypriot syllabary, all played their part in the historical continuum of Greek literacy and the formation of the alphabet.100 The influence of the Cypriot syllabary is perhaps greatest for particular consonantal strings. As Woodard has recently remarked, the “choice to utilize available graphic raw material in order to incorporate a sign for the consonantal string /ks/ within the Greek alphabet was an arbitrary decision made by the Greek adapters of the Phoenician consonantal script. Though the decision was culturally motivated … by the occurrence of comparable <ksV> syllabic symbols in the Greek Cypriot syllabary—a writing system in which I judge the Greek adapters of the Phoenician script to have been already literate (and a writing system within which such symbols were required for proper functioning of syllabic spelling). The decision to incorporate a graphic sign for the parallel /ps/ string was subsequently made by persons responsible for extending the Greek alphabet beyond its original Phoenician-set boundaries through the appending of ‘supplemental’ characters.”101 Whether or not the Greek adapters of the Phoenician alphabet were literate in the Greek Cypriot syllabary is a moot point. What is clear is that, as Woodard notes so well in the case of the /ps/ string, the adoption and adaptation of the Phoenician consonantal script did not happen wholescale at one particular time. The case of the vowels, however, demands an alternative narrative, one involving both Greek and Phrygian players. It is precisely here that the north Aegean ancestry of the Phrygians, as related by Herodotus is intriguing: _____ 99 Powell 2002, 193. 100 See Woodard 1997, 2014, especially 146–149. 101 Woodard 2014, 146. 102 | John K. Papadopoulos “This people [the Phrygians], according to the Macedonian account, were known as Briges during the period when they were Europeans and lived in Macedonia, and changed their name at the same time as, by migrating to Asia, they changed their country.”102 I do not think that Herodotus got it wrong, for although an Indo-European language, and in spite of its geographical location, Phrygian does not belong with the Anatolian sub-group of Indo-European languages, such as Hittite or Lycian, but is much more closely connected with Greek.103 Most recently, Sandra Blakely has been collecting interesting material on Phrygians and Phoenicians on Samothrace.104 Samothrace, however, is not the only north Aegean island with Phoenician complexities. Both Herodotus (2.44) and Pausanias (5.25.12) mention Phoenician presence on Thasos. Additional evidence of Phoenician pottery and writing in the north Aegean has recently come to light, not least from Karabournaki in the Thermaic Gulf, and Torone and Stageira in Chalcidice.105 A related issue is the relationship of the Phrygian language to that of the Thracians living along the north coast of the Aegean. As Woodard has noted: “The Phrygian language does show certain similarities to Thracian, and some linguists have argued for linking the two in a single linguistic unit (ThracoPhrygian).”106 The appropriateness of such a sub-grouping, however, remains uncertain, largely on account of the dearth of conclusive evidence,107 but it is in keeping with the testimony of Herodotus. Moreover, there is additional literary evidence for the close contact of Phrygians and Greeks. As Keith DeVries has noted, Herodotus (1.14) “claimed that a splendid wooden throne still on display at Delphi was a gift of Midas, the powerful Phrygian king of the late eighth and early seventh centuries BCE, and stories traceable back to the fourth century had Midas taking a wife from the East _____ 102 Herodotus 7.73, translated by Aubrey de Sélincourt. 103 See, especially, Friedrich 1941, 868–882; Brixhe/Lejeune 1984; Brixhe 2004a, 2004b. 104 Her arguments (personal communication) revolve around the following points, which I here only cursorily summarize: first of all, the possibility that the toponymn, Dindymene (found on a ceramic inscription from the island) may refer to an Anatolian (Phrygian) mountain (cf. Brixhe 2006). Second, the Kabeiroi, who number among the gods of the rites of Samothrace are Phrygians (according to the scholia to Aristophanes Pax 177–178; the scholia to Apollonius of Rhodes 1.197; Nonnos 3.7, 3.194. 43.307–313; the scholia to Libanius Oratio 14.64), and a number of Byzantine lexicographers derive the name of the Kabeiroi from Mt. Kabeiros in Phrygia (cf. Beekes 2004); for the Kabeiroi in Samothrace, see now Karadima/ Dimitrova 2003). For the Phoenicians on Samothrace, see Blakely 2012, especially 163–164. 105 Tiverios 2004; Fletcher 2008; Vainstub 2014. 106 Woodard 2004, 12. 107 See Brixhe 2004b. To Write and to Paint: More Early Iron Age Potters’ Marks in the Aegean | 103 Greek city of Cyme [for which see Aristotle, fragments 611, 37; Pollux 9.83]. Phrygian fibulae and bronze bowls of eighth and seventh century date have been recovered at sanctuaries in east and mainland Greece, and conversely at Gordion, the Phrygian capital explored by Young, there have been found sherds of six Greek vases dating to the decades just before and after 700 BCE.”108 Even Plato (Kratylos 410–414) has Socrates cite several words that are common in both Greek and Phrygian, not least the words for fire, water, and dog.109 There is thus a confluence of evidence—the growing number of alphabetic inscriptions, the similarity of Phrygian and Greek vowels, the testimony of Herodotus—that places the adoption and adaptation of the alphabet squarely in the Aegean. Any number of places in the Aegean thus emerge as contenders: not only Euboea, but also the north Aegean, not just Methone, together with Ionia and Aeolis, (arguably less so Crete and the Dodecanese),110 where Greeks and Phrygians were in close contact. Greek mythology, albeit a late tradition, furnishes another north Aegean locale where Greeks and Phrygian letters (Φρύ για γρά μματα) comingled: Troy. The personae dramatis are none other than Odysseus and Palamedes. Although the latter figured prominently in the Cypria, there is little in that epic about him and letters.111 The critical evidence is in Apollodoros’ Bibliotheca (Vatican Epitome 3.8), where “Odysseus ‘planted’ in the Greek camp a letter (δέ λτος) written in Phrygian, as though to Palamedes from Priam.” The letter fell into the hands of Agamemnon, and the fate of Palamedes was sealed.112 It is telling that “Phrygian” in ancient sources often means “Trojan”; that is, the Greeks of the Classical era regarded the Trojan language as Phrygian. As one of the most prominent harbors in the north Aegean in the later Bronze and Early Iron Age, controlling as it did the Thermaic Gulf, Methone, _____ 108 DeVries 1980, 33; see also Brixhe 1995, 104. 109 For Phrygians and Greeks, see further Janko, this volume, a version of which also appeared in Janko 2015. 110 For Kos and Rhodes see Bourogiannis 2013. 111 For Palamedes in the Cypria, see Cypria 5, 12, and cf. fragment 27; in the Returns (Νό στοι) 11, as noted by Apollodoros, Nauplius married Philura (as opposed to Klemene) and he fathered Palamedes, Oiax, and Nausimedon; see also Jeffery 1967, 152. 112 Jeffery 1967, 152; as Jeffery goes on to state: “but this might be only a late elaboration of the story, just as the ‘litterae Palamedis’ shown in Apollo’s temple at Sikyon probably came there through the Hellenistic interest in ‘Trojan War memoirs’.” The relevant passage, as given by Apollodoros, reads: “Having taken a Phrygian prisoner, Odysseus compelled him to write a letter of treasonable purport ostensibly sent by Priam to Palamedes; having buried gold in the quarters of Palamedes, he dropped the letter in the camp. Agamemon read the letter, found the gold, and delivered up Palamedes to the allies to be stoned as a traitor;” translated by Sir James Frazer. 104 | John K. Papadopoulos traditionally an Eretrian colony,113 with its relatively numerous Phoenician imports, and with late 8th/early 7th century (and earlier) material from all over the Aegean and beyond, and no fewer than 25 early alphabetic inscriptions from a secure context, emerges as one of those places—a veritable middle ground, to cite the term coined by Richard White114—where Greeks, from various places, Phoenicians, and Phrygians may very well have done business together, not only an emporion par excellence intimately networked in the international world that was the Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age, but a locale where Semitic, Greek, and Phrygian letters may have coalesced. neue Seite _____ 113 The tradition of the Eretrian foundation of Methone in the north Aegean, following their expulsion from Kerkyra by Charikrates, is recorded in Plutarch, Moralia 293B; in Pseudo-Skylax (Periplous 66), Methone, together with Pydna, is listed as a Greek city (πό λις Ἑλληνί ς)—located north of Pydna and south of the Haliakmon—whereas other cities in the region, including Herakleion, Dion, and Pella, are listed as Macedonian cities. 114 White 1991. 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Brill’s Studies in Indo-European Languages & Linguistics 7, Leiden and Boston, MA. 360 | Notes on Contributors Notes on Contributors Notes on Contributors Notes on Contributors Matthaios Bessios (matbesios@gmail.com), a graduate of Aristotle University, was employed from 1979 until 2014 in the 16th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities (which in 2004 became the 27th Ephorate and finally the Ephorate of Pieria). He participated in excavations in the prefecture of Thessaloniki and Chalcidice, but his main area of responsibility was Northern Pieria, where he conducted rescue excavations, extensive surface surveys, and supervised large and small public and private constructions. During these years, he excavated sites from all periods, among others, the Neolithic settlement at Makrygialos, the extensive cemeteries at Pydna, the Macedonian tombs in Pydna and Korinos, the settlement and cemeteries at Louloudia in Kitros, and ancient Methone. Results of his investigations are published in Greek and international journals or as chapters in volumes, of which the most recent are: Πιερί δων στέ φανος: Πύ δνα, Μεθώνη και οι αρχαιό τητες της βό ρειας Πιερί ας, Katerini 2010, and Methone Pierias I. Xenia Charalambidou (xenia.charalambidou@gmail.com) is Research Associate at the Fitch Laboratory of the British School at Athens; her research interests focus on the macroscopic and petrographic analysis of pottery. Amongst the projects she currently participates at the Fitch Laboratory is the interdisciplinary project: the “Ceramic Industry of Eretria”. She has carried out research and fieldwork in numerous sites in the Aegean with emphasis on Naxos and Euboea. Recent papers in journals and edited volumes are, for example, “Naxos and the Cyclades” (with A. Vlachopoulos) in I.S. Lemos and A. Kotsonas (eds.), A Companion to the Archaeology of Early Greece and the Mediterranean (Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford) (forthcoming); and “Developments on Euboea and at Oropos at the end of the “Dark Ages” (ca. 700 to the mid7th century BC)”, in A. Mazarakis Ainian (ed.), The “Dark Ages” Revisited, Acts of an International Symposium in Memory of William D.E. Coulson, University of Thessaly, Volos, 14–17 June 2007 (Volos 2011). Jenny Strauss Clay (jsc2t@virginia.edu) is William R. Kenan Jr. Professor of Classics at the University of Virginia. She is the author of The Wrath of Athena: Gods and Men in the Odyssey; The Politics of Olympus: Form and Meaning in the Longer Homeric Hymns; Hesiod’s Cosmos; Homer’s Trojan Theater; and most recently, “Homer’s Epigraph” (Philologus 2016), in which she argues for Homer’s knowledge of writing. Francesca Dell’Oro (francesca.delloro@unil.ch) is an associate researcher at the Institute of Archaeology and Sciences of Antiquity of the University of Lausanne. She studied Historical Linguistics and Classical Philology at the University of Milan (2004) and obtained a PhD in “Philology and Linguistics” from the University of Chieti-Pescara (2008). She has published a monograph about the history of the “Caland” notions, Leggi, sistemi e leghe suffissali “di Caland”: Storia della questione “Caland” come problema teorico della linguistica indoeuropea (Innsbruck, 2015). She is currently preparing a new edition of the lead tablets from Styra (Euboea) and is writing a new description of the Euboean dialect taking into consideration the development of colonial dialectal features. Notes on Contributors | 361 Richard Janko (rjanko@umich.edu) is Gerald F. Else Distinguished University Professor of Classical Studies at the University of Michigan. Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, he previously taught at St. Andrews, Columbia University, the University of California Los Angeles, and University College London. His numerous publications on Hellenic language and literature range from volume IV of the Cambridge commentary on Homer’s Iliad to the papyri of Philodemus’ On Poems from Herculaneum. He also brought out the site-report of the excavations at the Bronze Age settlement of Ayios Stephanos in Laconia. He is a Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and of the American Philosophical Society. Alan Johnston (tcfaawj@ucl.ac.uk), MA., DPhil (Oxon), FSA is Emeritus Reader in Classical Archaeology, University College London. Publications include Trademarks on Greek Vases; Addenda to L.H. Jeffery, Local Scripts of Archaic Greece; ‘The Greek and Latin inscriptions’ in Gravisca; scavi nel santuario greco, 15 Le iscrizioni; ‘Ceramic Inscriptions’ at http://www. britishmuseum.org/research/online_research_catalogues/ng/naukratis_greeks_in_egypt/ma terial_culture_of_naukratis/ceramic_insciptions.aspx; as well as numerous articles on Greek epigraphy and ceramics. Evangelia Kiriatzi (e.kiriatzi@bsa.ac.uk) is Director of the Fitch Laboratory for science-based archaeology of the British School at Athens and Honorary Senior Research Associate at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London. She has published numerous papers in journals and edited volumes and a book on Pottery Production and Supply at Bronze Age Kolonna, Aegina (with Walter Gauss, 2011). She has also edited a volume on Human Mobility and Technological Transfer in the prehistoric Mediterranean (with Carl Knappett, in press). She carries out studies and fieldwork at numerous prehistoric sites across the Aegean, southern Balkans and Anatolia, and co-directs the Kythera Island Project (with Cyprian Broodbank), investigating the long-term cultural and environmental history of a Mediterranean island. Antonis Kotsonas (akotsonas@yahoo.com) is Assistant Professor of Classical Archaeologist at the University of Cincinnati and specializes in Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece and the Mediterranean. His research interests focus on material culture and socio-cultural history. He has active study projects in Crete and Macedonia, and his comparative studies take him across the Aegean and from Italy to Cyprus. He is one of the co-authors of Methone Pierias I (2012), and has published a book on pottery from Eleutherna, Crete (2008) and edited a volume on ceramic standardization and variation (2014). Nota Kourou (nkourou@arch.uoa.gr) started her studies at Athens University, where she got her BA, having Nikolaos M. Kontoleon as her main teacher. She continued her studies at Oxford University and obtained her PhD under the supervision of Sir John Boardman. She became Professor of Early Iron Age Archaeology at the University of Athens, where she taught for many years. She has been short-term Visiting Professor at a number of Australian and American Universities and at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. She has given lectures in several European Universities. She is now Professor Emerita and director of the excavations of the University of Athens at Xobourgo on Tenos. She is the author of over 95 articles and over 30 review articles in established archaeological journals. Her books include: Tο Nό τιο Nεκροταφεί ο της Nά ξου κατά τη Γεωμετρική περί οδο, Athens 1999; CVA Greece 8, Athens, National Museum 5. Attic and Atticizing amphorae of the Protogemetric and Geometric Periods, Athens 2002; Limestone Statuettes of Cypriote type found in the Aegean. Provenance Studies (with V. Karageorghis), 362 | Notes on Contributors Nicosia 2002; Terracotta Statues and Figurines of Cypriote Type found in the Aegean. Provenance Studies (in collaboration with V. and J. Karageorghis, B. Κιλίκογλου, Π. Μαραντίδου, Μ. Glascock), Nicosia 2009; Η Αρχαί α Τή νος, (with Roland Etienne and E. Simantoni-Bournia), Τenos 2013. Irad Malkin (malkin.irad@gmail.com) is Professor of Greek History and the Cummings Chair for Mediterranean History and Cultures at Tel Aviv University, formerly the Chair of the Department of History. He is co-Founder (1986) and co-Editor of the Mediterranean Historical Review. His research interests include ancient colonization, religion, myth, ethnicity, and network theory. He is the Laureate of the Israel Prize for History, 2014. Ηis major publications include: Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece (Brill: Leiden, 1987); Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean (Cambridge UP: Cambridge, 1994; Paperback edition, Cambridge UP, 2003, French translation 1999); The Returns of Odysseus: Colonization and Ethnicity (University of California Press, 1998; Italian translation 2004; Hebrew translation 2004); Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Greece (in Hebrew, Tel Aviv 2003); (ed.), Ancient perceptions of Greek ethnicity (Center for Hellenic Studies and Harvard University Press, Washington, DC, 2001); (ed.), Mediterranean Paradigms and Classical Antiquity (London: Routledge, 2005 = Special issue of the Mediterranean Historical Review 18, 2003); and A Small Greek World: Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean (Oxford University Press: Oxford and New York 2011). Julián Méndez Dosuna (PhD 1983) (mendo@usal.es) is Professor of Greek Linguistics at the University of Salamanca. He has published a substantial number of articles on different issues of Greek linguistics. His current research concerns the study of the ancient dialects, especially those of the oracular lamellae of Dodona, and double entendres in Aristophanes. He is editor of the journal Minos. Noémi Müller (noemi.mueller@bsa.ac.uk) is Scientific Research Officer at the Fitch Laboratory for science-based archaeology of the British School at Athens, responsible for chemical analyses and their implementation in the laboratory’s projects. She has collaborated in a range of integrated projects, her research examining production and circulation, but also material properties and use of archaeological ceramics from the Aegean and beyond. Recent publications span from integrated case studies e.g. “Home-made recipes: Tradition and Innovation in Bronze Age cooking pots from Akrotiri, Thera” with V. Kilikoglou and P. Day in Ceramics Cuisine and Culture, the Archaeology and Science of Kitchen Pottery in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Oxbow Books 2015), to basic research, e.g. summarized in “Mechanical and thermal properties” to be published in The Oxford Handbook of Ceramic Analysis (in press). Niki Oikonomaki (niki.ikon@gmail.com) is Research Fellow at the Centre for the Greek Language, Division of Linguistics (Thessaloniki). She is co-author (with Y.Z. Tzifopoulos) of an introductory book on Greek Epigraphy (Εισαγωγή στην ελληνική επιγραφική . Από τον 8ο αιώνα π.Χ. ως την ύ στερη αρχαιό τητα), and contributor to Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Ancient History. She has written articles in the field of epigraphy and ancient literacy, and her current work is on a monograph on local alphabets in Archaic and Classical Crete and on the publication of the inscriptions of North Pieria, Macedonia. Anna Panayotou-Triantaphyllopoulou (panayotou.anna@ucy.ac.cy) is Professor of Linguistics in the University of Cyprus. Her research interests include ancient Greek dialectology and re- Notes on Contributors | 363 lated scripts, koiné Greek, epigraphy, onomastics and language contact during ancient and medieval period, especially in Macedonia and Cyprus. John K. Papadopoulos (JKP@humnet.ucla.edu) is Professor of Archaeology and Classics at the University of California at Los Angeles. His research and teaching interests include the Aegean, as well as the eastern and central Mediterranean in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age into the Classical and later periods, Greek colonization, the topography of Athens, and the integration of literary evidence with the material record in the study of the past. He has excavated or conducted fieldwork widely in Greece, Italy, Albania, and Australia. He is the author or editor of 12 books, over 90 articles, and some 40 book reviews. Alexandra Pappas (apappas@sfsu.edu) is Raoul Bertrand Chair in Classics at San Francisco State University. She publishes broadly on the Greek symposium and the aesthetics of Greek writing, including pieces on Archilochus, inscriptions in Greek vase painting and rock-cut inscriptions, the representation of letters and words on the classical Athenian stage, and the Hellenistic pattern poems called technopaignia. Maria Roumpou (mroumpou@gmail.com) is Research Associate at the Harokopio University of Athens, Dept. of Dietetics & Nutritional Science & at the Fitch Laboratory, British School at Athens. Her research allies natural and physical sciences to archaeology. She has worked for a range of projects studying archaeological ceramic materials from a range of sites in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. Recent publications include “An interdisciplinary approach to the study of cooking vessels from Bronze Age Akrotiri, Thera”, with N.S. Müller, N. Kalogeropoulos, P. Day, V. Kilikoglou and I. Nikolakopoulou in Subsistence, Economy and Society in the Greek World. Improving the Integration of Archaeology and Science (Peeters, 2013); and “Food Storage Technologies and the Politics of Storage Practices: Examples from Prehistoric Northern Greece” with D. Margomenou, in Tracing Social Networks through Studying Technologies: A Diachronical Perspective from the Aegean (Routledge, 2011). Christina Skelton (cskelton@fas.harvard.edu) received her Ph.D. in Indo-European Studies from UCLA in 2014 and is currently a Junior Fellow in the Harvard Society of Fellows. Her research interests include the historical linguistics of Greek and Indo-European, the Aegean Bronze Age, and computational historical linguistics. Yannis Z. Tzifopoulos (tzif@lit.auth.gr) is Professor of Greek and Epigraphy at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. He has published Paradise Earned (Center for Hellenic Studies and Harvard University Press, Washington, DC, 2010), articles on inscriptions of the Rethymno Prefecture, and co-authored (with Matthaios Bessios and Antonis Kotsonas) Methone Pierias I. Samuel Verdan (Samuel.Verdan@unil.ch) is a member of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece, and an associate researcher at the Institute of Archaeology in the University of Lausanne. His research encompasses different aspects of the Early Iron Age and Early Archaic Greek world. He has published two monographs, one on Euboean Geometric pottery, and the other on the Geometric phases of the Sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros in Eretria. Marek Węcowski (m.wecowski@uw.edu.pl), educated at the University of Warsaw and at the École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris, teaches ancient history and classical 364 | Notes on Contributors culture at the Department of Ancient History, University of Warsaw. His recent publications include The Rise of the Greek ARistocratic Banquet (Oxford University Press, 2014), commented editions of several authors for the Brill’s New Jacoby online project (BNJ 6, 9, 263), and articles on archaic and classical Greek history, historiography, and archaic Greek poetry. He is currently working on a monograph on the origins of the Athenian ostracism. Roger D. Woodard (rwoodard@acsu.buffalo.edu) is the Andrew v. V. Raymond Professor of the Classics and Chair of the Department of Classics at the University of Buffalo (The State University of New York). His most recent books are The Textualization of the Greek Alphabet (Cambridge, 2014) and Myth, Ritual and the Warrior in Roman and Indo-European Antiquity (Cambridge, 2013). Current projects include a monograph on the spread of knowledge, especially religious knowledge, and dialect from Anatolia to Hellas in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, and a volume on Ancient Greek in the Cambridge series Linguistic Introductions. General Index | 365 General Index General Index General Index abecedarium/abecedaria: 4–5, 141 n. 48, 143, 150, 155–6, 172 nn. 26–27, 173 n. 30, 175 – Etruscan: 240 – early Eretrian: 240 – Marsiliana d’Albegna: 240 nn. 28, 30 Achaeans: 90, 99, 159–160, 199 Achilles: 92–3, 95, 199, 212, 217 Acrai: 180 Adrastus: 215 Aegean: 20, 21–7, 29–31, 33–7, 39, 54–6, 58–9, 89, 92, 96–7, 99–104 Aegina/Aeginetan: 41, 42, 191, 216,249 Aegyptus: 213 Aeneas: 199 Aeolic: 205–6 Aeolis – dialect of: 139 – script of: 137–9, 153–5, 161 aesthetics: 285–8, 291–2, 294–5, 301, 307–8 Aetos: 49–51, 67 Agamemnon: 213–4 Agora (Athens): 36, 63, 68–75 Agyrion: 180 Aiane, archaic inscriptions from: 240–1 Ajax: 92–3 – son of Oïleus: 200 – son of Telamon: 198–200, 202, 207, 211–3, 215, 217–8 akos (ἄκος): 220, 238 à la brosse: see amphora Al Mina: 98, 100, 147 Alcinous: 163 Alcmena: 213 allogeneous element: 166 allogeneous presence: 175–6 alpha, letter: 182–4, 186–7, – curved at right: 137 – sideways: 144 alphabet: 265 n. 15, 266, 268, 272, 274, 278- 82, 284 – common: 167, 170 – date created: 145–6 – foreign: 173 – origin of: 136–60 – red: 177–8 n. 40 – transmission date to the Etruscans: 240 alphabet/alphabetic: 20–3, 36–9, 65, 78, 83–7, 89–92, 96–8, 100–1, 103–4, 261–5, 268, 270–1 n. 30, 272–5, 277–8, 280–4 alphabetic writing: 20–3; see also practice of writing, syllabic writing Amorgos: 185, 190 amphora/-ae: 9–18, 124–8, 287, 290, 294, 295–301, 305–8 – à la brosse: 127 – Attic SOS: 9, 11, 15–6 – Chian: 9, 11–3 – Corinthian: 9, 11 – Cycladic: 9 – Euboean SOS: 9, 11, 16 – Lesbian: 9, 11, 13–5 – Milesian: 9, 11 – Phoenician: 4, 10, 11 – Samian: 9, 11 – SOS: 126 – Thermaic (Catling’s type II / North Aegean): 9, 16–8 amystis: 320 n. 34 Anaphe: 185 animal fat: 12–3 anisōma: 320 Antekydes (Ἀντεqύδης): 234, 238, 247–8 – amphora of: 137–9 Antigone: 214–5 aoidos: 94 aphakeisthai (ἀφακεῖσθαι): 220–1, 226, 238 Apollo: 49, 99, 103 – Daphnephoros: 23, 194–5; see also Eretria – Kerykeios: 188 aprosdōkēton (literary surpise): 315–6 n. 19 Arabia: 32 Aramaic: 24, 37, 97–8, 100, 208–9, 211 – script: 141–2, 160 Arcadia, script of: 156 Archias: 3 Argos/Argive: 31, 47, 88, 205 Arimoi: 163 Arisbe on Lesbos: 14 366 | General Index aristocracy/aristocrats: 4–5, 90–1, 265, 267, 280, 281–2, 312–4, 321–7 Artemis Orthia: 188 Asia Minor: 26–7, 29 aspirate: 127 n. 13, 145, see also psilosis aspiration initial: 221–2 Assyria/Assyrian: 29, 100, 198–9, 204, 207, 209–11 Astypalaia: 126 Atalante: 93 Athena Chalkioikos: 189 Athens/Athenian: 28, 31–2, 40–1, 47, 60, 63–4, 68, 75, 81, 83, 90–1, 174 n. 32, 176 n. 37, 189 Atlantic coast: 29 Attic/Attica: 9–11, 15–6, 23–6, 28–33, 183, 186, 193, 203–6, 210 – dialect: 162 – script of: 138–9, 141, 145, 155, 158 atticizing: 23, 30 ‘ayin, letter: 142 Aulis: 99, 163 Ba‘al KRNTRYS: 146 n. 89 Ba‘al of Lebanon: 147 Babylonia: 211, 216 Bassit in Syria: 17 beeswax: 16, 18 beta, letter: 140 Bocchoris: 148 Boeotia/Boeotian: 27, 42–3, 59, 64–5, 99, 101, 183, 185, 188–90, 192, 195 – Mycenaean world 161 – sigma pleonastic: 253–4 – script of: 137–8, 143, 155, 158 boustrophedon: 152–3, 161 bullion balance weights: 25, 27, 35 Cadmus: 151, 154 Caere: 174 Cambridge Painter: 174 n. 32 Cambyses: 215 Canaanite jars: 10 Carian: 24 Carthage: 10, 30 – foundation of: 148 Celtic: 225–6, 230–1 Centuripae: 180 Cerveteri: 94, 127 Chalcidian/Chalcidians: 3, 166 n. 3, 167 n. 4 and n. 7 – colony: 167 n. 7 – vases: 172–3, 175 – -Euboean standard: 167 Chalcidice: 3, 34, 53, 59, 102 Chalcis: 2–3, 31, 167 n. 7, 176 n. 37, 210 – and Hesiod: 163 – colonies of: 136 – script of: 153, 160, 162 chi, letter: 144, 150, 155–8, 160 Chios: 9, 11–3 Chrysothemis: 215 Cilicia(n): 98, 100–1 – scripts of: 153 city-state: 22, 24, 31, 35 Clytemnestra: 213 coin legend: 167 n. 10, 178 n. 45, 180 n. 53 colonial – Euboean features: 166 – settlements: 165, 181 colonization, Archaic Greek: 3 colony: 20, 26, 28, 30, 34–5 – and mother-city related through alphabet and dialect: 233 Corcyra: 1–2, 201 Corinth/Corinthia(n): 1–3, 9–11, 25–7, 31, 45–7, 52, 57, 59, 79–81, 89, 98, 173–4 n. 32, 176; 187, 190, 201 – alphabet: 173, 175 – alphabet in Potidaea: 233 n. 4 – dialect: 175 – gulf: 27, 31 – painter: 181 – potter: 172 n. 24, 181 – presence: 172 – script of: 140–1, 153, 155, 158–9, 160–1, 173 craftsmen: 22, 29, 32 Creon: 214–5 Crete/Cretans: 3, 27, 29, 31, 65, 80, 82, 97–9, 101, 103, 205, 211 – dialect of: 140 – script of: 140–1, 143–5, 160, 164 Croesus: 215 General Index | 367 Cup(s): 287–9, 291–6, 301–3, 307–8 – of Euthymos: 137 – of Hakesandros: 5, 136–7, 160–1, 314, 317–8, 326 n. 47 – of Nestor: 5, 136, 139, 153 n. 135, 160–1, 184, 186, 212, 265–7, 270, 272, 281, 283, 313, 316–7, 324, 326 n. 47 – of Philion: 137–9, 267–8, 272–3, 276–7, 281, 317 n. 24 – of Tataie: 265–7, 270, 318–9, 321 n. 37 Cyclades/Cycladic: 27, 31, 66 Cycladic Naxian/Naxians: 166, 171 n. 22 – alphabet: 167–8, 170–1 – dialect: 170–1 – element: 166–7, 170–1 – influence: 170 – settlers: 181 Cycladic Naxos: 167 n. 5, 172, 176 Cyme – Euboean: 154, 167 n. 7 – Italian: 113–4, 116, 154, 167 n. 7, 172–3 n. 24, 175, 185, 188–90, 194, 197, 217 – Late Geometric inscriptions and marks on vases: 233, 240 Cyprus/Cypriot: 20, 27, 31, 89, 98, 101, 140, 147, 155 n. 149, 160 – imports: 27 – pottery: 29 – syllabary: 127 Cyrene’s foundation: 3 Danaids: 213 Delos: 162, 186 Delphi: 3, 102, 189, 193, 217 Delphic Oracle: 3 delta, letter: 128, 182, 184, 186–7 – rounded: 136–7 Demaratus: 215 dendrochronology: 148 dictation: 162 Didyma: 143–4 n. 71 Diomedes: 93 Dionysos: 93 dipinto: 125–6 – Eretria: 125 Dipylon: 265, 267, 270, 281, 283 – oinochoe/jug/vase: 141, 144–5, 153, 158, 160, 183, 189, 192–3 divider, upright 141–2, 160 Do(u)ris: 95–6 Dodecanese: 103 Dodona: 180, 214, 217 Dorians/Doric: 4, 177, 179, 210, 250 n. 38 dots as punctuation: 141–2, 151, 160; see also punctuation drinking games: 313, 320, 326 n. 46 East Greek: 51, 52, 66, 79, 83; see also Near East egraphsen: 92–3 Egypt/Egyptian: 37, 88, 206, 208 El Carambolo: 30 Elean: 204–5 Electra: 214–5 elemental analysis: 9–18 elite: 4–5, 37, 96, 312, 320–7, Emborio on Chios: 12 Enna: 178 Enyó: 167–8 n. 5, 170–1 ephakeisthai (ἐφακεῖσθαι): see aphakeisthai Ephesus: 189, 216 Epidamnos: 3 epidexia (endexia): 313–4, 322–3, 326 n. 46 Epirus: 52–3 epoiesen: 93 epsilon, letter: 144 n. 74, 182, 187–95 Eretria/Eretrian: 1–3, 16, 20, 23–4, 27, 31, 36–7, 39, 77, 83–6, 97–8, 104, 108, 114–5, 176 n. 37, 190–1, 194–5, 197, 201, 216; see also abecedarium – colonies of: 1, 136 – dialect: 246, 258 – /Euboean alphabet: 1 – inscriptions from the sanctuary of Apollo Daphnephoros in: 238 n. 18 – Late Geometric inscriptions and marks on vases from: 233, 240 – place of Euboean alphabet’s development and spread to Boeotia: 240 – script of: 136–41, 143, 151, 155, 158, 160, 162, 245, 249–50, 254–6, 258 – temple of Apollo in: 146–7, 158 368 | General Index Ergotimos: 93–4 eta, letter: 140, 190, 194–7 Eteocles: 200 Eteocretan script: 145 n. 82, 153 n. 134 Etruria/Etruscan(s): 92–4, 100, 109 n. 17, 117–8 n. 70, 187, 194–5, 197, 200 – script of: 142–3, 150, 155, 158, 160 – on Lemnos: 142 n. 54, 153–4 Euboea/Euboea(n): 3–5, 9–11, 16, 20, 22–3, 25–34, 43–4, 56–7, 65, 84–5, 87, 98–101, 103, 127, 176, 182–3, 187–8, 190, 194–8, 201, 211–2, 214 – alphabet of: 167, 169–70, 173–4, 177 – alphabet early: 239, 240 – and Homer: 162–3 – colony of: 165–6, 170, 172–7, 179, 181 – dialect of: 137 n. 13, 139, 162, 171 n. 17, 175–6, n. 38 – fronting /u(:)/>/y(:)/: 238 n. 19 – genitive singular of a-stems in: 241 – gulf: 32, 33 – koine: 28 – /Naxian alphabet: 170 – script of: 140, 141, 147, 150, 157–8, 160, 164, 239: see also Chalcis, Eretria – sigma pleonastic: 254–6 Euboeanizing pottery: 28, 34 Eurysaces: 215 Eurystheus: 213 Eurytus: 214 Euthymos, see cup of Evenius of Apollonia: 216–7 Ferla: 180 Fidenae: 148 Filigree: 29 foreigners: 165–6, 172, 181 Francavilla Maritima: 148 François vase: 93–4 Gabii: 4, 22 – script of: 143, 148–51, 155, 160 Gallikos River: 32 gamma, letter: 127–8, 182, 185–6 gem: 125 Geometric period, chronology of: 147–8, 160 gift exchange: 25 gold: 29, 32, 35 Gordias: 152 Gordion: 151–2, 160 Gorgus: 215–6 Graea: 163 graffito/i: 5, 10, 14, 16, 20–4, 97, 105, 108–9, 112, 124–7, 144, 146–7, 168–9, 181, 182–4, 186–90, 193, 195, 204–5, 211–2, 217, 233, 236, 239, 242–7, 249, 252–3, 257–8, 267, 280–1, 288–90, 294, 305, 315, 319 grammata/γράμματα: 90, 99, 103 granulation: 29 graphic phenomenon: 171 graphō/graphein (γράφω/γράφειν): 38, 92; see also egraphsen Greek-Semitic connectivity: 4 Grotta on Naxos: 23; see also Naxos Hakesandros: 238, 263, 265–8, 270, 272–3, 276–7, 281, 283; see also cup of Hazael of Damascus: 146 Hebrew: 209–11 Hecuba: 213–4 Hektor: 90 Hephaistos: 93 Heracles: 214 Hermes: 93 hetaira: 318–9 with n. 28 hexameter: 160 Himera: 4, 176–9 n. 50, 180–1 n. 59 Histria: 127 Hittite: 202 Horos inscription: 170–1 n. 19 Huelva: 29, 30 Hyksos: 208 Hyllus: 213 hypsilon, letter: 143–4, 149, 160 iambic trimeter: 160 immigrant: 174, 176 Indo-European: 102 inscriber: 261–3, 265, 267–73, 275–8, 281–3 inscription – alphabetic: 286–8, 292, 294, 305, 307–8 – content: 286–9, 291–2, 294–8, 300, 303, 305, 307–8 General Index | 369 – eidography: 292, 295 – form: 286–8, 291–2, 294–8, 303, 305, 307–8 – function: 286–9, 291–2, 294–8, 301, 303, 305, 307–8 – non-alphabetic: 286–8, 292–5, 297, 301, 303–5, 307–8 – owner’s signature: 287–8, 291–2, 294, 296–8, 300–1, 303, 308 Inscription Painter: 173–5 n. 32 Intaphrenes: 216 Iole: 214 Ionia/Ionians: 3, 188–90, 196, 198, 215–6 – black painted: 125 ionic: 182, 185–6, 189, 194, 198, 203, 205 iota, letter – crooked: 141–2, 149, 153–4, 156–7 – straight/upright: 141–2, 149, 156, 160 Iris: 93 Iron Age chronology: 147–8, 151, 160 Ischia, Bay of Naples, see Pithekoussai Ismene: 214 Israel: 10, 141–2, 148 Isthmia: 45–7 Italy (central): 20, 30 – script of: 144–5, 150–1 Ithake(sian): 49–52, 67, 89 ‘Izbet Ṣarṭah: 141–2 Kabeiroi: 102 n. 104 Kale Akte: 3 Kamarina: 127 Kameiros: 51–2 Kaminia stele: 153–4 Karatepe: 185 – inscription of: 146 n. 89 Karneia: 3 Kastanas: 53, 55–6 Kerameikos (Athens): 36, 40–1, 60–3, 71, 75, 81–2, 89, 91 kerameus: 94 Klazomenai/Klazomenian: 79 Kleitias: 93–4 Knossos: 31, 89, 137 n. 10, 140, 142, 146, 206 n. 117 Kommos: 39, 59, 65–6, 77, 79, 80–3, 97, 124, 127 Kos: 103 kōthōnismos: 313 n. 15 Koukos: 28 Kritias of Athens: 90, 313 xifos (ξίφος, τό): 201, 205, 207–10, 213 Lacco Ameno sherd: 183 Laconia: 47–8, 79, 188–9, 193 – sigma pleonastic: 253 lambda, letter – inverted: 138, 145, 153 – upright: 137, 140, 153 language/linguistic – contact: 165, 181 – variation: 165 Lapis niger: 151, 157 Latial IIB2, date of: 149 Latin script: 141 n. 51, 143, 149, 157–8, 160, 164 Latium: 4, 22 Lavrion: 29, 31–2 Lefkandi: 25, 27, 29, 31, 39, 43–4, 47, 83, 98, 114 – script of: 138, 146 n. 90, 151 Lelantine war: 2, 163 Lemnos, script of: 141–3 n. 54, 153–5 lenition: 179–80 n. 53 Leontini, sigma pleonastic: 257 Lesbos/Lesbian: 1, 9, 11, 13–5, 58, 79, 124, 128, 136–7 letter names: 142 Leutychides: 215 Levant: 29, 31, 34 Levantine coast: 26, 31 Linear B: 207–9 literacy: 4, 20, 22, 24 – event: 261–6, 268–9, 273–5, 277–8, 281–4 – in Eretrian settlements: 237, 240 Locris/Locrians: 200 – script of: 4–5, 154 Macedonia/Macedonian: 21, 25–8, 32, 34–5, 53, 55, 102–4, 124, 135, 240, 283, 310–1 Magi: 216 Malaga: 4, 29–30, 125 Mantiklos statuette: 183–4, 186, 192, 195 Mantinea, script of: 155–6 370 | General Index Marsiliana d’Albegna: 186, 188, 190–1, 195, 240 nn. 28, 30; see also abecedarium Mediterranean: 4, 10–1, 13, 20–1, 22, 27, 29–31, 98, 104, 106, 115, 123–5, 127, 135, 148, 211, 282 Megara/Megarian: 3, 90 – Megara Hyblaea: 16 – in Sicily: 167 n. 4 Meleager: 93 Melos, script of: 140, 160 Menaion: 180 Mende: 28 Menelaus: 200 merchant: 22, 35; see also trade, trader Messapia, script of: 155, 157–8 metals: 4, 324 Metapontion, script of: 156–7 n. 159 Methone: 20-2, 24-6, 28, 30, 32–3, 36–39, 56–8, 77–81, 83, 89, 96–98, 103–4, 106–9, 112–5, 119, 182–4, 186–8, 190–4, 198, 201, 211, 217, 261, 263–4, 266–8, 271–3, 275, 278–84 – aspiration in the dialect of: 241 – dialect of: 241, 243, 246–8, 258 – lack of vowel compensatory lengthening in the dialect of: 241 – letter forms in the early inscriptions from: 238–9 – uncontracted genitive masculine in -eos in the dialect of: 241 – script of: 136, 139, 143, 157, 160, 162, 238–9, 245, 250, 258 Methymna, Lesbos: 14 Metropolis: 165, 167 n. 7 Midas: 100, 102, 152, 154 Middle Geometric inscriptions: 146, 160 Miletos/Milesian: 79, 81, 89 Minoan frescoes: 163 mixed character (population): 165–6, 181 monkeys: 163 mother city/mother-town: 165–6, 175–6 n. 33, 181; see also colony motherland: 167 nn. 6, 7 Mt. Hymettos: 183, 187 mu, letter – Chalcidian: 150, 153 – Eretrian: 136, 138, 150, 153 Mycenae: 200, 213 Mycenaean Greek: 203, 206–8, 222–4 names, meaning of: 289, 291, 296 Narce: 187, 195, 196 Naxos/Naxian: 3, 22–23, 196; see also Cycladic/Sicilian Naxos, Grotta, and Nicandra statue Neanthes: 142 n. 54 Near East/Easterners: 4–5, 21, 32; see also East Greek Neo-Grammarians: 203, 205 Nestor: 90, see also cup of networks: 4, 20, 24–7, 29–35 Nicandra statue: 192, 194, 196; see also Naxos/Naxian Nile Delta: 101 Nimrud: 198, 199 nomima: 3–4 non-colonial features: 165–6, 181 non-Euboean settlements: 166 non-Greek settlements: 165, 181 Nora Stone: 185, 187 numerals: 126 numerical notations: 4 – Etruscan(-Latin): 110–2, 115–8 n. 69 – Greek acrophonic: 107, 109–10, 115–6 – Greek alphabetic: 107, 109–10, 118 Nuragic pottery: 29–30 Odysseus: 103, 211–2 Oedipus: 214 Old Persian: 202, 204 olive oil: 12, 14, 17 Olynthus: 110 omega, letter: 143, 163–4 omicron, letter – dotted: 142–3, 153–4, 158, 160, 164 – small: 138, 151 Onesilus: 216 Orestes: 213 organic residue analysis: 9–18 Orontes River: 100–1 Ošanića: 124 Osteria dell’Osa: 22, 148–9, 189–90 ostracon: 22–3, 158 General Index | 371 Palamedes: 103, 151 Pangaion: 32 Panhellenes: 2, 140, 243–4 papyrus: 160, 162 Paros: 1 Peleus: 93 Peloponnese/Peloponnesians: 3, 31, 47–8 pendent semicircle skyphoi: 27, 29–31 Perachora: 45–7, 49, 52 Persia: 213, 215–7 petrographic analysis: 9–18 phi, letter: 139, 144 n. 72, 145 n. 82, 158, 160 Philion: 234; see also cup of Philistine language: 141 n. 48 philotēsia kylix: 314, 320 n. 33 Phocis/Phocians: 154, 216 Phoenicia/Phoenician(s): 10–1, 20, 25–6, 29–30, 32–3, 36–8, 96–102, 104, 183, 185, 187, 190, 193–4, 208–10 – script of: 136, 141–6, 152 Phrygia/Phrygian(s): 36, 38, 98, 100–4, 215 – script of: 139, 141, 151–2, 154–5 pi, letter, rounded: 145 Pisiris (of Charchemish): 100 Pithekoussai: 2, 4, 5, 16–7, 36–7, 39, 80, 86–7, 91, 97–8, 108 n. 11, 112–6, 124–5, 128, 184, 186, 188–91, 212, 272 n. 32, 282–283 – foundation of: 2, 148, 150 – Late Geometric inscriptions and marks on vases of: 233, 239–40 – name of: 163 – script of: 136, 143–5 n. 88, 157, 160 poetry in alphabetic script: 160 Policoro: 127 Polycrates: 215 Polynices: 200 polyposia: 313 n. 15 Polyxena: 213 Poseidi: 28 Poseidon: 28 pot marks: 20 Potnia Theron: 93 practice of writing: 171; see also alphabetic writing, syllabic writing Praenestine fibula: 141 n. 51 Priam: 93, 103 proper name: 175 n. 34, 176 n. 38, 177–8 Proto-Canaanite script: 141–2, 146 Protocorinthian pottery: 148 psilosis: 137 punctuation: 141–2, 270–2, 279, 271 n. 30; see also dots as punctuation Pythagoras: 142 qoppa, letter: 144–5 n. 82 – before hypsilon: 238 n. 19 radiocarbon dating: 148, 152 reader: 261–3, 269–74, 276, 278, 282 retrograde script: 153, 160–1 Rhadamanthys: 163 n. 190 rhapsoidos: 94 Rhegium: 170 n. 17, 171 n. 20, 175 n. 34, 176 n. 37 rho, name of: 142 Rhodes: 51–2, 99, 103, 184, 189, 196–7 – sigma pleonastic: 251–2 – script of: 154–5, 161 rhotacism: 175–6 n. 37, 181 Rio Tinto River: 29 Romulus: 149–50 Sabine script: 138–41, 158 sade, letter: 145, 150, 152, 155–8 sakos (σάκος, τό): 199–200, 202, 207, 212 Salamis (Cypriot): 215 samek, letter: 140–1, 156 Samos/Samian: 1, 3, 9, 11, 58, 78, 80, 101, 125, 185–6, 189, 191 – script of: 143, 146, 155, 164 sampi, letter: 152 n. 126 san, letter: 140, 145, 150, 153, 155–7 sanctuary: 23, 28, 35 Sanskrit: 202 Sardinia: 30, 185 Sargon II: 199 sch (ΣΧ for ΧΣ (= ΞΣ)): 236, 239, 258 Schøyen tablets: 144 n. 74, 155 n. 147, 156, 196 Segesta/Egesta: 179, 180 n. 53 sȇmata/σήματα: 90–92 372 | General Index Semitic: 38, 97–8, 100, 101, 104; see also West Semitic script, Greek-Semitic connectivity Serge(n)tion/Ergetion: 180 Shalmaneser III: 198, 207 ship-building: 4 sibilants: 146, 150, 155–7 Sicily: 3 Sicilian Naxos/Naxians: 166 n. 3, 167 n. 4, 168, 169–70 n. 15, 171 n. 22, 181 Sicinus, script of: 157 sigma, letter: 182, 193–4, 196, 202; see also xi, letter – four-barred: 141, 153–5, 157 – many-barred: 138–9, 141, 152–3, 157, 160 – three-barred: 141, 153, 155–7 – pleonastic: 249–258 – pleonastic in Thessaly: 253 Sikyon: 103 silver: 29, 31 Sindos: 127 Sipana/Ipana: 180 Siphnos: 32 Skamander River: 95 skōmma: 315, 318 Smyrna: 126, 190, 193 Spain: 10, 29, 30 Sparta: 189, 215–6 sphragizō (σφραγίζω): 90 sporadic sound change: 182, 204–7, 211 Stageira: 102 stirrup jars: 10 supplemental letters: 144–5, 150–1, 154, 158, 160 syllabic writing: 141 n. 51; see also alphabetic writing, practice of writing symposion: 5, 137, 160, 289, 291, 296–9, 303, 313, 323–5 Syracuse: 2–3, 30, 136, 166 n. 3 Syria (North)-Palestine: 98, 100–1, 198, 200, 208, 210–1 tau, letter: 144 Tecmessa: 215 Tegea: 48 Tekke bowl: 142, 146 Telesikles: 1 Tell Fakhariyah: 141–2 Tell Halaf: 200 Teucer: 198, 207, 213 text: 261–77, 280, 282–4 Thasos: 1, 32–3, 66, 77, 102 – colonization: 243–4 – dialect: 244 Thebes/Theban: 99, 183, 188, 190, 202, 206 Thebes, Egyptian: 161 Theo (⊕Ε⊙): 234, 238 Thera/Therans: 3, 5, 126, 185, 197 – dialect of: 140 – script of: 140, 143 n. 61, 160 Thermaic Gulf: 1-2, 4, 9, 11, 16–8, 20, 26, 31–2, 34, 37, 56–8, 80, 89, 102–3 Theseus: 93, 213 Thessaly: 216, see also sigma, letter Thetis: 93 Tiglath-pileser III: 198 timber: 4 toponym: 168 n. 12, 178–80 n. 53, 222 Torone: 28, 32, 53, 59, 83, 102 Toumba,Thessaloniki: 53–4 trade, port/route: 4, 9–10, 16, 18, 24–7, 30–31, 33–5, 107, 119, 128, 232, 240, 242, 263, 276, 282, 322, 324; see also merchant trader: 22, 27, 98, 116–7, 240 n. 28, 264–5, 267, 275, 280; see also merchant transport: 20, 25–6 Troilos: 93 Troy/Trojan: 103 tally/tallies/tallying: 107–9, 112–3, 118 Tanagra stele: 195 Tartessos: 30 Tataie: see cup of waw, letter: 143–4, 147, 153 West Semitic script: 136, 139–40, 142, 146 wine: 12, 14–7, 212, 296–7, 309, 311, 313–4, 318, 321–3 Villadoro: 178 Vitsa Zagoriou: 51–3 Vulci: 174 General Index | 373 word-divider: see divider writing-tablet: 160 xi, letter: 140–1, 156–7, 159, 160 – fossilized form of (⊞): 240 – pleonastic use of ‘red’ xi plus sigma: 239 yod, letter: 141, 153 “Ypogeio” (Methone): 9–13, 15–6, 36, 56, 77, 96, 105, 107–8, 112, 125, 233, 242, 263–4, 281 Zancle/Messene: 3, 179 n. 51 zeta, letter: 140–1, 154 Zopyrus: 216 374 | Index Locorum Index Locorum Index Locorum Index Locorum Aeschylus – Agamemnon 1530–1: 213 – Eumenides 755: 213 – Persians 579–80: 213 – Prometheus vinctus 862–3: 213 Alexis – fr. 59 Kassel–Austin: 313 n. 15 – fr. 116 Kassel–Austin: 313 n. 15 – fr. 147 Kassel–Austin: 318 – fr. 293 Kassel–Austin: 313 n. 15 Ameipsias, fr. 21 Kassel–Austin: 320 n. 32 Anacreon, fr. 82 Page (PMG 427): 320 n. 31 Apollodoros: 103 Apollonius of Rhodes: 102 Archilochus: 140 n. 37 – fr. 3 West: 200 – fr. 13 West: 318 – fr. 102 West: 1, 140 n. 37, 243–4, 246 – fr. 124b West: 318 Aristophanes – Acharnians 983: 313 n. 15 – Lysistrata 203: 313 n. 15 – fr. 206: 207 Aristotle: 103 – Historia animalium 597b: 206 Aristoxenus: 142 n. 54 Arrian ffr. 1,35; 1,36; 24,230r,10; 24,230r,16; 24,230r17; 24,230r,20; 24,230v,12; 25,235r,4; 25,235r,6; 25,235r,9: 204 Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae – II 65e: 206 – X 432d: 320 n. 33 – X 442b6f–448b: 320 n. 31 – X 486e–487b: 320 n. 30 – X 502b: 320 n. 33 – XI 783b: 320 n. 32 – XV 690e and 691c: 207 Bacchylides, Odes 13.104: 202 Bartonĕk/Buchner 1995 – no. 20: 312 n. 8, 319 n. 28 – no. 22: 318 – nos. 28–30: 16 – no. 43: 323 n. 41 – B1 (LSAG 434 (B), pl. 73,4): 311 n. 7, 316 Bernand/Masson 1957, no. 2: 251–2 Boring 1979, 106 no. 76: 320 n. 34 Callimachus – Hymn to Zeus 71: 202 – fr. 192: 206 CEG – 47: 249 – 112: 253 – 200: 250 – 248: 250 – 324: 254–5 – 326: 254 – 331: 254 – 334: 253 – 391: 253 n. 57 – 410: 258 – 415: 244 – 453: 317 n. 23 – 454 (IGDGG I 2): 316 – 460: 251 – 465: 320 n. 34 Csapo/Johnston/Geagan 2000 – no. 3: 312 n. 11 – no. 103: 320 n. 34 Ctesias fr. 45: 206 Cypria: 103 Demosthenes, XIX [de falsa leg.], 128: 320 n. 33 Ephorus, FGrH 70 F 137: 167 n. 4 Epicharmus fr.42, 58: 205 Epilycus fr. 1: 207 Eubulus fr. 102: 207 Eupolis fr. 198: 207 Euripides – Alcestis 200, 227, 622: 214 – Andromache 981, 1212: 214 – Bacchae 1363: 214 – Electra 308, 736: 214–5 – Hecuba 338, 623: 213–14 – Helena 95, 840, 847, 875: 213–14 – Heraclidae 807: 213 – Hercules 1401: 214 Index Locorum | 375 – Hippolytus 838, 1460: 213–14 – Iphigenia Aulidensis 357, 889, 1203: 214 – Iphigenia Taurica 474, 1058: 214 – Medea 286, 1023, 1036: 214 – Orestes 587: 214 – Phoenissae 139, 988, 1206, 1263: 202, 214 – Supplices 793: 214 – fr. 454 (Cresphontes): 214 Harpocration, s.v. φιλοτησία (p. 301, 12 Dindorf): 320 n. 33 Hellanicus (FGrH 4 F 82): 3, 166–7 Herodian, Περὶ ὀρθογραφίας – 3.2.578: 207 – 3.2.582: 205 Herodotus: 36, 99, 101–3 – 1.35, 46: 215 – 1.192: 204 – 3.65, 78, 89, 124, 137, 157: 204, 215–7 – 4.159: 3 – 5.84–85, 99, 103–104: 216 – 6.71, 117: 215–6 – 7.3: 215 – 8.29, 142: 216 – 9.50, 93–94: 216 Hesiod: 140 n. 37, 161–3 – Shield 13: 202, 204, 206 Hesychius – Κ 4505: 204 – Σ 24: 207 – Σ 1033–4: 205 – Σ 1036: 205 – Σ 1052: 206 – Σ 1303: 204 – Σ 1315: 206 – Ψ 1: 207 – Ψ 241: 206 Homer: 90, 92, 99, 313 – date of: 161–4 – Iliad: 90, 91, 92, 99 – Iliad 2.542–4: 201 – Iliad 5.126: 202 – Iliad 6.168–9: 212 – Iliad 8.266–72: 198 – Iliad 13.599–600: 200 – Iliad 13.701–22: 200 – Iliad 16.102–11: 199; 200 – Iliad 20.285–91: 199 – Odyssey 13.262–3: 211 Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite: 161 n. 176 IG – I3 637: 250 – I3 743: 250 – I3 1399: 249 – I3 1418: 139 n. 33 – V.1, 823: 253 n. 54 – V.1, 832: 253 – V.1, 945: 320 n. 34 – V.2, 1: 248 – VII, 612: 143 n. 69 – VII, 2253: 254 – VII, 3435: 253 – IX.1, 649: 253 n. 57 – IX.12.3, 609.9: 252 n. 51 – IX.2, 1202: 253 – XII.5, 566.3: 258 – XII.5, 611: 258 – XII.5, 648: 258 – XII.8, 287: 244 – XII.9, 43: 254 – XII.9, 246.18: 248 n. 27 – XII.9, 245.333: 248 n. 27 – XII.9, 287: 255 n. 64 – XII, Suppl. 549A.12: 254–5 – XIV, 865: 217 n. 160 – XIV, 873: 194 n. 54 IGASMG I² 10: 314, 320–1 IGDGG II 31: 314 IGDOlbia 31: 315 IGDOlbia 38: 314 IGDOP 28a–b: 320 n. 34 IOropos 333: 254–5 IThesp. 654: 254 Kalapodi I, nos. 1, 2, 3: 321 n. 37 Kenzelmann Pfyffer/Theurillat/Verdan 2005, no. 1 (FK003823): 312–3, 327 n. 47 Kritias of Athens, fr. 6, 1–4 West: 90, 313 Lefkandi I, nos. 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106–107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112: 321–2 n. 37 376 | Index Locorum Lindos 710: 251 LSAG 347, pl. 67,1: 327 n. 50 LSAG 348, 356 no. 2: 318 with n. 26 LSAG 348, 356 no. 3a: 320 n. 35 LSAG 434 (B), pl. 73,4 (Bartoněk/Buchner 1995, B1): 316 Matro of Pitane, fr. 1 Olson–Sens: 319 n. 27 Methone Pierias I – no. 1: 243, 245, 314 – no. 2: 246–7, 317–8 – no. 3: 314 – no. 4: 247–8 – no. 7: 314 – no. 22: 249ff., 319–21 n. 29 Nahum 2.1–11: 210 Olen of Lycia: 149 n. 107 Pausanias – 3.7.10: 215 – 5.25.12: 102 – 8.21.3: 149 n. 107 Photius – Β 319, 1: 206 – Σ 495, 19: 129 – Ψ 655, 20: 206 Pindar – Nemean Odes 8.23–7: 211 Plato: 103 Pliny, HN 10.117: 206 Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae 11 (293b): 1–2, 104 n. 113, 136, 201, 232–3, 242 Pollux, VI 30: 320 n. 33 Polybius, 13.3.4: 201 Polyaenus, 5.6: 180 Ptolemaeus, Geog. 3.4.7.13: 180 Scholia in Iliadem (scholia vetera) 1.220: 205 Scholia on Dionysius Thrax I.185.5 Hilgard: 151 – Scholia Londinensia 504: 205–6 – Scholia Vaticana 203: 205 n. 111 SEG – 19.614: 319 n. 28 – 22.404: 254 – 26.867: 252 – 29.889: 252–3 n. 53 – 31.838: 196 n. 64; 250 – 32.1586: 250 – 34.898: 256 – 35.1009: 315 – 35.1018: 319 n. 28 – 42.785: 244 – 47.1475 (= IGDGG I 12): 318 – 51.735: 247 – 52.566: 247 – 53.1008: 257 – 54.925: 257 Simonides: 151, 163 n. 195 Sophocles – Ajax 18–9, 340, 511, 574–5: 202, 215 – Antigone 13, 574, 890: 214–5 – Electra 960: 215 – Oedipus Coloneus 857, 1443: 214 – Oedipus Tyrannus 771: 214 – Trachiniae 177: 214 – fr. 863.1: 215 Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. – Ἴχανα: 178 n. 47 – Ἔγεστα: 179 n. 52 – ’Εργέτιον: 180 Strabo – 5.4.4: 167 n. 7 – 6.2.4: 3, 201 – 10.1.12–13: 201 Suda – Σ 632: 205 – Ψ 143: 206 Theognidea, 1.489: 320 n. 33 Theognis 1.19–24: 90 Theognostus – De orthographia 142: 206 Theopompus of Chios fr. 103: 204 Theopompus Comicus, fr. 33, 8–10 Kassel– Austin: 320 n. 33 Thucydides: 3–4 – 1.24.5: 217 – 1.26-27: 3 – 2.20.4: 217 – 2.62.3: 217 Index Locorum | 377 – 2.65.2: 217 – 3.2.3: 217 – 3.39.8: 217 – 4.20.2: 217 – 4.64.5: 217 – 4.73.3: 217 – 6.3.1: 166 – 6.4.5: 3 – 6.5.1: 3–4 – 6.40.1: 217 – 7.27.5: 217 – 7.71.3: 217 – 8.1.2: 217 Tit.Cam. 160: 251–2 Xenophon, Symposion II 23–27: 313 n. 15 378 | Index Locorum

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