Bible studies, contributions chiefly from papyri and ... - Predestination
Bible studies, contributions chiefly from papyri and ... - Predestination
Bible studies, contributions chiefly from papyri and ... - Predestination
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v<br />
>^<br />
^^'a*^'<br />
BIBLE STUDIES<br />
CONTRIBUTIONS<br />
CHIEFLY FROM PAPYRI AND INSCRIPTIONS<br />
TO THE HISTORY OF<br />
THE LANGUAGE, THE LITERATURE, AND THE RELIGION<br />
OF HELLENISTIC JUDAISM AND PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANITY<br />
BY<br />
Dr. G. ADOLF DEISSMANN<br />
PROFESSOR OP THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG<br />
WITH AN ILLUSTRATION IN THE TEXT<br />
autbonse& XTranslation<br />
INCORPORATING DR. DEISSMANN'S MOST RECENT CHANGES AND ADDITIONS<br />
BY<br />
ALEXANDEK GEIEVE, M.A. (Edin.), D.Phil. (Lips.)<br />
MINISTER OF THE SOUTH UNITED FREE CHDROH, FORFAR<br />
EDINBUEGH<br />
T. & T. CLAEK, 38 George Street<br />
1901
61 Sk rj SiaKovia toS ^avarow €v ypafx-fiafriv ivrervmofjievr] XiOoa<br />
iycvrjOr) ev 80^, uxrre fir] SvvaarOai arevia-ai rows uious 'Itrpa^A 6is to<br />
TTpocrwirov MwiJtrews 8ia Tr}v 86^av tov irpocruyirov avrov rrjv KaTapyov/Jievrjv,<br />
TTws ou^i jLtaWov 17 biaKovia tov Trvevp.aTO^ Icrrai ev So^<br />
;
Pbeface to the English Edition<br />
CONTENTS.<br />
Extract prom the Preface to Bibelstudien<br />
Translator's Note<br />
Abbreviations<br />
I. Pbolegombna to the Biblical Letters <strong>and</strong> Epistles<br />
II. Contributions to the History of the Language of the Greek<br />
FAOB<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> 61<br />
III. Further Contributions to the History of the Language of<br />
the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> 171<br />
Introductory Remarks 173<br />
(i.) Notes on the Orthography 181<br />
1. Variation of Vowels 181<br />
2. Variation of Consonants 183<br />
(ii.) Notes on the Morphology 186<br />
1. Declension 186<br />
2. Proper Names I87<br />
3- Verb 189<br />
(iii.) Notes on the Vocabulary <strong>and</strong> the Syntax .... 194<br />
1. So-called Hebraisms 194<br />
2. So-called Jewish-Greek " Biblical " or " New Testament "<br />
Words <strong>and</strong> Constructions 198<br />
3. Supposed Special " Biblical " or "New Testament " Mean-<br />
ings <strong>and</strong> Constructions 223<br />
4. Technical Terms 228<br />
5. Phrases <strong>and</strong> Formulse 248<br />
6. Rarer Words, Meanings <strong>and</strong> Constructions.... 256<br />
IV. An Epigraphic Memorial of the Septuagint .... 269<br />
V. Notes on some Biblical Persons <strong>and</strong> Names .... 301<br />
1. Heliodorus 303<br />
2. Barnabas 307<br />
3. Manaen 310<br />
4. Saulus Paulus 313<br />
(V)<br />
vii
VI CONTENTS.<br />
PAGE<br />
VI. Greek Transcriptions op the Tetragrammaton . . . 319<br />
VII. Spicilegium 337<br />
1. The Chronological Statement in the Prologue to Jesus<br />
Sirach 339<br />
2. The Supposed Edict of Ptolemy IV. Philopator against the<br />
Egyptian Jews 341<br />
3. The " Large Letters " <strong>and</strong> the " Marks of Jesus " in<br />
Galatians 6 346<br />
4. A Note to the Literary History of Second Peter . , . 360<br />
5. White Robes <strong>and</strong> Palms 368<br />
Indexes 371
AUTHOK'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH<br />
EDITION.<br />
Having been honoured Ijy a request to sanction<br />
an English translation of ni}' BUxd^tudieii <strong>and</strong> Neue<br />
BiheUtiidmi, I have felt it my duty to accede to the<br />
proposal. It seems to me that investigations based<br />
upon Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscriptions are specially calculated<br />
to be received with interest by English readers.<br />
For one thing, the richest treasures <strong>from</strong> the<br />
domain of Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscriptions are deposited in<br />
English museums <strong>and</strong> libraries ;<br />
for another, English<br />
investigators take premier rank among the discoverers<br />
<strong>and</strong> editors of Inscriptions, but particularly of Papyri<br />
while, again, it was English scholarship which took<br />
the lead in utilising the Inscriptions in the sphere<br />
of biblical research. Further, in regard to the Greek<br />
Old Testament in particular, for the investigation<br />
of which the Inscriptions <strong>and</strong> Papyri yield valuable<br />
material (of which only the most inconsiderable part<br />
has been utilised in the following pages), English<br />
theologians have of late done exceedingly valuable<br />
<strong>and</strong> memorable work. In confirmation of all this I<br />
need only recall the names of F. Field, B. P. Grenfell,<br />
E. Hatch, E. L. Hicks, A. 8. Hunt, F. G. Kenyon,<br />
J. P. Mahaffy, W. R Paton, W. M. Ramsay, H. A.<br />
Redpath, H. B. Swete, <strong>and</strong> others hardly less notable.<br />
Since the years 1895 <strong>and</strong> 1897, in which respec-<br />
(vii)<br />
;
Vlll AUTHOR S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.<br />
tively the German Bibelstudien <strong>and</strong> Neue BibeUtudien<br />
were published, there has been a vast increase of<br />
available material, which, again, has been much more<br />
accessible to me as a Professor in the University<br />
of Heidelberg than it was during my residence at<br />
Herborn. I have so far availed myself of portions<br />
of the more recent discoveries in this English edition ;<br />
but what remains for scholars interested in such<br />
investigations is hardly less than enormous, <strong>and</strong> is<br />
being augmented year by year. I shall be greatly<br />
pleased if yet more students set themselves seriously<br />
to labour in this field of biblical research.<br />
In the English edition not a few additional<br />
changes have been made ; I must, however, reserve<br />
further items for future Studiei^. With regard to the<br />
entries KvpiaKoq (p. 217 ff.), <strong>and</strong> especially iKao-TTJpLou<br />
(p. 124 ff.), I should like to make express reference<br />
to the articles Lord's Day <strong>and</strong> Mercy Seat to be<br />
contributed by me to the Encyclopaedia Biblica.<br />
Finally, I must record my heartiest thanks to<br />
my translator, Rev. Alex<strong>and</strong>er Grieve, M.A., D. Phil,,<br />
Forfar, for his work. With his name I gratefully<br />
associate the words which once on a time the trans-<br />
lator of the Wisdom of Jesus Sirack applied with<br />
ingenuous complacency to himself : noXXrju aypvirviav<br />
/cat kTTLcrTyjfJLrji' TTpoaeveyKdp,^vo^.<br />
ADOLF DEI8SMANN.<br />
Heidelberg,<br />
Onth December, 1900.
FROM THE PREFACE TO THE GERMAN<br />
EDITION.<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> Studies is the name I have chosen for the<br />
following investigations, since all of them are more<br />
or less concerned with the historical questions which<br />
the <strong>Bible</strong>, <strong>and</strong> specially the Greek version, raises for<br />
scientific treatment. I am not, of course, of the<br />
opinion that there is a special biblical science.<br />
Science is method :<br />
the<br />
special sciences are distin-<br />
guished <strong>from</strong> each other as methods. What is<br />
designated " Biblical Science " were more fitly<br />
named " Biblical Research ". The science in ques-<br />
tion here is the same whether it is engaged with<br />
Plato, or with the Seventy Interpreters <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Gospels. Thus much should be self-evident.<br />
A well-disposed friend who underst<strong>and</strong>s some-<br />
thing of literary matters tells me that it is hardly<br />
fitting that a younger man should publish a volume<br />
of " Studies " : that is rather the part of the experienced<br />
scholar in the sunny autumn of life. To<br />
this advice I have given serious consideration, but I<br />
am still of the opinion that the hewing of stones is<br />
very properly the work of the journeyman. And in<br />
the department where I have laboured, many a block<br />
must yet be trimmed before the erection of the edifice<br />
can be thought of. But how much still remains to<br />
do, before the language of the Septuagint, the relation<br />
(ix)
X FROM THE PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION.<br />
to it of the so-called New Testament Greek, the<br />
history of the religious <strong>and</strong> ethical conceptions of<br />
Hellenic Judaism, have become clear even in outline<br />
only ; or before it has been made manifest that the<br />
religious movement by which we date our era origin-<br />
ated <strong>and</strong> was developed in history—that is, in con-<br />
nection with, or, it may be, in opposition to, an already-<br />
existent high state of culture ! If the following pages<br />
speak much about the Septuagint, let it be remembered<br />
that in general that book is elsewhere much<br />
too little spoken of, certainly much less than was the<br />
case a hundred years ago. We inveigh against the<br />
Rationalists— often in a manner that raises the sus-<br />
picion that we have a mistrust of Reason. Yet these<br />
men, inveighed against as they are, in many respects<br />
set wider bounds to their work than do their critics.<br />
During my three years' work in the Semindrium<br />
Philijypimim at Marburg, I have often enough been<br />
forced to think of the plan of study in accordance<br />
with which the bursars used to work about the<br />
middle of last century. Listen to a report of the<br />
matter such as the following :— ^<br />
" With regard to Greek the legislator has laid<br />
particular stress upon the relation in which this<br />
language st<strong>and</strong>s to a true underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the N.T.<br />
How reasonable, therefore, will those who can judge<br />
find the recommendation that the Septuagint (which,<br />
'<br />
Cf. the programme (of the superintendent) Dr. Carl Wilhelm Robert<br />
. . . announces that the Literary Association . . . shall be duly opened .<br />
on the 27th inst. . . . [Marburg]<br />
:<br />
. .<br />
Miiller's Erben und Weldige, 1772, p. 13.<br />
That tlie superintendent had still an eye for the requirements of practical<br />
life is shown by his remarks elsewhere. For example, on page 7 f., he goodnaturedly<br />
asserts that he has carried out " in the most conscientious manner "<br />
the order that " the bursars shall be supplied with sufficient well-prepared<br />
food <strong>and</strong> wholesome <strong>and</strong> unadulterated beer ". The programme affords a fine<br />
glimpse into the academic life of the Marburg of a past time.
FROM THE PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. XI<br />
on the authority of an Ernesti <strong>and</strong> a MichaeHs, is of<br />
the first importance as a means towards the proper<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the N.T.), has been fixed upon as<br />
a manual upon which these lectures must be given<br />
And how much is it to be wished that the bursars,<br />
during the year of their study of this book, should go<br />
through such a considerable part of the same as may<br />
be necessary to realise the purposes of the legislator !<br />
I am not bold enough to specify the time when<br />
academical lectures <strong>and</strong> exercises upon the Septuagint<br />
will again be given in Germany.^ But the coming<br />
century is long, <strong>and</strong> the mechanical conception of<br />
science is but the humour of a day ! . . .<br />
I wrote the book, not as a clergyman, but as a<br />
Privatdocent at Marburg, l)ut I rejoice that I am<br />
able, as a clergyman, to publish it.<br />
Herborn : Department<br />
G. ADOLF DEISSMANN.<br />
of Wiesbaden,<br />
7th March, 1895.<br />
'1. Additional note, 1899: Professor Dr. Johannes Weiss of Marburg<br />
has announced a course upon the Greek Psalter for the Summer Session, 1899 ;<br />
the author lectured on the Language of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> in Heidelberg in the<br />
Winter Session of 1897-98.<br />
!<br />
"
TRANSLATOH'S NOTE.<br />
In addition to the supplementary matter specially<br />
contributed to the present edition by the Author,<br />
the translation shows considerable alterations in other<br />
respects. Not only has the smaller <strong>and</strong> later volume,<br />
Neue Bibelstudieti, 1897, found a place in the body<br />
of the book, but the order of the Articles has been all<br />
but completely changed. It has not been thought<br />
necessary to furnish the translation with an index<br />
of Papyri, etc., more especially as the larger Bihel-<br />
but there has been added an index<br />
of Scripture texts, which seemed on the whole more<br />
studien had none ;<br />
likely to be of service to English readers in general.<br />
The translator has inserted a very few notes, mainly<br />
concerned with matters of translation.<br />
For the convenience of those who may wish to<br />
consult the original on any point, the paging of the<br />
German edition has been given in square brackets,<br />
the page-numbers of the Neue BlbelMudien being<br />
distinguished by an N. In explanation of the fact<br />
that some of the works cited are more fully described<br />
towards the end of the book, <strong>and</strong> more briefly in the<br />
earlier pages, it should perhaps be said that a large<br />
portion of the translation was in type, <strong>and</strong> had been<br />
revised, before the alteration in the order of the<br />
Articles had been decided upon.<br />
The translator would take this opportunity of<br />
(xiii)
XIV TEANSLATOE S NOTE.<br />
expressing his most cordial thanks to Professor<br />
Deissmann, who has taken the most active interest<br />
in the preparation of the translation, <strong>and</strong> whose<br />
painstaking revision of the proofs has been of the<br />
highest service. A word of thanks is also due to the<br />
printers, The Aberdeen University Press Limited,<br />
for the remarkable accuracy <strong>and</strong> skill which they<br />
have uniformly shown in the manipulation of what<br />
was often complicated <strong>and</strong> intricate material.<br />
ALEXANDER GRIEVE.<br />
Forfar,<br />
21st January, 1901.
THE PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS.<br />
AAB. = Abh<strong>and</strong>lungen der Koniglichen<br />
Akademie der Wissenschaften<br />
zu Berlin.<br />
Benndorf u. Niemann, see p. 157,<br />
note 1.<br />
BU. = Aegyptische Urkunden aus den<br />
Koeniglichen Museen zu Berlin,<br />
Berlin, 1892 S.<br />
CIA. = Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum.<br />
CIG. = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.<br />
CIL. — Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.<br />
CUavis^, see p. 88, note 5.<br />
Cremer, see p. 290, note 2.<br />
J)AW. = Denkschriften der K. K.<br />
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu<br />
Wien.<br />
Dieterich (A.), see p. 322, note 8.<br />
Dittenberger, see p. 93, note 2.<br />
f)LZ. = Deutsche Literaturzeitung.<br />
Fick-Bechtel, see p. 310, note i.<br />
Field, see p. 284, note 2.<br />
Fleck. Jbb. = Fleckeisen's Jahrbiicher.<br />
Frankel, see p. 84, note 2.<br />
(rGA. = G5ttingische gelelirte Anzeigen.<br />
HApAT. = Kurzgetasstes exegetisches<br />
H<strong>and</strong>buch zu den Apocrvphen des<br />
A.T., 6 Bde., Leipzig, 1851-60.<br />
Hamburger, see p. 271, note.<br />
HC. — H<strong>and</strong>-Commentar zum N.T.<br />
Herclier, see p. 4, note 1.<br />
Humann u. Puchsteiu, see p. 309,<br />
note 1.<br />
IGrSI., see p. 200, note 1.<br />
IMAc, see p. 178, note 5.<br />
Kennedy, see p. 213, note 1.<br />
Keuyon, see p. 323, note 1.<br />
Lebas, see Waddington.<br />
Lcemans, see p. 322, note 6.<br />
Letronne, Recberches, see p. 98, note 3.<br />
— Recueil, see p. 101, note 6.<br />
Lumbroso, Recherches, see p. 98, note 2.<br />
Mahaffy, see p. 336, note 1.<br />
Meisterlians, see p. 124, note 1.<br />
Meyer = H. A. W. JMeyer, Kritisch<br />
exegetischer Kommentar iiber das<br />
N.T.<br />
Notices, xviii. 2, see p. 283, note 3.<br />
Parthey, see p. 322, note 5.<br />
Baton <strong>and</strong> Hicks, see p. 131, note L<br />
PER., see p. 179, note 2.<br />
Perg., see p. 178, note 4.<br />
Peyron (A.), see p. 88, note 1.<br />
R-E 2 = Real-Encyclopadie fiir protest.<br />
Theologie und Kirche von Herzog,<br />
2. Aufl., Leipzig, 1877 ff.<br />
Scbleusner = J. F., Nevus Thesaurus<br />
philologico-criticus sive lexicon in<br />
LXX et reliquos interpretes graecos<br />
ac scriptores apocryphos V. T.,<br />
5 voll., Lipsiae, 1820-21.<br />
Schmid (W.), see p. 64, note 2.<br />
Schmidt (Guil.), see p. 291, note 1.<br />
Schiirer, see p. 335, note 2.<br />
Swete = The Old Testament in Greek<br />
according to the Septuagint, edited<br />
by H. B. Swete, 3 voll., Cambridge,<br />
1887-94.<br />
Thesaurus = H. Stephanus, Thesaurus<br />
Graecae Linguae, edd. Hase, etc.,<br />
Paris, 1831-65.<br />
Thayer, see p. 176, note 3.<br />
ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung.<br />
Tromm. = Abrajiami Trommii concor-<br />
(XY)<br />
dantiae graecae versionis vulgo<br />
dictae LXX interpretum .<br />
. ., 2<br />
tomi, Amstelodami et Trajecti ad<br />
Rhenum, 1718.<br />
TU. — Texte und Untersuchungen zur<br />
Geschichte der altchristlichen<br />
Literatur.<br />
Waddington, see p. 93, note 1.<br />
Wessely, see p. 322, note 7.<br />
Wetstein, see p. 350, note 1.<br />
Winer', or Winer-Liinemann = G. B.<br />
Winer, Grammatik des neutestamentlicheu<br />
Sprachidioms, 7 Aufl.<br />
von G. Liinemann, Leipzig, 1867.<br />
[9th English edition, by W. F.<br />
Moulton, Edinburgh, 1882 = 3rd<br />
German edition.]<br />
Winer-Schmiedel = the same work,<br />
8th Aufl. neu bearbeitet von P. W.<br />
Schmiedel, Gottingen, 1894 ff.<br />
ZAW. = Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche<br />
Wissenschaft.<br />
ZKG. = Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte.
PKOLEGOMENA TO THE BIBLICAL LETTEES<br />
AND EPISTLES.
ytvecrOe Soki/aoi TpaTre^iTat.
PEOLEGOMENA TO THE BIBLICAL LETTERS AND<br />
EPISTLES.<br />
1. Men have written letters ever since they could v^rite<br />
at all. Who the first letter-v^riter was we know not.^ But<br />
this is quite as it should be : the writer of a letter accommodates<br />
himself to the need of the moment ; his aim is a<br />
personal one <strong>and</strong> concerns none but himself,—least of all<br />
the curiosity of posterity. We fortunately know quite as<br />
little who was the first to experience repentance or to offer<br />
prayer. The writer of a letter does not sit in the market-<br />
place. A letter is a secret <strong>and</strong> the writer wishes his secret<br />
to be preserved ; under cover <strong>and</strong> seal he entrusts it to the<br />
reticence of the messenger. The letter, in its essential idea,<br />
does not differ in any way <strong>from</strong> a private conversation ; like<br />
the latter, it is a personal <strong>and</strong> intimate communication, <strong>and</strong><br />
the more faithfully it catches the tone of the private con-<br />
versation, the more of a letter, that is, the better a letter, it<br />
is. The only difference is the means of communication.<br />
We avail ourselves of far-travelling h<strong>and</strong>writing, because<br />
lit appears sufficiently naive that Tatian {Or. ad Graec, p. lisf..<br />
Schwartz) <strong>and</strong> Clement of Alex<strong>and</strong>ria {Strom, i. 16, p. 364, Potter) should<br />
say, following the historian Hellanikos, that the Persian queen Atossa<br />
(6th-5th cent, b.c.) was the discoverer of letter-writing. For it is in this<br />
sense that we should underst<strong>and</strong> the expression that occurs in both, viz.,<br />
eTTio-ToAos (rvvrda-fffiv, <strong>and</strong> not as collecting letters togetlwr <strong>and</strong> publishing them,<br />
which R. Bentley (Dr. Rich. Bentley's Dissertation on the Epistles of<br />
Phalaris, Lond'on, 1699, p. 535 f., German edition by W. Ribbeck, Leipzig,<br />
1857, p. 532) considers to be also possible ; cf. M. Kremmer, De catalogis<br />
heurematu^n, Leipzig, 1890, p. 15.
4 BIBLE STUDIES. [190, 191<br />
our voice cannot carry to our friend : the pen is employed<br />
because the separation by distance does not permit a tete-a-<br />
tete} A letter is destined for the receiver only, not for the<br />
public eye, <strong>and</strong> even vp'hen it is intended for more than one,<br />
yet with the public it will have nothing to do : letters to<br />
parents <strong>and</strong> brothers <strong>and</strong> sisters, to comrades in joy or<br />
sorrow or sentiment—these, too, are private letters, true<br />
letters. As httle as the words of the dying father to his<br />
children are a speech—should they be a speech it would be<br />
better for the dying to keep silent— just as little is the letter<br />
of a sage to his confidential pupils an essay, a hterary produc-<br />
tion ; <strong>and</strong>, if the pupils have learned wisdom, they will not<br />
place it among their books, but lay it devoutly beside the<br />
picture <strong>and</strong> the other treasured relics of their master. The<br />
form <strong>and</strong> external appearance of the letter are matters of<br />
indifference in the determination of its essential character.<br />
Whether it be written on stone or clay, on papyrus or parch-<br />
ment, on wax or palm-leaf, on rose paper or a foreign post-<br />
card, is quite as immaterial "-^<br />
as whether it clothes itself in<br />
the set phrases of the age ; whether it be written skilfully<br />
or unskilfully, by a prophet or by a beggar, does not alter<br />
its special characteristics in the least. Nor do the particular<br />
contents belong to the essence of it. What is alone<br />
essential is the purpose which it serves : confidential per-<br />
sonal conversation between persons separated by dis-<br />
tance. The one wishes to ask something of the other,<br />
wishes to praise or warn or wound the other, to thank<br />
him or assure him of sympathy in joy—it is ever something<br />
personal that forces the pen into the h<strong>and</strong> of the letter-<br />
writer.^ He who writes a letter under the impression that<br />
1 [Pseudo-] Diogenes, ep. 3 {Epistolograplii Gracci, rcc. R. Hercher,<br />
Parisiis, 1873, p. 235).—Demetr., de clocut., 223 f. (Hercher, p. 13).— [Pseudo-]<br />
Proclus, de forma epistolari (Hercher, p. 6).<br />
'^<br />
Cf. Th. Birt, Das antikc Buchwesen in seincin Verhdltniss zihr Lit-<br />
teratur, Berlin, 1882, top of p. 2.—It is most singular that Pliny (Hist. Nat.,<br />
xiii. 13), <strong>and</strong>, after him, Bentley (p. 538 f. ; German edition by Ribbeck, p.<br />
532 f.), deny that the letters on wax-tablets mentioned by Homer are letters.<br />
'' Demetr., de elocut., 231 (Hercher, p. 14).
191, 192] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 5<br />
his lines may be read by strangers, will either coquet with<br />
this possibility, or be frightened by it ; in the former case<br />
he will be vain, in the latter, reserved ; ^ in both cases un-<br />
natural—no true letter-writer. With the personal aim of<br />
the letter there must necessarily be joined the naturalness<br />
of the writer's mood ; one owes it not only to himself<br />
<strong>and</strong> to the other, but still more to the letter as such,<br />
that he yield hniiself freely to it. So must the letter,<br />
even the shortest <strong>and</strong> the poorest, present a fragment<br />
' Cic, Fain. 15,214, aliter enim scribimus qivod eos solos quibus mittimus,<br />
aliter quad imiltos lecturos putamus. Cic, Phil. 2,7, quam multa ioca solent<br />
esse in enistulis quae prolata si sint inepta videantur ! qtiain multa scria ncqiie<br />
tamen ullo niodo divolg<strong>and</strong>a !—Johann Kepler wrote a letter to Reimarus<br />
Ursus, of which the latter then made a great parade in a manner painful<br />
to Kepler <strong>and</strong> Tycho Brahe. Having got a warning by this, Kepler de-<br />
termined that for the future: " scribam caute, retinebo exemplaria ".<br />
(Jonnnis Kepleri astronomi opera omnia, cd. Ch. Frisch, i. [Frankfurt <strong>and</strong><br />
Erlangen, 1858], p. 234 ; cf. C. Anschiitz, Ungedruckte tvissenschaftlicJie Cm--<br />
rcspoiidenz zwischen Johann Kepler <strong>and</strong> Hencart von Hohenburg, 1599,<br />
Prague, 1886, p. 91 f.—The Palatinate physician-in-ordinary Helisaus Ros-<br />
linus (t 1616) says about one of his letters which had been printed without<br />
his knowledge; " I wrote it the day immediately following that on which I<br />
first beheld with astonishment the new star—on the evening of Tuesday, the<br />
2/12 October ; I communicated the same at once in haste to a good friend in<br />
Strassbiirg This letter (6 2J«(7iHa)'«»j) was subsequently printed without<br />
my knowledge or desire, which in itself did not concern me—only liad I<br />
known beforeh<strong>and</strong>, I should have arranged it somewhat better <strong>and</strong> ex-<br />
pressed myself more distinctly than I did while engaged in the writing of<br />
it" (Joannis Kepleri opp. o)nn., i., p. 666). Moltke to his wife, .3rd July,<br />
1864: "I have in the above given you a portrayal of the seizure of Alsen,<br />
which embodies no official report, but simply the observations of an eyewitness,<br />
which always add freshness to description. If you think it would<br />
be of interest to others as well, I have no objection to copies being taken<br />
of it in which certain personal matters will be left out, <strong>and</strong> myself not<br />
mentioned : Auer will put the matter right for you " (Gesammelte Schriften<br />
und Denkwimligkcifen des Gcncral-Fcldmarschalls Grafen Helmuth von<br />
Moltke, vi. [Berlin, 1892], p. 408 f.). One notices, however, in this " letter,"<br />
that it was written under the impression that copies of it might be<br />
made. Compare also the similar sentiment (in the matter of diary-notes,<br />
which are essentially akin to letters) of K. von Hase, of the year 1877<br />
" It may be that my knowledge that these soliloquies will soon fall into<br />
other h<strong>and</strong>s detracts fi-om their naturalness. Still they will be the<br />
h<strong>and</strong>s of kind <strong>and</strong> cherished persons, <strong>and</strong> so maj- the thought of it<br />
be but a quickly passing shadow!" (Annalen meines Lehcns, Leipzig, 1891,<br />
p. 271).<br />
:
6 BIBLE STUDIES. [192, 193<br />
of human naivete—beautiful or trivial, but, in any case,<br />
true.^<br />
2. The letter is older than literature. As conversation<br />
between two persons is older than the dialogue, the song<br />
older than the poem, so also does the history of the letter<br />
reach back to that Golden Age when there was neither<br />
author nor publisher, nor any reviewer. Literature is that<br />
species of writing which is designed for pubhcity :<br />
the<br />
maker of Hterature desires that others will take heed to<br />
his work. He desires to be read. He does not appeal to<br />
his friend, nor does he write to his mother ; he entrusts<br />
his sheets to the winds, <strong>and</strong> knows not whither they will<br />
be borne ; he only knows that they will be picked up <strong>and</strong> examined<br />
by some one or other unknown to him <strong>and</strong> unabashed<br />
before him. Literature, in the truest essence of it, differs in<br />
no way <strong>from</strong> a public speech ; equally with the latter it<br />
falls short in the matter of intimacy, <strong>and</strong> the more it attains<br />
to the character of universality, the more literary, that is<br />
to say, the more interesting it is. All the difference between<br />
them is in the mode of delivery. Should one desire to address,<br />
not the assembled clan or congregation, but the great foolish<br />
pubhc, then he takes care that what he has to say may be<br />
carried home in v^riting by any one who wishes to have it<br />
so : the book is substituted for oral communication. And<br />
even if the book be dedicated to a friend or friends, still its<br />
dedication does not divest it of its literary character,—it<br />
does not thereby become a private piece of writing. The<br />
form <strong>and</strong> external appearance of the book are immaterial<br />
for the true underst<strong>and</strong>ing of its special character as a<br />
book : even its contents, whatever they be, do not matter.<br />
Whether the author sends forth poems, tragedies or his-<br />
tories, sermons or wearisome scientific lucubrations, poUti-<br />
cal matter or anything else in the world ; whether his book<br />
is multiplied by the slaves of an Alex<strong>and</strong>rian bookseller, by<br />
patient monk or impatient compositor ; whether it is pre-<br />
served in hbraries as sheet, or roll, or folio : all these are as<br />
1 Demetr., clc clocuL, 227 (Hercher, p. 13). Greg. Naz., ad Nicobiilum<br />
(Hercher, p. 16).
193, 194] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 7<br />
much matter of indifference as whether it is good or bad, or<br />
whether it finds purchasers or not. Book, literature, in the<br />
widest sense, is every written work designed by its author<br />
for the pubhc.^<br />
3. The book is younger than the letter. Even were the<br />
oldest letters that have come down to us younger than the<br />
earliest extant works of literature, that statement would still<br />
be true. For it is one which does not need the confirmation<br />
of historical facts—nay, it would be foolish to attempt to give<br />
such. The letter is perishable—in its very nature necessarily<br />
so ; it is perishable, hke the h<strong>and</strong> that v^ote it, like the eyes<br />
that were to read it. The letter-writer works as Httle for<br />
posterity as for the pubhc of his own time ; ^ just as the<br />
true letter cannot be written over again, it exists in but a<br />
single copy. It is only the book that is multiplied <strong>and</strong><br />
thus rendered accessible to the public, accessible, possibly,<br />
to posterity. Fortunately we possess letters that are old,<br />
extremely old, but we shall never gain a sight of the oldest<br />
of them all ; it was a letter, <strong>and</strong> was able to guard itself <strong>and</strong><br />
its secret. Among all nations, before the age of literature,<br />
there were the days when people wrote, indeed, but did not<br />
yet write books.^ In the same way people prayed, of course,<br />
<strong>and</strong> probably prayed better, long before there were any<br />
service-books ; <strong>and</strong> they had come near to God before they<br />
wrote down the proofs of His existence. The letter, should<br />
we ask about the essential character of it, carries us into<br />
the sacred solitude of simple, unaffected humanity ;<br />
when we<br />
ask about its history, it directs us to the childhood's years of<br />
the pre-hterary man, when there was no book to trouble him.<br />
1 Birt, Buchwescn, p. 2 : " Similarly the point of separation between a<br />
private writing <strong>and</strong> a literary work was the moment when [in antiquity] an<br />
author delivered his manuscript to his own slaves or to those of a contractor<br />
in order that copies of it might be produced ".<br />
2 A. Stahr, Aristotelin, i., Halle, 1830, p. 192 f.<br />
•' Wellhausen, Israelitische itiid Jildisclie Gescldchte, p. 58: "Already<br />
in early times writing was practised, but in documents <strong>and</strong> contracts only<br />
also letters when the contents of the message were not for the light of day<br />
or when, for other reasons, they required to be kept secret ". Hebrew litera-<br />
ture blossomed forth only later.<br />
;
8 BIBLE STUDIES. [194, 195<br />
4. When the friend has for ever parted <strong>from</strong> his comrades,<br />
the master <strong>from</strong> his disciples, then the bereaved bethink<br />
themselves, with sorrowful reverence, of all that the de-<br />
parted one was to them. The old pages, which the beloved<br />
one dehvered to them in some blessed hour, speak to them<br />
with a more than persuasive force ; they are read <strong>and</strong> re-<br />
read, they are exchanged one for another, copies are taken<br />
of letters in the possession of friends, the precious fragments<br />
are collected : perhaps it is decided that the collection be<br />
multipHed—among the great unknown pubhc there may<br />
be some unknown one who is longing for the same<br />
stimulus which the bereaved themselves have received.<br />
And thus it happens now <strong>and</strong> then that, <strong>from</strong> motives of<br />
reverent love, the letters of the great are divested of their<br />
confidential character : they are formed into literature, the<br />
letters subsequently become a book. When, by the<br />
Euphrates or the Nile, preserved in the ruins of some<br />
fallen civilisation, we find letters the age of which can<br />
only be computed by centuries <strong>and</strong> millenniums, the science<br />
of our fortunate day rejoices ; she h<strong>and</strong>s over the vener-<br />
able relics to a grateful public in a new garb, <strong>and</strong> so, in our<br />
own books <strong>and</strong> in our own languages, we read the reports<br />
which the Palestinian vassals had to make to Pharaoh upon<br />
their tablets of clay, long before there was any Old Testament<br />
or any People of Israel ; we learn the sufferings <strong>and</strong><br />
the longings of Egyptian monks <strong>from</strong> shreds of papyrus<br />
which are as old as the book of the Seventy Interpreters.<br />
Thus it is the science of to-day that has stripped these<br />
private communications of a hoary past of their most<br />
peculiar characteristic, <strong>and</strong> which has at length transformed<br />
letters, true letters, into hterature. As little, however, as<br />
some unknown man, Hving in the times of Imperial Rome,<br />
put the toy into the grave of his child in order that it should<br />
sometime be discovered <strong>and</strong> placed in a museum, just as<br />
little are the private letters which have at length been trans-<br />
formed into hterature by pubhcation, to be, on that account,<br />
thought of as literature. Letters remain letters whether<br />
oblivion hides them with its protecting veil, or whether now
195, 196] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 9<br />
reverence, now science, or, again, reverence <strong>and</strong> science in<br />
friendly conspiracy, think it well to withhold the secret no<br />
longer <strong>from</strong> the reverent or the eager seeker after truth.<br />
What the editor, in publishing such letters, takes <strong>from</strong><br />
them, the readers, if they can do anything more than spell,<br />
must restore by recognising, in true historical perspective,<br />
their simple <strong>and</strong> unaffected beauty.<br />
5. When for the first time a book was compiled <strong>from</strong><br />
letters,—it would be reverential love, rather than science,<br />
that made the beginning here—the age of literature had, of<br />
course, dawned long ago, <strong>and</strong> had long ago constructed<br />
the various literary forms with which it worked. That<br />
book, the first to be compiled <strong>from</strong> real letters, added<br />
another to the already existent forms. One would, of<br />
course, hardly venture to say that it forthwith added the<br />
literary letter, the epistle,^ to the forms of pubHshed litera-<br />
ture ; the said book only gave, against its will, so to speak,<br />
the impetus to the development of this new literary eiclos}<br />
The present writer cannot imagine that the composition<br />
<strong>and</strong> publication of literary treatises in the form of letters<br />
was anterior to the compilation of a book <strong>from</strong> actual<br />
letters. So soon, however, as such a book existed, the<br />
charming novelty of it invited to imitation. Had the in-<br />
vitation been rightly understood, the only inducement that<br />
should have been felt was to publish the letters of other<br />
venerable men, <strong>and</strong>, in point of fact, the invitation was not<br />
seldom understood in this its true sense. From almost<br />
every age we have received such collections of " genuine,"<br />
"real" letters— priceless jewels for the historian of the<br />
human spirit. But the literary man is frequently more<br />
of a hterary machine than a true man, <strong>and</strong> thus, when the<br />
1 In the following pages the literary letter [Litteraturhrief] will<br />
continue to be so named: tlie author considers that the borrowed ^ ord<br />
appropriately expresses the technical sense.<br />
- F. Susemihl, Geschichte dcr griechischcn Littcratitr in dcr Alexan-<br />
drimrzcit, ii., Leipzig, 1892, p. 579: "It may well be that the first impulse<br />
to this branch of authorship was given by the early collecting together, in<br />
the individual schools of philosophy, such as the Epicurean, of the genuine<br />
correspondence of their founders <strong>and</strong> oldest members ".
10 BIBLE STUDIES. [196, 197<br />
first collection of letters appeared, it was the literary, rather<br />
than the human, interest of it which impressed him ; the<br />
accidental <strong>and</strong> external, rather than the inscrutably strange<br />
inmost essence of it. Instead of rejoicing that his purblind<br />
eye might here catch a glimpse of a great human<br />
soul, he resolved to write a volume of letters on his own<br />
part. He knew not what he did, <strong>and</strong> had no feeling that<br />
he was attempting anything unusual ; ^ he did not see that,<br />
by his literary purpose, he was himself destroying the very<br />
possibility of its realisation ; for letters are experiences,<br />
<strong>and</strong> experiences cannot be manufactured. The father of<br />
the epistle was no great pioneer spirit, but a mere para-<br />
graphist, a mere mechanic. But perhaps he had once<br />
heard a pastoral song among the hills, <strong>and</strong> afterwards at<br />
home set himself down to make another of the same :<br />
the<br />
wondering applause of his crowd of admirers confirmed him<br />
in the idea that he had succeeded. If then he had achieved<br />
his aim in the matter of a song, why should he not do the<br />
same with letters ? And so he set himself down <strong>and</strong> made<br />
them. But the prototype, thus degraded to a mere pattern,<br />
mistrustfully refused to show its true face, not to speak of<br />
its heart, to this pale <strong>and</strong> suspicious-looking companion,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the result was that the epistle could learn no more<br />
<strong>from</strong> the letter than a little of its external form. If the<br />
true letter might be compared to a prayer, the epistle which<br />
mimicked it was only a babbling ; if there beamed forth<br />
in the letter the wondrous face of a child, the epistle grinned<br />
stifidy <strong>and</strong> stupidly, like a puppet.<br />
But the puppet pleased ; its makers knew how to bring<br />
it to perfection, <strong>and</strong> to give it more of a human appearance.<br />
Indeed, it happened now <strong>and</strong> then that a real artist occupied<br />
an idle hour in the fashioning of such an object. This, of<br />
course, turned out better than most others of a similar kind,<br />
^ Cf. vou Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen, ii., Berlin,<br />
1893, p. 392: "He [Isocrates] did not underst<strong>and</strong> that the letter, as a con-<br />
fidential <strong>and</strong> spontaneous utterance, is well written only when it is written<br />
for reading, not hearing, when it is distinguished <strong>from</strong> the set oration /car'<br />
«rSos". This judgment applies also to real, genuine letters hy Isocrates.
197, 198] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 11<br />
<strong>and</strong> was more pleasant to look at than an ugly child for<br />
instance ; in any case it could not disturb one by its noise.<br />
A o-ood epistle, in fact, gives one more pleasure than a<br />
worthless letter; <strong>and</strong> in no literature is there any lack of<br />
good epistles. They often resemble letters so much that a<br />
reader permits himself for the moment to be wilhngly deceived<br />
as to their actual character. But letters they are not, <strong>and</strong><br />
the more strenuously they try to be letters, the more vividly<br />
do they reveal that they are not.^ Even the grapes of<br />
Zeuxis could deceive only the sparrows ; one even suspects<br />
that they were no true sparrows, but cage-birds rather, which<br />
had lost their real nature along with their freedom <strong>and</strong><br />
pertness ;<br />
our Ehine-l<strong>and</strong> sparrows would not have left their<br />
vineyards for anything of the kind. Those of the epistle-<br />
writers who were artists were themselves most fully aware<br />
that in their epistles they worked at best artificially,<br />
<strong>and</strong>, in fact, had to do so. " The editor requests that the<br />
readers of this book will not forget the title of it : it is only<br />
a book of letters, letters merely relating to the study of<br />
theology. In letters one does not look for treatises, still less<br />
for treatises in rigid uniformity <strong>and</strong> proportion of parts.<br />
As material offers itself <strong>and</strong> varies, as conversation comes<br />
<strong>and</strong> goes, often as personal inclinations or incidental occur-<br />
rences determine <strong>and</strong> direct, so do the letters wind about<br />
<strong>and</strong> flow on ; <strong>and</strong> I am greatly in error if it be not this<br />
thread of living continuity, this capriciousness of origin <strong>and</strong><br />
circumstances, that realises the result which we desiderate<br />
on the written page, but which, of course, subsequently dis-<br />
appears in the printing. Nor can I conceal the fact that<br />
these letters, as now printed, are wanting just in what<br />
is perhaps most instructive, viz., the more exact criticism of<br />
particular works. There was, however, no other way of<br />
doing it, <strong>and</strong> I am still uncertain whether the following<br />
letters, in which the materials grow always the more special,<br />
1 Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos von Kanjstos {Philologisclie<br />
UntersiLchungen, iv.), Berlin, 1881, p. 151, says, " Such letters as are actually<br />
Tvritten with a view to publication are essentially different in character <strong>from</strong><br />
private correspondence ".
12 BIBLE STUDIES. [198, 199^<br />
the more important, the more personal, are fit for printing at<br />
all. The public voice of the market-place <strong>and</strong> the confidential<br />
one of private correspondence are, <strong>and</strong> always continue to<br />
be, very different." Herder,^ in these v^ords, which are a<br />
classical description of the true idea of a letter, claims that<br />
his book has, in fact, the character of actual letters, but is<br />
nevertheless quite well aware that a printed (that is, accord-<br />
ing to the context, a literary) letter is essentially different<br />
<strong>from</strong> a letter that is actually such.<br />
It is easy to underst<strong>and</strong> how the epistle became a<br />
favourite form of published literature in almost all literary<br />
nations. There could hardly be a more convenient form.<br />
The extraordinary convenience of it lay in the fact that<br />
it was, properly speaking, so altogether " unhterary," that,<br />
in fact, it did not deserve to be called a " form " at all.<br />
One needed but to label an address on any piece of tittle-<br />
tattle, <strong>and</strong> lo ! one<br />
had achieved what else could have been<br />
accomplished only by a conscientious adherence to the strict<br />
rules of artistic form. Neither as to expression nor contents<br />
does the epistle make any higher pretensions. The writer<br />
could, in the matter of style, write as he pleased, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
address on the letter became a protective mark for thoughts<br />
that would have been too silly for a poem, <strong>and</strong> too paltry<br />
for an essay. The epistle, if we disregard the affixed<br />
address, need l)e no more than, say a feuilleton or a causerie.<br />
The zenith of epistolography may always be looked upon as<br />
assuredly indicating the decline of literature ; literature becomes<br />
decadent—Alex<strong>and</strong>rian, so to speak—<strong>and</strong> although<br />
epistles may have been composed <strong>and</strong> published by great<br />
creative spirits, still the derivative character of the move-<br />
ment cannot be questioned :<br />
even<br />
the great will want to<br />
gossip, to lounge, to take it easy for once. Their epistles<br />
may be good, but the epistle in general, as a literary phenomenon,<br />
is light ware indeed.<br />
6. Of collections of letters, bearing the name of wellknown<br />
poets <strong>and</strong> philosophers, we have, indeed, a great<br />
1 Briefe, das titudiuvi dcr Tlwologie betreffend, Third Part, Frankfurt<br />
<strong>and</strong> Leipzig, 1790, Preface to tl^e first edition, pp. i.-iii.
199, 200] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 13<br />
profusion. Many of them are not "genuine"; they were<br />
composed <strong>and</strong> given to the world by others under the protection<br />
of a great name.^ A timid ignorance, having no<br />
true notion of Hterary usages, inconsiderately stigmatises<br />
one <strong>and</strong> all of these with the ethical term forgery ; it fondly<br />
imagines that everything in the world can be brought between<br />
the two poles moral <strong>and</strong> immoral, <strong>and</strong> overlooks the<br />
fact that the endless being <strong>and</strong> becoming of things is<br />
generally realised according to non-ethical laws, <strong>and</strong> needs<br />
to be judged as an ethical adiaphoron. He who tremulously<br />
supposes that questions of genuineness in the history of<br />
literature are, as such, problems of the struggle between<br />
truth <strong>and</strong> falsehood, ought also to have the brutal courage<br />
to describe all literature as forgery. The literary man, as<br />
compared with the non-literary, is always a person under<br />
constraint ; he does not draw <strong>from</strong> the sphere of prosaic<br />
circumstance about him, but places himself under the<br />
dominion of the ideal, about which no one knows better than<br />
himself that it never was, <strong>and</strong> never will be, real. The<br />
literary man, with every stroke of his pen, removes himself<br />
farther <strong>from</strong> trivial actuality, just because he wishes to alter<br />
it, to ennoble or annihilate it, just because he can never<br />
acknowledge it as it is. As a man he feels indeed that he<br />
is sold under the domain of the wretched " object ". He<br />
knows that when he writes upon the laws of the cosmos,<br />
he is naught but a foolish boy gathering shells by the<br />
shore of the ocean ; he enriches the literature of his nation<br />
' The origin of spurious collections of letters among the Greeks is<br />
traced back to "the exercises in style of the Athenian schools of rhetoric in<br />
the earlier <strong>and</strong> earliest Hellenistic period," Susemihl, ii., pp. 448, 579. If<br />
some callow rhetorician succeeded in performing an exercise of this kind<br />
, specially well, he might feel tempted to publish it. But it is not impossible<br />
that actual forgeries were committed for purposes of gain by trading with the<br />
great libraries, cf. Susemihl, ii., pp. 449 f . ; Bentley, p. 9 f., in Ribbeck's<br />
German edition, p. 81 ff. ; A. M. Zumetikos, De Alex<strong>and</strong>ri Olympiadisqtie<br />
epistularum fontibus et reliquiis, Berlin, 1894, p. 1.—As late as 1551, Joachim<br />
Camerarius ventured on the harmless jest of fabricating, " ad instUutionein,<br />
piicrilern,'" a correspondence in Greek between Paul <strong>and</strong> the Presbytery of<br />
Ephesus (Th. Zahu, Geschichte des Neutestamentlichcn Kaiwns, ii., 2,<br />
Eilangen <strong>and</strong> Leipzig, 1892, p. 565).
14 BIBLE STUDIES. [200, 201<br />
by a Faust, meanwhile sighing for a revelation ; or he is<br />
driven about by the thought that something must be done<br />
for his unbelief— yet he writes Discourses upon Religion.<br />
And thus he realises that he is entangled in the contradic-<br />
tion between the Infinite <strong>and</strong> the Finite,^ while the small<br />
prosperous folks, whose sleepy souls reck not of his pain,<br />
are lulled by him into the delightful dream that we only<br />
need to build altars to truth, beauty, <strong>and</strong> eternity in order<br />
to possess these things ; when they have awaked, they can<br />
but reproach him for having deceived them. They discover<br />
that he is one of themselves ; they whisper to each other<br />
that the sage, the poet, the prophet, is but a man after all<br />
—wiser, it may be, but not more clever, or better, than<br />
others. He who might have been their guide— ^not in-<br />
deed to his own poor hovel but to the city upon the hill,<br />
not built by human h<strong>and</strong>s—is compensated with some<br />
polite-sounding phrase. The foolish ingrates !<br />
Literature<br />
presents us with the unreal, just because it subserves the<br />
truth ; the literary man ab<strong>and</strong>ons himself, just because he<br />
strives for the ends of humanity ; he is unnatural, just because<br />
he would give to others something better than him-<br />
self. What holds good of literature in general must also<br />
be taken into account in regard to each of its characteristic<br />
phenomena. Just as little as Plato's Socrates <strong>and</strong> Schiller's<br />
Wallenstein are "forgeries," so little dare we so name the<br />
whole "pseudonymous"^ literature. We may grant at<br />
once, indeed, that some, at least, of the writings which go<br />
under false names were intentionally forged by the writers<br />
^ Of. the confession made by U. von Wilamowitz-MoellendorfE, Aristoteles<br />
und Atlien, i., Berlin, 1893, Preface, p. vi. : " The task of authorship dem<strong>and</strong>s<br />
an end attained—in irreconcilable antithesis to the investigations of science.<br />
The Phnedrus has taught us that the book in general is a pitiful thing as<br />
compared vyith living investigation, <strong>and</strong> it is to be hoped that we are wiser in<br />
our class-rooms than in our books. But Plato, too, wrote books ; he spoke<br />
forth freely each time what he knew as well as he knew it, assured that he<br />
would contradict himself, <strong>and</strong> hopeful that he would correct himself, next<br />
time he wrote."<br />
- The term iKCudmiymoufi of itself certainly implies blame, but it has<br />
become so much worn in the using, that it is also applied in quite an in-<br />
nocent sense.
201, 202] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 15<br />
of them ; pseudonymity in political or ecclesiastical works<br />
is in every case suspicious, for no one knows better how to<br />
use sacred <strong>and</strong> sanctifying ends than does the undisciplined<br />
instinct of monarchs <strong>and</strong> hierarchs, <strong>and</strong> the followers of<br />
them. But there is also a pseudonymity which is innocent,<br />
sincere, <strong>and</strong> honest,^ <strong>and</strong> if a literary product permits of any<br />
inferences being drawn <strong>from</strong> it respecting the character of<br />
the writer, then, in such a case of pseudonymity, one may<br />
not think of malice or cowardice, but rather of modesty <strong>and</strong><br />
natural timidit5^ Between the genuine ^ <strong>and</strong> the pseudonymous<br />
epistle there does not exist the same profound <strong>and</strong><br />
essential difference as between the epistle <strong>and</strong> the letter.<br />
The epistle is never genuine in the sense in which the letter<br />
is ; it never can be so, because it can adopt the form of the<br />
letter only by surrendering the essence. An epistle of<br />
Herder, however like a letter it may look, is yet not a letter<br />
of Herder : it was not Herder the man, but Herder the<br />
theological thinker <strong>and</strong> author, that wrote it : it is genuine<br />
in an ungenuine sense—like an apple-tree which, flourishing<br />
in September, certainly has genuine apple blossoms, but<br />
which must surely be altogether ashamed of such in the<br />
presence of its own ripening fruits. Literary " genuine-<br />
ness " is not to be confounded with genuine naturalness.<br />
Questions of genuineness in literature may cause us to rack<br />
our brains : but what is humanly genuine is never a problem<br />
^ C/. on this point specially Jiilicher, Einleitung hi das N. T., p. 32 ff.<br />
2 The discussion which occupies the remainder of this paragraph is one<br />
which may, indeed, be translated, but can hardly be transferred, into English.<br />
It turns partly on the ambiguity of the German word echt, <strong>and</strong> partly on<br />
a distinction corresponding to that which English critics have tried to.<br />
establish between the words " genuine " <strong>and</strong> " authentic "—a long-vexed<br />
question which now practice rather than theory is beginning to settle. Echt<br />
means authentic, as applied, for instance, to a book written by the author<br />
whose name it bears ; it also means gentiine both as applied to a true record<br />
of experience, whether facts or feelings, <strong>and</strong> as implying the truth (that is<br />
the naturalness, spontaneity or reality) of the experience itself. The trans-<br />
lator felt that, in justice to the author, he must render echt throughout<br />
the passage in question by a single word, <strong>and</strong> has therefore chosen genuine,<br />
as representing, more adequately than any other, the somewhat wide con-<br />
notation of the German adjective.—Tr.
16 BIBLE STUDIES. [202, 203<br />
to the genuine man. From the epistle that was genuine in<br />
a mere literary sense there was but a step to the fictitious<br />
epistle ; while the genuine letter could at best be mimicked,<br />
the genuine epistle was bound to be imitated, <strong>and</strong>, indeed,<br />
invited to imitation. The collections of genuine letters<br />
indirectly occasioned the writing of epistles : the collections<br />
of genuine epistles were immediately followed by the litera-<br />
ture of the fictitious epistle.<br />
II.<br />
7. In the foregoing remarks on questions of prin-<br />
ciple, the author has in general tacitly presupposed the<br />
literary conditions into which we are carried by the Graeco-<br />
Koman civilisation, <strong>and</strong> by the modern, of which that is<br />
the basis. ^ These inquiries seem to him to dem<strong>and</strong> that we<br />
should not summarily include all that has been h<strong>and</strong>ed down<br />
to us bearing the wide, indefinite name of letter, under<br />
the equally indefinite term Literature of letters (Brief-<br />
litteratur), but that each separate fragment of these in-<br />
teresting but neglected compositions be set in its proper<br />
place in the line of development, which is as follows<br />
—<br />
real<br />
letter, letter that has subsequently become literature, epistle, ficti-<br />
tious epistle. Should it be dem<strong>and</strong>ed that the author fill<br />
up the various stages of this development with historical<br />
references, he would be at a loss. It has been already in-<br />
dicated that the first member of the series, viz., the letter,<br />
belongs to pre-literary times : it is not only impossible to<br />
give an example of this, but also unreasonable to dem<strong>and</strong><br />
one. With more plausibihty one might expect that some-<br />
thing certain ought to be procured in connection with the<br />
other stages, which belong in a manner to literary times,<br />
' The history of the literature of " letters " among the Italian Humanists<br />
is, <strong>from</strong> the point of view of method, specially instructive. Stahr, Avistutelia,<br />
ii., p. 187 f., has already drawn attention to it. The best information on<br />
the subject is to be found in G. Voigt's Die Wiederbelebung dcs classisclien<br />
Altcrthumfi odcr das erste Jahrhundert des Humanismus, ii.", Berlin, 1893,<br />
pp. 417-436.
203, 204] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 17<br />
<strong>and</strong>, as such, can be historically checked. But even if the<br />
broad field of ancient "letters" were more extensively<br />
cultivated than has hitherto been the case, still we could<br />
establish at best no more than the first known instance of<br />
a subsequent collection of real letters, of an epistle or of a<br />
fictitious epistle, but would not reach the beginnings of the<br />
literary movement itself. The line in question can only be<br />
drawn on the ground of general considerationrS, nor does the<br />
author see how else it could be drawn. No one will ques-<br />
tion that the real letter was the first, the fictitious epistle<br />
the last, link in the development ;<br />
as little will any one<br />
doubt that the epistle must have been one of the intervening<br />
links between the two.^ The only uncertainty is as to the<br />
origin of the epistle itself ; it, of course, presupposes the<br />
real letter, being an imitation of it ; but that it presupposes<br />
as well the collection of real letters, as we think pro-<br />
bable in regard to Greek hterature, cannot be established<br />
with certainty for the history of literature in general. As a<br />
matter of fact, the epistle, as a form of literature, is found<br />
among the Egyptians at a very early period, <strong>and</strong> the author<br />
does not know how it originated there. The Archduke<br />
Rainer's collection of Papyri at Vienna contains a poetical<br />
description of the town of Pi-Ramses, dating <strong>from</strong> the 12th<br />
century B.C., which is written in the form of a letter, <strong>and</strong><br />
is in part identical with Papyrus Anastasi III. in the British<br />
Museum. This MS. " shows that in such letters we have,<br />
not private correspondence, but literary compositions,<br />
which must have enjoyed a wide circulation in ancient<br />
Egypt ; it thus affords us valuable materials towards the<br />
characterisation of the hterature of ancient Egypt ".^<br />
1 Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos von Karystos, p. 151 : " I<br />
cannot imagine that fictitious correspondence, as a species of literature, was<br />
anterior in time to genuine ".<br />
- J. Karabacek, MittUeilungen aus der Savimlung der Papyrus Erzherzog<br />
Rainer, i., Vienna, 1887, p. 51; cf. J. Krall, Guide-book of the Exhibition<br />
[of the Pap. Erzh. Rainer], Vienna, 1894, p. 32.—The author doubts whether<br />
the term literature should really be applied to the letters in cuneiform<br />
character which were published by Fried. Delitzsch {Beitrage zur Assyriologie,<br />
1893 <strong>and</strong> 1894) under the title of " Babylonisoh-Assyrische Brieilitt^ratur '\<br />
2<br />
If,
18 BIBLE STUDIES. [204, 205<br />
therefore, we can hardly say that the epistle first originated<br />
among the Greeks, yet, notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing the above facts, we<br />
may assume that it might arise quite independently under<br />
the special conditions of Greek Literature, <strong>and</strong> that, in fact,<br />
it did so arise.<br />
8. Now whatever theory one may have about the origin<br />
of the epistle among the Greeks, that question is of no<br />
great importance for the problem of the historian of hterary<br />
phenomena in general, viz., the analysis into their con-<br />
stituent parts of the writings which have been transmitted<br />
to us as a whole under the ambiguous name of "letters".<br />
What is important in this respect are the various categories<br />
to which those constituent parts must be assigned in order<br />
that they may be clearly distinguished <strong>from</strong> each other.<br />
We may, therefore, ignore the question as to the origin of<br />
these categories—like all questions about the origin of such<br />
products of the mind, it is to a large extent incapable of any<br />
final solution ; let it suffice that all these categories are<br />
represented among the " letters " that have been transmitted<br />
<strong>from</strong> the past. The usage of scientific language is, indeed,<br />
not so uniform as to render a definition of terms super-<br />
fluous. The following preliminary remarks may therefore<br />
be made ; they may serve at the same time to justify the<br />
terms hitherto used in this book.<br />
Above all, it is misleading merely to talk of letters,<br />
without having defined the term more particularly. The<br />
perception of this fact has influenced many to speak of the<br />
private letter in contradistinction to the literary letter, <strong>and</strong><br />
this distinction may express the actual observed fact that<br />
the true letter is something private, a personal <strong>and</strong> con-<br />
fidential matter. But the expression is none the less in-<br />
adequate, for it may mislead. Thus B. Weiss,^ for instance,<br />
uses it as the antithesis of the pastoral letter (Gemeifidebrief)<br />
a terminology which does not issue <strong>from</strong> the essence of<br />
the letter, but <strong>from</strong> the fact of a possible distinction among<br />
those to whom it may be addressed. We might in the same<br />
way distinguish between the private letter <strong>and</strong> the family<br />
' Meyur, xiv.-' (1888), p. 187.<br />
;
205, 206] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 19<br />
letter, i.e., the letter which a son, for instance, might send<br />
<strong>from</strong> abroad to those at home. But it is plain that, in the<br />
circumstances, such a distinction would be meaningless, for<br />
that letter also is a private one. Or, take the case of a<br />
clergyman, acting as army chaplain in the enemy's country,<br />
who writes a letter ^ to his distant congregation at home<br />
such would be a coiigregatwml letter—perhaps it is even read<br />
in church by the loc2im tenens ; but it would manifestly not<br />
differ in the slightest <strong>from</strong> a private letter, provided, that is,<br />
that the writer's heart was in the right place. The more pri-<br />
vate, the more personal, the more special it is, all the better<br />
a congregational letter will it be ; a right sort of congrega-<br />
tion would not welcome paragraphs of pastoral theology<br />
they get such things <strong>from</strong> the locum tenens, for he is not<br />
long <strong>from</strong> college. The mere fact that the receivers of a<br />
letter are a plurality, does not constitute a public in the<br />
literary sense, <strong>and</strong>, again, an epistle directed to a single<br />
private individual is not on that account a private letter<br />
—it is literature. It is absurd, then, to define the specific<br />
character of a piece of writing which looks like a letter<br />
merely according to whether the writer addresses the re-<br />
— ;<br />
'^ ceivers in the second person singular or plural ; the dis-<br />
tinguishing feature cannot be anything merely formal (formal,<br />
moreover, in a superficial sense of that word), but can only be<br />
the inner special purpose of the writer. It is thus advisable,<br />
if we are to speak scientifically, to avoid the use of such<br />
merely external categories as congregational letter, <strong>and</strong> also to<br />
substitute for private letter a more accurate expression. As<br />
such we are at once confronted by the simple designation<br />
letter, but this homely term, in consideration of the in-<br />
definiteness which it has acquired in the course of centuries,<br />
will hardly suffice by itself ; we must find an adjunct for it.<br />
^ Cf. for instance the letter of K. Ninck to his congregation at Friicht,<br />
of the 1st September, 1870—<strong>from</strong> Corny ; partly printed in F. Cuntz's Karl<br />
Willi. Theodor Ninck. Ein Lebensbild. 2nd edn., Herborn, 1891, p. 94 £f.<br />
- This diiierence does not, of course, hold in modern English ; we can<br />
hardly imagine a letter-writer employing the singular forms thou, thee. But<br />
the distinction does not necessarily hold in German either.—Tr.
20 BIBLE STUDIES. [206, 207<br />
The term true letter is therefore used here, after the example<br />
of writers^ who are well able to teach us what a letter is.<br />
AVhen a true letter becomes literature by means of its<br />
publication, we manifestly obtain no new species thereby.<br />
To the historian of literature, it still remains what it was<br />
to the original receiver of it—a true letter :<br />
even when given<br />
to the public, it makes a continual protest against its being<br />
deemed a thing of publicity. We must so far favour it as<br />
were we to separate it in any way<br />
to respect its protest ;<br />
<strong>from</strong> other true letters which were fortunate enough never<br />
to have their obscurity disturbed, we should but add to the<br />
injustice already done to it by its being published.<br />
A new species is reached only when we come to the<br />
letter published professedly as literature, which as such is<br />
altogether different <strong>from</strong> the first class. Here also we meet<br />
with various designations in scientific language. But the<br />
adoption of a uniform terminology is not nearly so im-<br />
portant in regard to this class as in regard to the true<br />
letter. One may call it literary letter,'^ or, as has been done<br />
above for the sake of simplicity, epistle—no importance need<br />
be attached to the designation, provided the thing itself be<br />
clear. The subdivisions, again, which may be inferred <strong>from</strong><br />
the conditions of origin of the epistle, are of course unessen-<br />
tial; they are not the logical divisions of the concept epistle, but<br />
simply classifications of extant epistles according to their<br />
historical character, i.e., we distinguish between authentic<br />
<strong>and</strong> unauthentic epistles, <strong>and</strong> again, in regard to the latter,<br />
^ E. Reuss, Die Geschichte der h. Schriften N. T." § 74, p. 70, uses the<br />
expression trtie letters, addressed to definite <strong>and</strong> particular readers. Von<br />
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen, ii., p. 393; cf. p. 394: real<br />
letters; ibid., p. 392, letters, 4in(noKai in the full sense of tJie word. The same<br />
author in Ein Weihgeschenk des Eratosthenes, in Nachrichten der Kgl. Gesell-<br />
schaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, 1894, p. 5 : true private letter.—Birt<br />
also uses—besides the designations private ivrilmg {Buchwesen, pp. 2, 20, 61,<br />
277, 443) <strong>and</strong> incidental letter (pp. 61, 325)—the expression true correspondence<br />
(wirkliche Conespondenzen, p. 326). Similarly A. Westermann, De epistolarum<br />
scriptoribus graecis 8 progrr., {., Leipzig, 1851, p. 13, calls them<br />
" vcras epistolas, h. e. tales, quae ab auctoribus ad ipsos, quibus inscribuntur,<br />
homines revera datae sunt".<br />
'•^ Von<br />
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ein Weiligesclwnk des EratosiJwfws. p. 3.
207, 208] LETTEKS AND EPISTLES. 21<br />
between innocent fabrications <strong>and</strong> forgeries with a " tendency<br />
".<br />
Furnished with these definitions, we approach the immense<br />
quantity of written material which has been be-<br />
queathed to us by Graeco-Roman antiquity under the<br />
ambiguous term eTriaroXai, epistnlae. The sheets which we<br />
have inherited <strong>from</strong> the bountiful past, <strong>and</strong> which have been<br />
brought into confusion by legacy-hunters <strong>and</strong> legal advisers,<br />
so to speak, perhaps even by the palsied but venerable h<strong>and</strong><br />
of their aged proprietrix herself, must first of all be duly<br />
arranged before we can congratulate ourselves on their<br />
possession. In point of fact, the work of arrangement is<br />
by no means so far advanced as the value of the inheritance<br />
deserves to have it.^ But what has already been done<br />
affords, even to the outsider, at least the superficial impres-<br />
sion that we possess characteristic representatives, <strong>from</strong><br />
ancient times, of all the categories of iTrtaroXal which have<br />
been established in the foregoing pages.<br />
III.<br />
9. We can be said to possess true letters <strong>from</strong> ancient<br />
times—in the full sense of the word 2)ossess—only when we<br />
have the originals. And, in fact, the Papyrus discoveries<br />
of the last decade have placed us in the favourable position<br />
of being able to think of as our very own an enormous<br />
number of true letters in the original, extending <strong>from</strong> the<br />
Ptolemaic period till far on in mediaeval times. The author<br />
is forced to confess that, previous to his acquaintance with<br />
ancient Papyrus letters (such as it was—only in facsimiles),<br />
he had never rightly known, or, at least, never rightly<br />
realised within his own mind, what a letter was. Com-<br />
paring a Papyrus letter of the Ptolemaic period with a<br />
fragment <strong>from</strong> a tragedy, written also on Papyrus, <strong>and</strong> of<br />
1 Among philologists one hears often enough the complaint about<br />
the neglect of the study of ancient "letters". The classical preparatory<br />
labour of Bentley has waited long in vain for the successor of which both it<br />
<strong>and</strong> its subject were worthy. It is only recently that there appears to have<br />
sprung up a more general interest in the matter.
22 BIBLE STUDIES.<br />
about the same age, no one perceives any external dif-<br />
ference ; the same written characters, the same writing<br />
material, the same place of discovery. And yet the two<br />
are as different in their essential character as are reality<br />
<strong>and</strong> art : the one, a leaf with writing on it, which has served<br />
some perfectly definite <strong>and</strong> never-to-be-repeated purpose in<br />
human intercourse ; the other, the derelict leaf of a book, a<br />
fragment of literature.<br />
These letters will of themselves reveal what they are,<br />
better than the author could, <strong>and</strong> in evidence of this, there<br />
follows a brief selection of letters <strong>from</strong> the Egyptian town of<br />
Oxyrhynchus, the English translation of which (<strong>from</strong> Greek)<br />
all but verbally corresponds to that given by Messrs. Gren-<br />
fell <strong>and</strong> Hunt in their edition of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri.^<br />
The author has selected such letters as date <strong>from</strong> the century<br />
in which our Saviour walked about in the Holy L<strong>and</strong>, in<br />
which Paul wrote his letters, <strong>and</strong> the beginnings of the New<br />
Testament collection were made.^<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Chaireas to Tyrannos.^ A.D. 25-26.<br />
" Chaireas to his dearest Tyrannos, many greetings.<br />
Write out immediately the list of arrears both of corn<br />
<strong>and</strong> money for the twelfth year of Tiberius Caesar<br />
Augustus, as Severus has given me instructions for dem<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
their payment. I have already written to you to be firm<br />
<strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong> payment until I come in peace. Do not therefore<br />
neglect this, but prepare the statements of corn <strong>and</strong><br />
money <strong>from</strong> the . . . year to the eleventh for the presenta-<br />
tion of the dem<strong>and</strong>s. Good-bye."<br />
" To Tyrannos, dioiketes ".<br />
Address :<br />
^ The Oxyrhynchus Pajyyri, edited ... by Bernard P. Grenfell <strong>and</strong><br />
Arthur S. Hunt, Part I., London, 1898 ; Part II., London, 1899. For those<br />
who feel themselves more specially interested in the subject, a comparison<br />
with the original Greek texts will, of course, be necessary.<br />
'^ The German edition of this work contains a Greek transcription, with<br />
annotations, of ten Papyrus letters (distinct <strong>from</strong> those given here) <strong>from</strong><br />
Egypt, of dates varying <strong>from</strong> 255 B.C. to the 2nd-3rd centuries a.d.<br />
" The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, No. 291, ii., p. 291. Chaireas was strategus<br />
of the Oxyrhynchite nome. Tyrannos was SioiKT]Ti]s.
LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 23<br />
II.<br />
Letter of Recommendation <strong>from</strong> Theon to Tyrannos.^<br />
About A.D. 25.<br />
"Theon to his esteemed Tyrannos, many greetings.<br />
Herakleides, the bearer of this letter, is my brother. I<br />
therefore entreat you with all my power to treat him as<br />
your protege. I have also written to your brother Hermias,<br />
asking him to communicate with you about him. You will<br />
confer upon me a very great favour if Herakleides gains your<br />
notice. Before all else you have my good wishes for un-<br />
broken health <strong>and</strong> prosperity. Good-bye."<br />
Address : " To Tyrannos, dioiketes ".<br />
III.<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Dionysios to his Sister Didyme.- A.D. 27.<br />
" Dionysios to his sister Didyme, many greetings, <strong>and</strong><br />
good wishes for continued health. You have sent me no<br />
word about the clothes either by letter or by message, <strong>and</strong><br />
they are still waiting until you send me word. Provide the<br />
bearer of this letter, Theonas, with any assistance that he<br />
wishes for. . . . Take care of yourself <strong>and</strong> all your household.<br />
Good-bye. The 14th year of Tiberius Caesar Augus-<br />
tus, Athyr 18."<br />
Address : " DeHver <strong>from</strong> Dionysios to his sister Didyme ".<br />
IV.<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Thaeisus to her mother Syras.^ About A.D. 35.<br />
" Thaeisus to her mother Syras. I must tell you<br />
that Seleukos came here <strong>and</strong> has fled. Don't trouble to<br />
explain ('?). Let Lucia wait until the year. Let me know<br />
the day. Salute Ammonas my brother <strong>and</strong> .<br />
sister . . . <strong>and</strong><br />
my father Theonas."<br />
V.<br />
. . <strong>and</strong><br />
my<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Ammonios to his father Ammonios.* A.D. 54.<br />
" Ammonios to his father Ammonios, greeting. Kindly<br />
write me in a note the record of the sheep, how many more<br />
1 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, No. 292, ii., p. 292.<br />
2 Ibid., No. 293, ii., p. 293.<br />
" Ibid., No. 297, ii., p. 298.<br />
'•<br />
Ibid., No. 295, ii., p. 296.
24<br />
BIBLE STUDIES.<br />
you have by the lambing beyond those included in the first<br />
return. . . . Good-bye. The 14th year of Tiberius Claudius<br />
Caesar Augustus, Epeiph 29."<br />
Address : " To my father Ammonios ".<br />
VI.<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Indike to Thaeisus.i Late First Century.<br />
" Indike to Thaeisus, greeting. I sent you the breadbasket<br />
by Taurinus the camel-man; please send me an<br />
answer that you have received it. Salute my friend Theon<br />
<strong>and</strong> Nikobulos <strong>and</strong> Dioskoros <strong>and</strong> Theon <strong>and</strong> Hermokles,<br />
who have my best wishes. Longinus salutes you. Goodbye.<br />
Month Germanikos 2."<br />
Address : " To Theon,- son of Nikobulos, elaiochristes<br />
at the Gymnasion".<br />
VIT.<br />
Letter of Consolation <strong>from</strong> Elrene to Taonnophrls <strong>and</strong><br />
Philon.^^ Second Century.<br />
" Eirene to Taonnophris <strong>and</strong> Philon, good cheer. I<br />
was as much grieved <strong>and</strong> shed as many tears over Eumoiros<br />
as I shed for Didymas, <strong>and</strong> I did everything that was fitting,<br />
<strong>and</strong> so did my whole family,^ Epaphrodeitos <strong>and</strong> Thermuthion<br />
<strong>and</strong> Philion <strong>and</strong> Apollonios <strong>and</strong> Plantas. But still there is<br />
nothing one can do in the face of such trouble. So I leave<br />
you to comfort yourselves. Good-bye. Athyr 1."<br />
Address : " To Taonnophris <strong>and</strong> Philon",<br />
VIII.<br />
Letter <strong>from</strong> Korbolon to Herakleides.^ Second Century.<br />
" Korbolon to Herakleides, greeting. I send you the<br />
key by Horion, <strong>and</strong> the piece of the lock by Onnophris, the<br />
camel-driver of Apollonios. I enclosed in the former packet<br />
a pattern of white-violet colour. I beg you to be good<br />
enough to match it, <strong>and</strong> buy me two drachmas' weight, <strong>and</strong><br />
send it to me at once by any messenger you can find, for<br />
1 The Oxyrhynclms Papyri, No. 300, ii., p. 301.<br />
- Theon is probably the husb<strong>and</strong> of Thaeisus.<br />
•"'<br />
Tlie Oxyrhynclms Papyri, No. 115, i., p. 181.<br />
* T?dvTes 01 e/LioL Grenfell <strong>and</strong> Hunt : all my friends.<br />
' The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, No. 113, i., p. 178 f.
216, 217] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 25<br />
the tunic is to be woven immediately. I received everything<br />
you told me to expect by Onnophris safely. I send you by<br />
the same Onnophris six quarts of good apples. I thank all<br />
the gods to think that I came upon Plution in the Oxyrhynchite<br />
nome. Do not think that I took no trouble about<br />
the key. The reason is that the smith is a long way <strong>from</strong><br />
us. I wonder that you did not see your way to let me have<br />
what I asked you to send by Korbolon, especially when I<br />
wanted it for a festival. I beg you to buy me a silver seal,<br />
<strong>and</strong> to send it me with all speed. Take care that Onnophris<br />
buys me what Eirene's mother told him. I told him that<br />
Syntrophos said that nothing more should be given to<br />
Amarantos on my account. Let me know what you have<br />
given him that I may settle accounts with him. Otherwise<br />
I <strong>and</strong> my son will come for this purpose. [On the verso] I<br />
had the large cheeses <strong>from</strong> Korbolon. I did not, however,<br />
want large ones, but small. Let me know of anything that<br />
you want, <strong>and</strong> I will gladly do it. Farewell. Payni 1st.<br />
(P.S.) Send me an obol's worth of cake for my nephew."<br />
Address : "To Herakleides, son of x\mmonios."<br />
10. But we must not think that the heritage of true<br />
letters which we have received <strong>from</strong> the past is wholly com-<br />
prised in the Papyrus letters which have been thus finely<br />
preserved as autographs. In books <strong>and</strong> booklets which have<br />
been transmitted to us as consisting of eTriaroXai, <strong>and</strong> in<br />
others as well, there is contained a goodly number of true<br />
letters, for the preservation of which we are indebted to the<br />
circumstance that some one, at some time subsequent to<br />
their being written, treated them as hterature. Just as at<br />
some future time posterity will be grateful lo our learned<br />
men of to-day for their having published the Papyrus letters,<br />
i.e., treated them as literature, so we ourselves have every<br />
cause for gratitude to those individuals, for the most part<br />
unknown, who long ago committed the indiscretion of<br />
making books out of letters. The great men whose letters,<br />
fortunately for us, were overtaken by this fate, were not on<br />
that account epistolographers ;<br />
they<br />
were letter-writers<br />
like the strange saints of the Serapeum <strong>and</strong> the obscure<br />
men <strong>and</strong> women of the Fayyum. No doubt, by reason of<br />
their letters having been preserved as literature, they have<br />
—
26 BIBLE STUDIES. [217, 218<br />
often been considered as epistolographers, <strong>and</strong> the misunder-<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing may have been abetted by the vulgar notion that<br />
those celebrated men had the consciousness of their cele-<br />
brity even when they laughed <strong>and</strong> yawned, <strong>and</strong> that they<br />
could not speak or write a single word without imagining<br />
that amazed mankind was st<strong>and</strong>ing by to hear <strong>and</strong> read. We<br />
have not as yet, in every case, identified those whom we<br />
have to thank for real letters. But it will be sufficient for<br />
our purpose if we restrict ourselves to a few likely instances.<br />
The letters of Aristotle (f 322 B.C.) were published at a<br />
very early period : their publication gave the lie, in a very<br />
effective manner, to a fictitious collection which came out<br />
shortly after his death. ^ These letters were " true letters,<br />
occasioned by the requirements of private correspondence,<br />
not products of art, i.e., treatises in the form of letters ".^<br />
This collection is usually considered to be the first instance<br />
of private letters being subsequently published.^ It is there-<br />
fore necessary to mention them here, though, indeed, it is<br />
uncertain whether anything really authentic has been pre-<br />
served among the fragments which have come down to us ;<br />
by far the greater number of these were certainly products<br />
of the fictitious literary composition of the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian<br />
period.^—The case st<strong>and</strong>s more favourably with regard to<br />
the nine letters transmitted to us under the name of Isocrates<br />
(f 338 B.c.).^ The most recent editor" of them comes to<br />
the following conclusions. The first letter, to Dionysios, is<br />
authentic. The two letters of introduction, Nos. 7 <strong>and</strong> 8, to<br />
Timotheos of Heracleia <strong>and</strong> the inhabitants of Mitylene<br />
respectively, bear the same mark of authenticity :<br />
^ Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos vmi Karystos, p. 151.<br />
- Stahr, Aristotelia, i., p. 195.<br />
"so<br />
*<br />
much<br />
' Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Antigonos von Karystos, p. 151 ; Suse-<br />
mihl, ii., 580.<br />
^ Hercher, pp. 172-174. ^ Susemihl, ii., 580 f.<br />
« Hercher, pp. .319-336.<br />
"Von Wil&movfitz-MoeWendorfi, Aristoteles U7id AtJien, ii., pp. 391-399.<br />
It is unfortunate that some of the most recent critics of Paul's Letters had<br />
not those few pages before them. They might then have seen, perhaps,,<br />
both what a letter is, <strong>and</strong> what method is.
218, 219] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 27<br />
detail, which, wherever we can test it, we recognise to 1)6<br />
historically accurate, <strong>and</strong> which, to a much greater extent,<br />
we are not at all in a position to judge, is not found in<br />
forgeries, unless they are meant to serve other than their<br />
ostensible purposes. There can be no talk of that in the<br />
case before us. In these letters some forms of expression<br />
occur more than once (7, 11 = 8, 10), but there is nothing<br />
extraordinary in that. If Isocrates wrote these we must<br />
credit him with having issued many such compositions."^<br />
These genuine letters of Isocrates are of interest also in<br />
regard to their form, as they show " that Isocrates applied<br />
his rhetorical style also to his letters. . . . Considered <strong>from</strong><br />
the point of view of style, they are not letters at all." ^ The<br />
author considers this fact to be very instructive in regard to<br />
method; it confirms the thesis expressed above, viz., that in<br />
answering the question as to what constitutes a true letter,<br />
it is never the form which is decisive, but ultimately only<br />
the intention of the writer ; there ought not to be, but as a<br />
matter of fact there are, letters which read hke pamphlets<br />
there are epistles, again, which chatter so insinuatingly that<br />
we forget that their daintiness is nothing but a suspicious<br />
mask. Nor need one doubt, again, the genuineness of the<br />
second letter—to King Philip: "its contents are most un-<br />
doubtedly personal ".^ Letter 5, to Alex<strong>and</strong>er, is likewise<br />
genuine, " truly a fine piece of Isocratic finesse: it is genuine<br />
—just because it is more profound than it seems, <strong>and</strong> because<br />
it covertly refers to circumstances notoriously true ".* The<br />
evidence for <strong>and</strong> against the genuineness of letter 6 is<br />
evenly balanced.''^ On the other h<strong>and</strong>, letters 3, 4 <strong>and</strong> 9 are<br />
not genuine ;<br />
are<br />
partly, in fact, forgeries with a purpose.*<br />
This general result of the criticism is likewise of great value<br />
in regard to method : we<br />
must ab<strong>and</strong>on the mechanical idea<br />
of a collection of letters, which would lead us to inquire as to<br />
the genuineness of the collection as a whole, instead of<br />
inquiring as to the genuineness of its component parts. Undiscerning<br />
tradition may quite well have joined together one<br />
1 p. 391 f. 2 P. 392.<br />
s P. .397.<br />
* P. 399. 5 P. 395. 6 Pp. 393-397.<br />
;
—<br />
28 BIBLE STUDIES. [219, 220<br />
or two unauthentic letters with a dozen of genuine ones ;<br />
<strong>and</strong>, again, a whole book of forged "letters " may be, so to<br />
speak, the chaff in which good grains of wheat may hide<br />
the son of<br />
themselves <strong>from</strong> the eyes of the servants : when<br />
the house comes to the threshing-floor, he will discover them,<br />
for he cannot sulfer that anything be lost.—The letters of<br />
the much-misunderstood Epicurus (f 270 B.C.) were collected<br />
with great care by the Epicureans, <strong>and</strong> joined together with<br />
those of his most distinguished pupils, Metrodorus, Polyaenus,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Hermarchus, with additions <strong>from</strong> among the letters<br />
which these had received <strong>from</strong> other friends,^ <strong>and</strong> have in<br />
part come down to us. The author cannot refrain <strong>from</strong><br />
giving here ^ the fragment of a letter of the philosopher to<br />
his child (made known to us by the rolls of Herculaneum)<br />
not, indeed, as being a monument of his philosophy, but be-<br />
cause it is part of a letter which is as simple <strong>and</strong> affectionate,<br />
as much a true letter, as that of Luther to his little son<br />
Hans :<br />
. . . [a](^et7/U.e^a c-t? Ad/juylraKov vyiaivovTe^ eyco fcai Uvdo-<br />
kX?]^ Ka\l'' KpiJb\ap')(^o'^ /cal K[Tj;]cri7r7ros\ Kal e'/cet KareiXijcfiafjiev<br />
vylL^aii'ovra^ Qe/xlaTav Kal rov
220, 221] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 29<br />
<strong>and</strong>, soon thereafter, those of distinguished men in collec-<br />
tions." ^ We may refer to a single example—certainly a very<br />
instructive one. Of Cicero (f 43 B.C.) we possess four collec-<br />
tions of letters ; in all 864, if v^e include the 90 addressed<br />
to him. The earliest belongs to the year 68, the latest is<br />
of the date 28th July, 43.'^ " Their contents are both per-<br />
sonal <strong>and</strong> political, <strong>and</strong> they form an inexhaustible source<br />
for a knowledge of the period,^ though partly, indeed, of<br />
such a kind that the pubhcation of them was not to Cicero's<br />
advantage. For the correspondence of such a man as Cicero,<br />
who was accustomed to think so quickly <strong>and</strong> feel so strongly,<br />
to whom it was a necessity that he should express his thoughts<br />
<strong>and</strong> feehngs as they came, either m words or in letters to<br />
some confidential friend like Atticus, often affords a too<br />
searching, frequently even an illusory,'* glance into his inmost<br />
soul. Hence the accusers of Cicero gathered the greatest<br />
part of their material <strong>from</strong> these letters." ^ The letters show<br />
a noteworthy variation of language : " in the letters to Atti-<br />
cus or other well known friends Cicero ab<strong>and</strong>ons restraint,<br />
while those to less intimate persons show marks of care <strong>and</strong><br />
elaboration ".*' The history of the gathering together of<br />
Cicero's letters is of great importance for a right underst<strong>and</strong>-<br />
the compositions of the historian, yet, in regard to letters <strong>and</strong> public papers,<br />
the hypothesis of their authenticity should not be always summarily rejected.<br />
In regard to this question, important as it also is for the criticism of the<br />
biblical writings, see especially H. Sehnorr von Carolsfeld, Uber die Beclen und<br />
Briefe bei Sallust, Leipzig, 1888, p. 1 ff., <strong>and</strong> the literature given in Schiirer, i.,<br />
p. 66, note 14 [Eng. Trans. I., I., p. 90]<br />
2WS. 3, <strong>and</strong> Westermann, i. (1851), p. 4.<br />
; also Teufiel-Schwabe, i., p. 84,<br />
^ W. S. Teuffel's Geschichte der yomischen Literatur, revised by L.<br />
Schwabe^, i., Leipzig, 1890, p. 83.<br />
2 Teuffel-Schwabe, i., p. 856 ff.<br />
' This point is also a very valuable one for the critic of the biblical<br />
" letters" in the matter of method. For an estimation of the historical importance<br />
of Cicero's letters, the author refers, further, to J. Bernays, Edward<br />
Gibbon's Geschichtswerk in the Gesammelte Abhh, von J. B., edited by H.<br />
Usener, ii., Berlin, 1886, p. 243, <strong>and</strong> E. Ruete, Die Gorrespondenz Ciceros in<br />
den Jahrcn 44 und 43, Marburg, 1883, p. 1.<br />
* The present writer would question this.<br />
5 Teutfel-Schwabe, i., p. 356 f.<br />
" Ibid., i., p. 357.
30 BIBLE STUDIES. [221, 222<br />
ing of similar literary transactions.<br />
" Cicero did not himself<br />
collect the letters he had written, still less publish them, but<br />
even during his lifetime his intimate friends were already<br />
harbouring such intentions." ^ " After Cicero's death the<br />
collecting <strong>and</strong> publishing of his letters was zealously promoted<br />
; in the first place, undoubtedly, by Tiro, who, while<br />
Cicero was still hving, had resolved to collect his letters." ^<br />
Cornehus Nepos, according to a note in that part of his<br />
biography of Atticus which was written before 34 B.C., had,<br />
even by that date, a knowledge, <strong>from</strong> private sources, of the<br />
'^<br />
letters to Atticus " they were not as yet published, indeed,<br />
;<br />
as he expressly says, but, it would appear, already collected<br />
with a view to publication. The first known mention of a<br />
letter <strong>from</strong> Cicero's correspondence being published is found<br />
at the earliest " in Seneca."^ The following details of the<br />
work of collection may be taken as established."^ Atticus<br />
negotiated the issue of the letters addressed to him, while<br />
the others appear to have been published gradually by Tiro ;<br />
both editors suppressed their own letters to Cicero. Tiro<br />
arranged the letters according to the individuals who had<br />
received them, <strong>and</strong> published the special correspondence of<br />
each in one or more volumes, according to the material he<br />
had. Such special materials, again, as did not suffice for a<br />
complete volume, as also isolated letters, were bound up in<br />
miscellanea (embracing letters to two or more individuals),<br />
while previously pubhshed collections were supplemented in<br />
later issues by letters which had only been written subse-<br />
quently, or subsequently rendered accessible. The majority<br />
of these letters of Cicero are " truly confidential outpourings<br />
of the feelings of the moment," ^ particularly those addressed<br />
to Atticus— " confidential letters, in which the writer ex-<br />
' Teuffel-Schwabe, i., p. 357, quotes in connection with this Cic. ad<br />
Attic, 16, 5 6 (44 B.C.) mearum epistularmn nulla est a-vvaywyf), sed habet Tiro<br />
instar LXX, et quidem su7it a. te quaeda^n swne.ndae ; eas ego opm-tet perspiciam,<br />
corrigam ; turn denique edentur,—<strong>and</strong> to Tiro, Fam., 16, 17i (46 B.C.) tuas quc-<br />
que epistulas vis referri in volumina.<br />
•i Teuffel-Schwabe, i., p. 357. ^ Ibid.<br />
* Ibid., p. 358. •* Ibid., p. 83.
222, 223] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 31<br />
presses himself without a particle of constraint, <strong>and</strong> which<br />
often contain allusions intelligible to the receiver alone. In<br />
some parts they read like sohloquies." ^ The authenticity<br />
of the letters to Brutus, for instance, has been disputed by<br />
many, but these assailants " have been worsted on all points,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the authenticity is now more certain than ever. The<br />
objections that have been urged against this collection, <strong>and</strong><br />
those, in particular, which relate to the contradictions between<br />
Cicero's confidential judgments upon individuals <strong>and</strong><br />
those he made publicly or in utterances of other times, are<br />
of but little weight." ^<br />
11. The fact that we know of a relatively large number<br />
of literary letters, i.e., epistles, of ancient times, <strong>and</strong> that,<br />
further, we possess many such, is a simple consequence of<br />
their being literary productions. Literature is designed not<br />
merely for the pubhc of the time being ; it is also for the<br />
future. It has not been ascertained with certainty which<br />
was the first instance of the hterary letter in Greek litera-<br />
ture. Susemihl ^ is inclined to think that the epidictic<br />
triflings of Lysias (f 379 B.C.) occupy this position—that is,<br />
if they be authentic—but he certainly considers it possible<br />
that they originated in the later Attic period. Aristotle em-<br />
ployed the " imaginary letter " {fictiver Brief) for his Protrep-<br />
tikos.* We have " didactic epistles " of Epicurus, as also of<br />
DionysiiLs of Halicarnassus, <strong>and</strong> we may add to these such<br />
writings of Plutarch as De Gonjugalibus Praeceptis, De Tran-<br />
quillitate Animi, De Animae Procreatione ^—literary productions<br />
to which one may well apply the words of an ancient expert<br />
in such things,^ ov fjua Trjv aXjjdeiau iirccrToXat Xeyocvro dv,<br />
dWa avyypd/x/jbara ro ^aipetv e^oina Trpoayeypafxpievov, <strong>and</strong><br />
€t yap Ti
32 BIBLE STUDIES. [223, 224<br />
ypd(f)€i fiei', ou firjv eirtaroXriv jpacfiei} Among the Romans,<br />
M. Porcius Cato (f 149 B.C.) should probably be named as one<br />
"^<br />
of the first writers of epistles ; the best known, doubtless,<br />
are Seneca <strong>and</strong> Pliny. L. Annaeus Seneca^ (t ^5 A.D.) began<br />
about the year 57—at a time when Paul was writing his<br />
" great " letters—to write the Epishdae Morales to his friend<br />
Lucilius, intending <strong>from</strong> the first that they should be pub-<br />
Hshed ; most probably the first three books were issued by<br />
himself. Then in the time of Trajan, C. Plinius Caecilius<br />
Secundus^ {f ca. 113 A.D.) wrote <strong>and</strong> published nine books<br />
of " letters " ; the issue of the collection was already com-<br />
plete by the time Pliny went to Bithynia. Then came his<br />
correspondence with Trajan, belonging <strong>chiefly</strong> to the period of<br />
his governorship in Bithynia (ca. September 111 to January<br />
113). The letters of Pliny were likewise intended <strong>from</strong> the<br />
first for publication, " <strong>and</strong> hence are far <strong>from</strong> giving the<br />
same impression of freshness <strong>and</strong> directness as those of<br />
Cicero " ; ^ " with studied variety they enlarge upon a multi-<br />
tude of topics, but are mainly designed to exhibit their author<br />
in the most favourable light " ;<br />
^ " they exhibit him as an<br />
affectionate husb<strong>and</strong>, a faithful friend, a generous slaveholder,<br />
a noble-minded citizen, a liberal promoter of all good causes,<br />
an honoured orator <strong>and</strong> author " ;<br />
'' "on the other h<strong>and</strong>,<br />
the correspondence with Trajan incidentally raises a sharp<br />
contrast between the patience <strong>and</strong> quiet prudence of the<br />
emperor <strong>and</strong> the struggling perplexity <strong>and</strong> self-importance<br />
of his vicegerent ".^ " All possible care has likewise been<br />
bestowed upon the form of these letters."-'<br />
There are several other facts illustrative of the extremely<br />
' A saying of the Rhetor Aristides (2nd cent. B.C.) shows how well an<br />
ancient epistolographer was able to estimate the literary character of his<br />
compositions. In his works we find an eiri 'AAe^dvSpij} iinTdcpios dedicated tj7<br />
&ov\rj KOI TCf Sy'i/jLCji Tw KoTvaewv, of which he himself says (i., p. 148, Dindorf),<br />
ihrfp ye Ka\ ev apxfi rfis iiriffToXTjs flirov v)o tj fiovXe
224, 225] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 33<br />
wide dissemination of the practice of epistle-writing among<br />
the Greeks <strong>and</strong> Komans. The epistle, having once gained a<br />
position as a literary eidos, became differentiated into a<br />
whole series of almost independent forms of composition.<br />
We should, in the first place, recall the poetical epistle ^<br />
(especially of Lucilius, Horace, Ovid) ;<br />
but<br />
there were also<br />
juristic epistles—a literary form which probably originated<br />
in the written responsa to questions on legal subjects ;<br />
further, there were episUdcB medicinales,'^ gastronomic " letters,"'*<br />
etc. In this connection it were well to direct particular<br />
attention to the great popularity of the epistle as the special<br />
form of magical <strong>and</strong> religious literature. " All the Magic<br />
Papyri are of this letter-form, <strong>and</strong> in all the ceremonial -<strong>and</strong><br />
mystic literature—to say nothing of other kinds—it was the<br />
customary form. At that time the pioneers of new religions<br />
clothed their message in this form, <strong>and</strong> even when they<br />
furnish their writings vdth a stereotype title of such a kind,<br />
<strong>and</strong> with particularly sacred names, it would yet be doing<br />
them an injustice simply to call them forgers."^<br />
12. A very brief reference to the pseudonymous epis-<br />
tolography of antiquity is all that is required here. It will<br />
be sufficient for us to realise the great vogue it enjoyed, after<br />
the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian period, among the Greeks <strong>and</strong> subsequently<br />
among the Eomans. It is decidedly one of the most char-<br />
acteristic features of post-classical literature. We already<br />
find a number of the last-mentioned epistles bearing the<br />
names of pretended authors ; it is, indeed, difficult to draw<br />
a line between the "genuine" <strong>and</strong> the fictitious epistles<br />
when the two are set in contrast to letters really such.'' As<br />
may be easily understood, pseudonymous epistolography<br />
specially affected the celebrated names of the past, <strong>and</strong> not<br />
least the names of those great men the real letters of whom<br />
were extant in collections. The literary practice of using<br />
1 Teuffel-Schwabe, i., p. 39 f. ^Ibicl, i., p. 84.<br />
•* Ibid., i., p. 85. * Susemihl, ii., p. 601.<br />
''A. Dieterich, Abraxas, p. 161 f. Particular references will be found<br />
there <strong>and</strong> specially in Fleck. Jbb. Suppl. xvi. (1888), p. 757.<br />
® Cf. pp. 15 <strong>and</strong> 20 above.<br />
3<br />
"
34 BIBLE STUDIES. [225, 226<br />
assumed or protective names was found highly convenient by<br />
such obscure people as felt that they must make a contribu-<br />
tion to Hterature of a page or two ;<br />
they did not place their own<br />
names upon their books, for they had the true enough pre-<br />
sentiment that these would be a matter of indifference to their<br />
contemporaries <strong>and</strong> to posterity, nor did they substitute for<br />
them some unknown Gams or Timon : what they did was to<br />
write "letters" of Plato or Demosthenes, of Aristotle or<br />
his royal pupil, of Cicero, Brutus or Horace. It would be<br />
superfluous in the meantime to go into particulars about any<br />
specially characteristic examples, the more so as the present<br />
position of the investigation still makes it difficult for us to<br />
assign to each its special historical place, but at all events<br />
the pseudonymous epistolography of antiquity st<strong>and</strong>s out<br />
quite clearly as a distinct aggregate of literary phenomena.<br />
Suffice it only to refer further to what may be very well<br />
gleaned <strong>from</strong> a recent work,^ viz., that the early imperial<br />
period was the classical age of this most unclassical manu-<br />
facturinef of books.<br />
IV.<br />
13. The author's purpose was to write Prolegomena to<br />
the biblical letters <strong>and</strong> epistles : it may seem now to be high<br />
time that he came to the subject. But he feels that he<br />
might now break off, <strong>and</strong> still confidently believe that he has<br />
not neglected his task. What remains to be said is really<br />
implied in the foregoing pages. It was a problem in the<br />
method of literary history which urged itself upon him ; he<br />
has solved it, for himself at least, in laying bare the roots by<br />
which it adheres to the soil on which flourished aforetime<br />
the spacious garden of God—Holy Scripture.<br />
To the investigator the <strong>Bible</strong> offers a large number of<br />
writings bearing a name which appears to be simple, but<br />
which nevertheless conceals within itself that same problem<br />
—a name which every child seems to underst<strong>and</strong>, but upon<br />
which, nevertheless, the learned man must ponder deeply<br />
' J. F. Marcks, St/iitbola critica ad Epistolograpiios Gi-aecos, Bonn, 1883.
226, 227] LETTEKS AND EPISTLES. 35<br />
if ever he will see into the heart of the things called by it.<br />
** Letters " ! How<br />
long did the author work with this term<br />
without having ever once reflected on what it meant ;<br />
how<br />
long did it accompany him through his daily task in science<br />
without his observing the enigma that was inscribed on its<br />
work-a-day face ! Others<br />
may have been more knowing :<br />
the author's experiences were like those of a man who<br />
plants a vineyard v^ithout being able to distinguish the<br />
true vine-shoots <strong>from</strong> the suckers of the wild grape. That<br />
was, of course, a sorry plight— as bad as if one were to<br />
labour upon Attic tragedies without knowing what an Attic<br />
tragedy is. One may, indeed, write a letter without<br />
necessarily knowing what a letter is. The best letter-<br />
writers have certainly not cherished any doctrinaire opinions<br />
on the subject. The ancient Greek <strong>and</strong> Latm " guides to<br />
letter-writing " ^ appeared long after Cicero :<br />
neither<br />
did the<br />
Apostles, for that matter, know anything of Halieutics.<br />
But if one is to underst<strong>and</strong> those literary memorials in the<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> which have come to us under the name of "letters,"<br />
<strong>and</strong> to make them intelligible to others, the first condition<br />
is, of course, that one must have an historical comprehen-<br />
sion of his purpose, must have previously divested the<br />
problematic term of its problematic character :<br />
ou<br />
yap eTretSr)<br />
eiTLcrroXi-j Trpoaayopeverai eviKw ovofxaTi, r^hrj Kal Traawv rcov<br />
Kara rov ^iov (f)epofj,€V(ov iirLcrToXoiv €l
36 BIBLE STUDIES. [228<br />
view. Just as the language of the <strong>Bible</strong> ought to be studied<br />
^<br />
in its actual historical context of contemporary language ;<br />
just as its religious <strong>and</strong> ethical contents must be studied in<br />
their actual historical context of contemporary religion <strong>and</strong><br />
civilisation-—so the biblical writings, too, in the literary in-<br />
vestigation of them, ought not to be placed in an isolated posi-<br />
tion. The author speaks of the biblical ivritings, not of the bibli-<br />
cal literature. To apply the designation literature to certain<br />
portions of the biblical writings would be an illegitimate<br />
procedure. Not all that we find printed in books at the pre-<br />
sent day was literature <strong>from</strong> the first. A comparison of the<br />
biblical writings, in their own proper character, with the<br />
other writings of antiquity, will show us that in each case<br />
there is a sharp distinction between works which were<br />
literature <strong>from</strong> the first <strong>and</strong> writings which only acquired<br />
that character later on, or will show, at least, that we must<br />
so distinguish them <strong>from</strong> each other. This is nowhere more<br />
evident than in the case under discussion. When we make<br />
the dem<strong>and</strong> that the biblical "letters " are to be set in their<br />
proper relation to ancient letter-writing as a whole, we<br />
do not thereby imply that they are products of ancient<br />
epistolography, but rather that they shall be investigated<br />
simply with regard to the question, how far the categories<br />
implied in the problematic term letter are to be employed<br />
in the criticism of them. We may designate our question<br />
regarding the biblical letters <strong>and</strong> epistles as a question<br />
regarding the literary character of the writings transmitted<br />
by the <strong>Bible</strong> under the name letters,^ but the question re-<br />
garding their literary character must be so framed that the<br />
answer will affirm the ^7-eliterary character, probably of<br />
some, possibly of all.<br />
1 Cf. p. 63 ff.<br />
^ The author has ah-eady briefly expressed these ideas about the history<br />
of biblical religion in the essay Ztir MetJwcle der Biblisclien Theologic des<br />
Neuen Testamentes, Zeitsdirift fur Theologic und KircJie, iii. (1893), pp. 126-139.<br />
^ E. P. Gould, in an article entitled " The Literary Character of St.<br />
Paul's Letters " in Tfie Old <strong>and</strong> New Testament Student, vol. xi. (1890), pp.<br />
71 ff. <strong>and</strong> 134 ff., seems to apply the same question to some at least of the<br />
biblical " letters," but in reality his essay has an altogether different purpose.
229] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 37<br />
The latter has been maintained by F. Overbeck/—at<br />
least in regard to the " letters " in the New Testament. He<br />
thinks that the Apostolic letters belong to a class of writings<br />
which we ought not to place in the province of literature at<br />
all ; ^ the writer of a letter has, as such, no concern with<br />
literature whatever,—^" because for every product of litera-<br />
ture it is essential that its contents have an appropriate<br />
literary form ".^ The written words of a letter are nothing<br />
but the wholly inartificial <strong>and</strong> incidental substitute for<br />
spoken words. As the letter has a quite distinct <strong>and</strong><br />
transitory motive, so has it also a quite distinct <strong>and</strong> re-<br />
stricted public—not necessarily merely one individual, but<br />
sometimes, according to circumstances, a smaller or larger<br />
in any case, a circle of readers which<br />
company of persons :<br />
can be readily brought before the writer's mind <strong>and</strong> dis-<br />
tinctly located in the field of inward vision. A work of<br />
literature, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, has the widest possible pub-<br />
licity in view :<br />
the<br />
literary man's public is, so to speak, an<br />
imaginary one, which it is the part of the literary work to<br />
find.^ Though Overbeck thus indicates with proper precision<br />
the fundamental diiference between the letter <strong>and</strong> literature,<br />
^ Tiber die Anfdnge der patristischen Litteratur in the Historische Zeit-<br />
schrift, 48, Neue Folge 12 (1882), p. 429 ff. The present writer cannot but<br />
emphasise how much profitable stimulation in regard to method he has<br />
received <strong>from</strong> this essay, even though he differs <strong>from</strong> the essayist on im-<br />
portant points.<br />
2 P. 429, <strong>and</strong> foot of p. 428.<br />
' P. 429. Overbeck would seem sometimes not to be quite clear with<br />
regard to the term form, which he frequently uses. The author underst<strong>and</strong>s<br />
the word in the above quotation in the same way as in the fundamental pro-<br />
position on p. 423 " : In the forms of literature is found its history ". Hero<br />
forjii can be understood only as Eiclos. The forms of literature are, e.g..<br />
Epos, Tragedy, History, etc. Overbeck, in his contention that the form is<br />
essential for the contents of a literary work, is undoubtedly correct, if he is<br />
referring to the good old e'iSr] of literature. No one, for example, will expect<br />
a comedy to incite
38 BIBLE STUDIES. [229, 230<br />
yet he has overlooked the necessary task of investigating<br />
whether the ApostoHc letters—either as a whole or in part<br />
—may not be epistles, <strong>and</strong> this oversight on his part is the<br />
more extraordinary, since he quite clearly recognises the dis-<br />
tinction between the letter <strong>and</strong> the epistle. He speaks, at<br />
least, of " artificial letters," <strong>and</strong> contrasts them with " true<br />
letters " ^<br />
; in point of fact, he has the right feeling,^ that<br />
there are some of the New Testament letters, the form of<br />
which is quite obviously not that of a letter at all, viz., the<br />
so-called Catholic Epistles :<br />
in some of these the form of<br />
address, being so indefinite <strong>and</strong> general, does not correspond<br />
to what we expect in a letter, <strong>and</strong>, in fact, constitutes a<br />
hitherto unsolved problem. Hence he is inclined to class<br />
them along with those New Testament writings " which, in<br />
their own proper <strong>and</strong> original form, certainly belong to<br />
literature,^ but which, in consideration of the paucity of<br />
their different forms, must not be thought of as quaHfying<br />
the New Testament to be ranked historically as the be-<br />
ginning of that literature ". Easy as it would have been<br />
to characterise the "letters," thus so aptly described, as<br />
epistles, Overbeck has yet refrained <strong>from</strong> doing this, <strong>and</strong><br />
though he seems, at least, to have characterised them as<br />
literature, yet he pointedly disputes ^ the contention that<br />
Christian literature begins with "the New Testament,"<br />
that is, in possible case, with these letters,—<strong>and</strong> he ex-<br />
pressly says that the "artificial letter" remains wholly<br />
outside of the sphere of this discussion.^<br />
14. The present writer would assert, as against this,<br />
that "in the New Testament," <strong>and</strong> not only there, but also<br />
in the literature of the Jews as well as of the Christians of<br />
post-New-Testament times, the transmitted " letters " permit<br />
of quite as marked a division into real letters <strong>and</strong> epistles, as<br />
is the case in ancient literature generally.<br />
14. Most investigators of the New Testament letters<br />
seem to overlook the fact that this same profound difference<br />
1 P. 429 at the top. 2 p_ 431 f_<br />
'^ Overbeck here means the Gospels, Acts of the Apostles <strong>and</strong> Revelation.<br />
< P. 426 ff. 5 p. 429.<br />
—
231] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 39<br />
already manifests itself clearly in the "letters" found<br />
amon£,f the writings of pre-Christian Judaism. Looking<br />
at the writings of early Christianity <strong>from</strong> the st<strong>and</strong>point<br />
of hterary history, we perceive that Jewish hterature ^ was<br />
precisely the Hterary sphere <strong>from</strong> which the first Christians<br />
could most readily borrow <strong>and</strong> adopt something in the way<br />
of forms, el'Srj, of composition.^ If, therefore, the existence of<br />
the elSos of the epistle can be demonstrated in this possibly<br />
archetypal sphere, our inquiry regarding the early Christian<br />
" letters " manifestly gains a more definite justification.<br />
Should the doubt be raised as to whether it is conceivable<br />
that a fine of demarcation, quite unmistakably present in<br />
"profane" hterature, should have also touched the outlying<br />
province of the New Testament, that doubt will be stilled<br />
when it is shown that this hne had actually long intersected<br />
the sphere of Jewish literature, which may have been the<br />
model for the writers of the New Testament. Between the<br />
ancient epistles <strong>and</strong> what are (possibly) the epistles of early<br />
Christianity, there subsists a hterary, a morphological connec-<br />
tion ; if it be thought necessary to estabhsh a transition-link,<br />
this may quite well be found in the Jewish epistles. The<br />
way by which the epistle entered the sphere of Jewish author-<br />
ship is manifest : Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, the classical soil of the epistle<br />
<strong>and</strong> the pseudo-epistle, exercised its Hellenising influence<br />
canonical.<br />
^ Not solely, of course, those writings which we no2V recognise as<br />
2 The influence of a Jewish literary form can be clearly seen at its best<br />
in the Apocalypse of John. But also the Acts of the Apostles (which, along<br />
with the Gospels, the present writer would, contra Overbeck, characterise as<br />
belonging already to Christian literature) has its historical prototype, in the<br />
matter of form, in the Hellenistic writing of annals designed for the edifi-<br />
cation of the people. What in the Acts of the Apostles recalls the literary<br />
method of "profane" historical literature (e.g., insertion of speeches, letters,<br />
<strong>and</strong> official papers), need not be accounted for by a competent knowledge of<br />
classical authors on the part of the writer of it ; it may quite well be ex-<br />
plained by the influence of its Jewish prototypes. When the Christians<br />
began to make literature, they adopted their literary forms, even those<br />
which have the appearance of being Graeco-Roman, <strong>from</strong> Greek Judaism, with<br />
the single exception of the Evangelium—a literary form which originated<br />
within Christianity itself.
40 BIBLE STUDIES. [232<br />
upon Judaism in this matter as in others. We know not<br />
who the first Jewish epistolographer may have been, but it<br />
is, at least, highly probable that he was an Alex<strong>and</strong>rian.<br />
The taking over of the epistolary form was facilitated for<br />
him by the circumstance that already m the ancient <strong>and</strong><br />
revered writings of his nation there was frequent mention<br />
of " letters," <strong>and</strong> that, as a matter of fact, he found a number<br />
of " letters " actually given verbatim in the sacred text.<br />
Any one who read the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah<br />
with the eyes of an Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Hellenist, found, in chap.<br />
29 (the prophet's message to the captives in Babylon),^<br />
something which to his morbid literary taste seemed like an<br />
epistle. As a matter of fact, this message is a real letter,<br />
j)erhaps indeed the only genuine one we have <strong>from</strong> Old<br />
Testament times ;<br />
a real letter, which only became literature<br />
by its subsequent admission into the hook of the Prophet.<br />
As it now st<strong>and</strong>s in the book, it is to be put in exactly the<br />
same class as all other real letters which were subsequently<br />
published. In its origin, in its purpose, Jer. '29, being a<br />
real letter, is non-literary, <strong>and</strong> hence, of course, we must not<br />
ask after a literary prototype for it. The wish to discover<br />
the first Israelitic or first Christian letter-writer would be<br />
as foolish as the inquiry regarding the beginnings of Jewish<br />
<strong>and</strong>, later, of Christian, epistolography is profitable <strong>and</strong><br />
necessary ;<br />
besides, the doctrinaire inquirer would be cruelly<br />
undeceived when the sublime simphcity of the historical<br />
reality smiled at him <strong>from</strong> the rediscovered first Christian<br />
letter—its pages perhaps infinitely paltry in their contents :<br />
some forgotten cloak may have been the occasion of it<br />
who will say? Jer. 29 is not, of course, a letter such as<br />
anybody might dash off in an idle moment ; nay, lightnings<br />
quiver between the lines, Jahweh speaks in wrath or in<br />
blessing,— still, although a Jeremiah wrote it, although it<br />
be a documentary fragment of the history of the people <strong>and</strong><br />
the religion of Israel, it is still a letter, neither less nor more.<br />
The antithesis of it in that respect is not wanting. Tiiere<br />
' It is, of course, possible, in these merely genei-al observatious, to avoid<br />
touching on the question of the integrity of this message.<br />
—
233] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 41<br />
has been transmitted to us, among the Old Testament<br />
Apocryphal writings, a little book bearing the name eTria-roXr]<br />
'lepe/jbiov. If Jer. 29 is a letter of the prophet Jeremiah,<br />
this is an Epistle of " Jeremiah ". Than the latter, we could<br />
know no more instructive instance for the elucidation of the<br />
distinction between letter <strong>and</strong> epistle, or for the proper<br />
appreciation of the idea of pseudonymity in ancient htera-<br />
ture. The Greek epistolography of the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian period<br />
constituted the general literary impulse of the writer of the<br />
Epistle of "Jeremiah," while the actual existence of a real<br />
letter of Jeremiah constituted the particular impulse. He<br />
wrote an epistle,—as did the other great men of the day : he<br />
wrote an epistle of " Jeremiah," just as the others may have<br />
fabricated, say, epistles of " Plato ". We can distinctly see,<br />
in yet another passage, how the motive to epistolography<br />
could be found in the then extant sacred writings of<br />
Judaism. The canonical Book of Esther speaks, in two<br />
places, of royal letters, without giving their contents : a<br />
sufficient reason for the Greek reviser to sit down <strong>and</strong><br />
manufacture them, just as the two prayers, only mentioned<br />
in the original, are given by him in full !<br />
Having once gamed a footing, epistolography must<br />
we have still<br />
have become very popular in Greek Judaism ;<br />
a whole series of Graeco-Jewish "letters," which are un-<br />
questionably epistles. The author is not now thinking of<br />
the multitude of letters, ascribed to historical personages,<br />
which are inserted in historical works'-; in so far as these<br />
are unauthentic, they are undoubtedly of an epistolary<br />
^ The following is also instructive : It is reported at the end of the<br />
Greek Book of Esther that the " Priest <strong>and</strong> Levite " Dositheus <strong>and</strong> his son<br />
Ptoleniaeus, had "brought hither" {i.e., to Egypt) the iTnaroKr) twv ^povpai<br />
{concerning tlie Feast of Purini) <strong>from</strong> Esther <strong>and</strong> Mordecai (LXX Esther<br />
929, c/. 20^^ which was translated (into Greek) by Lysimachus, the son of<br />
Ptolemaeus in Jerusalem. It would thus seem that a Greek letter concern-<br />
ing Purim, written by Esther <strong>and</strong> Mordecai, was known in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria. It<br />
is not improbable that the alleged bearers of the "letter" were really the<br />
authors of it.<br />
2 The Books of j\Iaccabees, Epistle of Aristeas, specially also Eupolemos<br />
.{cf. thereon J. Preudenthal, Hellenist ische Studien, part i. <strong>and</strong> ii., Breslau,<br />
1875, p. 106 ff.), Josephus.<br />
^
42 BIBLE STUDIES. [234<br />
character, but they belong less to the investigation of<br />
epistolography than to the development of historical style.<br />
We should rather call to mind books <strong>and</strong> booklets like the<br />
Epistle of Aristeas, the two ^ epistles at the beginning of the<br />
2nd Book of Maccabees, the Epistle of " Baruch " to the nine <strong>and</strong><br />
a half tribes in cap)tivity, attached to the Apocalypse of<br />
Baruch,'^ perhaps the twenty-eighth " Letter of Diogenes,'' ^ <strong>and</strong><br />
certain portions of the collection of " letters " which bears the<br />
name of Heraclitus^<br />
15. Coming, then, to the early Christian "letters " with<br />
our question, letter or epistle ? it will be our first task to de-<br />
termine the character of the "letters" transmitted to us<br />
under the name of Paul. "Was Paul a letter-writer or an<br />
epistolographer ? The question is a sufficiently pressing one,,<br />
in view of the exceedingly great popularity of epistolography<br />
in the Apostle's time. Nor can we forthwith answer it,<br />
even leaving the Pastoral epistles out of consideration, <strong>and</strong><br />
attending in the first place only to those whose genuineness<br />
is more or less established. The difficulty is seen in it&<br />
most pronounced form when we compare the letter to<br />
Philemon with that to the Komans ; here we seem to have<br />
two such heterogeneous compositions that it would appear<br />
questionable whether we should persist in asking the above<br />
disjunctive question. May not Paul have written both<br />
letters <strong>and</strong> epistles ? It would certainly be preposterous to-<br />
assume, a priori, that the "letters" of Paul must be either<br />
all letters or all epistles. The inquiry must rather be<br />
directed upon each particular "letter"—a task the ful-<br />
filment of which hes outside the scope of the present<br />
^C. Bruston (Trois letfres des Juifs de Palestine, ZAW. x. [1890], pp.<br />
110-117) has recently tried to show that 2 Mace. 1 1-2 '^ contains not two but<br />
three letters (li-^"- l^wo^, 1106-218).<br />
- Unless this be of Christian times, as appears probable to the present<br />
writer. In any case it is an instructive analogy for the literary criticism of<br />
the Epistle of James <strong>and</strong> the First Epistle of Peter.<br />
61 ff.<br />
•'<br />
Cf. J. Bernays, Lucian und die Kyniker, Berlin, 1879, p. 96 ff.<br />
^ J. Bernays, Die h^raklitisdien Briefe, Berlin, 1869, particularly p.
235] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 43<br />
methodological essay.^ But, as it is, the author may<br />
here at least indicate his opinion.<br />
It appears to him quite certain that the authentic<br />
writings of the Apostle are true letters, <strong>and</strong> that to think<br />
of them as epistles ^ is to take away what is best in them.<br />
They were, of course, collected, <strong>and</strong> treated as literature—in<br />
^ At some future time the author may perhaps pursue the subject<br />
further. He hopes then to treat also of so-called formal matters (form of<br />
the address, of the beginning <strong>and</strong> the end, style of letter, etc.), for which he<br />
has already gathered some materials.<br />
^ But seldom has this been more distinctly maintained than quite re-<br />
cently by A. Gercke, who designates the letters of Paul, in plain language,<br />
as "treatises in the form of letters" (GGA., 1894, p. 577). But this great<br />
<strong>and</strong> widely-prevalent misconception of the matter stretches back in its be-<br />
ginnings to the early years of the Christian Church. Strictly speaking, it<br />
began with the first movements towards the canonisation of the letters.<br />
Canonisation was possible only when the non-literary (<strong>and</strong> altogether uncanonical)<br />
character of the messages had been forgotten ; when Paul, <strong>from</strong><br />
being an Apostle, had become a literary power <strong>and</strong> an authority of the past.<br />
Those by whom the letters were treated as elements of the developing New<br />
Testament considered the Apostle to be an epistolographer. Further, the<br />
pseudo-Pauline " letters," including the correspondence between Paul <strong>and</strong><br />
Seneca, are evidences of the fact that the writers of them no longer under-<br />
stood the true nature of the genuine letters ; the bringing together of the<br />
Apostle <strong>and</strong> the epistolographer Seneca is in itself a particularly significant<br />
fact. We may also mention here the connecting—whether genuine or not<br />
of Paul with the Attic orators (in the Rhetorician Longinus : cf. J. L.<br />
Hug, Einleitimg in die Schriffen des Nenen Testaments, n.'\ Stuttgart <strong>and</strong><br />
Tubingen, 1826, p. 334 ff. ; Heinrici, Das zioeite Sendschreiben des Ai). P. an<br />
die Korinthier, p. 578). The same position is held very decidedly by A.<br />
Scultetus (t 1624), according to whom the Apostle imitates the "letters" of<br />
Heraclitus {cf. Bernays, Die Jieraklitischen Brief e, p. 151). How well the<br />
misunderst<strong>and</strong>ing still flourishes, how tightly it shackles both the criticism<br />
of the Letters <strong>and</strong> the representation of Paulinism, the author will not<br />
further discuss at present ; he would refer to his conclusions regarding<br />
method at the end of this essay. In his opinion, one of the most pertinent<br />
things that have been of late written on the true character of Paul's letters<br />
is § 70 of Reuss's Introduction {Die Geschichte dev lieiligen Schrr. N.T.<br />
p. 70). Mention may also be made—reference to living writers being omitted<br />
—of A. Ritschl's Diechristl. Lehre vender Rechtfertigung und Versohnmuj. ii.",<br />
p. 22. Supporters of the correct view were, of course, not wanting even in<br />
earlier times. Compare the anonymous opinion in tlie Codex Barberinus,<br />
111., 36 (saec. xi.) : iiriffroXai HavKov KaXovvraL, eiretSr) ravras 6 TlavAos ISia iiri-<br />
fTTeWei Kol 5i' avTwv ovs juLev ^Stj ecopane koI fSiSa^ev uTrOjUi/urijcr/cei Kal eiriStopdovrai,<br />
ovs 5e fj.7] kdipaKi o-TrouSdfet (cottjx«'I' koX SiSacr/ceii', in E. Klostermann's Analecta<br />
zur Septuaginta, He.rapla und Patristik, Leipzig, 1895, p. 95.<br />
—
44 BIBLE STUDIES. [236, 237<br />
point of fact, as literature in the highest sense, as canonical<br />
—at an eaiiy period. But that was nothing more than an<br />
after-experience of the letters, for which there were many<br />
precedents in the literary development sketched above.<br />
But this after-experience cannot change their original char-<br />
acter, <strong>and</strong> our first task must be to ascertain what this<br />
character actually is. Paul had no thought of adding a<br />
few fresh compositions to the already extant Jewish epistles,<br />
still less of enriching the sacred literature of his nation<br />
no, every time he wrote, he had some perfectly definite<br />
impulse in the diversified experiences of the young Christian<br />
churches. He had no presentiment of the place his words<br />
would occupy in universal history ;<br />
not<br />
so much as that<br />
they would still be in existence in the next generation, far<br />
less that one day the people would look upon them as Holy<br />
Scripture. We now know them as coming down <strong>from</strong> the<br />
centuries with the literary patina <strong>and</strong> the nimbus of canonicity<br />
upon them ; should we desire to attain a historical<br />
estimate of their proper character, we must disregard l)oth.<br />
Just as we should not allow the dogmatic idea of the mass<br />
to influence our historical consideration of the last Supper<br />
of Jesus with His disciples, nor the hturgical notions of a<br />
prayerbook-commission to influence our historical considera-<br />
tion of the Lord's Prayer, so little dare we approach the<br />
letters of Paul with ideas about literature <strong>and</strong> notions<br />
about the canon. Paul had better work to do than the<br />
writing of books, <strong>and</strong> he did not flatter himself that he<br />
could write Scriptiire ; he wrote letters, real letters, as did<br />
Aristotle <strong>and</strong> Cicero, as did the men <strong>and</strong> women of the<br />
Fayyum. They differ <strong>from</strong> the messages of the homely<br />
Papyrus leaves <strong>from</strong> Egypt not as letters, but only as the<br />
letters of Paul. No one will hesitate to grant that the<br />
Letter to Philemon has the character of a letter. It must<br />
be to a large extent a mere doctrinaire want of taste that<br />
could make any one describe this gem, the preservation of<br />
which we owe to some fortunate accident, as an essay, say,<br />
"on the attitude of Christianity to slavery ". It is rather a<br />
letter, full of a charming, unconscious naivete, full of kindly<br />
;
237, 238] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 45<br />
human nature. It is thus that Epicurus writes to his<br />
child, <strong>and</strong> Moltke to his wife : no doubt Paul talks of other<br />
matters than they do—no one letter, deserving the name, has<br />
ever looked like another—but the Apostle does exactly what<br />
is done by the Greek philosopher <strong>and</strong> the German officer.<br />
It is also quite clear that the note of introduction<br />
contained in Bom. 16 is of the nature of a true letter.<br />
No one, it is to be hoped, will make the objection that<br />
it is directed to a number of persons—most hkely the<br />
Church at Ephesus ;<br />
the<br />
author thinks that he has made<br />
it probable that the number of receivers is of no account<br />
in the determination of the nature of a letter.^ But<br />
the Letter to the Philijypians is also as real a letter as<br />
any that was ever written. Here a quite definite situation<br />
of affairs forced the Apostle to take up his pen, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
letter reflects a quite definite frame of mind, or, at least,<br />
enables us to imagine it. The danger of introducing into<br />
our investigation considerations which, so far as concerns<br />
method,- are irrelevant, is, of course, greater in this case.<br />
Some reader will again be found to contend that, in con-<br />
trast to the private letter to Philemon, we have here a<br />
coufiregational letter : some one, again, who is convinced of<br />
the valuelessness of this distinction, will bring forward the<br />
peculiarity of the contents: the letter is of a "doctrinal"<br />
character, <strong>and</strong> should thus be designated a doctrinal letter.<br />
This peculiarity must not be denied— though, indeed, the<br />
author has misgivings about applying the term doctrine to<br />
the Apostle's messages ; the " doctrinal " sections of the<br />
letters impress him more as being of the nature of con-<br />
fessions <strong>and</strong> attestations. But what is added towards the<br />
answering of our question letter or epistle ? by the expression<br />
1 Cf. pp. 4 <strong>and</strong> 18 f.<br />
^ The relative lengthiness of the letter must also be deemed an<br />
irrelevant consideration—one not likely, as the author thinks, to be ad-<br />
vanced. The difference between a letter <strong>and</strong> an epistle cannot be decided<br />
by the tape-line. Most letters are shorter than the Letter to the Philip-<br />
plans, shorter still than the " great " Pauline letters. But there are also<br />
quite diminutive epistles : a<br />
collection of Hercher.<br />
large number of examples are to be found in the
46 BIBLE STUDIES. [238, 239<br />
"doctrinal" letter—however pertinent a term? If a letter<br />
is intended to instruct the receiver, or a group of receivers,<br />
does it thereby cease to be a letter ? A worthy pastor, let<br />
us say, writes some stirring words to his nephew at the<br />
university, to the effect that he should not let the " faith "<br />
be shaken by professorial wisdom ;<br />
<strong>and</strong><br />
he refutes point by<br />
point the inventions of men. Perhaps, when he himself<br />
was a student, he received some such sincere letters <strong>from</strong><br />
his father against the new orthodoxy which was then, m its<br />
turn, beginning to be taught. Do such letters forthwith<br />
become tractates simply because they are "doctrinal"?^<br />
We must carefully guard against an amalgamation of the<br />
two categories doctrinal letter <strong>and</strong> epistle. If any one be so<br />
inclined, he may break up the letter into a multitude of<br />
subdivisions : the twenty-one or forty-one tvttol of the old<br />
theorists ^ may be increased to whatever extent one wishes.<br />
^ At the present day it would be difficult enough, in many cases, to<br />
•determine forthwith the character of such letters. For instance, the so-<br />
called Pastoral Letters of bishops <strong>and</strong> general superintendents might almost<br />
always be taken as epistles, not, indeed, because they are official, but because<br />
they are designed for a public larger than the address might lead one to<br />
suppose. Further, at the present day they are usually printed <strong>from</strong> the outset.<br />
An example <strong>from</strong> the Middle Ages, the " letter" of Gregory VII. to Hermann<br />
of Metz, dated the 15th March, 1081, has been investigated in regard to its<br />
literary character by C. Mirbt, Die Publizisfik im Zeitalter Gregors VII.,<br />
Leipzig, 1894, p. 28. Cf., on p. 4 of the same work, the observations on<br />
literary publicity. The defining lines are more easily drawn in regard to<br />
antiquity. A peculiar hybrid phenomenon is found in the still extant cor-<br />
respondence of Abelard <strong>and</strong> Heloise. It is quite impossible to say exactly<br />
where the letters end <strong>and</strong> the epistles begin. Heloise writes more in the<br />
style of the letter, Abelard more in that of the epistle. There had, of course,<br />
been a time when both wrote differently : the<br />
glow of feeling which, in the<br />
nun's letters, between biblical <strong>and</strong> classical quotations, still breaks occa-<br />
sionally into a flame of passion, gives us an idea of how Heloise may once<br />
have written, when it was impossible for her to act against his wish, <strong>and</strong><br />
when she felt herself altogether guilty <strong>and</strong> yet totally innocent. Neither,<br />
certainly, did Abelard, before the great sorrow of his life had deprived him<br />
of both his nature <strong>and</strong> his naturalness, write in the affected style of the<br />
convert weary of life, whose words like deadly siuords pierced tlie soul of the<br />
woman who now lived upon memories. In his later " letters " he kept, though<br />
perhaps only unconsciously, a furtive eye upon the public into whose h<strong>and</strong>s<br />
they might some day fall—<strong>and</strong> then he was no longer a letter-writer at all.<br />
2 See p. 35.
239, 240] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 47<br />
The author has no objection to any one similarly breaking up<br />
the Pauline letters into several subdivisions, <strong>and</strong> subsuming<br />
some of them under the species doctrinal letter ; only one<br />
should not fondly imagine that by means of the doctrinal<br />
letter he has bridged over the great gulf between letter <strong>and</strong><br />
epistle. The pre-literary character even of the doctrinal<br />
letter must be maintained.<br />
This also holds good of the other Letters of Paul, even of<br />
the " great Ejyistles " . They,<br />
contain, in fact, theological discussions :<br />
too, are partly doctrinal; they<br />
but<br />
even in these, the<br />
Apostle had no desire to make literature. The Letter to the<br />
Galatians is not a pamphlet " upon the relation of Christianity<br />
to Judaism," but a message sent in order to bring back the<br />
foolish Galatians to their senses. The letter can only be<br />
understood in the light of its special purpose as such.^ Hov^^<br />
much more distinctly do the Letters to the Corinthians bear the<br />
stamp of the true letter ! The second of them, in particular,<br />
reveals its true character in every line ; in the author's<br />
opinion, it is the most letter-hke of ail the letters of Paul,<br />
though that to Philemon may appear on the surface to have<br />
a better claim to that position. The great difficulty in the<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of it is due to the very fact that it is so truly<br />
a letter, so full of allusions <strong>and</strong> familiar references, so per-<br />
vaded v^ith irony <strong>and</strong> with a depression which struggles<br />
against itself—matters of which only the writer <strong>and</strong> the<br />
readers of it understood the purport, but which we, for the<br />
most part, can ascertain only approximately. What is<br />
doctrinal in it is not there for its own sake, but is altogether<br />
subservient to the purpose of the letter. The nature of the<br />
letters which were brought to the Corinthians by the fellow-<br />
workers of Paul, was thoroughly well understood by the<br />
receivers themselves, else surely they would hardly have<br />
allowed one or two of them to be lost. They agreed, in fact,<br />
with Paul, m thinking that the letters had served their<br />
purpose when once they had been read. We may most<br />
deeply lament that they took no trouble to preserve the<br />
letters, but it only shows lack of judgment to reproach<br />
^ Cf. the observations upon this letter in the Spicilegium below.
48 BIBLE STUDIES. . [240, 241<br />
them on this account. A letter is somethinp;- ephemeral,,<br />
<strong>and</strong> must be so by its very nature ; ^ it has as little desire<br />
to be immortal as a tete-a-tete has to be minuted, or an<br />
alms to be entered in a ledger. In particular, the temper<br />
of mind in which Paul <strong>and</strong> his Churches passed their<br />
days was not such as to awaken in them an interest for<br />
the centuries to come. The Lord was at h<strong>and</strong> ;<br />
His<br />
advent<br />
was within the horizon of the times, <strong>and</strong> such an anticipa-<br />
tion has nothing in common with the enjoyment of the<br />
contemplative book-collector. The one-sided religious temper<br />
of mind has never yet had any affection for such things as<br />
interest the learned. Modern Christians have become more<br />
prosaic. We institute collections of archives, <strong>and</strong> found<br />
libraries, <strong>and</strong>, when a prominent man dies, we begin to<br />
speculate upon the destination of his literary remains : all<br />
this needs a hope less bold <strong>and</strong> a faith less simple than<br />
belonged to the times of Paul. From the point of view<br />
of literature, the preservation even of two letters to the<br />
Corinthians is a secondary <strong>and</strong> accidental circumstance,<br />
perhaps owing, in part, to their comparative lengthiness,.<br />
which saved them <strong>from</strong> immediate destruction.<br />
The Letter to the Romans is also a real letter. No doubt<br />
there are sections in it which might also st<strong>and</strong> in an epistle<br />
the whole tone of it, generally speaking, stamps it as different<br />
<strong>from</strong> the other Pauline letters. But nevertheless it is not<br />
a book, <strong>and</strong> the favourite saying that it is a compendium of<br />
Paulinism, that the Apostle has, in it, laid down his Dog-<br />
matics <strong>and</strong> his Ethics, certainly manifests an extreme lack<br />
of taste. No doubt Paul wanted to give instruction, <strong>and</strong><br />
he did it, in part, with the help of contemporary theology, but<br />
he does not think of the literary public of his time, or of<br />
Christians in general, as his readers ; he appeals to a httle<br />
company of men, whose very existence, one may say, was<br />
unknown to the pubhc at large, <strong>and</strong> who occupied a special<br />
position within Christianity. It is unhkely that the Apostle<br />
^ Tills explains why, of the extant "letters" of celebrated men who<br />
have written both letters <strong>and</strong> epistles, it is the latter that have, in general,<br />
been preserved in larger numbers than the former. Compare, for instance,<br />
the extant "letters" of Origen.<br />
;
241, 242] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 49<br />
would send copies of the letter to the brethren in Ephesus,<br />
Antioch or Jerusalem ; it was to Borne that he despatched<br />
it : nor did the bearer of it go to the pubhshers in the<br />
Imperial City,^ but rather to some otherwise unknown<br />
brother in the Lord— just hke many another passenger by the<br />
same ship of Corinth, hastening one to that house, another<br />
to this, there to deliver a message by word of mouth, here<br />
to leave a letter or something else. The fact that the Letter<br />
to the Komans is not so enlivened by personal references as<br />
the other letters of Paul is explained by the conditions under<br />
which it was written : .he was addressing a Church which<br />
he did not yet personally know. Considered in the light of<br />
this fact, the infrequence of personal references in the letter<br />
lends no support to its being taken as a literary epistle ; it is<br />
but the natural result of its non-literary purpose. Moreover,<br />
Paul wrote even the "doctrinal" portions in his heart's<br />
blood. The words raXatTrcopo? eyco avOpaiiro^; are no cool<br />
rhetorical expression of an objective ethical condition, but<br />
the impressive indication of a personal ethical experience : it<br />
is not theological paragraphs which Paul is writing here,<br />
but his confessions.<br />
Certain as it seems to the author that the authentic<br />
messages of Paul are letters, he is equally sure that we<br />
have also a number of epistles <strong>from</strong> New Testament times.<br />
They belong, as such, to the beginnings of " Christian litera-<br />
ture ". The author considers the Letter to the Hebrews as<br />
most unmistakably of all an epistle. It professes, in chap.<br />
13 ^^, to be a X070? tt}? Tra/ja/cA-rjo-eo)?, <strong>and</strong> one would have no<br />
occasion whatever to consider it anything but a literary ora-<br />
tion—hence not as an epistle ^ at all—^if the eVeo-retXa <strong>and</strong><br />
1 It is a further proof of these " epistles " being letters that we know<br />
the bearers of some of them. The epistle as such needs no bearer, <strong>and</strong><br />
should it name one it is only as a matter of form. It is a characteristic circumstance<br />
that the writer of the epistle at the end of the Apocalypse of<br />
Baruch sends his booklet to the receivers by an eagle. Paul uses men as his<br />
messengers : he would not have entrusted a letter to eagles —they fly too high.<br />
2 Nor, strictly speaking, can we count the First Epistle of John as an<br />
epistle—on the ground, that is, that the address must have disappeared. It<br />
4
50 BIBLE STUDIES. [242, 24R<br />
the greetings at the close did not permit of the supposition<br />
that it had at one time opened with something of the nature<br />
of an address as well. The address has been lost ; it might<br />
all the more easily fall out as it was only a later insertion..<br />
The address is, indeed, of decisive importance for the under-<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing of a letter, but in an epistle it is an unessential<br />
element. In the letter, the address occupies, so to speak,<br />
the all-controlling middle-ground of the picture ; in the<br />
epistle it is only ornamental detail. Any given Xoyo'^ can ])e<br />
made an epistle by any kind of an address. The Epistle<br />
to the Hebrews st<strong>and</strong>s on the same Hterary plane as the<br />
Fourth Book of Maccabees, which describes itself as a<br />
(jiiXoaocfxoTaTo^ X0709 ; the fact that the latter seems to<br />
avoid the appearance of being an epistle constitutes a purely<br />
external difference between them, <strong>and</strong> one which is im-<br />
material for the question regarding their literary character.<br />
The author is <strong>chiefly</strong> concerned about the recognition of the<br />
" Catholic " Ejnstles, or, to begin with, of some of them at<br />
least, as literary epistles. With a true instinct, the ancient<br />
Church placed these Catholic Epistles as a special group over<br />
against the Pauline. It seems to the author that the idea<br />
of their catholicity, thus assumed, is to be understood <strong>from</strong><br />
the form of address in the " letters," <strong>and</strong> not primarily <strong>from</strong><br />
the special character of their contents.^ They are composi-<br />
is a brochure, the literary eidos of which cannot be determined just at once.<br />
But the special characterisation of it does not matter, if we only recognise<br />
the literary character of the booklet. That it could be placed among the<br />
"letters" (i.e., in this case, epistles) of the N.T., is partly explained by the<br />
fact that it is allied to them in character : literature associated with litera-<br />
ture. Hence the present writer cannot think that Weiss (Meyer, xiv.-' [1888],<br />
p. 15) is justified in saying : " It is certainly a useless quarrel about words to<br />
refuse to call such a composition a letter in the sense of the New Testament<br />
letter-literature ". The question lettet- or epistle ? is in effect the necessary precondition<br />
for the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the historical facts of the case. The<br />
" sense " of the New Testament letter-literature, which Weiss seems to assume<br />
as something well known, but which forms our problem, cannot really be<br />
ascertained without first putting that question.—The author does not venture<br />
here to give a decision regarding the Second <strong>and</strong> Third Epistles of John ; the<br />
question " letter or epistle ? " is particularly difficult to answer in these cases.<br />
1 This idea of a catholic writing is implied in the classification of tlie<br />
Aristotelian writings which is given by the philosopher David the Armenian<br />
—
243, 244] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 51<br />
tions addressed to Christians—one might perhaps say the<br />
Church— ^in general. The cathohcity of the address impHes,<br />
of course, a cathohcity in the contents. What the Church<br />
calls catholic, we require only to call ejnstle, <strong>and</strong> the un-<br />
solved enigma with which, according to Overbeck,^ they<br />
present us, is brought nearer to a solution. The special<br />
position of these "letters," which is indicated by their<br />
having the attribute catholic instinctively applied to them,<br />
catholic means<br />
is due precisely to their literary character :<br />
in this connection literary. The impossibihty of recognising<br />
the "letters" of Peter, James <strong>and</strong> Jude as real letters fol-<br />
lows directly <strong>from</strong> the pecuHarity in the form of their<br />
address. Any one who writes to the elect ivho are sojourriers<br />
of the Diaspora in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia <strong>and</strong><br />
Bithynia, or to the tioelve tribes which are of the Diaspora, or<br />
even to them tvhich have obtained a like precious faith toith us,<br />
or to them that are called, beloved in God the Father arid kept<br />
for Jesus Christ, must surely have reflected on the question<br />
as to what means he must employ in order to convey his<br />
message to those so addressed. Quite similarly does that<br />
other early Christian epistle still bear the address to tJie<br />
Hebreios ; quite similarly does the author of the epistle at<br />
the close of the Apocalypse of Baruch write to the nine-<strong>and</strong>-a-<br />
half tribes of the Captivity, <strong>and</strong> Pseudo-Diogenes, ep. 28,^ to<br />
the so-called Hellenes. The only way by which the letters<br />
could reach such ideal addresses was to have them reproduced<br />
in numbers <strong>from</strong> the first. But that means that they were<br />
hterature. Had the First Epistle of Peter,^ for instance, been<br />
intended as a real letter, then the writer of it, or a substitute,<br />
would have had to spend many a year of his life ere he could<br />
deliver the letter throughout the enormous circuit of the<br />
(end of the fifth cent, a.d.) in his prolegomena to the categories of Aristotle<br />
(Ed. Ch. A. Br<strong>and</strong>is, Scliol. in Arisf., p. 24a, Westermann, iii. [1852], p. 9).<br />
In contrast to fjiepiKSs special, Ka.QoKi.K6s is used as meaning general ; both<br />
terms refer to the contents of the writings, not to the largeness of the public<br />
for which the author respectively designed them.<br />
1 P. 431. "- Hercher, p. 241 ft.<br />
^ For the investigation of the Second Epistle of Peter,l&ee the observa-<br />
tions which follow below in the Spicilegi^mi.
52 BIBLE STUDIES. [245<br />
countries mentioned. The epistle, in fact, could only reach<br />
its public as a booklet ; at the present day it would not be<br />
sent as a circular letter in sealed envelope, but as printed<br />
matter by book-post. It is true, indeed, that these Catholic<br />
Epistles are Christian literature :<br />
their authors had no desire<br />
to enrich universal hterature ; they wrote their books for a<br />
definite circle of people with the same views as themselves,<br />
that is, for Christians ;<br />
but<br />
books they wrote. Very few<br />
books, indeed, are so arrogant as to aspire to become univer-<br />
sal hterature ; most address themselves to a section only of<br />
the immeasurable public—they are special literature, or<br />
party hterature, or national literature. It is quite admissible<br />
to speak of a literary pubhc, even if the public in question be<br />
but a limited one—even if its boundaries be very sharply<br />
drawn. Hence the early Christian epistles were, in the first<br />
instance, special literature ; to the public at large in the<br />
imperial period they were altogether unknown, <strong>and</strong>, doubt-<br />
less, many a Christian of the time thought of them as<br />
esoteric, <strong>and</strong> h<strong>and</strong>ed them on only to those who were<br />
brethren ; but, in spite of all, the epistles were designed<br />
for some kind of publicity in a literary sense : they were<br />
destined for the brethren. The ideal indefiniteness of this<br />
destination has the result that the contents have an ecumeni-<br />
cal cast. Com.pare the Epistle of James, for instance, with<br />
the Letters of Paul, in regard to this point. From the<br />
latter we construct the history of the apostolic age ; the<br />
former, so long as it is looked upon as a letter, is the enigma<br />
of the New Testament. Those to whom the " letter" was<br />
addressed have been variously imagined to be Jews, Gentile<br />
Christians, Jewish Christians, or Jewish Christians <strong>and</strong><br />
Gentile Christians together ; the map has been scrutinised<br />
in every part without any one having yet ascertained where<br />
we are to seek—not to say find—the readers. But if Diaspora<br />
be not a definite geographical term, no more is the Epistle<br />
of "James" a letter. Its pages are inspired by no special<br />
motive ; there is nothing whatever to be read between the<br />
lines ; its words are of such general interest that they<br />
might, for the most part, st<strong>and</strong> in the Book of Wisdom, or the
246] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 53<br />
Imitation of Christ. It is true, indeed, that the epistle reveals<br />
that it is of early Christian times, but nothing more. There<br />
is nothing uniquely distinctive in its motive, <strong>and</strong> hence no<br />
animating element in its contents. " James " sketches <strong>from</strong><br />
models, not <strong>from</strong> nature. Unfortunately there has alv^^ays<br />
been occasion, among Christians, to censure contentions <strong>and</strong><br />
sins of the tongue, greed <strong>and</strong> calumny ; indignation at the<br />
unmercifulness of the rich <strong>and</strong> sympathy with the poor are<br />
common moods of the prophetic or apostolic mind ;<br />
the scenes<br />
<strong>from</strong> the synagogue <strong>and</strong> the harvest-field are familiar types<br />
—the epistle, in fact, is pervaded by the expressions <strong>and</strong><br />
topics of the aphoristic " v^isdom " of the Old Testament<br />
<strong>and</strong> of Jesus. Even if it could be demonstrated that the<br />
writer was alluding to cases which had actually occurred,<br />
yet we cannot perceive how these cases concern him in any<br />
special way ; there is no particular personal relation between<br />
him <strong>and</strong> those whom he " addresses ". The picture of the<br />
readers <strong>and</strong> the figure of the writer are equally colourless<br />
<strong>and</strong> indistinct. In the letters of Paul, there speaks to us a<br />
comm<strong>and</strong>ing personality—though, indeed, he had no wish<br />
to speak to us at all ; every sentence is the pulse-throb of a<br />
human heart, <strong>and</strong>, whether charmed or surprised, we feel at<br />
least the " touch of nature ". But what meets us in the<br />
Epistle of James is a great subject rather than a great man,<br />
Christianity itself rather than a Christian personality. It<br />
has lately become the custom, in some quarters, to designate<br />
the book as a homily. We doubt whether much is gained<br />
by so doing, for the term homily, as applied to any of the<br />
writings of early Christianity, is itself ambiguous <strong>and</strong> in<br />
need of elucidation ; it probably needs to be broken up in the<br />
same way as " letter '\ But that designation, at least, gives<br />
expression to the conviction that the book in question is<br />
wholly different in character <strong>from</strong> a letter. In the same<br />
way, the recognition of the fact that the Catholic Epistles in<br />
general are not real letters, is evinced by the instinctive<br />
judgment passed on them by the <strong>Bible</strong>-reading community.<br />
The Epistle of James <strong>and</strong> particularly the First Epistle of<br />
Peter, one may say, are examples of those New Testament
54 BIBLE STUDIES. [246, 247<br />
" letters " which play a most important part in popular<br />
religion, while the Second Letter to the Corinthians, for<br />
instance, must certainly be counted among the leastknown<br />
parts of the <strong>Bible</strong>. And naturally so ; the latter,<br />
properly speaking, was adapted only to the needs of the<br />
Corinthians, while later readers know not what to make of<br />
it. They seek out a few detached sayings, but the connection<br />
is not perceived ; in it, truly, they find some tlimcjs hard to he<br />
understood. But those epistles were adapted to Christians in<br />
general ; they are ecumenical, <strong>and</strong>, as such, have a force the<br />
persistence of which is not affected by any vicissitude of<br />
time. Moreover, it also follows <strong>from</strong> their character as<br />
epistles that the question of authenticity is not nearly so<br />
important for them as for the Pauline letters. It is allowable<br />
that in the epistle the personality of the writer should be<br />
less prominent ;<br />
whether<br />
it is completely veiled, as, for in-<br />
stance, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, or whether it modestly<br />
hides itself behind some great name of the past, as in<br />
other cases, does not matter ; considered in the light of<br />
ancient literary practices, this is not only not strange, but in<br />
reality quite natural.— Finally, we may consider the Pastoral<br />
Epistles <strong>and</strong> the Seven Messages in the Apocalypse in regard to<br />
the question whether they are epistles. Though it seems to<br />
the author not impossible that the former have had worked<br />
into them genuine elements of a letter or letters of Paul,<br />
he would answer the question in the affirmative. The<br />
Seven Epistles of the Book of Eevelation, again, difl:er <strong>from</strong><br />
the rest in the fact that they do not form books by them-<br />
selves, nor constitute one book together, but only a portion<br />
of a book. It is still true, however, that they are not letters.<br />
All seven ara constructed on a single definite plan,—while,<br />
taken separately, they are not intelligible, or, at least, not<br />
completely so ; their chief interest lies in their mutual cor-<br />
respondence, which only becomes clear by a comprehensive<br />
comparison of their separate clauses : the censure of one<br />
church is only seen in its full severity when contrasted<br />
with the praise of another.<br />
16. There is now no need, let us hope, of demon-
247, 248] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 55<br />
strating that the distinction between letters <strong>and</strong> epistles does<br />
not end in mere judgments as to their respective values.<br />
We would be the last to ignore the great value of, say,<br />
the Epistle of James or the Epistles of Peter ; a com-<br />
parison of these writings with the Epistle of Jeremiah, for<br />
example, <strong>and</strong> many of the Graeco-Eoman epistles, would<br />
be sufficient to guard us against that. In regard to the<br />
latter, one must frequently marvel at the patience of a public<br />
which could put up with the sorry stuff occasionally given<br />
to it as epistles. The more definitely we assign to the New<br />
Testament epistles a place in ancient epistolography, the<br />
more clearly will they themselves convince us of their own<br />
special excellence. But our distinction proves itself, as a<br />
principle of method, to be of some importance in other re-<br />
spects, <strong>and</strong> we may, in conclusion, gather up our methodo-<br />
logical inferences in brief form as follows (some of these<br />
have already been indicated here <strong>and</strong> there).<br />
(1) The historical criticism of early Christian writings<br />
must guard against conceiving of the New Testament as a<br />
collection of homogeneous compositions, <strong>and</strong> must give due<br />
weight to the pre-literary character of certain parts of it.<br />
The literary portions must be investigated in regard to their<br />
formal similarity with Graeco-Latin <strong>and</strong> Jewish hterature ;<br />
further, this line of connection must be prolonged well into<br />
the Patristic literature. The much-discussed question,<br />
whether we should view the whole subject as the History of<br />
Eaiiy Christian Literature or as the Introduction to the New<br />
Testament, is a misleading one ; the alternatives contain a<br />
similar error, the former implying that some, the latter that<br />
all, of the constituent parts of the New Testament should<br />
be considered <strong>from</strong> a point of view under which they did not<br />
originally st<strong>and</strong> : the former, in regarding even the real<br />
letters as literature ; the latter, in seeking its facts in a<br />
historical connection in which they did not take their rise.<br />
The history of the collection <strong>and</strong> publication of the non-<br />
hterary writings of primitive Christianity, <strong>and</strong> the history of<br />
the canonisation of the writings which subsequently became
56 BIBLE STUDIES. [248, 249<br />
literature, or were literary <strong>from</strong> the first, constitute, each of<br />
them, a distinct field of study.<br />
(2) The letters of Paul afford a fixed starting-point for<br />
the history of the origin of the early Christian " letters ". We<br />
must ask ourselves whether it is conceivable that the Hterary<br />
temperament <strong>and</strong> the epistles which were its outcome can<br />
be older than the letters of Paul.<br />
(3) The collection <strong>and</strong> pubHcation^ of the letters of<br />
Paul was indirectly influenced by the analogy of other col-<br />
lections of letters ^ made in ancient times.^ The only pos-<br />
sible motive of such collecting <strong>and</strong> publishing was reverential<br />
love. Once the letters of Paul had been collected <strong>and</strong><br />
treated as literature, they in turn, thus misconceived, pro-<br />
duced a literary impulse. We must, then, carefully weigh<br />
the possibility that their collection <strong>and</strong> publication may<br />
form a terminus post quern for the composition of the early<br />
Christian epistles.<br />
(4) The sources by means of which we are enabled to<br />
judge of the knowledge of the New Testament letters which<br />
was possessed by Christians of the post-apostoHc period, the<br />
so-called testimonia, <strong>and</strong> specially the testimonia e silentio, have<br />
an altogether different historical value according as they<br />
relate to letters or epistles.* The silentium regarding the<br />
readers.<br />
1 That is to say, of course, publication within Christianity.<br />
2 Especially those which were made on^ behalf of a definite circle of<br />
= It is not likely that the collection was made all at one time. It may<br />
be assumed that the Letter to Philemon, for instance, was a relatively late<br />
addition. The collection was probably begun not very long after the death<br />
of Paul.<br />
^ Upon this point the author would specially desire to recommend a<br />
perusal of the sketch of the earliest dissemination of the New Testament<br />
letters in B. Weiss's Lehrbuch der Einleit^ing in das Nezie Testament, Berlin,<br />
1886, §§ 6, 7, p. 38 fi. Many of the apparently striking facts in the history<br />
of the "evidence" which are indicated there might find a simple enough<br />
explanation if they were regarded <strong>from</strong> our point of view.
249, 250] LETTEES AND EPISTLES. 57<br />
letters (most striking of all, externally considered, in the<br />
Book of Acts), is really explained by the nature of the letter<br />
as such, <strong>and</strong> cannot be employed as an evidence of spurious-<br />
ness. A silentium, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, regarding epistles is,<br />
on account of their public character, to say the least, sus-<br />
picious. The distinction between letters <strong>and</strong> epistles has<br />
also perhaps a certain importance for the criticism of the<br />
traditional texts.<br />
(5) The criticism of the Letters of Paul must always<br />
leave room for the probabiHty that their alleged contradic-<br />
tions <strong>and</strong> impossibilities, <strong>from</strong> which reasons against their<br />
authenticity <strong>and</strong> integrity have been deduced, are really<br />
evidences to the contrary, being but the natural concomitants<br />
of letter-writing. The history of the criticism of Cicero's<br />
letters,^ for instance, yields an instructive analogy. The<br />
criticism of the early Christian epistles must not leave out<br />
of account the considerations which are to be deduced <strong>from</strong><br />
the history of ancient epistolography.<br />
(6) The exegesis of the letters of Paul must take its<br />
special st<strong>and</strong>point <strong>from</strong> the nature of the letter. Its task is<br />
to reproduce in detail the Apostle's sayings as they have<br />
been investigated in regard to the particular historical occa-<br />
sions of their origin, as phenomena of religious psychology.<br />
It must proceed by insight <strong>and</strong> intuition, <strong>and</strong> hence it has<br />
an unavoidable subjective cast. The exegesis of the early<br />
Christian epistles must assume a proper historical attitude<br />
vdth regard to their literary character. Its task is not to<br />
penetrate into the knowledge of creative personalities in the<br />
rehgious sphere, but to interpret great texts. As the element<br />
of personality is wanting in its object, so must that of sub-<br />
jectivity disappear <strong>from</strong> its procedure.<br />
(7) The value of the New Testament "letters," as<br />
sources for the investigation of the Apostolic age, varies<br />
according to their individual character. The classic value of<br />
iSeep. 31.
58 BIBLE STUDIES. [250, 251<br />
the letters of Paul lies in their being actual letters, that is to<br />
say, in their being artless <strong>and</strong> unpremeditated ; in this re-<br />
spect also, they resemble those of Cicero.^ The value of the<br />
epistles as sources is not to be rated so highly, <strong>and</strong>, in par-<br />
ticular, not for the special questions regarding the " constitution<br />
" <strong>and</strong> the external circumstances of Christianity ; many<br />
details are only of typical value, w^hile others, again, are but<br />
literary exercises, or anticipations of conditions not yet fully<br />
realised.<br />
(8) In particular, the Nev^ Testament letters <strong>and</strong><br />
epistles, considered as sources for the history of the Chris-<br />
tian religion in its early period, are of different respective<br />
values. The letters of Paul are not so much sources for the<br />
theology, or even for the rehgion, of the period, as simply<br />
for the personal religion of Paul as an individual ; it is only<br />
by a literary misconception that they are looked upon as the<br />
documents of " Paulinism ". The result of their criticism<br />
<strong>from</strong> the st<strong>and</strong>point of the history of religion can be nothmg<br />
more than a sketch of the character of Paul the letter- writer,<br />
<strong>and</strong> not the system of Paul the epistolographer ; what<br />
speaks to us in the letters is his faith, not his dogmatics ;<br />
his morality, not his ethics ;<br />
his hopes, not his eschatology<br />
here <strong>and</strong> there, no doubt, in the faltering speech of theology.<br />
The early Christian epistles are the monuments of a rehgion<br />
which was gradually accommodating itself to external conditions,<br />
which had established itself in the world, which<br />
received its stimulus less in the closet than in the church,<br />
<strong>and</strong> which was on the way to express itself in liturgy <strong>and</strong><br />
as doctrine.—<br />
" The Hero who is the centre of all this did not himself<br />
. . . become an author ; the only recorded occasion of his<br />
having written at all was when he wrote upon the ground<br />
' Cf. p. 29, note 3. One may adduce for comparison other non-literary<br />
sources as well, e.g., the " We " source of the Acts. It, too, became literature<br />
only subsequently—only after it had been wrought into the work of Luke.<br />
—
251, 252] LETTERS AND EPISTLES. 59<br />
with his finger, <strong>and</strong> the learning of eighteen centuries has<br />
not yet divined what he then wrote." ^ If Jesus is the gospel,<br />
then it must hold good that the gospel is non-literary. Jesus<br />
had no wish to make a rehgion ; whoever has such a wish<br />
will but make a Koran. It was only lack of underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />
on the part of those who came after {die Epigonen) which<br />
could credit the Son of Man with the writing of epistles—<strong>and</strong><br />
to a king to boot ! The saints are the epistles of Christ.^<br />
Nor did the Apostle of Jesus Christ advocate the gospel by<br />
hterature ; in point of fact, the followers of Christ learned<br />
first to pray <strong>and</strong> then to write—like children. The begin-<br />
nings of Christian literature are really the beginnings of<br />
the secularisation of Christianity :<br />
the<br />
gospel becomes a<br />
book-rehgion. The church, as a factor in history—which<br />
the gospel made no claim to be—required literature, <strong>and</strong><br />
hence<br />
hence it made hterature, <strong>and</strong> made books out of letters :<br />
also at length the New Testament came into existence. The<br />
New Testament is an offspring of the Church. The Church<br />
is not founded upon the New Testament ; other foundation<br />
can no man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ.<br />
The gam which accrued to the world by the New Testament<br />
carried with it a danger which Christianity—to the detriment<br />
of the spirit of it—has not always been able to avoid, viz.,<br />
the losing of itself as a literary religion in a religion of the<br />
letter.<br />
^ Herder, Briefe, das Sttidmm der Theologie betreffend, zweyter Theil,<br />
zweyte verbesserte Auflage, Frankfurt <strong>and</strong> Leipzig, 1790, p. 209.<br />
2 2 Cor. 3 •'.
II.<br />
CONTKIBUTIONS TO THE HISTOEY OF THE<br />
LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE.
avolyui TO. fivrffxara v/xitiv koI avd^U) {i/xas e/c Ttiiiv fivrjixa.TU)v vfxwv koi<br />
€lcrd$
CONTEIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF THE<br />
LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE.<br />
Ever since the language of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> became a<br />
subject of consideration, the most astonishing opinions have<br />
been held with regard to the sacred text.<br />
There was a time when the Greek of the New Testament<br />
was looked upon as the genuinely classical ; it was supposed<br />
that the Holy Spirit, using the Apostles merely as a pen,<br />
could not but clothe His thoughts in the most worthy garb.<br />
That tnne is past: the doctrine of verbal Inspiration, petrified<br />
almost mto a dogma, crumbles more <strong>and</strong> more to pieces<br />
<strong>from</strong> day to day ; <strong>and</strong> among the rubbish of the venerable<br />
ruins it is the human labours of the more pious past that<br />
are waiting, all intact, upon the overjoyed spectator. Who-<br />
ever surrenders himself frankly to the impression which is<br />
made by the language of the early Christians, is fully assured<br />
that the historical connecting-points of New Testament<br />
Greek are not found in the period of the Epos <strong>and</strong> the Attic<br />
classical literature. Paul did not speak the language of the<br />
Homeric poems or of the tragedians <strong>and</strong> Demosthenes, any<br />
more than Luther that of the Nibelungen-Lied.<br />
But much still remains to be done before the influence<br />
of the idea of Inspiration upon the investigation of early<br />
Christian Greek is got rid of. Though, indeed, the former<br />
exaggerated estimate of its value no longer holds good, it yet<br />
reveals itself in the unobtrusive though widely-spread opinion<br />
that the phrase "the New Testament" represents, in the<br />
matter of language, a unity <strong>and</strong> a distinct entity : it is thought<br />
that the canonical writings should form a subject of hnguistic<br />
investigation by themselves, <strong>and</strong> that it is possible vdthin<br />
such a sphere to trace out the laws of a special "genius of
64 BIBLE STUDIES. [58<br />
language". Thus, in theological commentaries, even with<br />
regard to expressions which have no special religious significance,<br />
we may find the observation that so <strong>and</strong> so are "New<br />
Testament" aira^ Xeyo/jueva} <strong>and</strong> in a philological discussion<br />
of the linguistic relations of the Atticists we are told, with<br />
reference to some peculiar construction, that the like does<br />
not occur " in the New Testament "—a remark liable to mis-<br />
conception.'^ Or again the meaning of a word in Acts is to<br />
be determined : the word occurs also elsewhere in the New<br />
Testament, but with a meaning that does not suit the<br />
passage in question nearly so well as one that is vouched<br />
for say in Galen. Would not the attempt to enrich the<br />
"New Testament" lexicon <strong>from</strong> Galen stir up the most<br />
vigorous opposition in those who hold that the " New Testament<br />
" language is materially <strong>and</strong> formally of a uniform <strong>and</strong><br />
self-contained character? They would object—with the<br />
assertion that in the "New Testament" that word was<br />
used in such <strong>and</strong> such a sense, <strong>and</strong>, therefore, also in the<br />
Acts of the Apostles.<br />
In hundreds of similar short observations found in the<br />
literature, the methodological presupposition that " the New<br />
' The only meaning that can be given to such observations—if they are<br />
to have any meaning at all—is vyhen it is presumed that " the genius of the<br />
language of the New Testament" is not fond of certain words <strong>and</strong> construc-<br />
tions. It is of course quite a different matter to speak of the o7ra| \ey6/j.eva<br />
of a single definite writer such as Paul.<br />
^ W. Schmid, Der Atticismus in seinen Hauptvertretern von Dionysius<br />
von Halikarnass bis auf den zweiten Philostratus, iii., Stuttgart 1893, p. 338.<br />
The Kui which is inserted between preposition <strong>and</strong> substantive is there dealt<br />
with. The present writer does not suppose that Schmid, whose book is of<br />
the greatest importance for the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the biblical texts, would<br />
advocate the perverse notion above referred to, should he be called upon to<br />
give judgment upon it on principle : especially as the context of the passage<br />
quoted permits one to suppose that he there desires to contrast " the N. T."<br />
as a monument of popular literature with the studied elegance [?] of ^lian.<br />
But the subsuming of the varied writings of the Canon under the philological<br />
concept " New Testament" is a mechanical procedure. Who will tell us<br />
that, say, even Paul did not consciously aspire to elegance of expression now<br />
<strong>and</strong> then ? Why, the very ij.eTa Kai which, it is alleged, does not belong to<br />
the N. T., seems to the author to occur in Phil. 4'' (differently Act. Ap. 25*<br />
(Tvu re— Kal) : c/. aua
59] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 65<br />
Testament " is a philological department by itself, somewhat<br />
like Herodotus or Polybius, reveals itself in the same manner.<br />
The notion of the Canon is transferred to the language, <strong>and</strong><br />
so there is fabricated a " sacred Greek " of Primitive Christi-<br />
anity.^<br />
It is only an extension of this presupposition w^hen the<br />
" New Testament " Greek is placed in the larger connection<br />
of a "Biblical" Greek. "The New Testament" is written<br />
in the language of the Septuagint. In this likewise much-<br />
favoured dictum lies the double theory that the Seventy<br />
used an idiom peculiar to themselves <strong>and</strong> that the writers<br />
of the New Testament appropriated it. Were the theory<br />
limited to the vocabulary, it would be to some extent justifiable.<br />
But it is extended also to the syntax, <strong>and</strong> such peculiarities<br />
as the prepositional usage of Paul are unhesitatingly explained<br />
by what is alleged to be similar usage in the LXX.<br />
The theory indicated is a great power in exegesis, <strong>and</strong><br />
that it possesses a certain plausibility is not to be denied.<br />
It is edifying <strong>and</strong>, what is more, it is convenient. But it is<br />
absurd. It mechanises the marvellous variety of the linguistic<br />
elements of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> <strong>and</strong> cannot be established either<br />
by the psychology of language or by history. It increases<br />
the difficulty of underst<strong>and</strong>ing the language of bibhcal texts<br />
in the same degree as the doctrine of verbal Inspiration proved<br />
obstructive to the historic <strong>and</strong> religious estimate of Holy<br />
Scripture. It takes the literary products which have been<br />
gathered into the Canon, or into the two divisions of the<br />
Canon, <strong>and</strong> which arose in the most various circumstances,<br />
times <strong>and</strong> places, as forming one homogeneous magnitude,<br />
' It is of course true that the language of the early Christians contained<br />
a series of religious terms peculiar to itself, some of which it formed for the<br />
first time, while others were raised <strong>from</strong> among expressions already in use<br />
to the status of technical terms. But this phenomenon must not be limited<br />
to Christianity : it manifests itself in all new movements of civilization. The<br />
representatives of any peculiar opinions are constantly enriching the language<br />
with special conceptions. This enrichment, however, does not extend to the<br />
*' syntax," the laws of which rather originate <strong>and</strong> are modified on general<br />
grounds.<br />
5
66 BIBLE STUDIES. [60<br />
<strong>and</strong> pays no heed to the footprints which bear their silent<br />
testimony to the solemn march of the centuries. The author<br />
will illustrate the capabilities of this method by an analogy.<br />
If any one were to combine the Canon of Muratori, a fragment<br />
or two of the Itala, the chief works of Tertulhan, the<br />
Confessions of Augustine, the Latin Inscriptions of the<br />
Roman Christians in the Catacombs <strong>and</strong> an old Latin trans-<br />
lation of Josephus, into one great volume, <strong>and</strong> assert that<br />
here one had monuments of "the" Latin of the early<br />
Church, he would make the same error as the w<strong>and</strong>erers<br />
who follow the phantom of " the " biblical Greek. It cannot<br />
be disputed that there would be a certain linguistic unity<br />
in such a volume, but this unity would depend, not upon<br />
the fact that these writings were, each <strong>and</strong> all, "ecclesi-<br />
astical," but upon the valueless truism that they were, each<br />
<strong>and</strong> all, written in late-Latin. Similarly we cannot attribute<br />
all the appearances of linguistic unity in the Greek <strong>Bible</strong><br />
to the accidental circumstance that the texts to which they<br />
belong st<strong>and</strong> side by side between the same two boards of<br />
the Canon. The unity rests solely on the historical circum-<br />
stance that all these texts are late-Greek. The linsfuistic<br />
unity of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> appears only against the background<br />
of classical, not of contemporary "profane," Greek.<br />
It is important, therefore, in the investigation of the<br />
Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, to free oneself first of all <strong>from</strong> such a methodological<br />
notion as the sacred exclusiveness of its texts. And<br />
in breaking through the principle, now become a dogma, of<br />
its linguistic seclusion <strong>and</strong> isolation, we must aspire towards<br />
a knowledge of its separate <strong>and</strong> heterogeneous elements, <strong>and</strong><br />
investigate these upon their own historical bases.<br />
We have to begin v^th the Greek Old Testament. The<br />
Seventy translated a Semitic text into their own language.<br />
This language was the Egypto-Alex<strong>and</strong>rian dialect. Our<br />
method of investigation is deduced <strong>from</strong> these two facts.<br />
If we ignore the fact that the work in question is a<br />
translation, we thereby relinquish an important factor for<br />
the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of its linguistic character. The translation<br />
is in method very different <strong>from</strong> what we nowadays
61, 62] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 67<br />
call such. We see the difference at once when we compare<br />
the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian theologians' way of working with, say, the<br />
method which Weizsacker applied in his translation of the<br />
Epistles of Paul. Was it mere clumsiness, or was it reverence,<br />
which caused them to write as they often did ? Who<br />
shall say ? One thing is certain : in proportion as the idea<br />
of 'making the sacred book accessible in another language<br />
was at that time unheard-of, so helpless must the translators<br />
have felt had they been required to give some account of<br />
the correct method of turning Semitic into Greek. They<br />
worked in happy <strong>and</strong> ingenuous ignorance of the laws of<br />
Hermeneutics,^ <strong>and</strong> what they accomplished in spite of all<br />
is amazing. Their chief difficulty lay, not in the lexical,<br />
but in the syntactical, conditions of the subject-matter. They<br />
frequently stumbled at the syntax of the Hebrew text ; over<br />
the Hebrew, with its grave <strong>and</strong> stately step, they have, so to<br />
speak, thrown their light native garb, without being able to<br />
conceal the alien's peculiar gait beneath its folds. So arose<br />
a written Semitic-Greek ^ which no one ever spoke, far less<br />
used for literary purposes, either before or after.^ The sup-<br />
position, that they had an easy task because the problem of<br />
^ Some centuries later an important Semitic work was translated into<br />
Greek in a very different manner, viz., the original text of Josephus's Jewish<br />
War. In the preface he states that he had written it first of all in his native<br />
language (i.
68 BIBLE STUDIES. [62<br />
the syntax was largely solved for them through a " Judaeo-<br />
Greek " already long in existence/ is hardly tenable. We<br />
have a whole series of other Jewish texts <strong>from</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>ria,^<br />
^ In particular, J. Wellhausen formerly advocated this supposition ;<br />
c/. his observations in F. Bleek's Einlciiung in das A. T.*, Berlin, 1878, p,<br />
578, <strong>and</strong>, previously, in Der Text der Bilcher Samiielis untersucht, Gottingen,<br />
1871, p. 11. But the very example which he adduces in the latter passage<br />
supports our view. In 1 Sam. 4 2- ^, the verb irraiw is twice found, the first<br />
time intransitively, the second time transitively, corresponding respectively<br />
to the Niphal <strong>and</strong> Qal of Pl^^. Wellhausen rightly considers it to be incred-<br />
ible that the Seventy " were unwilling or unable " to express " the distinction<br />
of Qal <strong>and</strong> Hiphil, etc.," by the use of two different Greek words. When,<br />
however, he traces back the double wTaiea, with its distinction of meaning,<br />
to the already existent popular usage of the contemporaries of the LXX (i.c^<br />
<strong>from</strong> the context—the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Jews), he overlooks the fact that the<br />
transitive sense of irraiai is also Greek. The LXX avoided a change of verb<br />
because they desired to represent the same Hebrew root by the same Greek<br />
word, <strong>and</strong> in this case a Greek could make no objection.—Regarding another<br />
peculiarity of the LXX, viz., the st<strong>and</strong>ing use "of the Greek aorist as an<br />
inchoative answering to the Hebrew perfect," it is admitted by Wellhausen<br />
himself that "for this, connecting links were afforded by classical Greek."<br />
—Wellhausen now no longer advocates the hypothesis of a " Judteo-Greek,"<br />
as he has informed the author by letter.<br />
2 To the literary sources here indicated there have lately been added<br />
certain fragments of reports which refer to the Jewish War of Trajan, <strong>and</strong><br />
which were probably drawn up by an Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Jew : Pap. Par. 68<br />
(Notices, xviii. 2, p. 383 ff.), <strong>and</strong> Pap. Lond. 1 (Kenyon, p. 229 f.) ; cf. Schiirer,<br />
i., p. 53; further particulars <strong>and</strong> a new reading in U. Wilcken, Ein Aktens-<br />
tiick ztmi jiidischen Kriege Trojans, Hervics, xxvii. (1892), p. 464 ff. (see also^<br />
Hermes, xxii. [1887], p. 487), <strong>and</strong> on this GGA. 1894, p. 749. P«p. BeroL<br />
8111 (BU. xi., p. 333, No. 341), is also connected with it. I cannot, how-<br />
ever willing, discover the slightest difference in respect of language between<br />
the readable part of the fragments, which unfortunately is not very<br />
large, <strong>and</strong> the non-Jewish Papyri of the same period. Independently of their<br />
historical value, the fragments afford some interesting phenomena, p.f/.„<br />
Kooa-TooSia (Matt. 27 "^f-, 28" KovcrruSia, Matt. 27^ Cod. A KoocTTovSia ; Cod. I><br />
has KovcTTovSia), axpewi Sov\ot (Luke 17^", cf. Matt. 25^"). The identification<br />
of the 00-101 'lovSaloi with the successors of the 'AaiSaloi of the Maccabean<br />
period, which Wilcken advances, hardly commends itself ; the expression<br />
does not refer to a party within Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Judaism, but is rather a self-<br />
applied general title of honour.—Wilcken, further, has in view the publication<br />
of another Papyrus fragment (Hermes, xxvii., p. 474), which contains an<br />
account of the reception of a Jewish embassy by the Emperor Claudius at<br />
Rome. (This publication has now seen the light ; for all further particulars<br />
see the beginning of the author's sketch, " Neucntdecktc Papyrus-Frag'inevte<br />
zur Geschichte des griechisclien Judenthnms,'" in ThLZ. xxiii. (1898), p. 602 ff.)
63, 64] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 69<br />
but do their idioms bear comparison even in the shghtest<br />
with the peculiarities of the LXX, which arose quite inci-<br />
dentally ? ^ So long as no one can point to the existence of<br />
actual products of an original Judaeo-Greek, we must be permitted<br />
to go on advocating the hypothesis, probable enough<br />
in itself, that it was never an actual living language at all.<br />
Thus the fact that the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Old Testament is a<br />
translation is of fundamental importance for an all-round<br />
criticism of its syntax. Its " Hebraisms " permit of no con-<br />
clusions being drawn <strong>from</strong> them in respect to the language<br />
actually spoken by the Hellenistic Jews of the period :<br />
they<br />
are no more than evidences of the complete disparity between<br />
Semitic <strong>and</strong> Greek syntax. It is another question, whether<br />
they may not have exercised an influence upon the speech of<br />
the readers of the next period :<br />
it is, of course, possible that<br />
the continually repeated reading of the written Judseo-Greek<br />
may have operated upon <strong>and</strong> transformed the '<br />
' feeling for<br />
language " of the later Jews <strong>and</strong> of the early Christians. In<br />
respect of certain lexical phenomena, this supposition may of<br />
course be made good without further trouble ;<br />
the parts of the<br />
O. T. Apocrypha which were in Greek <strong>from</strong> the beginning,<br />
Philo, Josephus, Paul, the early Christian Epistle-writers,<br />
move all of them more or less in the range of the ethical <strong>and</strong><br />
religious terms furnished by the LXX. It is also quite con-<br />
ceivable that some of the familiar formulae <strong>and</strong> formulaic<br />
turns of expression found in the Psalms or the Law were<br />
' The<br />
relation which tiie language of the Prologue to Sirach bears to<br />
the translation of the book is of the utmost importance in this question.<br />
(C/. the similar relation between the Prologue to Luke <strong>and</strong> the main con-<br />
stituent parts of the Gospel ; see below, p. 76, note 2.) The Prologue is<br />
sufficiently long to permit of successful comparison : the impression cannot<br />
be avoided tliat it is an Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Greek who speaks here ; in the book<br />
itself, a disguised Semite. The translator himself had a correct apprehension<br />
of how such a rendering of a Semitic text into Greek differed <strong>from</strong><br />
Greek—the language which he spoke, <strong>and</strong> used in writing the Prologue.<br />
He begs that allowance should be made for him, if his work in spite of all<br />
his diligence should produce the impression tktI tccu Kf^ewv aSwafxelv • ov yap<br />
KroSwa/xfl: avra eV eavToTs efipal'crrl AeySfxeva Kal brav /u.eTaxBjj eis irepav y^wffcrav.<br />
Whoever counts the Greek Sirach among the monuments of a " Judseo-Greek,"<br />
thought of as a living language, must sliow why the translator uses Alex-<br />
<strong>and</strong>rian Greek when he is not writing as a translator.
70 BIBLE STUDIES. [64, 65<br />
borrowed <strong>from</strong> the one or the other, or again, that the occa-<br />
sional literary impressiveness is an intentional imitation of<br />
the austere <strong>and</strong> unfamiliar solemnity of that mode of speech<br />
which was deemed to be biblical. But any fundamental in-<br />
fluence of the LXX upon the syntactic, that is to say, the<br />
logical, sense of a native of Asia Minor, or of the West, is<br />
improbable, <strong>and</strong> it is in the highest degree precarious to con-<br />
nect certain grammatical phenomena in, say, Paul's Epistles<br />
straightway with casual similarities in the translation of the<br />
0. T. A more exact investigation of Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Greek will,<br />
as has been already signified, yield the result that far more of<br />
the alleged Hebraisms of the LXX than one usually supposes<br />
are really phenomena of Egyptian, or of popular, Greek.^<br />
This brings us to the second point : the real language,<br />
spoken <strong>and</strong> written, of the Seventy Interpreters was the<br />
Egyptian Greek of the period of the Ptolemies. If, as<br />
translators, they had often, in the matter of syntax, to<br />
conceal or disguise this fact, the more spontaneously, in<br />
regard to their lexical work, could they do justice to the<br />
profuse variety of the <strong>Bible</strong> by drawing <strong>from</strong> the rich store<br />
of terms furnished by their highly-cultured environment.<br />
Their work is thus one of the most important documents<br />
of Egyptian Greek." Conversely, its specifically Egyptian<br />
character can be rendered intelligible only by means of a<br />
comparison with all that we possess of the literary memorials<br />
of Hellenic Egypt <strong>from</strong> the time of the Ptolemies till about<br />
the time of Origen.^ Since F. W. Sturz'* began his <strong>studies</strong><br />
^ References in regard to the truly Greek character of alleged Hebraisms<br />
in Josephus are given by U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff <strong>and</strong> Guil. Schmidt<br />
in the already-quoted study of the latter, pp. 515 f. <strong>and</strong> 421.<br />
—<br />
See below, p. 290 f<br />
^ Cf. the remarks of Buresch, Rhein. Mus. fiir Philologie, N. F., xlvi.<br />
(1891), p. 208 ff.<br />
3 In the rich Patristic literature of Egypt there lies much material<br />
for the investigation of Egyptian Greek. One must not overestimate here<br />
the " influence " of the LXX, particularly of its vocabulary. The Egyptian<br />
Fathers doubtless got much <strong>from</strong> the colloquial language of their time, <strong>and</strong><br />
the theory of borrowing <strong>from</strong> the LXX need not be constantly resorted to.<br />
The Papyri of the second <strong>and</strong> third centuries may be used as a st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
of comparison.<br />
* De dinlecto Macedonica et Alex<strong>and</strong>rina liber, Leipzig, 1808.<br />
.
65, 66] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 71<br />
in this subject there has passed nearly a century, which has<br />
disclosed an infinite number of new sources. Why, if the<br />
Inscriptions in Egyptian Greek, when systematically turned<br />
to account, could put new life into Septuagint research even<br />
then, the Papyrus discoveries have now put us in the position<br />
of being able to check the Egyptian dialect by document—so<br />
to speak— ^through hundreds of years. A large part of the<br />
Papyri, for us certainly the most valuable, comes <strong>from</strong> the<br />
Ptolemaic period itself ; these venerable sheets are in the<br />
original of exactly the same age as the work of the Jewish<br />
translators ^ which has come down to us in late copies.<br />
When we contemplate these sheets, we are seized with a<br />
peculiar sense of their most delightful nearness to us—one<br />
might almost say, of historical reality raised <strong>from</strong> the dead.<br />
In this very way wrote the Seventy—the renowned, the unapproachable—<br />
^on the same material, in the same characters,<br />
<strong>and</strong> in the same language ! Over their work the history of<br />
twenty crowded centuries has passed : originating in the<br />
self-consciousness of Judaism at a time of such activity as<br />
has never been repeated, it was made to help Christianity to<br />
become a universal religion ; it engaged the acuteness <strong>and</strong> the<br />
solicitude of early Christian Theology, <strong>and</strong> was to be found<br />
in libraries in which Homer <strong>and</strong> Cicero might have been<br />
sought for in vain ; then, apparently, it was forgotten, but it<br />
continued still to control the many-tongued Christianity by<br />
means of its daughter-versions : mutilated, <strong>and</strong> no longer<br />
possessed of its original true form, it has come to us out of the<br />
past, <strong>and</strong> now proffers us so many enigmas <strong>and</strong> problems as<br />
to deter the approach not only of overweening ignorance but<br />
often of the diffidence of the ablest as well. Meanwhile the<br />
Papyrus documents of the same age remained in their tombs<br />
<strong>and</strong> beneath the rubbish ever being heaped upon them ; but<br />
our inquiring age has raised them up, <strong>and</strong> the information<br />
concerning the past which they give in return, is also help-<br />
ful towards the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the Greek Old Testament.<br />
They preserve for us glimpses into the highly-developed civi-<br />
^ We have Papyri of the very time of Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, who<br />
plays such an important part in the traditions of the LXX.
72 BIBLE STUDIES. [66, 67<br />
lization of the Ptolemaic period :<br />
we<br />
come to know the stilted<br />
speech of the com-t, the technical terms of its industries, its<br />
agriculture <strong>and</strong> its jurisprudence ; we see into the interior of<br />
the convent of Serapis, <strong>and</strong> into the family affairs which shrink<br />
<strong>from</strong> the gaze of history. We hear the talk of the people <strong>and</strong><br />
the officials—unaffected because they had no thought of making<br />
literature. Petitions <strong>and</strong> rescripts, letters, accounts <strong>and</strong> re-<br />
ceipts—of such things do the old documents actually consist<br />
the historian of national deeds will disappointedly put them<br />
aside ; to the investigator of the literature only do they<br />
present some fragments of authors of greater importance.<br />
But in spite of the apparent triviality of their contents at<br />
first sight, the Papyri are of the highest importance for the<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the language of the LXX,^ simply because<br />
they are direct sources, because they show the same conditions<br />
of life which are recorded in the <strong>Bible</strong> <strong>and</strong> which, so to speak,<br />
have been translated into Egyptian Greek. Naturally, the ob-<br />
scure texts of the Papyri will often, in turn, receive illumina-<br />
tion <strong>from</strong> the LXX ;<br />
hence editors of intelligence have already<br />
begun to employ the LXX in this way, <strong>and</strong> the author is of<br />
opinion that good results may yet be obtained thereby. In<br />
some of the following entries he hopes, conversely, to have<br />
demonstrated the value of the Egyptian Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscrip-<br />
tions for Septuagint research. It is realty the pre-Christian<br />
sources which have been used ; - but those of the early im-<br />
^ A portion at least of the Papyri might be of importance for the LXX<br />
even with respect to matters of form. The author refers to the official decisions,<br />
writ; en by trained public functionaries, <strong>and</strong> approximately contem-<br />
poraneous with the LXX, While the orthography of the letters <strong>and</strong> other<br />
private documents is in part, as amongst ourselves, very capricious, there<br />
appears to him to be a certain uniformity in those official papers. One may<br />
assume that the LXX, as " educated " people, took pains to learn the official<br />
orthograpliy of their time. The Papyri have been already referred to in<br />
LXX-investigations by H. W. J. Tliiersch, De Pentateuchi versionc Alex<strong>and</strong>rina<br />
libri tres, Erlangen, 1841, p. 87 ff. ; recently by B. Jacob, Das Buck Esther<br />
bei den LXX, ZA W. x. (1890), p. 241 ff. The Papyri are likewise of great<br />
value for the criticism of the Epistle of Aristeas ; hints of this are given in<br />
the writings of Giac. Lumbroso.<br />
- U. Wilcken is preparing a collection of Ptolemaic texts [DLZ. xiv.<br />
[1893], p. 265). Until this appears we are limited to texts which are scattered<br />
throughout the various editions, <strong>and</strong> of which some can hardly be utilised.<br />
;
67, 68] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 73<br />
perial period also will yet yield rich results. One fact observa-<br />
tion appears to put beyond question, viz., the preference of<br />
the translators for the technical expressions of their surround-<br />
ings. They, too, understood how to spoil the Egyptians.<br />
They were very ready to represent the technical (frequently<br />
also the general) terms of the Hebrew original by the techni-<br />
cal terms in use in the Ptolemaic period.^ In this way they<br />
sometimes not only Egyptianised the <strong>Bible</strong>, but, to speak<br />
<strong>from</strong> their own st<strong>and</strong>point, modernised it. Many peculiarities<br />
<strong>from</strong> which it might even be inferred that a text different<br />
<strong>from</strong> our own lay before them, are explained, as the author<br />
thinks, by this striving to make themselves intelligible to the<br />
Egyptians. Such a striving is not of course justifiable <strong>from</strong><br />
the modern translator's point of view ; the ancient scholars,<br />
who did not know the concept " historic," worked altogether<br />
naively, <strong>and</strong> if, on that account, we cannot but pardon their<br />
obliteration of many historical <strong>and</strong> geographical particulars<br />
in their <strong>Bible</strong>, we inay, as counterbalancing this, admire the<br />
skill which they brought to bear upon their wrongly-conceived<br />
task.^ From such considerations arises the dem<strong>and</strong><br />
that no future lexicon to the LXX ^ shall content itself with<br />
the bringing forward of mere equations ; in certain cases the<br />
^ It is specially instructive to notice that terms belonging to the lan-<br />
guage of the court were employed to express religious conceptions, just as<br />
conversely the word Grace, for instance, is prostituted by servility or irony<br />
amongst ourselves. Legal phraseology also came to be of great importance<br />
in religious usage.<br />
- Quite similar modernisings <strong>and</strong> Germanisings of technical terms are<br />
found also in Luther's translation. Luther, too, while translating apparently<br />
literally, often gives dogmatic shadings to important terms in theology <strong>and</strong><br />
ethics; the author has found it specially instructive to note his translation of<br />
Paul's vto\ 0eov by Kinder Gottes (children of God), of vlhs Oeov by Sohn Gottes<br />
(Son of God). Luther's dogmatic sense strove against an identical rendering<br />
of vi6s in both cases : he<br />
was unwilling to call Christians sons of God, or<br />
Jesus Christ tlw child of God, <strong>and</strong> in consequence made a distinction in the<br />
word vlos. We may also remember the translation of v6-nixa in 2 Cor. 10'' by<br />
Vernunft (reason), whereby biblical authority was found for the doctrine fides<br />
praecedit intcllectum.<br />
•' The<br />
clamant need of a Lexicon to the LXX is not to be dismissed by<br />
pointing to the miserable condition of the Text. The knowledge of the lexical<br />
conditions is itself a preliminary condition of textual criticism.
74 BIBLE STUDIES. [68, 69<br />
Greek word chosen does not represent the Hebrew original<br />
at all, <strong>and</strong> it would be a serious mistake to suppose that the<br />
LXX everywhere used each particular word in the sense of<br />
its corresponding Hebrew. Very frequently the LXX did<br />
not translate the original at all, but made a substitution<br />
for it, <strong>and</strong> the actual meaning of the word substituted is,<br />
of course, to be ascertained only <strong>from</strong> Egyptian Greek. A<br />
lexicon to the LXX will thus be able to assert a claim to<br />
utility only if it informs us of what can be learned, with<br />
regard to each word, <strong>from</strong> Egyptian sources. In some places<br />
the original was no longer intelligible to the translators ;<br />
need only remember the instances in which they merely trans-<br />
cribed the Hebrew words—even when these were not proper<br />
names. But, in general, they knew Hebrew well, or had<br />
been well instructed in it. If then, by comparison of their<br />
translation with the original, there should be found a differ-<br />
ence in meaning between any Hebrew word <strong>and</strong> its corre-<br />
sponding Greek, it should not be forthwith concluded that<br />
they did not underst<strong>and</strong> it : it is exactly such cases that not<br />
seldom reveal to us the thoughtful diligence of these learned<br />
men.<br />
What holds good of the investigation of the LXX in<br />
the narrower sense must also be taken into consideration in<br />
dealing ivith the other translations of Semitic originals into Greek.<br />
Peculiarities of syntax <strong>and</strong> of style should not in the first<br />
instance be referred to an alleged Judseo-Greek of the trans-<br />
lators, but rather to the character of the original. We must,<br />
in our linguistic criticism, apply this principle not only to<br />
many of the Old Testament Apocryphal writings, but also to<br />
the Synoptic Gospels, in so far, at least, as these contain elements<br />
which originally were thought <strong>and</strong> spoken in Aramaic.^<br />
^ The author cannot assent to the thesis of Winer (see the passage re-<br />
ferred to above, p. 67, note 2), viz., that if we are to ascertain what was the<br />
" independent " (as distinct, i.e., <strong>from</strong> the LXX-Greek, which was conditioned<br />
by the original) Greek of the Jews, we must rely "upon the narrative style<br />
of the Apocryphal books, the Gospels, <strong>and</strong> the Acts of the Apostles".<br />
There are considerable elements in "the" Apocrypha <strong>and</strong> in "the" Gospels<br />
which, as translations, are as little "independent "as the work of the LXX.<br />
With regard also tocertain portions of the Apocalj'pse of John, the question must<br />
be raised as to whether they do not in some way go back to a Semitic original.<br />
—<br />
we
70] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 75<br />
So far as regards these Apocryphal books, the non-existence<br />
of the original renders the problem more difficult, but the<br />
investigator who approaches it by way of the LXX will be<br />
able to reconstruct the original of many passages with considerable<br />
certainty, <strong>and</strong> to provide himself, at least in some<br />
degree, v^dth the accessories most required. The case is less<br />
favourable in regard to the Synoptic sayings of Jesus, as also<br />
those of His friends <strong>and</strong> His opponents, which belong to the<br />
very earliest instalment of the pre-Hellenistic Gospel-tradition.<br />
We know no particulars about the translation into Greek of<br />
those portions which were originally spoken <strong>and</strong> spread abroad<br />
in the Palestinian vernacular ; we only know, as can be per-<br />
ceived <strong>from</strong> the threefold text itself, that " they interpreted as<br />
best they could ".^ The author is unable to judge how far<br />
retranslation into Aramaic would enable us to underst<strong>and</strong><br />
the Semitisms which are more or less clearly perceived in the<br />
three texts, <strong>and</strong> suspects that the solution of the problem,<br />
precisely in the important small details of it, is rendered<br />
difficult by the present state of the text, in the same way as<br />
the confusion of the traditional text of many portions of the<br />
LXX hinders the knowledge of its Greek. But the work<br />
must be done : the veil, which for the Greek scholar rests<br />
over the Gospel sayings, can be, if not fully drawn aside,<br />
yet at least gently lifted, by the consecrated h<strong>and</strong> of the<br />
specialist.'^ Till that is done we must guard against the<br />
^ Cf. Jtllicher, Einleitimg in das N. T., 1st <strong>and</strong> 2nd ed., Freiburg (Baden)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Leipzig, 1894, p. 235 ; important observations by Wellhausen in GGA.<br />
1896, p. 266 ff.—We must at all events conceive of this kind of translation as<br />
being quite different <strong>from</strong> the translation of Josephus's Jewish War <strong>from</strong><br />
Aramaic, which was undertaken in the same half-century, <strong>and</strong> which might<br />
be called "scientific" (cf. p. 67, note 1 above). Josephus desired to impress<br />
the literary public : the translators of the Logia desired to delineate Christ<br />
before the eyes of the Greek Christians. The very qualities which would<br />
have seemed "barbaric" to the taste of the reading <strong>and</strong> educated classes,<br />
made upon the Greeks who " would see Jesus " the impression of what was<br />
genuine, venerable—in a word, biblical.<br />
^ The author recalls, for instance, what is said in Wellhausen's Israelii-<br />
ische unci Jildische Geschiclite, Berlin, 1894, p. 312, note 1.—Meanwhile this,<br />
important problem has been taken in h<strong>and</strong> afresh by Arnold Meyer {Jesii<br />
Muttersprache, Freiburg (Baden) <strong>and</strong> Leipzig, 1896) <strong>and</strong> others ; cf. especially<br />
G. Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, vol. i., Leipzig, 1898.
76 BIBLE STUDIES. [71<br />
illusion^ that an Antiochian or Ephesian Christian (even if,<br />
like Paul, he were a product of Judaism) ever really sj)oke as<br />
he may have translated the Lo^a-collection, blessed—<strong>and</strong><br />
cramped—as he was by the timid consciousness of being<br />
permitted to convey the sacred words of the Son of God to<br />
the Greeks. Perhaps the same peculiarities which, so far as<br />
the LXX were concerned, arose naturally <strong>and</strong> unintentionally,<br />
may, in the translators of the Lord's words, rest upon<br />
a conscious or unconscious liturgical feeling : their reading<br />
of the <strong>Bible</strong> had made them acquainted with the sound,<br />
solemn as of the days of old, of the language of prophet <strong>and</strong><br />
psalmist ; they made the Saviour speak as Jahweh spoke<br />
to the fathers, especially when the original invited to such<br />
a procedure. Doubtless they themselves spoke differently"^<br />
<strong>and</strong> Paul also spoke differently,^ but then the Saviour also<br />
was different <strong>from</strong> those that were His.<br />
Among the biblical writings a clear distinction can be<br />
traced between those that are translations, or those portions<br />
that can be referred to a translation, <strong>and</strong> the other genus,<br />
viz., those in Greek <strong>from</strong> the first. The authors of these belonged<br />
to Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, to Palestine, or to Asia Minor. Who<br />
will assert that those of them who were Jews (leaving out<br />
of account those who belonged to Palestine) each <strong>and</strong> all<br />
spoke Aramaic—to say nothing of Hebrew—as their native<br />
1 Also against the unmethodical way in which peculiarities in the<br />
diction of Paul, for example, are explained hy reference to mere external<br />
similarities in the Synoptics. What a difference there is— to take one instructive<br />
example—between the Synoptical 4v rw apxovTi rwv haifj-oviuiv (Mark<br />
3 '•'^' ^t*^-) <strong>and</strong> the Pauline eV Xpta-r^ 'Irjaov ! See the author's essay Die<br />
nentestavientliche Forvwl "in Christo Jcsu" untersucht, pp. 15 <strong>and</strong> 60.<br />
2 Compare the prologue to Luke's Gospel. The author is unaware<br />
whether the task of a comparative investigation with regard to the languages<br />
of the translated <strong>and</strong> the independent parts respectively of the Gospels has<br />
as yet been performed. The task is necessary-—<strong>and</strong> well worth while.<br />
•" Even in those cases in which Paul introduces his quotations <strong>from</strong> the<br />
LXX without any special formula of quotation, or without other indication,<br />
the reader may often recognise them by the sound. They st<strong>and</strong> out distinctly<br />
<strong>from</strong> Paul's own writing, very much as quotations <strong>from</strong> Luther, for example,<br />
st<strong>and</strong> out <strong>from</strong> the other parts of a modern controversial pamphlet.
72] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 77<br />
tongue ? We may assume that a Sem.itic dialect was known<br />
among the Jews of Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>and</strong> Asia Minor, but this<br />
cannot be exalted into the principle of a full historical<br />
criticism of their language. It seems to the writer that their<br />
national connection with Judaism is made, too hastily, <strong>and</strong><br />
with more imagination than judgment, to support the in-<br />
ference of a (so to speak) innate Semitic "feeling for lan-<br />
guage". But the majority of the Hellenistic Jews of the<br />
Dispersion probably spoke Greek as their native tongue :.<br />
those who spoke the sacred language of the fathers had<br />
only learned it later.^ It is more probable that their Hebrew<br />
would be Grsecised than that their Greek would be Hebraised..<br />
For why was the Greek Old Testament devised at all '? Why,<br />
after the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translation was looked upon as sus-<br />
picious, were new Greek translations prepared? Why do<br />
we find Jewish Inscriptions in the Greek language,^ even<br />
where the Jews lived quite by themselves, viz., in the Roman<br />
catacombs ? The fact is, the Hellenistic Jews spoke Greek,<br />
prayed in Greek, sang psalms in Greek, wrote in Greek, <strong>and</strong><br />
produced Greek literature ;<br />
further, their best minds thought<br />
in Greek. ^ While we may then continue, in critically examin-<br />
ing the Greek of a Palestinian writer, to give due weight<br />
to the influence of his Semitic "feeling for language,"—an<br />
influence, unfortunately, very difficult to test—the same pro-<br />
cedure is not justified with regard to the others. How should<br />
the Semitic " spirit of language " have exercised influence<br />
^ This was probably the case, e.g., with Paul, who according to Acts 21 *"<br />
could speak in the "Hebrew language". That means probably the Aramaic.<br />
- So far as the author is aware no Jewish Inscription in Hebrew is<br />
known outside of Palestine before the sixth century a.d. ; cf. Schiirer, ii.,<br />
p. 543 ( = ^ iii., p. 93 f.) [Eng. Trans., ii., ii., p. 284], <strong>and</strong>,' generally, the<br />
references given there.<br />
' Aristotle rejoiced that he had become acquainted with a man, a Jew<br />
of Coele-Syria, who 'EAAjjcikos -^v, ov rfi SfaAe'/crijj jmovov, aWa Kal ry ^vxfj<br />
(Josephus, c. A2). i. 22).—The sentence (De confusione ling. § 26) [M. i., p. 424],<br />
i(TTi 5? ais fxiv 'EfipaToi Aeyovcn " (^avourjA.," ws Se rifj.e7s " atroarpocp^ 6eov," is of<br />
great interest in regard to Philo's opinion as to his own language : he felt<br />
himself to be a Greek. Cf. H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of Netv Testament<br />
Cheek, Edinburgh, 1895, p. 54, <strong>and</strong> the present writer's critique of this book<br />
GGA. 1896, p. 761 &.
78 BIBLE STUDIES. [73<br />
over them '? And how, first of all indeed, over those early-<br />
Christian authors who may originally have been pagans?<br />
This " spirit " must be kept within its own sphere ;<br />
the<br />
investigator of the Greek of Paul <strong>and</strong> of the New Testament<br />
epistle-writers must first of all exorcise it, if he would see<br />
his subject face to face. We must start <strong>from</strong> the philological<br />
environment in which, as a fact of history, we find these<br />
authors to be, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>from</strong> an improbable <strong>and</strong>, at best, in-<br />
definable, linguistic Traducianism. The materials <strong>from</strong> which<br />
we can draw the knowledge of that philological environment<br />
have been preserved in sufficient quantity. In regard to the<br />
vocabulary, the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian <strong>Bible</strong> st<strong>and</strong>s in the first rank ;<br />
it formed part of the environment of the people, irrespective<br />
of whether they wrote in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, Asia Minor or Europe,<br />
since it was the international book of edification for Hellen-<br />
istic Judaism <strong>and</strong> for primitive Christianity. We must, of<br />
course, keep always before us the question whether the terms<br />
of the LXX, in so far as they were employed by those who<br />
came after, had not already undergone some change of mean-<br />
ing in their minds. Little as the lexicon of the LXX can be<br />
built up by merely giving the Greek words with their corre-<br />
sponding Hebrew originals, just as little can Jewish or early<br />
Christian expressions be looked upon as the equivalents of<br />
the same expressions as previously used by the LXX. Even<br />
in express quotations one must constantly reckon with the<br />
possibility that a new content has been poured into the old<br />
forms. The history of religious terms—<strong>and</strong> not of religious<br />
ones only—shows that they have always the tendency to be-<br />
come richer or poorer ;<br />
in any case, to be constantly altering.^<br />
Take the term Spirit (Geist). Paul, Augustine, Luther,<br />
Servetus, the modern popular [Rationalism :<br />
all of these<br />
apprehend it differently, <strong>and</strong> even the exegete who is well<br />
schooled in history, when he comes to describe the biblical<br />
thoughts about Spirit, finds it difficult to free himself <strong>from</strong><br />
the philosophical ideas of his century. How differently<br />
^ Acute observations on this point will be found in J. Freudenthal's<br />
Die Flavins Josephus beigelegte Schrift Ueber die Herrschaft der Vernunft,<br />
Breslau, 1869, p. 26 f.
73, 74] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 79<br />
must the Colossians, for example, have conceived of Angels,<br />
as compared with the travelhng artisan who has grown up<br />
under the powerful influences of ecclesiastical artistic tradition,<br />
<strong>and</strong> who prays to his guardian angel ! What changes<br />
has the idea of God undergone in the history of Christianity<br />
—<strong>from</strong> the grossest anthropomorphism to the most refined<br />
spiritualisation ! One might write the historj^ of religion<br />
as the history of religious terms, or, more correctly, one<br />
must apprehend the history of religious terms as being a<br />
chapter m the history of religion. In comparison with the<br />
powerful religious development recorded in the Hebrew Old<br />
Testament, the work of the Seventy presents quite a differ-<br />
ent phase :<br />
it does not close the religious history of Israel,<br />
but it st<strong>and</strong>s at the beginning of that of Judaism, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
saying that the New Testament has its source in the Old<br />
is correct only if by the Old Testament one means the book<br />
as it was read <strong>and</strong> understood in the time of Jesus. The<br />
Greek Old Testament itself was no longer understood in the<br />
imperial period as it was in the Ptolemaic period, <strong>and</strong>, again,<br />
a pagan Christian in Rome naturally read it otherwise than<br />
a man like Paul. What the author means may be illustrated<br />
by reference to the Pauline idea of Faith. Whether Paul dis-<br />
covered it or not does not in the meantime concern us. At<br />
all events he imagined that it was contained in his <strong>Bible</strong>,<br />
<strong>and</strong>, considered outwardly, he was right. In reality, how-<br />
ever, his idea of faith is altogether new :<br />
no<br />
one would think<br />
of identifying the Trto-xi? of the LXX with the TrlaTtf of Paul.<br />
Now the same alteration can be clearly perceived in other<br />
conceptions also ; it must be considered as possible in all, at<br />
least in principle ; <strong>and</strong> this possibility dem<strong>and</strong>s precise ex-<br />
amination. Observe, for example, the terms Spirit, Flesh,<br />
Life, Death, Law, Works, Angel, Hell, Judgment, Sacrifice,<br />
Righteousness, Love. The lexicon of the <strong>Bible</strong> must also<br />
discuss the same problem in respect of expressions which are<br />
more colourless in a religious <strong>and</strong> ethical sense. The men of<br />
the New Testament resembled the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translators in<br />
bringing with them, <strong>from</strong> their " profane " surroundings, the<br />
most varied extra-biblical elements of thought <strong>and</strong> speech.
80 BIBLE STUDIES. [74, 75<br />
When, then, we undertake to expound the early Christian<br />
writings, it is not sufficient to appeal to the LXX, or to the<br />
terms which the LXX may use in a sense peculiar to them-<br />
selves : we<br />
must seek to become acquainted with the actual<br />
surroundings of the New Testament authors. In what other<br />
way would one undertake an exhaustive examination of these<br />
possible peculiar meanings ? Should we confine ourselves to<br />
the LXX, or even to artificially petrified ideas of the LXX,<br />
what were that but a concession to the myth of a " biblical "<br />
Greek ? The early Christian writings, in fact, must be taken<br />
out of the narrow <strong>and</strong> not easily-illuminated cells of the<br />
Canon, <strong>and</strong> placed in the sunshine <strong>and</strong> under the blue sky<br />
of their native l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> of their own time. There they will<br />
find companions in speech, perhaps also companions in<br />
thought. There they take their place in the vast phenomenon<br />
of the Koivrj. But even this fact, in several aspects of it,<br />
must not be conceived of mechanically. One must neither<br />
imagine the koiv/] to be a uniform whole, nor look upon the<br />
early Christian authors, all <strong>and</strong> sundry, as co-ordinate with<br />
a definite particular phenomenon like Polybius. In spite of<br />
all the consanguinity between those early Christian Greeks<br />
<strong>and</strong> the literary representatives of universal Greek, yet the<br />
former are not without their distinguishing characteristics.<br />
Certain elements in them of the popular dialect reveal the<br />
fact of their derivation <strong>from</strong> those healthy circles of society<br />
to which the Gospel appealed : the victorious future of those<br />
obscure brotherhoods impressively announces itself in new<br />
technical terms, <strong>and</strong> the Apostles of the second <strong>and</strong> third<br />
generation employ the turns of expression, understood or not<br />
understood, used by Paul, that " great sculptor of language ".^<br />
It is thus likewise insufficient to appeal to the vocabu-<br />
lary <strong>and</strong> the grammar of the contemporary " profane " litera-<br />
ture. This literature will doubtless afford the most instructive<br />
discoveries, but, when we compare it with the direct sources<br />
which are open to us, it is, so far as regards the language<br />
of the early Christian authors, only of secondary importance.<br />
' The author adopts this easily enough misunderstood expression <strong>from</strong><br />
Buresch, Rh. Mus. f. Phil., N. F., xlvi. (1891), p. 207.<br />
—
75, 76] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 81<br />
These direct sources are the Inscriptions^ of the imperial<br />
period. Just as we must set our printed Septuagint side by<br />
side with the Ptolemaic Papyri, so must we read the New<br />
Testament in the light of the opened folios of the Inscrip-<br />
tions. The classical authors reach us only in the traditional<br />
texts of an untrustworthy later period ; their late codices<br />
cannot give us certain testimony with regard to any so-called<br />
matters of form, any more than the most venerable uncials<br />
of the New Testament can let us know how, say, the Letter<br />
to the Romans may have looked in its original form. If<br />
we are ever in this matter to reach certainty at all, then it<br />
is the Inscriptions <strong>and</strong> the Papyri which vdll give us the<br />
nearest approximation to the truth. Of course even they do<br />
not present us with unity in matters of fonn ; but it would be<br />
something gained if the variety which they manifest through-<br />
out were at least to overthrow the orthodox confidence in the<br />
trustworthiness of the printed text of the New Testament,<br />
<strong>and</strong> place it among the " externals ". Here, too, must we do<br />
battle with a certain ingenuous acceptation of the idea of<br />
Inspiration. Just as formerly there were logically-minded<br />
individuals who held that the vowel-points in the Hebrew<br />
text were inspired, so even to-day there are those here <strong>and</strong><br />
there who force the New Testament into the alleged rules<br />
of a uniform orthography. But by what authority—unless<br />
by the dictate of the Holy Spirit—will any one support the<br />
notion that Paul, for instance, must have written the Greek<br />
form of the name David in exactly the same way as Mark<br />
or John the Divine ?<br />
But the help which the Inscriptions afford in the cor-<br />
rection of our printed texts, is not so important as the service<br />
^ When the author (in 1894) wrote the above, he was unaware that E. L.<br />
Hicks, in The Classical Review, 1887, had already begun to apply the In-<br />
scriptions to the explanation of the N. T. W. M. Ramsay called attention<br />
to this, <strong>and</strong> gave new <strong>contributions</strong> of his own in The Expository Times, vol.<br />
X., p. 9 ff. A short while ago I found a very important little work in the<br />
University Library at Heidelberg, which shows that the Inscriptions had<br />
begun to be drawn <strong>from</strong> a hundred years ago : the booklet, by lo. E. Imm.<br />
Walch, is called Observationes in Matthaeum ex graecis inscriptionibus, Jena,<br />
1779, <strong>and</strong> is not without value even at the present dav.<br />
6
82 BIBLE STUDIES. [76, 77<br />
they render towards the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the language itself.<br />
It may be that their contents are often scanty ;<br />
it may be that<br />
hundreds of stones, tiresomely repeating the same mono-<br />
tonous formula, have only the value of a single authority,<br />
yet, in their totality, these epigraphic remains furnish us<br />
with plenty of material—only, one should not expect too<br />
much of them, or too little. The author is not now thinking<br />
of the general historical <strong>contributions</strong> which they afford for<br />
the delineation of the period—such as we must make for<br />
Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Europe, if we would underst<strong>and</strong><br />
the biblical writings (though for that purpose nothing can<br />
be substituted for them) ; but rather of their value for the<br />
history of the language of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, <strong>and</strong> particularly<br />
of the New Testament. Those witnesses in stone come<br />
before us with exactly the same variety as to time <strong>and</strong> place<br />
as we have to take into account when dealing with these<br />
writings :<br />
the<br />
period of most of them, <strong>and</strong> the original locality<br />
of nearly all, can be determined with certainty. They afford<br />
us wholly trustworthy glimpses into certain sections of the<br />
sphere of ideas <strong>and</strong> of the store of words which belonged to<br />
certain definite regions, at a time when Christian churches<br />
were taking their rise, <strong>and</strong> Christian books being written.<br />
Further, that the religious conceptions of the time may receive<br />
similar elucidation is a fact that we owe to the numerous<br />
sacred Inscriptions. In these, it may be observed that there<br />
existed, here <strong>and</strong> there, a terminology which was fixed, <strong>and</strong><br />
which to some extent consisted of liturgical formulae. When,<br />
then, particular examples of this terminology are found<br />
not only in the early Christian authors, but in the LXX as<br />
well, the question must be asked : Do the Christian writers<br />
employ such <strong>and</strong> such an expression because they are familiar<br />
with the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, or because they are unaffectedly speak-<br />
ing the language of their neighbourhood ? If we are dealing,<br />
e.g., with the Inscriptions of Asia Minor <strong>and</strong> the Christians<br />
of Asia Minor, the natural answer will be : Such<br />
expressions<br />
were known to any such Christian <strong>from</strong> his environment,<br />
before ever he read the LXX, <strong>and</strong>, when he met them again<br />
in that book, he had no feeling of having his store of words
77, 78] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 83<br />
enlarged, but believed himself to be walking, so to speak, on<br />
known ground : since, happily for him, there was no Schleus-<br />
ner at his disposal, when he found those expressions in the<br />
LXX—where, in their connection, they were perhaps more<br />
pregnant in meaning, perhaps less so,—he read them with<br />
the eyes of an inhabitant of Asia Minor, <strong>and</strong> possibly emasculated<br />
them. For him they were moulds into which he<br />
poured, according to his own natural endowment, now good,<br />
now less valuable, metal. The mere use of LXX-words on<br />
the part of an inhabitant of Asia Minor is no guarantee that<br />
he is using the corresponding LXX-conceptions. Take as<br />
examples words like dyvoi;, lepo^, 8tVai09, yi>/jaio^, dyad 6^, evcre-<br />
^6ta, dpTjcrKeia, dp)(^iepev
84 BIBLE STUDIES. [78<br />
who was described as 6 Kvpio
79] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 85<br />
should be added the observations that lie scattered through-<br />
out the other parts of this book. If he makes a further<br />
request for indulgence, he would not omit to emphasise that<br />
he is not thereby accommodating himself to the well-worn<br />
literary habit the real purpose of which is only the captatio<br />
benevolentiae. The peculiar nature of the subject-matter,<br />
which first attracted the author, is certainly calculated to<br />
engender the feeling of modesty, unless, indeed, the inves-<br />
tigator has been possessed of that quahty <strong>from</strong> the outset.
af^yapevo).<br />
Herodotus <strong>and</strong> Xenophon speak of the Persian ayyapot.<br />
The word is of Persian origin <strong>and</strong> denotes the royal couriers.<br />
From dyyapo^ is formed the verb uyyapevw, which is used,<br />
Mark 15 -^ = Matt. 27 ^^ <strong>and</strong> Matt. 5 ^^ (a saying of the Lord),<br />
in the sense of to compel one to something. E. Hatch ^ finds<br />
the earliest application of the verb in a letter of Demetrius I.<br />
Soter to the high-priest Jonathan <strong>and</strong> the Jewish people :<br />
KcXevo) Sk fjbrjSe dyyapeveaOai ra ^lovhalwv vTTo^vyta, Joseph.<br />
Antt. xiii. 2 s. The letter was ostensibly written shortly<br />
before the death of the king, <strong>and</strong>, if this were so, we should<br />
have to date the passage shortly before the year 150 B.C.<br />
But against this assumption is to be placed the consideration<br />
that 1 Mace. 10 -^"*^ which was the source for the statement<br />
of Josephus, <strong>and</strong> which also quotes the said letter verbally,<br />
knows nothing of the passage in question. Indeed it rather<br />
appears that Josephus altered the passage, in which the<br />
remission of taxes upon the animals is spoken of (ver. ^^ Kal<br />
7rdvT€
82] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 87<br />
But we find the verb in use at a time much earHer than<br />
Hatch admitted. The Comedian Men<strong>and</strong>er (f 290 B.C.) uses<br />
it in Sicyon. iv. (Meineke, p. 952). It is twice employed in<br />
Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xx.^ (252 B.C.), both times in reference to<br />
a boat used for postal service : rov<br />
virdp^opro'^ Xe/n/Sov ayyapev-<br />
OevTo
88 BIBLE STUDIES. [83<br />
similar use, made known to us by the Papyri, of d8e\(j)6a(pep(t).<br />
In 1 Pet. 2^"* it is said of Christ :<br />
09 ra? d/jbupTia'i >)fi(hv<br />
avTo-i di>)'iveyK€i> ev rep aoyfiaTi avrov eirt to ^vXov, I'va -rai
83,84] LANGUAGE OP THE GREEK BIBLE. 89<br />
be a quotation of LXX Is. 53 ^^ kuI atro"? d/jLapTi,a makes<br />
it certain that, even if the allusion is to Isaiah, di>a({)epei,v<br />
cannot be explained by its possible- meaning in the Greek<br />
translation of the book. If to bear be made to mean to suffer<br />
punishment, then the verb would require to be followed^ by<br />
eirl r(p ^v\(p : eirl cum ace. at once introduces the meaning to<br />
carry up to.<br />
What then is meant by Christ bearing our sins in His<br />
body up to the tree '? Attention is commonly called to the<br />
frequently occurring collocation dvaep€Lv n eirl to Ouaia-<br />
cTTijptov, <strong>and</strong> <strong>from</strong> this is deduced the idea that the death of<br />
Christ is an expiatory sacrifice. But this attempt at explana-<br />
tion breaks down'' when it is observed that it is certainly<br />
not said that Christ laid Himself upon the tree (as the altar) ;<br />
1 So with Heb. 9 -«.<br />
- If, that is to say, the LXX treated the conceptions avafpepeiv <strong>and</strong> i^tZ}3<br />
as equivalent.<br />
" E. Kiihl, Meyer, xii. ' (1887), p. 165. * Cf. Kiihl, p. 166 f.
90 BIBLE STUDIES. [85<br />
it is rather the afxapriai ijfxwv that form the object of avaipepeiv,<br />
<strong>and</strong> it cannot be said of these that they were offered up.<br />
That would be at least a strange <strong>and</strong> unprecedented mode<br />
of expression. The simplest explanation will be this : when<br />
Christ bears up to the cross the sins of men, then men have<br />
their sins no more ; the hearimj up to is a taking aivay. The<br />
expression thus signifies quite generally that Christ took away<br />
our sins by His death :<br />
special ideas of substitution or sacrifice.<br />
there<br />
is no suggestion whatever of the<br />
This explanation, quite satisfactory in itself, appears to<br />
the author to admit of still further confirmation. In the<br />
Gontvskct Pap. Flind. Petr. i. xvi.2^ (230 B.C.), the following<br />
passage occurs : vrepi Se mp avriXeyo) di>a(f)epofjb6i' [ ]<br />
0(f>etXr)fjidTa)v KptOrjaofjuai tTr' ^ Aa-KXr/TruiSou. The editor re-<br />
stores the omission by wr et? e/me, <strong>and</strong> so reads di'a^epofievcoi'<br />
6t9 eue. In this he is, in our opinion, certainly correct<br />
as to the main matter. No other completion of the participle<br />
is possible, <strong>and</strong> the connection with the following clauses<br />
requires that the dva(^ep6fxeva 6^€iXi)p.aTa should st<strong>and</strong> in<br />
relation to the "I" of avrtXeyoy. It can hardly be determined<br />
whether precisely the preposition et? ^ be the proper restora-<br />
tion, but not much depends on that matter. In any case the<br />
sense of the passage is this : as to the 6(f)etXi]/j,aTa uva^epo/Meva<br />
upon (or against) me, against which I protest, I shall let myself be<br />
judged by Asklepiades.^ It is a priori probable that dvac^epew ra<br />
64>eiXr]/j,ara is a forensic technical expression :<br />
he who imposes'^<br />
the debts of another upon a third desires to free the former<br />
1 Mahaffy, i. [47].<br />
- iiri were equally possible ; cf. p. 91, note 1.<br />
•' Mahaffy, i. [48], translates : " But concerning the debts charged against<br />
me, which I dispute, I shall submit to the decision of Asklepiades ".<br />
* It is true that avacpepeiv occurs also in the technical sense of referrc<br />
(cf., besides the dictionaries, A. Pevron, i., p. 110), frequently even in the LXX,<br />
<strong>and</strong> one might also translate the clause : as to the debts alleged (before tiw<br />
magistracy) against dw : ai/afepeiv would then mean something like sue for.<br />
But the analogies <strong>from</strong> the Attic Orators support the above explanation. In<br />
LXX 1 Sam. 20^-' auoia-m ra koko eVi (Te, we have avaipepw in a quite similar<br />
sense. Cf. Wellhauson, Der Text der Bb. Ham., p. 116 f., for the origin of this<br />
translation.
86] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 91<br />
<strong>from</strong> the payment of the same. The Attic Orators ^ employ<br />
dvaipepeip iiri in exactly the same way : ^sch. 3, 215, tcl'^ airo<br />
TOVTwv alTLa
92 BIBLE STUDIES. [87, 88<br />
Frequent, in the LXX <strong>and</strong> the Apocryphal books, for<br />
Help. This meaning is not^ pecuhar to "biblical" Greek,<br />
but occurs frequently in petitions to the Ptolemies : Paj). Par.<br />
26 '^ (163-162 B.C.), Pap. Lond. xxiii.* (158-157 B.C.), Pap. Par.<br />
^i^ (131 B.C.), Pap. Liujd. K^ (Ptolemaic period); always<br />
synonymous with ^orjdeta. The last two passages yield<br />
the combination ry^ety ai'Tt\7)ix-\lre(»i
88, 89] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 93<br />
Tralles ; ^ a decree of the Abderites (before 146 B.C.) <strong>from</strong><br />
Teos ; - Inscription of Pergamus No. 13 (soon after 263 b.c.).^<br />
" In all these examples the word signifies a request preferred<br />
before a higher tribunal, thus acquiring the sense of 'petition^<br />
or ' memorial '<br />
"*.<br />
airo.<br />
Of the construction 2 Mace. 14 ^^ diro rod ^eXria-Tov<br />
in the most hoiiourable loay, in which one might suspect an<br />
un-Greek turn of expression, many examples can be found in<br />
the Inscriptions, as also in Dionysius of Halicarnassus <strong>and</strong><br />
Plutarch. °<br />
apeTako-yia.'^<br />
0. F. Fritzsche^ still writes Sirach 36^9 (i*"' ^^ in other<br />
editions) as follows : irXija-ov Xtcov apai ra \6yid aov koI cltto<br />
Trj
94 BIBLE STUDIES. [Si», 90<br />
to a meaning of the possible original which cannot be authen-<br />
ticated, the confusion of the parallelismus membrorum which,<br />
with their reading, disfigures the verse, must be urged against<br />
de Wette <strong>and</strong> Fritzsche.^ What then is the authority for<br />
this reading ? The beginning of the verse has been h<strong>and</strong>ed<br />
down in the three principal Codices in the following forms :<br />
,'^A 7rXrjcroi'at,(ovap€Ta\o
90, 91] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 95<br />
Xoyiu, we find that its meaning is given as buffoonery (Posseu-<br />
reisserei). Now it is clear that God cannot be invited to<br />
fill Zion with " aretalogy " in this sense ; then comes the too<br />
precipitate deduction that the text must read differently,<br />
instead of the question whether the lexicon may not perhaps<br />
be in need of a correction. Even Symmachus, Ps. 29 [30]^,<br />
could have answered the question :<br />
in that passage he renders<br />
the word 7131 {shouting for joy) of the original by aperaXoyta,^<br />
while he always translates it elsewhere by evcfirj/buia. The<br />
equation of Symmachus, dperaXoyia = eucjirj/jLla, which can<br />
be inferred <strong>from</strong> this, <strong>and</strong> the parallelism of the passage in<br />
Sirach, dpeTuXoyla ||<br />
Bo^a, mutually explain <strong>and</strong> support each<br />
other, <strong>and</strong> force us to the assumption that both translators<br />
used dperaXoyia sensu bono, i.e., of the glorifying of God. The<br />
assumption is so obvious as to require no further support<br />
for, to argue <strong>from</strong> the analogies, it is indisputable that the<br />
word, the etymology of which is certainly clear enough, at<br />
first simply meant, as a matter of course, the speaking of the<br />
dperai, <strong>and</strong> only then received the bad secondary signification.<br />
As to the meaning of dperrj which is the basis of this usage,<br />
cf. the next article.<br />
dperr}.'^<br />
The observations of Hatch ^ upon this word have added<br />
nothing new to the article dpen'] in Cremer, <strong>and</strong> have ignored<br />
what is there (as it seems to the author) established beyond<br />
doubt, viz., that the LXX, in rendering "Tin> magnificence,<br />
splendour (Hab. 3 ^ <strong>and</strong> Zech. 6 ^^) <strong>and</strong> H^nri, glory, praise,<br />
by dpeTTj, are availing themselves of an already-existent<br />
linguistic usage.'* The meaning of dpeToXoyia is readily<br />
deduced <strong>from</strong> this usage : the word signifies the same as is<br />
elsewhere expressed by means of the verbal constructions,<br />
LXX Is. 42 ^"<br />
ra
96 BIBLE STUDIES. [91, 92<br />
Is. 43^^ TO,? aperd
92, 93] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 97<br />
The original has fxavToavvaK ; the emendation fiavro-<br />
a-vva
98 BIBLE STUDIES. [93, 94<br />
dp-)(^t,(Tfji}/jiaTO(f)v\a^.<br />
This occurs in the LXX as the translation of keeper of<br />
the threshold (Esther 2 ^^) <strong>and</strong> body-guard (literally, keeper of<br />
the head, 1 Sam. 28^). The translation in the latter passage<br />
is correct, although aoyaarocfyvXa^ (Judith 12 \ 1 [3] Esd. 3 *)<br />
would have been sufficient. The title is Egyptianised in<br />
the rendering given in Esther ^<br />
: the apxi'O-Qi/j,aT0(f)uXa^<br />
was originally an officer of high rank in the court of the<br />
Ptolemies—the head of the royal body-guard. But the title<br />
seems to have lost its primary meaning ;<br />
it came to be applied<br />
to the occupants of various higher offices.^ Hence even the<br />
translation given in Esther is not incorrect. The title is<br />
known not only <strong>from</strong> Egyptian Inscriptions,^ but also <strong>from</strong><br />
Pap. Tanr. i^ (third century B.C.), ii.^ (of the same period),<br />
xi.*' (of the same period), Pap. Lond. xvii." (162 B.C.), xxiii.^<br />
(158-157 B.C.), Ep. Arist. {ed. M. Schmidt), p. 15 4 f.; cf.<br />
Joseph. Antt. xii. 2 2.<br />
1. The LXX translate water-brooks, Joel 1^**, <strong>and</strong> rivers<br />
of water, Lam. 3**", by a(j)ia-€L
94, 95] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 99<br />
to think that the rendering has been influenced by aph,^ the<br />
initial syllable of the original, but this does not explain<br />
u(f>eaei
100 BIBLE STUDIES. [95, 96<br />
itself most clearly—the genitive may also be omitted. a^€at
96, 97] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 101<br />
the addition of «0eo-e&J9, which comes <strong>from</strong> ver. ^" : htaQorja-<br />
ere a(p€crti' eirl Trj
102 BIBLE STUDIES. [97, 98<br />
jSacTTdto).<br />
In Matt. 8^'^ there is quoted, as the word of "the pro-<br />
phet Isaiah," avro'i Ta
98, 99] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 103<br />
10^.^ Of these last passages, Is. 53 deserves special atten-<br />
tion, as it approximates in meaning to the quotation in<br />
Matthew : xal rat; d/jLaprta
104 BIBLE STUDIES. [100<br />
part ; the Synonymic ^ of this usage must raise for itself the<br />
problem of investigating words like alpo), e^alpw, ^aard^w,<br />
Xafj,^dvo), dvaXa/ji^dvco, (f)epa>, dva(^ep(o, vTrocfyepco in their<br />
various shades of meaning.<br />
"The seller was required, in general, i.e., unless the<br />
opposite was stipulated, to deliver to the buyer the thing<br />
sold dva/x(f)i,a/37)rr]Tov, ivithoict dispute, <strong>and</strong> had to accept of<br />
the responsibility if claims should be raised to the thing by<br />
others. ... If he [the buyer], however, had obtained <strong>from</strong><br />
the seller the promise of guarantee " . . .he<br />
could, if claims<br />
to the thing were subsequently raised by others, " go back<br />
upon the seller (this was called dvdyeiv et
101] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 105<br />
regarding the details of the SUrj ^elSaiooaeoiq that might<br />
possibly be raised by the buyer, but these are immaterial<br />
for the determination of the idea corresponding to the word<br />
This technical expression found admission into Egypt<br />
in the Ptolemaic period. The Papyrus documents speak not<br />
only of the ^e^aicor-qs,^ the sale-surety, the auctor secimdus<br />
of Eioman law, but also of the iSe/Sauoo-t'i itself : Paj). Taur.<br />
i.^ (2nd cent. B.C.), Pajj. Par. 62^ (2nd cent. B.C.)—twice<br />
in the latter passage, once in the combination et\ t)]v<br />
fiel^aiwatu vTrodqicai} How thoroughly the expression had<br />
become naturalised in Egypt is shown by the fact that we<br />
still find the ^eSuLcoat^; in Papyrus documents belonging to<br />
a time which is separated <strong>from</strong> the Lagides by seven hundred<br />
years. It is, indeed, possible that in these, as well as already<br />
in the Ptolemaic documents, /t^e/3atwo-i9 has no longer exactly<br />
the same specific meaning as it has in the more accurate<br />
terminology of the highly-pohshed juristic Greek of Attica :<br />
but the word is certainly used there also in the sense of<br />
guarantee, safe-guarding of ahargain: Pap. Par. 21 6is" (592 A.D.),<br />
Pap. Jomard' (592 A.D.), Pap. Par. 21* (616 A.D.). In these<br />
the formula Kara irdaav iSelSaLwcnv occurs several times, <strong>and</strong><br />
even the formula et\- /Se^aiMatv comes before us again in<br />
Pap. Par. 20^ (600 A.D.), having thus ^'^ maintained itself<br />
through more than seven hundred years.<br />
Reference has already been made by Lumbroso ^^ to the<br />
1 Hermann-Thalheim, p. 78.<br />
'^ A. Peyron, i., p. 32, cf. p. 120, <strong>and</strong> E. Revillout, Etiules sur divers points<br />
de droit et dliistoire PtoUmaiqiie, Paris, 1880, p. xl. f.<br />
•' Notices, xviii. 2, p. 355.<br />
^ The text is, indeed, mutilated, but is sufficient for our purpose.<br />
-' According<br />
to Hermann-Thalheim, p. 78, note 1, ^efiatwrris, for instance,<br />
has become nothing but an empty form in the Papyri.<br />
'' Notices, xviii. 2, p. 250.<br />
^ Ibid., pp. 258, 259. » Ibid., p. 244.<br />
» Ibid., p. 241. 10 Cf. above, Pap. Par. 62 (2nd cent. B.C.).<br />
" RechercJies, p. 78. But the passage belonging to the 2nd cent. B.C.,<br />
indicated above, is more significant than the one of GOO a.d. quoted by him.<br />
^
106 BIBLE STUDIES. [102<br />
striking similarity of a passage in the LXX with this idiom<br />
of Egyptian Civil law. /Se/3atwcrt9 is found only once in<br />
the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translation, Lev. 25 "^, but there in the<br />
characteristic formula et? ^et^aiwcr lv : Kal rj yrj ov TrpaSr]-<br />
aerai et? iBe^alwaiv, e/xr] yap iariv rj yrj. The translation is<br />
not a literal one, but one of great fineness <strong>and</strong> accuracy.<br />
The Israelites are but strangers <strong>and</strong> sojourners in the l<strong>and</strong> ;<br />
the ground, the soil, belongs to Jahweh—therefore it may<br />
not be sold absolutely : such is the bearing of the original<br />
jnrTDlJv (properly unto annihilation, i.e., completely, for ever).<br />
Looked at superficially, the eU /Se^aLwaw of the LXX is the<br />
exact opposite of the unto anniliilation of the original ; ^ considered<br />
properly, it testifies to an excellent underst<strong>and</strong>mg<br />
of the text.^ A sale et? ^e^aioyaiv is a definitive, legally<br />
guaranteed sale : mere<br />
sojourners could not, of course, sell<br />
the l<strong>and</strong> which they held only in tenure,—least of all et?<br />
/Se^ai'ooaiv. The reading et? ^€/3ij\(ii(Tii>'^ of Codices xi, 19, 29,<br />
<strong>and</strong> others, also of the Aldine, is a clumsy mistake of later<br />
copyists (occasioned in part by LXX Lev. 21'*), who only<br />
spoiled the delicately-chosen expression of the LXX by<br />
school-boy literalness ; on<br />
the other h<strong>and</strong>, the in confirma-<br />
tionem of the Vetus Latina ^ is quite correct, while the renderings<br />
of Aquila,^ eh irayKTr^a-iav, <strong>and</strong> Symmachus,^ eh dXvrpwTov,<br />
though they miss the point proper, yet render the thought<br />
fairly well.<br />
The LXX have shown the same skill in the only other<br />
passage where this Hebrew word occurs, viz.. Lev. 25^^':<br />
Kupcotfijaerai rj oiKta rj ovcra ev TroXec rfj i-yovcrrj rei^o?<br />
^e^aicoq T(o KTijcrapLevw avr/jv. That they did not here<br />
make choice of the formula eU ^e^aiuiaiv, in spite of the<br />
similarity of the original, reveals a true underst<strong>and</strong>ing of<br />
the matter, for, as the phrase was primarily used only of the<br />
giving of a guarantee in concluding a bargain, it would not<br />
have answered in this passage.<br />
^ Which fact explains the variants about to be mentioned.<br />
- In the same chapter we also found a pertinent application of &
103] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 107<br />
The Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Christian to whom we owe the Xoyo?<br />
tt}? 7ra.pa«-\?/'crea)9 in the New Testament, writes, in Heb. 6 ^^-',<br />
avOpoiiroi 'yap Kara rov fieit^ovo
108 BIBLE STUDIES. [104<br />
a hundred <strong>and</strong> seventy years a
105] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 109<br />
in an essential relation to each other. ^ It is exactly in this<br />
way that Paul speaks—his indestructible faith representing<br />
the relation of God to believers under the image of a legally<br />
indisputable relation, 2 Cor.<br />
1 '^^ ^-<br />
: o 8e /Se^aicov r)/j.d
110 BIBLE STUDIES. [106, 107<br />
it is already found in connection with Egypt in Pajy. Flind.<br />
Petr. i. xvi. 2^ (230 B.C.) : ra jevyjfiaTa tcov virapxcvrmv /mot<br />
TrapaSeiaiop, <strong>and</strong> in several other passages of the same age.^<br />
yoyyv^co.<br />
Very familiar in the LXX, also in Paul,^ Synopt., John ;<br />
authenticated in the subsequent extra-biblical literature only<br />
by Marcus Aurehus <strong>and</strong> Epictetus ;<br />
^ but already used in the<br />
sense of murmur in Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. ix. 3^ (241-239 B.C.) :<br />
KoX TO 7rX7]pci)/xa (men) yoyyv^et (f)dfj,evoL ahtKelcrdai.<br />
ypafxixarev'^.<br />
In the 0. T. the person designated scribe (iDD <strong>and</strong> liotl?)<br />
is generally the official. The LXX translate verbally ypafx-<br />
fiaTeh
107] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. Ill<br />
25^*^ as a whole in Jer. 52. The Book of Kings speaks<br />
here of the scribe, the captain of the host} But in our text<br />
of Jeremiah we read (the article is wanting before "^Db) the<br />
scribe of the captain of the host. The LXX translate the first<br />
passage by roi' ypafjbjJiaTea'^ rov dp^^^ovra t/}? 8vi>d/j,6u>
112 BIBLE STUDIES. [108, 109<br />
choice of the plural Svvdfiemv, which was not forced upon<br />
them by the singular of the original, is to be explained only<br />
by the fact that they were adopting a long-established <strong>and</strong><br />
fixed connection.<br />
Is. 36^^ is a most instructive case. Our Hebrew text<br />
has simply a "^DD there, without any addition ; the LXX,<br />
however, transfer him to the army with the rank of the<br />
jpa/jL/jbarevi; tt}? hvva^.e(i)
109, 110] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 113<br />
usage but of the general idea that regulative authority belongs<br />
to scripture. Should the question be asked, whence it comes<br />
that the conception of Holy Scripture has been bound up<br />
with the idea of its absolute authority, the answer can only<br />
be a reference to the jtiristic idea of scripture, which was<br />
found ready to h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> was applied to the sacred docu-<br />
ments. A religion of documents—considered even histori-<br />
cally—is a religion of law. It is a particularly instructive,<br />
though commonly overlooked, fact in connection with this<br />
juristic conception of the biblical documents that the LXX<br />
translate niiD by vofjuo^ in the great majority of passages,<br />
although the two ideas are not by any means identical ; <strong>and</strong><br />
that they have thus made a law out of a teaching} It is<br />
indeed probable that in this they had been already influenced<br />
by the mechanical conception of Scripture of early Rabbinism,<br />
but, in regard to form, they certainly came under the sway<br />
of the Greek juristic language. Cremer has given a series of<br />
examples <strong>from</strong> older Greek of this use of ypd(j)eiv in legislative<br />
work,^ <strong>and</strong> uses these to explain the frequently-occurring<br />
" biblical " yeypaTrrai. This formula of quotation is, however,<br />
not " bibhcal " only, but is found also in juristic Papyrus<br />
documents of the Ptolemaic period <strong>and</strong> in Inscriptions : Pap.<br />
Flind. Petr. ii. xxx. a ; ^ further—<strong>and</strong> this is most instructive<br />
for the frequent KaOoi'^ yeypaTrrai, of the biblical authors *<br />
in the formula KaOori yeypairTai: Pap. Par. 13^ (probably<br />
157 B.C.); Pap. Ltujd. 0^ (89 B.C.); Inscription of Mylasa<br />
in Caria, Waddington, iii. 2, No. 416 = GIG. ii.. No. 2693 e<br />
(beginning of the imperial period) ; ^ Inscription <strong>from</strong> the<br />
1 Cf. the similar alteration of the idea of covenant into that of testament,<br />
<strong>and</strong>, upon this, Cremer^, p. 897 (= "^i<br />
p. 946).<br />
2 The h y4ypa
114 BIBLE STUDIES. [110, 111<br />
neighbourhood of Mylasa, Waddington, iii. 2, No. 483<br />
(imperial period ?)<br />
: in spite of mutilation the formula is<br />
still legible in four passages here ;—<strong>and</strong> in the formula<br />
Kada ^e'ypa'jnai, Pap. Par. 7^ (2nd or 1st cent. B.C.), cf.<br />
Ka{r)Td'irep . . . j€ypa7r[Toi]<br />
in line 5o f. of the architectural<br />
Inscription of Tegea (ca. 3rd cent. B.c.)'^—in all of which<br />
reference is made to a definite obligatory clause of the document<br />
quoted.^ Further examples in III. iii. 5 below.<br />
That the juristic conception of sacred writings was<br />
familiar to the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translators is directly shown by<br />
Ep. Arist. {ed. M. Schmidt), p. 68iff. : when the translation of<br />
the <strong>Bible</strong> into Greek was finished, then, Kadco^ e^o? avroU<br />
eanv, et Tt9 hiaaKevdaet Trpoartdel's rj /ui,era(f)6p(ov rt, to avvoXov<br />
roiv fj.ivr} can<br />
neither be made void ^ nor have anything added to it.<br />
Speaking <strong>from</strong> the same point of view, the advocate<br />
Tertullian—to give another very clear example of the further<br />
development of the juristic conception of biblical authority<br />
describes, adv. Marc. 4 2 <strong>and</strong> elsewhere, the individual portions<br />
of the New Testament as instnimenta, i.e., as legally valid<br />
documents."<br />
1 Notices, xviii. 2, p. 172.<br />
^ P. Cauer, Delectus inscriptionum Ch-aecarurn, propter dialectum memora-<br />
Ulium 2, Leipzig, 1883, No. 457.<br />
5 It is not in this pregnant sense that Plutarch uses y^ypa-KTai, but simply<br />
as a formula of quotation ; cf. J. F. TMarcks, Symbola critica ad epistolographos<br />
Graecos, Bonn, 1883, p. 27. So also LXX Esth. 10 -.<br />
* Cf. Deut. 42, 12 32, Pj-ov. 306, <strong>and</strong> later Rev. 22i8f-<br />
^ It was allowed, e.g., in Attic Law " to add codices to a will, or make<br />
modifications in it"; cf. Meier-Schomann-Lipsius, ii., p. 597.<br />
6 Upon the revocation of a will cf. Meier-Schomann-Lipsius, ii., p. 597 f.<br />
' Cf. upon this E. Reuss, Die Geschichte der Heiligen ScJinften Neiien<br />
Testaments'", Brunswick, 1887, § 303, p. 340, <strong>and</strong> Jiilicher, Einleitung in das<br />
N. T., p. 303.<br />
—
Ill, 112] LANGUAGE OP THE GREEK BIBLE,<br />
8td8o')(^o
116 BIBLE STUDIES. [112, US<br />
lies at the basis of the Hebrew words) has been preserved<br />
most purely, i.e., where correct measures are described as<br />
just.^ That they did not translate mechanically in these<br />
cases appears <strong>from</strong> Prov. 11 \ where they likewise render<br />
the weight there described as D7tr, full, by aTaOfxiov hUaiov.'^<br />
There can be established also for Greek a usage similar to<br />
the Semitic,^ but it will be better in this matter to refer to<br />
Egyptian usage than to Xenophon <strong>and</strong> others,* who apply<br />
the attribute hUaioq to Tinro'^, /SoO?, etc., when these animals<br />
correspond to what is expected of them. Thus in the decree<br />
of the inhabitants of Busiris,^ drawn up in honour of the<br />
emperor Nero, the rise of the Nile is called a BiKaia dvd^aa-i^i ;<br />
but more significant—because the reference is to a meas^ire<br />
—is the observation of Clemens Alex<strong>and</strong>rinus, Strom, vi. 4<br />
(p. 758, Potter), that, in Egyptian ceremonies, the ttti'^^v^<br />
Tr]
113, 114] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 117<br />
phoricaliy used in the other two passages, they made the<br />
metaphors more intelligible to the Alex<strong>and</strong>rians by giving<br />
them a local colouring— just as was shown above in the case<br />
of d
118 SbIBLE <strong>studies</strong>. [114, 115<br />
et? avTOv Kol rjVLoxov^ ^' . . dprcov KaOapwv ^' ')(oiviKa^<br />
KoX et? cTTTroKo/Jiov^ ly' aprcov avroTrvpeov . . k
115, 116] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 119<br />
position. The author considers that he has previously shown,<br />
by a not unimportant example, what a difference there is<br />
between a peculiarity of syntax in the originally- Greek<br />
Epistles of Paul <strong>and</strong> the apparently similar phenomenon in<br />
Greek translations. A similar fact may be observed with<br />
regard to the question of iv with the dativus instrumenti.<br />
Winer-Liinemann ^ still maintains that eV is used "of the<br />
instrument <strong>and</strong> means (<strong>chiefly</strong> in the Apocalypse)—not only<br />
(as in the better Greek prose-writers . . . .) where in (or<br />
on) would be proper enough ,<br />
but also, irrespective<br />
of this, where in Greek the dative alone, as casus instru-<br />
mentalis, would be used—as an after-effect of the Hebrew 21 "•<br />
Similarly A. Buttmann.'^ In their enumeration of the ex-<br />
amples—in so far as these can come into consideration at all<br />
—both writers, in neglecting this difference, commit the error<br />
of uncritically placing passages <strong>from</strong> the Gospels <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Apocalypse, in regard to which one may speak of a Semitic<br />
influence, i.e., of a possible Semitic original, alongside of,<br />
say, Pauline passages, without, however, giving any indica-<br />
tion of how they imagine the "after-effect" of the 5- to<br />
have influenced Paul. Thus Winer-Liinemann quotes Eom.<br />
15*^ ev ei'l (TTOfiaTi, 8o^d^7)T€, <strong>and</strong> Buttmann,'^ 1 Cor. 4^^ eV<br />
pd/3Ba) e\6w 7rpo9 vixd'=;, as Pauline examples of ei> with the<br />
instrumental dative. The author beheves that both passages<br />
are capable of another explanation, <strong>and</strong> that, as they are<br />
the only ones that can be cited with even an appearance<br />
of reason, this use of ev by Paul cannot be made out. For,<br />
to begin with, the passage in Eomans is one of those<br />
" where in would be proper enough," i.e., where the refer-<br />
ence to its primary sense of location is fully adequate to<br />
explain it, <strong>and</strong> it is thus quite superfluous to make for<br />
such instances a new compartment in the dust-covered repository<br />
; the Romans are to glorify God in one mouth<br />
because, of course, words are formed in the mouth, just as,<br />
according to popular psychology, thoughts dwell in the<br />
1 § 48, d (p. 363).<br />
^ Grammatik des netitestamentlichen Sprachgebrauchs, p. 157.<br />
^ P. 284.<br />
—
120 BIBLE STUDIES. [116, 117<br />
heart. In 1 Cor. 4-', again, the case seems to be more<br />
favourable for the view of Buttmann, for the LXX frequently<br />
use the very construction ev rfj pdj^hw ; what more easy<br />
than to maintain that "the" biblical Greek uses this construction<br />
instrumentally throughout *? But here also we<br />
perceive very clearly the difference between the diction of<br />
the translators as cramped by their original, <strong>and</strong> the un-<br />
constrained language of Paul. In all the passages of the<br />
LXX (Gen. 32 "\ Exod. 17 ^ 21 ^'\ 1 Sam. 17 *^ 2 Sam. 7 ^^<br />
2321, 1 Chron. 11 --^^^ Ps. 2^ 88 [89]=^=^, Is. 10 ^ Mic. b\ T'<br />
cf. Ezek. 39 ^, also Hos. 4 '^ where ei' pa/3Boi) ev aydirrj TrvevixaTL xe<br />
7rpavTr)To
117, 118] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 121<br />
introduce a term better suited to Egyptian conditions :<br />
it<br />
was, of course, an embalming in Egypt. But the professional<br />
designation of the person ^ entrusted with this work<br />
was ivra^LaaTr)
122 BIBLE STUDIES. [118, 119<br />
meaning ; the correlative term for the king's giving an answer<br />
is -xpTj/jiaTL^eiv}<br />
Both the verb <strong>and</strong> the substantive are frequently combined<br />
with Kara <strong>and</strong> virep, according to v^^hether the memorial<br />
expresses itself against or for some one ; cf. the Pauline<br />
virepevTvyx^dvco, Rom. 8"^.<br />
ipyoSicoKTrj^i.<br />
This word, common in the LXX, but hitherto not<br />
authenticated elsewhere, is vouched for by Pap. Flind. Petr.<br />
ii. iv. i.^ (255-254 B.C.) as a technical term for overseer of<br />
work, foreman. Philo, who uses it later, de Vit. Mos. i. 7 (M.,<br />
p. 86), can hardly have found it in the LXX first of all, but<br />
rather in the current vocabulary of his time. It is in use<br />
centuries later in Alex<strong>and</strong>ria :<br />
Origen<br />
^ jestingly calls his<br />
friend Ambrosius his ipyoBiQ)KTr)
119, 120] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 123'<br />
settle what the et';>^apto-T77^et? in this passage refers to, owing<br />
to mutilation of the leaf.<br />
TO deueXiov.<br />
In deciding the question whether 6e/xe\iov is to be<br />
construed as masculine or neuter in passages where the<br />
gender of the word is not clearly determined, attention is<br />
usually called to the fact that the neuter form is first found<br />
in Pausanius (2nd cent. a.d.). But it occurs previously in<br />
Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xiv. 3^ (Ptolemaic period). Cf. also to<br />
0€/jLiXLov oi an unknown translator of Lev. 4 ^®.^ From this,<br />
the possibility, at least, of taking it as neuter, in the non-<br />
decisive passages ^ Sir.l^Eom. 15 ^o, Eph. 2^0, Luke G^^S<br />
14^^, 1 Tim. 6^^, Heb. 6\ may be inferred.<br />
The LXX not seldom (Gen. 47 l^ Deut. 15 2, Job 2'\.<br />
710.13^ Prov. 6^ 13 ^ 16 2^ 27 ^ Dan. 1^^) translate the<br />
possessive pronoun (as a suffix) by TSto?, though the con-<br />
nection does not require the giving of such an emphasis<br />
to the particular possessive relation. Such passages as Job<br />
2412^ Prov. 9^-, 22', 27^^, might be considered stranger still,,<br />
where the translator adds i8io
124 BIBLE STUDIES. [121<br />
<strong>and</strong> in the Attic Inscriptions^ subsequent to 69 B.C. This<br />
usage is also confirmed by the Apocryphal books of the<br />
0. T., specially by those in Greek <strong>from</strong> the first, <strong>and</strong> it in-<br />
fluences the New Testament writers,'^ <strong>and</strong> especially Paul,<br />
much more strongly than is implied by Winer-Liinemann.^<br />
Exegetes have, in many places, laid a stress upon the }'Sio
122] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 125<br />
identification of ideas. We must rather, as in all cases where<br />
the Greek expression is not con^uent with the Hebrew<br />
original, begin here by establishing the difference, <strong>and</strong> then<br />
proceed with an attempt to explain it. In the present case<br />
our position is happily such that we can give the explanation<br />
with some certainty, <strong>and</strong> that the wider philologico-historical<br />
conditions can be ascertained quite as clearly.<br />
To begin with, it is altogether inaccurate to assert that<br />
the LXX translate kapporeth by IXaa-rijpiov. They first en-<br />
countered the word in Exod. 25<br />
^^ ^'''^<br />
: a7id thou shalt make a<br />
kapporeth of pure gold. The Greek translator rendered thus :<br />
Kai 7roi,r]cr€i
126 IBIBLE STUDIES.! [123<br />
17 ^^ (if Tov IXacTTTjpiov Oavdrov is to be read here with the<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>rinus), an adjective, <strong>and</strong> signifies of use for propitiation.<br />
-The same theological gloss upon the ceremonial hap-<br />
poreth is observed when, in the Greek translation of the<br />
Pentateuch^—first in the passages immediately following<br />
upon Exod. 25-^^'^"^ <strong>and</strong> also later—it is rendered, brevilo-<br />
quently,^ by the simple IXaarrjpiov instead of iXacmjpiov<br />
eiride^ia. The word is now a substantive <strong>and</strong> signifies some-<br />
thing like propitiatory article. It does not mean cover, nor<br />
even propitiatory cover, but for the concept cover it substi-<br />
tutes another, which only expresses the ceremonial pur-<br />
pose of the article. The kapporeth was for the translators a<br />
crv/jb^oXov Ti}(; iXeco tov 6eov hvvdp.eu>
124] LANGUAGE OP THE GREEK BIBLE. 127<br />
means neither ledge nor ledge of propitiation, but projjitiatory<br />
article.<br />
The proof of the fact that the LXX did not identify the<br />
concept IXaarrjptov with kapporeth <strong>and</strong> 'azdrah can be supplemented<br />
by the following observed facts. The two words<br />
paraphrased by IXaa-TrjpLov have other renderings as well.<br />
In Exod. 26^* the original runs, <strong>and</strong> thou shall put the kap-<br />
poreth upon the ark of the testimony in the most holy place<br />
LiXX Kai KaTaKa\v\{reL
128 BIBLE STUDIES. [125<br />
is not correct to assert ^ that, following the example of the<br />
LXX, he describes kapporeth as tXaa-r-qpLov : he describes it<br />
correctly as eTridefia Tr}
126] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 129<br />
Seov^ i\
130 BIBLE STUDIES. [126, 127<br />
sacrifice, after the analogy of acorijptov, \apLaTripioi>, KaOdpaioi^,<br />
etc., in connection with which Ovfxa is to be supphed. How-<br />
ever difficult it would be to find examples of the word being<br />
used in this sense,^ there is no objection to it linguistically.<br />
But it is opposed by the context ; it can hardly be said of a<br />
sacrifice that God irpoeOero it. The more general explanation<br />
therefore, which of late has been advocated again, specially<br />
by B. Weiss, ^ viz., means of propitiation, is to be preferred :<br />
linguistically it is the most obvious ; it is also presupposed<br />
in the " usage " of the LXX, <strong>and</strong> admirably suits the connection—<br />
particularly in the more special sense of projyitiatory gift<br />
which is to be referred to just below.<br />
Hitherto the word in this sense had been noted only<br />
in Dion Chrysostom (1-2 cent, a.d.), Or. xi. p. 355 (Keiske),<br />
KaTa\€Lyfreii> jap avTov
128] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 131<br />
of removing the objection to the " lateness " of the quotation :<br />
[x.a(TTi]piop in the assigned meaning is found also before the<br />
time of Paul—occurring as it does in a place at which the<br />
Apostle certainly touched in his travels (Acts 21 ^) : the<br />
Inscription of Cos No. 81 ^ reads thus :<br />
—<br />
8a/jbo
182 BIBLE STUDIES. [129<br />
author considers it quite impossible that Paul should not<br />
have known the word in this sense :<br />
if he had not already<br />
become familiar with it by living in Cilicia, he had certainly<br />
read it here <strong>and</strong> there in his w<strong>and</strong>erings through the<br />
empire, when he stood before the monuments of paganism<br />
<strong>and</strong> pensively contemplated what the piety of a dying civilisa-<br />
tion had to offer to its known or unknown Gods. Similarly,<br />
the Christians of the capital, whether one sees in them,<br />
as the misleading distinction goes, Jewish Christians or<br />
Heathen Christians, would know what a tXaa-T/jpiov was in<br />
their time. To suppose that, in consequence of their<br />
"magnificent knowledge of the Old Testament,"^ they<br />
would immediately think of the kajjporeth, is to overlook two<br />
facts. First, that the out-of-the-way^ passages referring to<br />
the iXaarriptov may very well have remained unknown even<br />
to a Christian who was conversant with the LXX : how<br />
many <strong>Bible</strong> readers of to-day, nay, how many theologians<br />
of to-day—who, at least, should be <strong>Bible</strong> readers,—if their<br />
readings have been unforced, <strong>and</strong> not desecrated by side-<br />
glances towards " Bitschlianism " or towards possible ex-<br />
amination questions, are acquainted with the kapj)dreth ?<br />
The second fact overlooked is, that such Christians of the<br />
imperial period as were conversant with those passages,<br />
naturally understood the IXaarripLov in the sense familiar to<br />
them, not in the alleged sense of jjrojntiatory cover—just as<br />
a <strong>Bible</strong> reader of to-day, unspoiled by theology, finding the<br />
word Gnadenstuhl (mercy-seat) in Luther, would certainly<br />
never think of a cover.<br />
That the verb TrpoeOero admirably suits the iXaarripiov<br />
taken as propitiatory gift, in the sense given to it in the Greek<br />
usage of the imperial period, requires no proof. God has<br />
publicly set forth the crucified Christ in His blood in view of<br />
1 Cremer^ p. 448 ( = ^ p. 476).<br />
^ By the time of Paul the ceremony in which the kapporetli played a<br />
part had long disappeared along with the Ark of the Covenant ;<br />
we can but<br />
conjecture that some mysterious knowledge of it had found a refuge in<br />
theological erudition. In practical religion, certainly, the matter had no<br />
longer any place at all.<br />
I
130] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 133<br />
the Cosmos—to the Jews a stumbhng block, to the Gentiles<br />
foolishness, to Faith a iXaarripiov. The crucified Christ is<br />
the votive-gift of the Divine Love for the salvation of men.<br />
Elsev^here it is hmnan h<strong>and</strong>s v^hich dedicate to the Deity a<br />
dead image of stone in order to gain His favour ; here the<br />
God of grace Himself erects the consohng image,—for the<br />
skill <strong>and</strong> povs^er of men are not sufficient. In the thought<br />
that God Himself has erected the Ix.aartjptov, lies the same<br />
w^onderful ixcopia of apostolic piety v^hich has so inimitably<br />
diffused the unction of artless genius over other religious<br />
ideas of Paul. God's favour must be obtained—He Himself<br />
fulfils the preliminary conditions ; Men can do nothing at<br />
all, they cannot so much as beheve—God does all in Christ :<br />
that is the religion of Paul, <strong>and</strong> our passage in Romans is<br />
but another expression of this same mystery of salvation.<br />
A. Ritschl,! one of the most energetic upholders of the<br />
theory that the iXaartjptoi- of the passage in Romans signifies<br />
the kapijoreth, has, in his investigation of this question, laid<br />
down the following canon of method " : . . . for iXaaT/jptov<br />
the meanmg propitiatory sacrifice is authenticated in heathen<br />
usage, as being a gift by which the anger of the gods is<br />
the<br />
appeased, <strong>and</strong> they themselves induced to be gracious. . . .<br />
But . . .<br />
heathen meaning of the disputed word should<br />
be tried as a means of explaining the statement in question<br />
only when the bibhcal meanmg has proved to be wholly<br />
inapphcable to the passage." It would hardly be possible<br />
to find the sacred conception of a "bibhcal" Greek more<br />
plainly upheld by an opponent of the theory of inspiration<br />
than is the case in these sentences. What has been already<br />
said will show the error, as the author thinks it, of the<br />
actual assertions they contain concerning the meaning of<br />
IXaarr'jpiov in "biblical"" <strong>and</strong> in "heathen" usage; his<br />
own reflections about method are contained in the introduc-<br />
tion to these investigations. But the case under considera-<br />
1 Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versohnung dargestellt,<br />
ii. ^ Bonn, 1889, p. 171.<br />
^ Cf. A. Ritschl, p. 168 ;<br />
of correction.<br />
the opinions advanced there have urgent need
134 BIBLE STUDIES. [131, 132<br />
tion, on account of its importance, may be tested once more<br />
by an analogy which has already been indicated above.<br />
In the hymn Konig, dessen Majestdt, by Valentin Ernst<br />
Loscher (|-1749), there occurs the following couplet^ :<br />
Mein Abba, schaue Jesum an,<br />
Den Gnadenthron der Sunder<br />
Whoever undertakes to explain this couplet has, without<br />
doubt, a task similar to that of the exegete of Rom.<br />
3^^ Just as in the passage <strong>from</strong> Paul there is apphed to<br />
Christ a word which occurs in the <strong>Bible</strong> of Paul, so there is<br />
in this hymn a word, similarly used, which st<strong>and</strong>s in the<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> of its author. The Apostle calls Christ a l\aaT7]piov ;<br />
l\a
132, 133] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 135<br />
again specialised the propitiatory article into a vehicle or instru-<br />
ment of propitiation— again imparting to it, however, a theo-<br />
logical shading,—in so far as he wrote, not propitiatory<br />
cover or cover of mercy, but mercy-seat ; ^ the readers of the<br />
German <strong>Bible</strong>, of course, apprehend this word in its own<br />
proper sense, <strong>and</strong> when we read it in <strong>Bible</strong> or hymn-book, or<br />
hear it in preaching, we figure to ourselves some Throne in<br />
Heaven, to which we draw near that we may receive mercy <strong>and</strong><br />
may find ijrace to keep) us in time of need, <strong>and</strong> nobody thinks of<br />
anything else.<br />
The LXX <strong>and</strong> Luther have supplied the place of the<br />
original kapporeth by words which imply a deflection of the<br />
idea. The links<br />
—<br />
kapporeth, iXaaTrjpiov, Gnadenstuhl—cannot<br />
be connected by the sign of equality, not even, indeed, by<br />
a straight line, but at best by a curve.<br />
iaT6cov oOovlcov et? j" roin; eKarov,<br />
which is altogether meaningless. We must of course read,<br />
in accordance with Joseph. A7itt. xii. 2 14 {I3va-a[v7]
136 BIBLE STUDIES. [133, 134<br />
'yap ^v/ji7]v Kal rrav /jteXi ov it poaoicreTe ^tt' avrov (a ixiechanical<br />
imitation of ^3(2'?^) Kapiroyaat KvpUo. This looks like an in-<br />
adequate rendering of the original : in the equation, irpoac^epeiv<br />
Kapirwaai = hum incense as an offerimi made with fire, there<br />
seems to be retained only the idea of sacrifice ; the special<br />
nuance of the comm<strong>and</strong>ment seems to be lost, <strong>and</strong> to be<br />
supplanted by a different one : for Kapirouv of course means<br />
" to make or offer as fntit "} The idea of the Seventy, that<br />
that which was leavened, or honey, might be named a fricit-<br />
offering, is certainly more striking than the fact that the<br />
offering made by fire is here supplanted by the offering of<br />
friiit. But the vagary cannot have been peculiar to these<br />
venerable ancients, for we meet with the same strange<br />
notion also in passages which are not reckoned as their<br />
work m the narrower sense. According to 1 [3] Esd. 4^^<br />
King Darius permits to the returning Jews, among other<br />
things, KUi Jtt/, to 6vcna(m]piov oXoKavToouara KapTTovcrOaL Ka6'<br />
rjfxepai', <strong>and</strong>, in the Song of the Three Children ^*, Azarias<br />
laments kuI ouk ecrriv iv tm /catpco rovrco ap\^(oi' Kai 7rpo(f)7]T7)
134, 135] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 137<br />
opposite of the primary meaning to bring forth fruit. It is<br />
not the LXX, however, who have taken Kapirow <strong>and</strong> j^ict<br />
away as equivalent, but rather the unscientific procedure<br />
which looks upon verbal equations between translation <strong>and</strong><br />
original without further ceremony as equations of ideas.<br />
The true intention of the Greek translators is shown by<br />
a comparison of Lev. 2 ^^ <strong>and</strong> Deut. '26 ^^. In the first<br />
passage, one may doubt as to whether KapTrow is meant to<br />
represent ^''l^Dpn or 'HW'i^, but whichever of the two be<br />
decided upon does not matter : in either case it represents<br />
some idea like to offer a sacrifice made witli fire. In the other<br />
passage, KapTrow certainly st<strong>and</strong>s for '^V^, <strong>and</strong> if, indeed, the<br />
Greek word cannot mean jmt away, yet the Hebrew one can<br />
mean to burii. It is quite plain that the LXX thought that<br />
they found this familiar meaning in this passage also : the<br />
two passages, in fact, support one another, <strong>and</strong> ward off any<br />
suspicion of " the LXX's " having used Kapirow in the sense<br />
oi put aivay <strong>and</strong> bring forth fruit at the same time. However<br />
strange the result may appear, the issue of our critical com-<br />
parison is this : the LXX used Kaprroco for to btirn both m a<br />
ceremonial <strong>and</strong> in a non-ceremonial sense.<br />
This strange usage, however, has received a bnlliant<br />
confirmation. P. Stengel ^ has shown, <strong>from</strong> four Inscriptions<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>from</strong> the old lexicographers,^ that Kap-rrooi must have been<br />
quite commonly used for to burn in the ceremonial sense.^<br />
Stengel explains as follows how this meaning arose<br />
KapTTovv properly signifies to cut into pieces ; the holocausts<br />
of the Greeks were cut into pieces, <strong>and</strong> thus, in ceremonial<br />
language, KapTroM must have come to mean absumere, consu-<br />
mere, oXoKavrelv.<br />
161 fi.<br />
^ Zii den griechisdien Sacralaltertliilvievn, Hermes, xxvii. (1892), pp.<br />
- The passages he brings forward, in wliich the meaning, at least, of to<br />
sacrifice for Kapirdw is implied, may be extended by the translation sacrificiuin<br />
offero given by the Itala, as also by the note " Kapiraiaai, duaida-ai " in the MS.<br />
glossary (?) cited by Schleusner. Schleusner also gives references to the<br />
ecclesiastical literature.<br />
^ He counts also Deut. 26 " among the LXX passages in this connec-<br />
tion, but it is the non-ceremonial sense of to burn which Kapir6oii has tliere.<br />
:
138 BIBLE STUDIES. [135, 136<br />
The ceremonial sense of Kapirow grows more distinct<br />
when we notice the compound form oXofcapTrSo),^ Sir. 45 ^*,<br />
4 Mace. 18 ", Sibyll. Orac. 3 565, as also by the identity<br />
in meaning of the substantives oKoKdpTrwfia = oXoKavTwfia,<br />
<strong>and</strong> 6\oKdp7ru)at
136, 137] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 139<br />
the hypothesis of its being the original derives, as the author<br />
thinks, further support <strong>from</strong> the following facts. The LXX<br />
translate the absolute tT''^ by eKaaro^ in innumerable pas-<br />
sages. But in not a single passage except the present (ac-<br />
cording to the ordinary text), is it rendered by eh e/caaro
140 BIBLE STUDIES. [137, 138<br />
butive dv(i is made, quite correctly, to govern the accusative,<br />
<strong>and</strong> since, further, it would be difficult to say what the<br />
original really was which, as it is thought, is thus imitated<br />
in Hebraising fashion.<br />
2. " Even more diffuse <strong>and</strong> more or less Hebraising peri-<br />
phrases of simple prepositions are effected by means of the<br />
substantives Trpoaoi-nov, %etp, o-rofMa, 6^SaXfji6
138, 139] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 141<br />
Lo^id. xxii.i (164-163 B.C.), xli.^ (161 B.C.), Pap. Dresd. ii.^ (162<br />
B.C.), Pap. Par. 33* (ca. 160 B.C.). But also of other cere-<br />
monial services elsewhere there were used Xecrovpyeco, Pap.<br />
Par. 5 ^ (113 B.C.) twice ; Xeiroupyla in the Papp. Lugd. G ^,<br />
' H <strong>and</strong><br />
J,« written 99 B.c.^<br />
XeiTovpyLK6
142 BIBLE STUDIES. [139, 140<br />
which was elucidated by Boeckh/ there occurs the phrase<br />
XtySo? oUia Te4>bT0'i. As the South {v6To
140, 141] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 143<br />
ai4 B.C.) twice; Pap. Lugd. M^ (114 B.C.). We find the<br />
word, further, in the taxation-roll Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xxxix. c,^<br />
of the Ptolemaic period,^ in which it is used six times— pro-<br />
bably in the sense of tax.<br />
The derivation of the word <strong>from</strong> Xeyw is impossible ;<br />
Xoyela belongs to the class * of substantives in -ela formed<br />
<strong>from</strong> verbs in -evo). Now the verb Xoyevo) to collect, which has<br />
not been noticed in literary compositions, is found in the<br />
following Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscriptions :<br />
Pap. Lond. xxiv.^ (163 B.C.),<br />
iii.*^ {ca. 140 B.C.), a Papyrus of date 134 B.C.," Pap. Taur. 8^<br />
{end of 2nd cent. B.C.), an Egyptian Inscription, GIG. iii.,<br />
No. 4956 37 (49 a.d.) ; cf. also the Papyrus-fragment which<br />
proves the presence of Jews in the Fayyum.*'<br />
The Papyri yield also the pair TrapaXoyevco, Pap. Flind.<br />
Petr. ii. xxxviii. b^^ (242 B.C.) <strong>and</strong> irapaXoyeia, Pap. Par. 61 ^^<br />
(145 B.C.).<br />
In regard to the orthography of the word, it is to be<br />
observed that the spelling Xoyeia corresponds to the laws of<br />
word-formation. Its consistent employment in the relatively<br />
well-written pre-Christian Papyri urges us to assume that<br />
it would also be used by Paul :<br />
1 Cor. 16 2 12 at least.<br />
the<br />
Vaticanus still has it, in<br />
In speaking of the collection for ^^ the poor in Jerusalem,<br />
1 Leemans, i., p. 60. 2 Mahaffy, ii. [127].<br />
' This Papyrus, it is true, is not dated, but is " a fine specimen of Ptole-<br />
maic writing" (Mahaffy, iUd.), <strong>and</strong> other taxation-rolls which are published<br />
in xxxix. date <strong>from</strong> the time of Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, i.e., the middle of<br />
the 3rd cent. b.c. For further particulars see below, III. iii. 2.<br />
* Winer-Schmiedel, § 16, 2a (p. 134).<br />
5 Kenyon, p. 32. 6 J5j^_^ p_ 47^<br />
^ Ph. Buttmann, AAB., 1824, hist.-phil. KL, p. 92, <strong>and</strong>, on this, p. 99.<br />
* A. Peyron, ii., p. 45. 9 issued by MahafEy, i., p. 43, undated.<br />
10 Mahaffy, ii. [122]. " Notices, xviii. 2, p. 351.<br />
12 The author has subsequently seen that L. Dindorf , in the Thesaurus<br />
144 BIBLE STUDIES. [141, 142<br />
Paul has other synonyms besides Xojeia, among them Xei-<br />
Tovpyla, 2 Cor. 9 ^^. This more general term is similarly<br />
associated with Xoyeta in Pap. Lond. iii. 9.-^<br />
In 1 Cor. 16^ Donnaeus <strong>and</strong> H. Grotius proposed to<br />
alter " Xoyia " to €v\o
142, 143] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 145<br />
majore ; " it is, in point of fact, shown by Pap. Taur. i. that<br />
this Nechytes had a brother of the same name. In a simi-<br />
lar manner a Mdvptji; ^eya'; is named in Pap. Flind. Petr. ii.<br />
XXV. i^ (Ptolemaic period). Mahaffy,^ it is true, prefers to<br />
interpret the attribute here as applying to the stature.<br />
The LXX also are acquainted with (not to speak of<br />
the idiom utto fjuiKpov eco? jj.e'yaXov) a usage of /jLircpo^ to<br />
signify age, e.g., 2 Chron. 22 \<br />
19 ^ thus :<br />
L. van Ess's edition of the LXX (1887)^ still reads Is.<br />
Kal e'rre
146 BIBLE STUDIES. [143, 144<br />
ovoixa.<br />
In connection with the characteristic " bibhcal " con-<br />
struction et? TO 6vo/jbd Ti^o?/ <strong>and</strong>, indeed, with the general<br />
usage of 6vofi,a in the LXX, etc., the expression ei'Teu^t? et?<br />
TO Tou ^acriXeco^ ovoixa, which occurs several times in the<br />
Papyri, deserves very great attention :<br />
Pap.<br />
Flind. Petr. ii.<br />
ii. 1^ (260-259 B.C.), Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xx. ee^ (241 B.C.) ;<br />
cf., possibly. Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xlvii.^ (191 B.C.).<br />
Mahaffy^ speaks of the phrase as a hitherto unknown<br />
"formula". Its repeated occurrence in indictments cer-<br />
tainly suggests the conjecture that it must have had a technical<br />
meaning. This is, doubtless, true of evTev^L
144, 145] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 147<br />
fjuevcov rots" KTr)/ji,aT(ovai
148 BIBLE STUDIES. [145, 146<br />
our guard against summarily asserting a " dependence "<br />
upon the Greek Old Testament, or, in fact, the presence of<br />
any Semitic influence whatever.—Further in III. iii. 1 below,<br />
<strong>and</strong> Theol. Literaturzeitung, xxv. (1900), p. 735.<br />
oy^coi'Lov.<br />
The first occurrence of ra o-^covia is not in Polybius ;<br />
it is previously found in Pap. Flincl. Petr. ii. xiii. 7 ^ <strong>and</strong><br />
17 ^ (258-253 B.C.) ; ra o^coi'ta is found in Pap. Mind. Petr.<br />
ii. xxxiii. a^ (Ptolemaic period). In all three places, not<br />
pay of soldiers, but quite generally wages ; similarly Pap.<br />
Lond. xlv.^ (160-159 B.C.), xv. ^ (131-130 B.C.), Pap. Par. 62^<br />
(Ptolemaic period). The word is to be found in Inscriptions<br />
onwards <strong>from</strong> 278 b.c.^ Further remarks below. III. iii. 6.<br />
This word resembles dyyapevco in its having been di-<br />
vested of its original technical meaning, <strong>and</strong> in its having<br />
become current in a more general sense. It st<strong>and</strong>s for<br />
garden in general already in Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xlvi. h ^<br />
(200 B.C.), cf. xxii.,^'' xxx. c," xxxix. i ^^ (all of the Ptolemaic<br />
^^ similarly in the Inscription of Pergamus, Wad-<br />
period) ;<br />
dington, iii. 2, No. 1720 h (undated). It is frequent in the<br />
LXX, always for garden (in three of the passages, viz., Neh.<br />
2^ Eccles. 2^ Cant. 4l^ as representing D'l'^Q^^); so in Sir.,<br />
Sus., Josephus, etc., frequently. Of course, irapdheiao^ in<br />
LXX Gen. 2^*^- is also garden, not Paradise. The first<br />
witness to this new technical meaning ^^ is, doubtless, Paul,<br />
2 Cor. 12 \ then Luke 23 ^^ <strong>and</strong> Kev. 2 ^ ; 4 Esd. 7 ^^ 8 ''\<br />
1 C^a^;^s^ p. 328. 2 Mahaffy, ii. [38].<br />
'^<br />
lUd.i^^l ^ Ibid.,\lV^].<br />
5 Kenyon, p. 36. ^ Ibid., pp. 55, 56. '^ Notices, xviii. 2, p. 357.<br />
8 Examples in Guil. Schmidt, De Flav. los. cloc. Fleck. Jbb. Suppl. xx.<br />
(1894), pp. 511, 531.<br />
1-'<br />
9 Mahaffy, ii. [150].<br />
i" Ibid. [68]. " Ibid. [104]. '^ j;,^^, [-134].<br />
Cf. also Pap. Lond. cxxxi., 78-79 a.d. (Kenyon, p. 172).<br />
!•* The Mishna still uses ©"^^S<br />
only for j^rk in the natural sense<br />
(Schiirer, ii., p. 464, = ^, ii., p. 553) "[Eng. Trans., ii., ii., p. 183 f., note 88].<br />
^® Cf. G. Heinrici, Das zweite Sendschreiben des Apostel Paulus an die<br />
Korinthier erhUirt, Berlin, 1887, p. 494.<br />
^<br />
1
147] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 149<br />
TrapeTri.Sij/jbO'i.<br />
In LXX Gen. 23 * <strong>and</strong> Ps. 38 [39] l^ this is the trans-<br />
lation of 2U)iil ; used, most probably in consequence thereof,<br />
in 1 Pet. 1 \ 2", Heb. 11 ^^ ; authenticated only ^ in Polybius<br />
<strong>and</strong> Athenaeus. But it had been already used in the will<br />
of a certain Aphrodisios of Heraklea, Pap. Flind. Petr. i.<br />
xix.^ (225 B.C.), who calls himself, with other designations,<br />
& TrapeTTiSrjfio'i. Mahaify ^ remarks upon this: "in the de-<br />
scription of the testator we find another new class, -Trapeiri-<br />
8r}/j,o'i, a sojourner, so that even such persons had a right to<br />
bequeath their property ". Of still greater interest is the<br />
passage of a will of date 238-237 B.C.* which gives the name<br />
of a Jewish vrapemST^/xos^ in the Fayyum : ^ ""ATroWtoviov<br />
\7rape7r'\ihr]iJbov 09 ical avptarl 'IcoiniOa'^^ [/caA-eirat].<br />
The verb TrapeTriSTj/jieco, e.g., Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xiii. 19^<br />
(258-253 B.C.).<br />
TraaTocfiopiOL'.<br />
The LXX use this word in almost all the relatively<br />
numerous passages where it occurs, the Apocrypha <strong>and</strong><br />
Josephus^ in every case, for the chambers of the Temple.<br />
Sturz " had assigned it to the Egyptian dialect. His con-<br />
jecture is confirmed by the Papyri. In the numerous documents<br />
relating to the Serapeum ^" at Memphis, iraaro^opLov<br />
is used, in a technical sense, of the Serapeum itself, or of<br />
cells in the Serapeum:" Pap. Par. 11 ^^ (157 B.C.), 40 1=* (156<br />
B.C.) ; similarly in the contemporary documents Pap. Par.<br />
1 Glavis ', p. 339.<br />
^ i. [55].<br />
•' Upon<br />
'^ Mahaffy, i. [54].<br />
* Ibid., ii., p. 23.<br />
Jews in the Fayyum cf. Mahaffy, i., p. 43 f., ii. [14].<br />
^ 'ATToWcivios is a sort of translation of the name 'Iwvddas.<br />
^ Mahaffy, ii. [45]. The word is frequently to be found in Inscriptions<br />
references, e.g., in Letronne, Recacil, i., p. 340 ; Dittenberger, Syllocji' Nos.<br />
24680 <strong>and</strong> 267 5.<br />
8 Particulars in Guil. Schmidt, De Flav. los. eloc, Fleck. Jbb. Siippl.<br />
XX. (1894), p. 511 f. Reference there also to GIG. ii., No. 2297.<br />
^ De dialecto Macedonica ct Alex<strong>and</strong>rina, p. 110 f.<br />
1" Gf. p. 140 above. " Gf. Lumbroso, Recherches, p. 266 f.<br />
12 Notices, xviii. 2, p. 207.<br />
i= Ibid., p. 305.<br />
;
150 BIBLE STUDIES, [148,149<br />
41 ^ <strong>and</strong> 37 ^— in the last passage used of the 'Aa-raprtelov<br />
which is described as being contained iv tS fieyaXw Saap-<br />
TTieirp.^ The LXX have thus very happily rendered the<br />
general term n3tp7, wherever it denotes a chamber of the<br />
Temple, by a technical name with which they were familiar.<br />
7ra(TTO(f)6piov is also retained by several Codices in 1 Chron.<br />
9 ^\ <strong>and</strong> 2 Esd. [Hebr. Ezra] 8 ^^.^<br />
TrepiSe^iov.<br />
In LXX Numb. 31 '\ Exod. 35 -^ <strong>and</strong> Is. 3^0 (in the two<br />
latter passages without any corresponding original) for brace-<br />
let. To be found in Pap. Flind. Petr. i. xii.^ (238-237 B.C.).<br />
The enumeration given there of articles of finery resembles<br />
Exod. 35 ^^, <strong>and</strong> particularly Is. 3 ^*^ ; in the latter passage<br />
the ivMTta ^ (mentioned also in the former) come immediately<br />
after the TrepiBe^ta—so in the Papyrus. As the original has<br />
no corresponding word in either of the LXX passages, we<br />
may perhaps attribute the addition to the fact that the two<br />
ornaments were usually named together.<br />
Trepiaracrii;.<br />
In 2 Mace. 4i'\ Symmachus Ps. 33 [34]^' (here the<br />
LXX has dxl^lri'^, or TrapotKla), in the evil sense, for distress ;<br />
it is not found first of all in Polybius, but already in Pap.<br />
Lond. xlii.^ (172 B.C.); cf. the Inscription of Pergamus No.<br />
245 A ^ (before 133 B.C.) <strong>and</strong> the Inscription of Sestos {ca.<br />
120 B.C.), line 25.i«<br />
1 Notices, xviii. 2, p. 306. 2 i^id^^ p. 297.<br />
•"<br />
Cf. Brunet de Presle, ibid., <strong>and</strong> Lumbroso, Recherches, p. 266.<br />
•* Field, i., pp. 712, 767. It is these which De Lagarde uses to deter-<br />
mine the Lucianus : his accentuation of 1 Chron. 9^, iraffro^opiwv, is not<br />
correct.<br />
•' Better reading than in MahaiTy, i. ; [37] see MahafEy, ii., p. 22.<br />
" The Papyrus reads evoiiSjo ; that is also the Attic orthography—found<br />
in a large number of Inscriptions <strong>from</strong> 398 B.C. onwards, Meisterhans 2,<br />
pp. 51, 61.<br />
7 Field, ii., p. 139. « Kenyon, p. 30. » Frankel, p. 140,<br />
^'^ W. Jerusalem, Die Inschrift von Sestos und Polybios, Wiener Sfiidien,<br />
i, (1879), p. 34 ; cf. p. 50 f., where the references <strong>from</strong> Polybius are also given.
149, 150] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 151<br />
Treptrefjivoi.<br />
The LXX use irepnefjivw always in the technical sense<br />
this technical meaning<br />
of the ceremonial act of circumcision ;<br />
also underlies the passages in which circumcision is metaphorically<br />
spoken of, e.g., Deut. 10 ^'^ <strong>and</strong> Jer. 4"*. The word<br />
is never employed by the LXX in any other sense. The<br />
usual Hebrew word h^72 occurs frequently, it is true, in a<br />
non-technical signification, but in such cases the translators<br />
always choose another word : Ps. 57 [58] ^ dadeveco for to be<br />
cut off,' Ps. 117 [118] 10- 11- 1'^ a/xvmnai for the cutting in<br />
pieces (?) of enemies, Ps. 89 [90],*^ aTroTrtTrrw (of grass) for to<br />
be cut down.'^ Even in a passage, Deut. 30*^, where S'lQ, cir-<br />
cumcise, is used metaphorically, they reject TrepLTefivm <strong>and</strong><br />
translate by TreptKaOapt^co.^ The textual history of Ezek.<br />
16^ affords a specially good illustration of their severely<br />
restrained use of language. To the original (according to<br />
our Hebrew text) thy navel-string loas not cut, corresponds, in<br />
the LXX (according to the current text), ovk eSr)aa where<br />
the LXX translate e/cinVTco.<br />
' Cf. Lev. [not Luc. as in Cremer^, p. 886 (= ^ p. 931)] 19'^.<br />
* Cornill, Das Buch des Proplieten Ezechiel, p. 258.<br />
' Which would be translated flicy bound.<br />
» For this Codex cf. Cornill, p. 15. ^ Field, ii., p. 803.
152 BIBLE STUDIES. [150, 151<br />
with the ev ar7rapydvoi
151, 152] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 153<br />
Now even if it cannot be made out with certainty that<br />
the IsraeHtes copied the practice <strong>from</strong> the Egyptians, yet it<br />
is in the highest degree probable that the Greek Jews are<br />
indebted to the Egyptians ^ for the word. Herodotus already<br />
verifies its use in ii. 36 <strong>and</strong> 104 : he reports that the Egyp-<br />
tians TrepLrd/iii'ovTai, to, alholn. But the expression is also<br />
authenticated by direct Egyptian testimony :<br />
Pap.<br />
Lond.<br />
xxiv.^ (163 B.C.), ftJ? edo
154 BIBLE STUDIES. [152, 153<br />
period) twice ; Josephus<br />
agrees with the LXX in using<br />
'Kr]ye(}iv <strong>and</strong> 'jr7]')^Mv promiscuously.^<br />
TTOT/CT/tAo's'.<br />
In Aquila Prov. 3^'^ watering, irrigation ; to be found in<br />
Pap. Flincl. Petr. ii. ix. 4=^ (240 B.C.).<br />
•TTpdK.T(Op.<br />
In LXX Is. 3^'^ for M desjmt. In the Papyri fre-<br />
quently as the designation of an official ; the<br />
seems to have been the public accountant :<br />
mpcuKTwp *<br />
^ Pap. Flind. Petr.<br />
ii. xiii. 17*' (258-253 B.C.), <strong>and</strong> several other undated Papyri<br />
of the Ptolemaic period given in Mahaffy, ii."<br />
In Luke 12 ^^ also the word has most probably a technical<br />
meaning ; it does not however denote a finance-official,<br />
but a lower officer of the court.<br />
Symmachus Ps. 108 [109] ^^ ^ uses it for niT^ creditor.<br />
7rpecrl3vT€po
153, 154] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 155<br />
is made of 6 nrpea^vTepo'; tt;? Koo/jbrj'i—without doubt an<br />
official designation,—although, indeed, owing to the mutilation<br />
of another passage in the same Papyrus (lines 17-23), no<br />
further particulars as to the nature of this office can be<br />
ascertained <strong>from</strong> it.^ The author thinks that ol Trpea^vrepoc<br />
in Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. iv. 613^ (255-254 B.C.) is also an<br />
official designation ; cf. also Pap. Flind. Pet?-, ii. xxxix. a,<br />
3 .111.114.^ Similarly, in the decree of the priests at Diospolis<br />
in honour of Callimachus,* (ca. 40 B.C.), the irpeo-^vrepot are<br />
still mentioned along with the i6pel
156 BIBLE STUDIES. [154, 155<br />
who had to translate the term the old men found it convenient<br />
to render it by the famihar expression ol irpea-^vrepoi. But<br />
that is no reason for deeming this technical term a peculi-<br />
arity of the Jewish idiom. Just as the Jewish usage is<br />
traceable to Egypt, so is it possible that also the Christian<br />
communities of Asia Minor, which named their superinten-<br />
dents irpeajBvrepoi, may have borrowed the word <strong>from</strong> their<br />
surroundings, <strong>and</strong> may not have received it through the<br />
medium of Judaism at all.^ The Inscriptions of Asia Minor<br />
prove beyond doubt that -rrpea^vTepoL was the technical term,<br />
in the most diverse localities, for the members of a corpora-<br />
tion : 2 in Chios, GIG. ii. Nos. 2220 <strong>and</strong> 2221 (1st cent, b.c.^),<br />
—in both passages the council of the vpea/BurepoL is also<br />
named to Trpeo^vriKov ; in Cos, GIG. ii. No. 2508 = Paton<br />
<strong>and</strong> Hicks, No. 119 (imperial period*); in Philadelphia in<br />
Lydia, GIG. ii. No. 3417 (imperial period), in which the<br />
(TVpiSpioi' TMv Trpea/Bureptop,^ mentioned here, is previously<br />
named yepova-la. " It can be demonstrated that in some<br />
isl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> in many towns of Asia Mmor there was, besides<br />
the Boule, also a Gerousia, which possessed the privileges of<br />
a corporation, <strong>and</strong>, as it appears, usually consisted of Bou-<br />
leutes who were delegated to it. Its members were called<br />
155, 156] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 157<br />
president {dpxc^v, •npoardrri'^, Trpot^yovfjuevo^), a secretary, a<br />
special treasury, a special place of assembly (jepovrtKov,<br />
yepovala), <strong>and</strong> a palasstra."^— See also III. iii. 4, below.<br />
TTpo^ecrt?.<br />
The LXX translate the technical expression bread of the<br />
countenance (also called row-bread [Schichtbrot] <strong>and</strong> continual<br />
bread), which Luther rendered Schaubrot (show-bread), in 1<br />
Sam. 21'' <strong>and</strong> Neh. 10^^ by oi dproi tov TrpocrwTrov, <strong>and</strong> in<br />
Exod. 25 ^° by ol dproi ol epcoiriot, but their usual rendering<br />
is o' dproi T?79 irpoOeaew'i. The usual explanation of this<br />
vpodecri'i is setting forth, i.e., of the bread before God. The<br />
author leaves it undecided whether this explanation is correct<br />
; but, in any case, it is to be asked how the LXX came<br />
to use this free translation, while they rendered the original<br />
verbally in the other three passages. The author thinks it<br />
not unlikely that they were influenced by the reminiscence<br />
of a ceremonial custom of their time : " Au culte se rat-<br />
tachaient des institutions j]hila7itropiques telle que la suivante :<br />
Le mcdecin Diodes cite jMr Athenee {3, 110), nous aj^prend qu'il<br />
y avail tme irpoOrjcri';'^"^ de pains periodique a Alex<strong>and</strong>rie, dans<br />
le temple de Sattirne (AXe^avZpel^ tm Kpovo) d(f)i€povvTe
158 BIBLE STUDIES. [156, 157<br />
anoixeTpiOv.<br />
In Luke 12 *^ for jjortio frumenti ; referred to in this<br />
passage only :<br />
to be verified by Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xxxiii. a^<br />
(Ptolemaic period). Cf. atTOfieTpew in Gen. 47^^ (said of<br />
Joseph in Egypt).<br />
crKevo
157, 158] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 159<br />
by the LXX, <strong>and</strong> Symmachus ^ uses o-racr/? in Is. 6^^ for<br />
illl-^i?^ root-stock {truncus) or young tree, cuttiyuj ; ^ certainly<br />
a very remarkable use of the word, <strong>and</strong> one hardly explained<br />
by the extraordinary note which Schleusner ^ makes to the<br />
passage in Nahum : " ardaa est firmitas, consistentia, modus<br />
et via subsistendi ac resistendi ". What is common to the<br />
above three words translated by a-rdaif; is the idea of secure<br />
elevation above the ground, of upright position, <strong>and</strong> this fact<br />
seems to warrant the conjecture that the translators were<br />
acquainted with a quite general usage of ardaa for any<br />
upright object}<br />
This conjecture is confirmed by Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xiv.<br />
3^ (Ptolemaic period?), i.e., if the aTuaei*; which is found<br />
in this certamly very difficult passage be rightly interpreted<br />
as erections, buildings.'^ This use of the word seems to the<br />
author to be more certain in an Inscription <strong>from</strong> Mylasa in<br />
Caria, GIG. ii. No. 2694 a (imperial period), in which Boeckh<br />
interprets the word (TTdaec
160 BIBLE STUDIES. [158, 159<br />
159, 161] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 161<br />
peculiarity, but, at most, a special usage of the LXX which<br />
may possibly have influenced other writings. But even the<br />
LXX do not occupy an isolated position in regard to it ;<br />
the truth is rather that they avail themselves of an already-<br />
current Egyptian idiom. It seems to the author, at least,<br />
that the " biblical " usage of viro^v
162 BIBLE STUDIES. [161, 162<br />
which this "periphrastic" vio
163] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 163<br />
—Luke IC, vi6r]
164 BIBLE STUDIES. . [164<br />
antitheses KaTdpa
165, 166] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 165<br />
t6(; lo-'^vl ; " son " of misery, Prov. 31 ^ = aaOeui)'^ ; " son " of<br />
strokes, Deut. 25 " = a^coia
166 BIBLE STUDIES. [166, 167<br />
vlof 'A(f)poSiaie(i)v, etc. And thus, though the vl6
167, 159, 160] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 167<br />
vlov, where without doubt the Emperor Augustus is de-<br />
scribed as deov vi6
168 BIBLE STUDIES. [160, 161<br />
were, therefore, quite correct (<strong>from</strong> their st<strong>and</strong>point) in trans-<br />
lating ^tr prhice by (/>/\o9, Esth. 1^,1 ^^ 6 ^,—a fact not<br />
taken into consideration in the Concordance of Hatch <strong>and</strong><br />
Eedpath—<strong>and</strong> the same usage is exceedingly frequent in<br />
the Books of Maccabees. ^ We think it probable that the<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>rian writer of the Book of Wisdom was following<br />
this idiom when he spoke of the pious as ^tX,of
167, 168] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 169<br />
elprjKa (f)L\.ov
III.<br />
FUKTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY<br />
OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE,<br />
BEING NEUE BIBELSTUDIEN, MARBURG, 1897.
o de aypos €
I<br />
—<br />
FUETHEE CONTEIBUTIONS TO THE HISTOEY OF<br />
THE LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE.<br />
In the third article ^ of Bibelstudien we endeavoured<br />
to correct the widespread notion that the New Testament<br />
presents us with a uniform <strong>and</strong> isolated linguistic<br />
phenomenon. Most of the lexical articles in that section<br />
were intended to make good the thesis that a philological<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the history of New Testament (<strong>and</strong> also of<br />
Septuagint) texts could be attained to only when these were<br />
set in their proper historical connection, that is to say, when<br />
they were considered as products of later Greek.<br />
Friedrich Blass in his critique - of Bibelstudien has ex-<br />
pressed himself with regard to this inquiry in the following<br />
manner :<br />
The third treatise again ^ begins with general reflections, the purport<br />
of which is that it is erroneous to regard New Testament, or even biblical,<br />
Greek as something distinct <strong>and</strong> isolated, seeing that the Papyrus documents<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Inscriptions are essentially of the same character, <strong>and</strong> belong simi-<br />
larly to that "Book of Humanity" to which "reverence" (Pietat) is due.'*<br />
itself.<br />
' I.e. the foregoing article. The present article was published later by<br />
2 ThLZ. XX. (1895), p. 487.<br />
^ This again refers to a previous remark in which Blass had " willingly<br />
conceded " to the author his " general, <strong>and</strong> not always short, reflections ".<br />
* Blass has here fallen into a misunderst<strong>and</strong>ing. The present writer<br />
remarked (above, p. 84) that he who undertakes to glean materials <strong>from</strong><br />
the Inscriptions for the history of the New Testament language, is not<br />
merely obeying the voice of science, " but also the behests of reverence towards<br />
the Book of Humanity". The "Book of Humanity" is the New<br />
Testament. We are of opinion that every real contribution, even the<br />
slightest, to the historical underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the N. T. has not only scientific<br />
value, but should also be made welcome out of reverence for the sacred<br />
Book. We cannot honour the <strong>Bible</strong> more highly than by an endeavour to<br />
attain to the truest possible apprehension of its literal sense.
174 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 2<br />
This appears to us to be the language of naturalism rather than of theology ;<br />
but, this apart, it remains an incontestable fact that, in the sphere of Greek<br />
literature, the New Testament books form a special group—one to be pri-<br />
marily explained by itself ; first, because they manifest a peculiar genius,<br />
<strong>and</strong>, secondly, because they alone, or almost alone, represent the popular<br />
in contrast to the literary—speech of their time in a form not indeed wholly,<br />
but yet comparatively, unadulterated, <strong>and</strong> in fragments of large extent. All<br />
the Papyri in the world cannot alter this—even were there never so many<br />
more of them : they lack the peculiar genius, <strong>and</strong> with it the intrinsic value ;<br />
further, they are to a considerable extent composed in the language of the<br />
office or in that of books. True, no one would maintain that the N. T. occupies<br />
an absolutely isolated position, or would be other than grateful ^ if some<br />
peculiar expression therein were to derive illumination <strong>and</strong> clearness <strong>from</strong><br />
cognate instances in a Papyrus. But it would be well not to expect too<br />
much.<br />
The author must confess that he did not expect this<br />
opposition <strong>from</strong> the philological side.^ The objections of<br />
such a renowned Graecist—renowned also in theological<br />
circles—certainly did not fail to make an impression upon<br />
him. They prompted him to investigate his thesis again,<br />
<strong>and</strong> more thoroughly, <strong>and</strong> to test its soundness by minute<br />
<strong>and</strong> detailed research. But the more opportunity he had of<br />
examining non-literary Greek texts of the imperial Roman<br />
period, the more clearly did he see himself compelled to<br />
st<strong>and</strong> out against the objections of the Halle Scholar.<br />
Blass has meanwhile published his Grammar of New<br />
Testament Greek.^ In the Introduction, as was to be expected,<br />
he expresses his view of the whole question. The<br />
astonishment with which the present writer read the fol-<br />
lowing, p. 2. may be conceived :<br />
—<br />
. . . The spoken tongue in its various gradations (which, according to<br />
the rank <strong>and</strong> education of those who spoke it, were, of course, not absent<br />
<strong>from</strong> it) comes to us quite pure—in fact even purer than in the New Testament<br />
itself—in the private records, the number <strong>and</strong> iruportance of which are<br />
^ Blass writes denkbar, conceivable, but the sentence in that case seems<br />
to defy analysis. After consultation with the author, the translator has sub-<br />
stituted dankbar, <strong>and</strong> rendered as above.<br />
^ He noticed only later that Blass had previously, ThLZ. xix. (1894),<br />
p. 338, incidentally made the statement that the New Testament Greek<br />
should " be recognised as something distinct <strong>and</strong> subject to its own laws ".<br />
Tr.<br />
3 Gottingen, 1896. [Eng. Trans., London, 1898.]<br />
—
N. 3] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 175<br />
constantly being increased by the ever-growing discoveries in Egypt. Thus<br />
the New Testament language may be quite justly placed in this connection,<br />
<strong>and</strong> whoever would write a grammar of the popular language of that period<br />
on the basis of all these various witnesses <strong>and</strong> remains, would be, <strong>from</strong> the<br />
grammarian's point of view, taking perhaps a more correct course than one<br />
who should limit himself to the language of the N. T.^<br />
If the present writer judges rightly, Blass has, in these<br />
sentences, ab<strong>and</strong>oned his opposition to the thesis above<br />
mentioned. For his own part, at least, he does not perceive<br />
what objection he could take to these words, or in what<br />
respect they differ <strong>from</strong> the statements the accuracy of<br />
which had previously been impugned by Blass. When in<br />
the Grammar we read further :<br />
Nevertheless those practical considerations <strong>from</strong> which we started will<br />
more <strong>and</strong> more impose such a limitation, for that which some Egyptian or<br />
other may write in a letter or in a deed of sale is not of equal value with that<br />
which the New Testament authors have written<br />
it can hardly need any asseveration on the author's part that<br />
with such words in themselves he again finds no fault. For<br />
practical reasons, on account of the necessities of biblical<br />
study, the hnguistic relations of the New Testament, <strong>and</strong> of<br />
the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> as a whole, may continue to be treated by<br />
themselves, but certainly not as the phenomena of a special<br />
idiom requiring to be judged according to its own laws.<br />
Moreover, that view of the inherent value of the ideas<br />
of the New Testament which Blass again emphasises in the<br />
words quoted <strong>from</strong> his Grammar, does not enter into the<br />
present connection. It must remain a matter of indifference<br />
to the grammarian whether he finds idp used for dv in the<br />
New Testament or in a bill of sale <strong>from</strong> the Fayyum, <strong>and</strong><br />
the lexicographer must register the /cupm/co? found in the<br />
pagan Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscriptions with the same care as when<br />
it occurs in the writings of the Apostle Paul.<br />
The following investigations have been, in part, arranged<br />
on a plan which is polemical. For although the author is<br />
now exempted, on account of Blass's present attitude, <strong>from</strong><br />
any need of controversy vsdth him as regards principles, still<br />
1 In the note to this Blass refers to the author's Bibelstudien, p. 57 f.<br />
(above, p. 63 f.).<br />
—<br />
—
176 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 4<br />
the historical method of bibHcal philology has very many<br />
opponents even yet.<br />
In this matter, one thinks first of all of the unconscious<br />
opponents, viz., those who in the particular questions of<br />
exegesis <strong>and</strong> also of textual criticism st<strong>and</strong> under the charm<br />
of the " Nev^ Testament " Greek v^ithout ever feeling any<br />
necessity to probe the v^hole matter to the bottom. Among<br />
these the author reckons Willibald Grimm (not without the<br />
highest esteem for his lasting services towards the reinvigora-<br />
tion of exegetical <strong>studies</strong>), the late reviser of Wilke's<br />
Clavis Novi Testamenti Philologica. A comparison of the<br />
second,^ <strong>and</strong> the little-changed third,"'^ edition of his work<br />
with the English revision of Joseph Henry Thayer ^—the<br />
best, because the most reliable of all dictionaries to the<br />
N. T. known to us—reveals many errors, not only in its<br />
materials, but also in its method. His book reflects the<br />
condition of philological research in, say, the fifties <strong>and</strong><br />
sixties. At least, the notion of the specifically peculiar<br />
character of New Testament Greek could be upheld with more<br />
the New Testament texts were<br />
plausibility then than now ;<br />
decidedly the most characteristic of all the products of nonliterary<br />
<strong>and</strong> of later Greek which were then known. But<br />
materials have now been discovered in face of which the<br />
linguistic isolation of the New Testament—even that more<br />
modest variety of it which diffuses an atmosphere of venerable<br />
romanticism around so many of our commentaries<br />
must lose its last shadow of justification.<br />
Among the conscious opponents, i.e., those who oppose<br />
in matters of principle, we reckon Hermann Cremer.<br />
His Biblisch-theologisches Worterbuch der neutestamentlichen<br />
Grdcitdt ^ has for its fundamental principle the idea of the<br />
formative power of Christianity in the sphere of languaga<br />
This idea, as a canon of historical philology, becomes a<br />
fetter upon investigation. Further, it breaks down at once<br />
in the department of morphology. But the most conspicu-<br />
1 Leipzig, 1879. ^ Ibid., 1888 [quoted in this article as Clavis'^].<br />
•' The<br />
author quotes the Corrected Edition, New York, 1896.<br />
^ 8th Edition, Gotha, 1895.<br />
—
N. 5] LANGUAGE OP THE GREEK BIBLE. 177<br />
ous peculiarity of " New Testament " Greek—let us allow<br />
the phrase for once—is just the morphology. The canon<br />
breaks down very often in the syntax also. There are<br />
many very striking phenomena in this department which<br />
we cannot isolate, however much we may wish. The few<br />
Hebraising expressions in those parts of the New Testament<br />
which were in Greek <strong>from</strong> the first ^ are but an accidens<br />
which does not essentially alter the fundamental character<br />
of its language. The case in regard to these is similar to<br />
that of the Hebraisms in the German <strong>Bible</strong>, which, in spite<br />
of the many Semitic constructions underlying it, is yet a<br />
German book. There remains, then, only the lexical element<br />
in the narrower sense, with which Cremer's book is,<br />
indeed, almost exclusively occupied. In many (not in all,<br />
nor in all the more important) of its articles, there appears,<br />
more or less clearly, the tendency to establish new " bibhcal<br />
or " New Testament" words, or new " biblical " or " New<br />
Testament " meanings of old Greek words. That there are<br />
" biblical " <strong>and</strong> " New Testament " words—or, more correctly,<br />
words formed for the first time by Greek Jews <strong>and</strong><br />
Christians—<strong>and</strong> alterations of meaning, cannot be denied.<br />
Every movement of civilisation which makes its mark in<br />
history enriches language with new terms <strong>and</strong> fills the old<br />
speech with new meanings. Cremer's fundamental idea<br />
is, therefore, quite admissible if it be intended as nothing<br />
more than a means for investigating the history of rehgion.<br />
But it not infrequently becomes a philologico-historical<br />
principle : it is not the ideas of the early Christians<br />
which are presented to us, but their " Greek ". The correct<br />
attitude of a lexicon, so far as concerns the history of<br />
language, is only attained when its primary <strong>and</strong> persistent<br />
endeavour is to answer the question : To<br />
what extent do the<br />
single words <strong>and</strong> conceptions have links of connection with<br />
contemporary usage ? Cremer, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, prefers<br />
to ask: To what extent does Christian usage differ <strong>from</strong><br />
heathen '?<br />
In cases of doubt, as we think, the natural course<br />
1 Those parts of the N. T. which go back to translations must be con-<br />
sidered by themselves.<br />
12<br />
"
178 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 6<br />
is to betake oneself placidly to the hypothesis of ordinary<br />
usage ; Cremer prefers in such cases to demonstrate some-<br />
thing which is distinctively Christian or, at least, dis-<br />
tinctively biblical.<br />
In spite of the partially polemical plan of the follow^ing<br />
investigations, polemics are not their chief aim. Their<br />
purpose is to offer, ^ towards the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the New<br />
Testament, positive materials ^ <strong>from</strong> the approximately contemporary<br />
products of later Greek, <strong>and</strong> to assist, in what<br />
degree they can, in the liberation of biblical study <strong>from</strong> the<br />
bonds of tradition, in the secularising of it—in the good<br />
sense of that term. They take up again, one might say, the<br />
work of the industrious collectors of " observations " in last<br />
century. The reasons why the new spheres of observation<br />
disclosed since that time are of special importance for the<br />
linguistic investigation of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> in particular, have<br />
been already set forth <strong>and</strong> corroborated by examples.^ In these<br />
pages the following works have been laid under contribution :<br />
1. Collections of Inscriptions :<br />
the<br />
—<br />
Inscriptions of Per-<br />
gamus * <strong>and</strong> those of the Isl<strong>and</strong>s of the /Egean Sea, fasc. 1.^<br />
^ On the other h<strong>and</strong>, the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> contains much, of course, which<br />
may promote the underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the Inscriptions <strong>and</strong> Papyri.<br />
2 No intelligent reader will blame the author for having, in his investi-<br />
gations regarding the orthography <strong>and</strong> morphology, confined himself simply<br />
to the giving of materials without adding any judgment. Nothing is more<br />
dangerous, in Textual Criticism as elsewhere, than making general judgments<br />
on the basis of isolated phenomena. But such details may occasionally be<br />
of service to the investigator who is at home in the problems <strong>and</strong> has a<br />
general view of their connections.<br />
2 Above, pp. 61-169 ; c/. also GGA. 1896, pp. 761-769 : <strong>and</strong><br />
xxi. (1896), pp. 609-615, <strong>and</strong> the other papers cited above, p. 84.<br />
ThLZ.<br />
-* Altertiimer von Perqamon Jverausgegeben im Auftrage des Koniglich<br />
Preussischen Ministers der geistliclien, Unterrichts- und Medicinal-Angelegen-<br />
heiten. B<strong>and</strong> viii. : Die Inschriften von Pergamon unter Mitwirkung von Ernst<br />
Fabricius und Carl Schuchhardt herausgegeben von Max Frankel, (1) Bis zum<br />
Ende der Konigszeit, Berlin, 1890, (2) Bomische Zeit.—Inschriften auf Thon,<br />
Berlin, 1895 [subsequently cited as Perg. or Frankel].<br />
5 Inscriptiones Graecae insidarum Maris Aegaei consilio et aiictoiitate<br />
Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae editae. Fasciculus primus : Inscrip-<br />
ticmes Graecae insidarum Rhodi Chalces Carpathi cum Saro Casi . . . edidit<br />
Fridericus Hiller de Gaertringen, Berolini, 1895 [subsequently cited as IMAe.].
N. 7] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 179<br />
2. Issues of Papyri : the Berlin Egyptian Documents,<br />
vol. i. <strong>and</strong> vol. ii., parts 1-9 ^<br />
; also the Papyri of the Arch-<br />
duke Eainer, vol. i.-<br />
In reading these the author had in view <strong>chiefly</strong> the<br />
lexical element, but he would expressly state that a reperusal<br />
having regard to the orthographical <strong>and</strong> morpho-<br />
logical features would assuredly repay itself. He desiderates,<br />
in general, a very strict scrutiny of his own selections. It is<br />
only the most important lexical features that are given here.<br />
The author, not having in Herborn the necessary materials<br />
for the investigation of the LXX at his disposal, had, very<br />
reluctantly, to leave it almost entirely out of consideration.<br />
But he has reason for beheving that the Berlin <strong>and</strong> Vienna<br />
Papyri in particular, in spite of their comparative lateness,<br />
will yet yield considerable <strong>contributions</strong> towards the lexicon<br />
of the LXX, <strong>and</strong> that the same holds good especially of<br />
the Inscriptions of Pergamus in connection with the Books<br />
of Maccabees.<br />
It may be said that the two groups of authorities have<br />
been arbitrarily associated together here. But that is not<br />
altogether the case. They represent linguistic remains <strong>from</strong><br />
Asia Minor ^ <strong>and</strong> Egypt, that is to say, <strong>from</strong> the regions<br />
which, above all others, come into consideration in connec-<br />
tion with Greek Christianity. And, doubtless, the greater<br />
part of the materials they yield will not be merely local, or<br />
confined only to the districts in question.<br />
The gains <strong>from</strong> the Papyri are of much wider extent<br />
than those <strong>from</strong> the Inscriptions. The reason is obvious.<br />
We might almost say that this difference is determined by<br />
the disparity of the respective materials on which the writing<br />
1 Aegijptische Urkunden aus den Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin Jierausgegeben<br />
von der GeneralverwaUung : Griechische Urkunden. Erster B<strong>and</strong>,<br />
Berlin, [completed] 1895 ; Zweiter B<strong>and</strong>, Heft 1-9, Berlin, 1894 ff. [subsequently<br />
cited as BU.\<br />
^ Corpus Papyroi-um Raineri Archiducis Austriae, vol. i. Griechisclie<br />
Texte lierausgegeben von Carl Wessely, i. B<strong>and</strong> : Rechtsurktmden unter Mitwirkung<br />
von Ludwig Mitteis, Vienna, 1895 [subsequently cited as PEE.].<br />
^ We need only think of the importance of Pergamus for the earlier<br />
period of Christianity.
180 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 8<br />
was made. Papyrus is accommodating <strong>and</strong> is available for<br />
private purposes ; stone is unyielding, <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong>s open to<br />
every eye in the market-place, in the temple, or beside the<br />
tomb. The Inscriptions, particularly the more lengthy <strong>and</strong><br />
the official ones, often approximate in style to the literary<br />
language, <strong>and</strong> are thus readily liable to affectation <strong>and</strong><br />
mannerism ;<br />
what<br />
the papyrus leaves contain is much less<br />
affected, proceeding, as it does, <strong>from</strong> the thous<strong>and</strong> require-<br />
ments <strong>and</strong> circumstances of the daily life of unimportant<br />
people. If the legal documents among the Papyri show<br />
a certain fixed mode of speech, marked by the formalism<br />
of the office, yet the many letter-writers, male <strong>and</strong><br />
female, express themselves all the more unconstrainedly.<br />
This holds good, in particular, in regard to all that is, re-<br />
latively speaking, matter of form. But also in regard to the<br />
vocabulary, the Inscriptions afford materials which well repay<br />
the labour spent on them. What will yet be yielded by the<br />
comprehensive collections of Inscriptions, which have not<br />
yet been read by the author in their continuity, may be<br />
surmised <strong>from</strong> the incidental discoveries to which he has<br />
been guided by the citations given by Frankel. What<br />
might we not learn, e.g., <strong>from</strong> the one inscription of<br />
^<br />
Xanthus the Lycian !<br />
Would that the numerous memorials of antiquity which<br />
our age has restored to us, <strong>and</strong> which have been already<br />
so successfully turned to account in other branches of<br />
science, were also explored, in ever-increasing degree, in<br />
the interest of the philologico-historical investigation of the<br />
Greek <strong>Bible</strong> ! Here<br />
ment of facts !<br />
is a great opportunity for the ascertain-<br />
^ See below, suh KuOapiCw, 0idCo/xai, iXda-KOfjLai.
NOTES ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY.<br />
The orthographical problems of the New Testament<br />
writings are complicated in the extreme. But, at all events,<br />
one thing is certain, viz., that it is a delusion to search for<br />
a " New Testament " orthography—if that is understood<br />
to signify the spelling originally employed by the writers.<br />
In that respect one can, at most, attain to conjectures<br />
regarding some particular author : " the " New Testament<br />
cannot really be a subject of investigation.^ The present<br />
writer would here emphasise the fact that — notwith-<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing all other diiferences—he finds himself, in this<br />
matter, in happy agreement with Cremer, who has overtly<br />
opposed the notion that an identical orthography may,<br />
without further consideration, be forced upon, e.g., Luke,<br />
Paul <strong>and</strong> the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews.^ The<br />
first aim of the investigation should perhaps be this :—to<br />
establish what forms of spelling were possible in the imperial<br />
period in Asia Minor, Egypt, etc. We need not, of course,<br />
pay any attention to manifest errors in writing. The fol-<br />
lowdng observed facts are intended to yield materials for this<br />
purpose.<br />
1. Variation of Vowels.<br />
(a) The feminine termination -ia for -eia} That in<br />
2 Cor. 10* (TTpar La
182 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 10<br />
intended, should no longer be contested. It is really super-<br />
fluous to collect proofs of the fact that (nparela could also<br />
be written (Trparia. Nevertheless, the mode of spelling the<br />
word in the Fayyiim Papyri should be noted. In these<br />
there is frequent mention of campaigns, the documents<br />
having not seldom to do with the concerns of soldiers either<br />
in service or retired, arparela is given by PER. i.s (83-84<br />
A.D.), BU. 14011.23 {ca. 100 a.d.) 581 4. i5 (133 A.D.), 256 is<br />
(reign of Antoninus Pius), 180 15 (172 a.d.), 592, i.6 (2nd<br />
cent. A.D.), 625 u (2nd-3rd cent, a.d.); a-Tparla by 195 39<br />
(161 A.D.), 448 [= 161] 14 (2nd half of 2nd cent, a.d.), 614 20<br />
(217 A.D.). Also in 613 23 (reign of Antoninus Pius), where<br />
Viereck has arpaTiati;, the author would prefer the accentu-<br />
ation arpaTlat
N.10,11] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 183<br />
Papyri. The author met with Taficelov only once, BU. 106 5<br />
(Fayyum, 199 a.d.) ; everywhere else ^ rafj^etov : FEB. lis. 30<br />
(83-84 A.D.), BU. 75 ii. 12 (2nd cent, a.d.), 15 ii. 16 (197 a.d. '?),<br />
156 (201 a.d.) 7 i. s (247 a.d.), 8 ii.so (248 a.d.), 96 8 (2nd<br />
half of 3rd cent. a.d.). Ilelv occurs in BU. 34 ii. 7. n. 22. 23,<br />
iii. 2, iv. 3. 10 (place <strong>and</strong> date "?), ttiv ibid. iv. 25 - <strong>and</strong> once more<br />
BU. 551(5 (Fayyum, Arabian period).<br />
2. Variation of Consonants.<br />
(a) Duplication. The materials with regard to dppa^cov<br />
given in Winer-Schmiedel, § 5, 26 c (p. 56 f.) may be supple-<br />
mented : the<br />
yum, 167-168 A.D.) ;<br />
author found dppa^oov only in BU. 240 e (Fay-<br />
^ dpa^iov, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, in BU. 446<br />
[ = 80] 5. 17. 18 (reign of Marcus Aurelius, a fairly well written<br />
contract), (in line 26 of the same document, in the imperfect<br />
signature of one of the contracting parties, we find dXa^cav),<br />
601 11 (Fayyum, 2nd cent, a.d., a badly written private letter),<br />
FEB. xix. 9. 16. 21. 24 (Fayyum, 330 a.d. a well written record<br />
of a legal action). The assertion of Westcott <strong>and</strong> Hort (in<br />
view of their usual precision a suspicious one), that dpa^cov<br />
is a purely " Western " reading, is hardly tenable. The<br />
author, moreover, would question the scientific procedure of<br />
Winer- Schmiedel's assertion that the spelling dppa^oiv is<br />
" established " by the Hebrew origin of the word.* It<br />
would be established only if we were forced to pre-<br />
suppose a correct etymological judgment in all who used<br />
the word.^ But we cannot say by what considerations they<br />
1 All the Papyri cited here are <strong>from</strong> the Fayyum.<br />
'^ F. Krehs, the editor of this document, erroneously remarks on p. 46 :<br />
" ire7v = iriveiv ". In connection with this <strong>and</strong> with other details W. Schmid,<br />
GGA. 1895, pp. 26-47, has already called attention to the Papyri.<br />
•'' This<br />
p. 10, note 4.]<br />
passage is also referred to by Blass, Gramvi., p. 11. [Eng. Trans.,<br />
* Blass similarly asserts, Granim., p. 11 [Eng. Trans., p. 10], that the<br />
duplication is " established " in the Semitic form.<br />
5 The matter is still more evident in proper names. For example,<br />
'ApeOas, as the name of Nabatsean kings, is undoubtedly " established<br />
by etymological considerations ; on the other h<strong>and</strong>, the Inscriptions <strong>and</strong><br />
other ancient evidence, so far as the author knows, all give 'ApeVos, <strong>and</strong> thus<br />
'Apera in 2 Cor. 11-"^ may be considered " established " without the slightest<br />
"
184 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 12<br />
were influenced in orthographical matters. It can no longer<br />
be questioned that the spelling dpa/Scov was very common.<br />
Who knows whether some one or other did not associate<br />
the non-Greek word with the Arabs ? ^ A popular tradition of<br />
this kind might, in the particular case, invahdate the ety-<br />
mological considerations advanced by us <strong>from</strong> the st<strong>and</strong>point<br />
of our present knowledge, <strong>and</strong> so induce us to uphold an<br />
etymologically /a/se spelHng as " established ".<br />
y6vv7}/jba <strong>and</strong> yevrj/jia. The spelHng with a single v<br />
<strong>and</strong>, consequently, the derivation <strong>from</strong> yivecrdai have been<br />
already established by the Ptolemaic Papyri.- It is con-<br />
firmed by the following passages <strong>from</strong> Fayytim Papyri of the<br />
first four Christian centuries, all of which have to do with<br />
fruits<br />
'^<br />
of the field : BU. 197 13 (17 A.D.), 171 3 (156 A.D.), 49 5<br />
(179 A.D.), 188 9 (186 A.D.), 81 7 (189 a.d.), 67 8 (199 a.d.), 61<br />
i.s (200 A.D.), 529 6 <strong>and</strong> 336 7 (216 a.d.), 64 5 (217 a.d.), 8 i.28<br />
(middle of 3rd cent, a.d.), 411 o (314 a.d.) ; cf. also jevrjfjLaro-<br />
ypacf^elu in BU. 282 lo (after 175 A.D.).<br />
A fluctuation in the orthography of those forms of<br />
yevvdo) <strong>and</strong> yivop,ai which are identical except for the v (v)<br />
has often been remarked ; * thus, yevrjOevra, undoubtedly<br />
<strong>from</strong> yevvdoi, occurs also in the Papyri : BU.<br />
110 u (Fayyum,<br />
138-139 A.D.) <strong>and</strong> 28 16 (Fayytim, 183 a.d.). Both documents<br />
are official birth-notices. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, the " correct "<br />
yevvr)06L
N. 13] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 185<br />
BU. Ill (Fayytim, 138-139 a.d.), where line 21 has eVt-<br />
yeuvi](r€(o
II.<br />
NOTES ON THE MOEPHOLOGY.<br />
The New Testament references are again very seldom<br />
given in the following ;<br />
they can easily be found in the cited<br />
passages of the Grammars.<br />
1. Declension.<br />
(a) airelpwi was not found by the author in the Papyri<br />
they seem always to have o-Trei/a?;? : ^ BU. 73-2 (Fayytim,<br />
135 A.D.), 136 22 (Fayyum, 135 a.d.), 142 lo (159 a.d.), 447<br />
[= 26] 12 (Fayyum, 175 a.d.), 2413 (Fayyum, 177 a.d.). The<br />
materials <strong>from</strong> the Inscriptions of Italy <strong>and</strong> Asia Minor<br />
which Frankel adduces in connection with a-Treipa = Thiasos,<br />
also exhibit tj in the genitive <strong>and</strong> dative.<br />
(b) The Genitive rjfj,i
N. 15] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 187<br />
(c) Svo} The following forms in the Fayyum Papyri<br />
are worthy of notice:- S6m BU. 2084 (158-159 a.d.), ^vmv<br />
RU. 282 25 (after 175 a.d.), hvelv BU. 256 5 (reign of Anto-<br />
ninus Pius), hv(Ti BU. 197 8 (17 a.d.) PER. ccxlii. lo (40 a.d.),<br />
i.7 (83-84 A.D.), BU. 588.5 (100 a.d.), 86 « (155 a.d.), 166 r<br />
(157 A.D.), 282 10 (after 175 a.d.), 326ii.7 (189 a.d.), 308 i9<br />
(586 A.D.).<br />
2. Proper Names.<br />
Abraham is Graecised "^/3pa/xo9 (as in Josephus) in BU,<br />
585 ii. 3 (Fayyum, after 212 a.d.) Uaa^o)^ 'A/3pdfiov ; on the<br />
other h<strong>and</strong>, in Fayyum documents of the Christian period,<br />
'A/3pad/^w^ 395 7 (599-600 a.d.), 401 i3 (618 a.d.), 367 5 etc.<br />
(Arabian period); not Graecised, 'AjSpaafx 103, verso i<br />
(6th-7th cent. a.d.).<br />
'AKv\a>s. Clavis'^, p. 16, simply gives 'AkvXov as the<br />
genitive for the N. T., although a genitive does not occur<br />
in it. The Fayjami Papyri yield both 'AkvXov BU. 484b'<br />
(201-202 A.D.) <strong>and</strong> 'AKvXa 71 21 (189 a.d.).—The name of<br />
the veteran C. Longinus Aquila, which occurs in the last-<br />
mentioned document, is written '^/cuXa? in 826 ii. 19 (end<br />
of the 2nd cent, a.d.) <strong>and</strong> 'AKvXX.a
188 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 16<br />
Graecising of the Semitic Bapve^ov
N. 17] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 189<br />
script " (Spiegelschrift) in the first two lines. The stone-<br />
cutter who, as Frankel also thinks, was perhaps the dedi-<br />
cator himself, had, on this view, the Semitic (?) text before<br />
him, transcribed it letter by letter into Greek, <strong>and</strong>, more-<br />
over, lighted upon the original idea of one by one revers-<br />
ing the Greek letters (now st<strong>and</strong>ing in Semitic order). It<br />
is, of course, possible that this hypothesis is fundamentally<br />
wrong. It is certain, however, that the Greek name<br />
naprapa
190 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 18<br />
Heb. 8*'';<br />
(b) Conjugation. TeTei;;^^ a Ms fairly well authenticated in<br />
cf. BU. 332 6 (Fayyum, 2nd-3rd cent, a.d.) eiri-<br />
reTev^oTa^, unnecessarily altered by the editor to eTTirerv-<br />
^fa^ (Luke 13=^^2 Pet. 2^ Acts 14-' D) :<br />
(Faj^yum, 163 a.d.) Karrj^av.<br />
BU.<br />
607 is<br />
eXeiyfra' (Acts 6'-, Luke 5 ^^ D, Mark 12 ^^ ^, always<br />
in the compound Karekeiy^a) also occurs in the following<br />
Fayyum Papyri :<br />
BU.<br />
183 i9 (85 A.D.) KaTaXel-^y, 176 lo (reign<br />
of Hadrian) KaraXely^rai, 867.13 (155 a.d.) KaraXeiy^r),^ 467 6<br />
(no note of place, ca. Ill a.d.) KaraXeL-^a^, 164 13 (2nd-3rd<br />
cent, a.d.) KaraXelyp-ai. The same compound is found also<br />
in the passages Clem. 2 Cor. 5\ 10 \ <strong>and</strong> Herm. Similit. 8,<br />
3^ cited by Blass, also in LXX 1 Chron. 28 ^ <strong>and</strong> GIG.<br />
4137 3 f. (Montalub in Galatia, date ?) ; 4063 6 f. (Ancyra,<br />
date ?) has evKarakiy^re. It is possible that the use of the<br />
form is confined to this compound.<br />
rjpTrdyrjv^ (2 Cor. 12'-'^) occurs also in the fragment<br />
of a document *^<br />
which<br />
relates to the Jewish war of Trajan,<br />
BU. 341 12 (Fayyum, 2nd cent. a.d.). On p. 359 of vol. i.<br />
of that collection, rjpirdyrjaav is given as the corrected<br />
reading of this.<br />
The attaching of 1st aorist terminations to the Ind<br />
aorist ~ is of course very frequent in the Papyri. The author<br />
has noted the following :<br />
—<br />
1 Winer-Schmiedel, § 13, 2, Note 2 (p. 104) ; Blass, Grmmn., p. 57. [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 57.]<br />
2 Wiuer-Schmiedel, § 13, 10 (p. 109)<br />
Trans., p. 43.]<br />
; Blass, Gramm., p. 42. [Eng<br />
•' Winer-Schmiedel, § 18, 10 (p. 109) ; Blass, Gramm., p. 43. [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 43.]<br />
KaraKiirri ".<br />
* The Editor, P. Viereck, makes the unnecessary observation, " I. [read]<br />
•'Winer-Schmiedel. § 13, 10 (p. 110); Blass, Gramm., p. 43. [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 43.]<br />
6 Cf. above, p. 68.<br />
" Winer-Schmiedel, § 13, 13 (p. Ill f.) ; Blass, Gramm., p. 44 f. [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 45 f.]
N.18,19] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 191<br />
e'^evdiJi'qv: PER. i. 26 (Fayyum, 83-84 a.d.) yevduevo
192 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 19,20<br />
The termination -av for -aai in the Srd plural perfect''occurs<br />
in BU. 597 19 (Fayyum, 75 A.d.) yejovav (Kom. 16^<br />
j^ AB, Kev. 21*^ ^'^ A) <strong>and</strong> 328 i. o (Fayyum, 138-139 a.d.)<br />
The termination -e? for -a? in the Qind singular perfect <strong>and</strong><br />
aorist^ is found with remarkable frequency in the badly-<br />
written private letter BU. 261 (Fayyum, 2nd-3rd cent.<br />
A.D.?): line 14 SeSw/ce?, 17 rjp'nx^'^ (= eifjr}Ke- 48 f. [Eng<br />
Trans., p. 49 f.] Neither writer takes notice of 1 Cor. 7^ A aTroSiSfVo).<br />
•''<br />
It is true that line 23 has yur? 5i5i avT^ (cf. Supplement, p. 358). The<br />
editor, F. Krebs, accentuates 5i5i, <strong>and</strong> explains thus : " I. [read] SiSei = SISmiti ".<br />
The present writer considers this impossible : SiSi ( = 5i5ei) is rather an im-<br />
perative of SiSciifj.1, formed in accordance with ridei. Similarly BU. 602 6<br />
Fayyum, 2nd cent, a.d.) iSeiSt ( = eSiSei) on the analogy of iridei. Other<br />
assimilations to the formation of ridrnjn in the Fayyum Papyri are: 3608<br />
(108-109 A.D.) the imperative TrapaSere, <strong>and</strong> 159 3 (216 a.d.) i^eSero; the latter<br />
form already in PER. ccxxii.is (2nd cent. a.d.).<br />
® iiriSlSoo could also be an abbreviation of iiriSiScvui, specially as it occurs<br />
in a common formula. Hence the editor, U. Wilcken, writes iTri5iSai{fxi).<br />
^ Apocope of the preposition, like BU. 867 (Fayyiim, 155 a.d.) Ka\ei\pr] ;<br />
in contrast with line 12 of the same Papyrus KaTa\fi\f/7] (not, however, naSdcrw<br />
BU. 39 20 which has been corrected, in accordance with a more exact reading<br />
p. 354, to airoSiixrw). Cf. Winer-Schmiedel, § 5, 22 c, note 47 (p. 53).
N. 20, 21] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 193<br />
(Fayyum, 189 A.d.) yields irapaKaTaridofxai.—tcOm { = ti0€q))<br />
is indicated by BU. 350 is (Fayyum, reign of Trajan) vtto-<br />
TiOovaa, which, however, perhaps depends in this place<br />
merely on euphony ; it st<strong>and</strong>s in the following connection<br />
ivoiKoSofjiOvaa koX eTTiCTKevd^ovaa Kat iroKovaa "^ koI vttotl-<br />
dovaa Kol erepoi^ fierahihoixTa.<br />
Svvo/jLat^ is often attested in the Fayyum Papyri:<br />
BU. 246 10 (2nd-3rd cent, a.d.), 388 ii. 8 (2nd-3rd cent, a.d.),<br />
159 5 (216 A.D.) gyi/o/iei^o?,—also 614 20 (217 A.D.). In 348 8<br />
(156 A.D.) there occurs &>? av Svvoi, which must certainly be<br />
3rd singular; this would involve a Svv(o.'^<br />
1 Winer-Schmiedel, § 14, 17 (p. 123) ; Blass, Gramm., p. 48. [Eng..<br />
Trans., p. 49.]<br />
'^ The particular sentence (<strong>from</strong> a private letter) is not quite clear to the<br />
author, but he considers it impossible that the form could be derived <strong>from</strong><br />
the well-knov7n Svvw. F. Krebs also places Svvoi in connection with Swafiai<br />
in his index.<br />
13<br />
:
III.<br />
NOTES ON THE VOCABULARY AND THE SYNTAX.<br />
1. So-called Hebraisms.<br />
ava
N. 23] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 195<br />
which is not to be interpreted as a Hebraism, is confirmed<br />
also by the later Papyri. For example, in the very compre-<br />
hensive account BU. 34 (date <strong>and</strong> place uncertain), the<br />
separate items of expenditure are very often introduced by<br />
et?. ra^ el^ rov Mdpcova .... oiKoi'Ofilaf;, PER. i. u (Fayytim,<br />
83-84 A.D.) is correctly translated by the editor as the en-<br />
dorsement of Marons accotmt ; cf. FEB. xviii. 12 f. (Fayyuni,<br />
124 A.D.) et? aWov TLva jpd^ecv 8ta6j]K7]v, to draw uj) a loill in<br />
favour of any otJier jyerson. Leaving aside the New Testament<br />
passages, we find this ei? elsewhere as well ; the usage is<br />
therefore no mere Egyptian idiom. Thus, in a list of donors<br />
to a religious collection, Perg. 554 (after 105 a.d.), the purpose<br />
of the various items of expenditure is expressed by ei?,^ e.g.^<br />
line 10, et? ravpo/36\iov. The abrupt ei? in the expenses-list<br />
Perg. 553 K (reign of Trajan) may also be mentioned as an<br />
example. The author has found this ek in other Inscriptions<br />
as well,<br />
ipoordco.<br />
Cremer*, p. 415, says : " in New Testament Greek also<br />
request — an application of the word which<br />
manifestly arose through the influence of the Hebr. 7^51!? ".<br />
But, as against this, Winer-Limemann, p. 30, had already made<br />
reference to some profane passages,'- which Clavis^^ p. 175,<br />
appropriates <strong>and</strong> extends—though with the accompanying<br />
remark, " ex imitatione hebr. vt^U-*, significatu ap. j^fofanos<br />
rarissimo ". The author has already expressed his disagree-<br />
ment with the limitation of this really vulgar-Greek usage<br />
to the <strong>Bible</strong>. -^ The<br />
Fayytim Papyri yield new material :<br />
ipcordv request occurs in BU. 509 (115 A.D.), 423 11 (2nd cent.<br />
A.D.), 417 it. (2nd-3rd cent, a.d.), 624 15 (reign of Diocletian).<br />
1 Prankel, p. 353.<br />
2 Winer-Schmiedel, § 4, 2 a (p. 27), counts this usage among the "imperfect<br />
" Hebraisms. It would be better to abolish this term <strong>from</strong> Wmer's<br />
Grammar.<br />
" Below, p. 290 f., with a reference to the examples of Wilamowitz-Moel-<br />
lendorff in Guil. Schmidt, De Flavii losephi elocutione observationes a-iticae,<br />
Fleck. Jbb. Suppl. xx. (1894), p. 516.
196 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 24<br />
To these should be added the adjuration-tablet of Adrumetum<br />
(probably belonging to the 2nd cent, a.d.), Hnesi.<br />
(See p. 276.)<br />
Ka6apo
—<br />
N. 25] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 197<br />
cent. A.D.) ra Trepiyeivofieva-"' ivoLKia Trpo? e/cacTToi' ovofxa<br />
t5)v Tpvyoyvruyv jpa(f>7]Tcoi^"^, 388 i. lo (Fayyum, 2nd-3rd cent.<br />
A.D.) rajSeWaL hv[^o\ iXevdepaoaewv rov avrou 6v6fiaTo
198 BIBLE STUDIES. [N 26.<br />
words :<br />
o'iTLve
N. 27] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 199<br />
has been kindly communicated to us by M. Pierret, the<br />
Conservator of Egyptian Antiquities in the Louvre, has had<br />
the result " quon ne trouve, dans le papyrus N^ 49, auctme<br />
trace du mot ajciTrriv, mais seulement a la ligne 6 la vraisemblance<br />
d'une lecture rapa'x^^v". The author, therefore, has no hesi-<br />
tation in here withdrawing his reference to this Papyrus.^<br />
[The note in question has, of course, been omitted in this<br />
translation.]<br />
Nevertheless, this does not imply the removal of the<br />
doubt as to whether the word is a specifically "biblical"<br />
one, <strong>and</strong> the conjecture that it was used in Egypt can now<br />
be confirmed. Only, one does not need to go to Paris in<br />
order to find the word. The statements of v. Zezschwitz,^<br />
Clavis'^ <strong>and</strong> Cremer'* notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing, it is found in Philo, to<br />
which fact, so far as the present writer is aware, Thayer<br />
alone has called attention in his lexicon.^ In Q^cod Deus<br />
immut. § 14 (M., p. 283), it is said : irap' 6 /jlol SoKel Tot9<br />
Trpoeiprj/jLevoif; Sval Ke(f>a\aLoi
200 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 28<br />
For the sake of completeness it may be permitted to<br />
notify still another passage, which, however, does not afford<br />
an altogether certain contribution to the answering of our<br />
question either way. In a schohon to Thuc. ii. 51, 5, we<br />
find ^iXavOpctiTTiaq Koi dya-Trr]^ as a gloss to ap€Tri
N. 29] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 201<br />
astical " Greek in Cremer's sense: BU. 308.8 (Fayyum,<br />
Byzant. period) eTrdvayKe'i iirireXeacofieu ra Trpo? ttjv KaWtep-<br />
'yiav rSiv apovpwv epya iravra aKaTa'yi'u)
0,0-2 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 30<br />
cf. 607 23 (Fayyum, 163 A.d.) oTTorav ^ dvaip{o]vvTai <strong>and</strong> the<br />
passages cited below, 86 19, 22.<br />
2. Winer-Liinemann, p. 291, writes as follows, in refer-<br />
ence to the frequent edv instead of av in relative clauses :<br />
" In the text of the N. T. (as in the LXX <strong>and</strong> the Apocrypha<br />
. . ., now <strong>and</strong> then in the Byzantine writers, . . .), av after<br />
relatives is frequently displaced, according to most authorities<br />
<strong>and</strong> the best, by idv [here the passages are given], as not<br />
seldom in the Codices of Greek, even of Attic, writers.<br />
Modern philologists . . . substitute dv throughout. . . .<br />
The editors of the N. T. have not as yet ventured to do<br />
this, <strong>and</strong> in point of fact edv for dv may well have been a<br />
peculiarity of the popular language in later (if not, indeed, in<br />
earher) times." A. Buttmann, p. 68 f., is of a hke opinion :<br />
"We may at least infer with certainty, <strong>from</strong> the frequent<br />
occurrence of this substitution, that this form, certainly incorrect<br />
(but still not quite groundless), was extant among<br />
later writers". Schmiedel- also recognises this edv as late-<br />
Greek. But even in 1888 Grimm, Clavis,^ p. 112, had ex-<br />
plained it '' ex usic ap. profanos maxwie dubio". The case is<br />
extremely instructive in regard to the fundamental question<br />
as to the character of the language of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>.<br />
That this small formal peculiarity, occurring abundantly ^ in<br />
the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, should be, as is said, very doubtful among<br />
"profane" writers, is conceivable only on the view that<br />
"biblical Greek" constitutes a philological-historical mag-<br />
nitude by itself. If, however, we take the philological<br />
phenomena of the <strong>Bible</strong> out of the charmed circle of the<br />
' oTTOTav <strong>and</strong> oTw with the future indicative in the Sibyllists are treated<br />
of by A. Rzach, Zur Kritik der Sibyllinischen Orakel, Pldlologtis, liii. (1894),<br />
p. 283.<br />
2 HC. ii. 1 (1891), p. 98, ad loc. 1 Cor. 6i«.<br />
^ In the LXX in innumerable passages (H. W. J. Thiersch, De Pcnfa-<br />
teuchi versione Alcx<strong>and</strong>rina librl trcs, Erlangen, 1841, p. 108) ; in the Apocry-<br />
pha, Ch. A. Wahl, Clavis librorum V. T. ApocrypJiorum pliilologica, Leipzig,<br />
1853, p. 137 f., enumerates 28 eases ; in the N.T. Clavis =' gives 17. Many<br />
other cases, without doubt, have been suppressed by copyists or editors.<br />
U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff considers % iav, 3 John'', to be an "orthographic<br />
blunder " (Hermes, xxxiii. [1898], p. 581), but this is a mistake.<br />
—
N. 31] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 203<br />
dogma of " biblical Greek," we may then characterise the<br />
possible non-occurrence of " profane " examples of the present<br />
phenomenon as, at most, a matter of accident. But the<br />
Papyri prove that the biblical eav—so far at least as regards<br />
New Testament times ^—was in very frequent use in Egypt<br />
they confirm in the most marvellous way the conjecture of<br />
Winer <strong>and</strong> A. Buttmann. The New Testament is, in this<br />
matter, virtually surrounded by a cloud of witnesses : the<br />
author has no doubt that the Ptolemaic Papyri - <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Inscriptions yield further material, which would similarly<br />
substantiate the idv of the LXX <strong>and</strong> the Apocrypha. On<br />
account of the representative importance of the matter, a<br />
number of passages <strong>from</strong> the Papyri ^ may be noted here,<br />
which furnish, so to speak, the hnguistic-historical framework<br />
for the New Testament passages : BU. 543 5 (Hawarah,<br />
27 B.C.) ?) ocTfov iav r)v, PER. ccxxiv. 10 (Fayyum, 5th-6th<br />
cent. A.D.) Yj ocrwv evav'"^ fj,^ BU. 197 10 (F., 17 a.d.) j) oawv<br />
iav alp[fJTai.^, ibid. 10 ol? iav aipfJTai, 177 7 (F., 46-47 A.D.) ij<br />
oacov iav mctiv, PER. iv. 11 (F., 52-53 a.d.) rj oawv iav oiai,<br />
ibid.-ii ax; iav fBovXrjrai, BU. 251 u (F., 81 A.D.) [d](f> /;[? i]dj/<br />
[a7r]atT?7crei '"', PER. i.-i9 {¥., 83-84 A.D.) 009 iav [^ovX(i)]vTai,<br />
ibid.M 77 oaai iav Mai, BU. 183 8 (F., 85 A.D.) a
204 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 32<br />
xxviii.7 (F., 110 A.D.) ola eav ey^f]'^'^'', ibid.u i) oawv eav Stai,<br />
BU. 101 (F., 114 A.D.) e'f ov eav alpfj fiepou
N. 33] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 205<br />
are of very various kinds, <strong>and</strong> are not merely official papers,<br />
with regard to which we might always be justified in sup-<br />
posing that what we had there was only a peculiarity of the<br />
official language. The first <strong>and</strong> second centuries a.d. consti-<br />
tute its definite classical period ; it seems to become less<br />
frequent later. The author has met with the " correct " civ<br />
only in the following passages : BU. 372, ii.ir (Fayyum, 154<br />
A.D.) e^ ov av .<br />
. . TrporeOfj, 619 7 (F., 155 A.D.) a%/ot au<br />
i^eraa-dfj, 3485 (F., 156 A.D.) a>9 av 8oK€t/jbdcrT]
206 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 34<br />
against the temptation to reject forthwith a reading which<br />
is vouched for by the agreement of the oldest authorities of<br />
various classes <strong>and</strong> <strong>from</strong> various localities, on the alleged<br />
ground of its meaninglessness, <strong>and</strong> without more strict in-<br />
quiry as to whether it may not be established or defended<br />
by biblical usage". This "biblical" usage, according to<br />
him, arises <strong>from</strong> " a blending together of the Greek form of<br />
oath Tj fii-jv with the wholly un-Greek el firj, which originates<br />
in a literal imitation of the Hebrew form " (top of p. 250).<br />
Clavis", p. 118, <strong>and</strong> Winer-Schmiedel, § 5, 15 (p. 46), still<br />
consider this blending as possible, unless, perhaps, it be<br />
a case of itacistic confusion of ?? with et, <strong>and</strong> 7} jjli'jv be<br />
intended. But O. F. Fritzsche,^ again, asserts this latter<br />
supposition to be the only admissible one, <strong>and</strong> finds in the<br />
opinion of Bleek an example of " how easily the obstinate<br />
adherence to the letter of the traditional text leads to con-<br />
fusion <strong>and</strong> phantasy ".<br />
The whole matter is exceedingly instructive. How<br />
plausible does an assertion like Bleek's, accepted <strong>from</strong> him<br />
by so many others, seem to an adherent of the notion of<br />
"biblical " Greek! On the one h<strong>and</strong> the Greek ?} ^i']v, on<br />
the other the Hebrew 'iAh Db5 = et /i>i—by blending the two<br />
the genius of the biblical diction constructs an el fxi'^v ! True,<br />
it might have made an yu.?/ ^ <strong>from</strong> them, but it did not—it<br />
preferred el fjajv. Pity, that this fine idea should be put out<br />
of existence by the Papyri.- BU. 543 jti. (Hawarah, 28-27<br />
B.C.) runs : 6/jiVU/j,i Kalaapa AvTOKpdropa Oeov vlov el /xtjv<br />
'irapa)(0)pi]a-eLv . . . top . . KXrjpolv], <strong>and</strong> we read, in PEE.<br />
ccxxiv. 1 fi'. (Soknopaiu<br />
ofivvo ?*
N. 35] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 207<br />
{el ?)<br />
/jbi]v as a form of oath—on Papyrus leaves which are<br />
some hmidred years older than the original text of Hebrews,<br />
<strong>and</strong> which come <strong>from</strong> the same country in which the LXX<br />
<strong>and</strong>, most probably, the Epistle to the Hebrews, were written.<br />
Whatever, then, may be its relation to this el (el?) /x/jv, thus<br />
much, at all events, is clear : it is no specific phenomenon<br />
of biblical or of Jewish ^ Greek. It is either a case of mere<br />
itacistic confusion of 7? with et,'- as Fritzsche assumes in<br />
regard to the biblical, Krebs^ <strong>and</strong> Wessely* in regard to the<br />
Papyrus passages ;<br />
or else the expression is a peculiar form of<br />
oath, only authenticated as regards Egypt, about the origin<br />
of which the author does not venture to express an opinion.<br />
The abundant <strong>and</strong> excellent evidence in biblical MSS. for<br />
the ei in this particular combination,'' <strong>and</strong> its occurrence, in<br />
the same combination, in two mutually independent Papyrus<br />
passages, deserve in any case our fullest consideration.<br />
Blass, too, has not failed to notice the el fxrjv, at least<br />
of the first passage, BU. 543: he writes thus, Gramm., p.<br />
9 [Eng. Trans., p. 9] : ''El<br />
mv for ^ fj^i'jv, Heb. 6 ^^ (^^ABDi),<br />
is also attested by the LXX <strong>and</strong> Papyri [Note 4, to this<br />
word, is a reference to BU. 543, <strong>and</strong> to Blass, Aussyr. d. Gr.'^,<br />
pp. 33, 77] ;<br />
all this, moreover, properly belongs to orthoepy,<br />
<strong>and</strong> not to orthography ". Then on p. 60 [Eng. Trans., p.<br />
60] :<br />
"<br />
>7, more correctly el, in el /Jb-qv," <strong>and</strong> p. 254 [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 260] : " Asseverative sentences, direct <strong>and</strong> indirect<br />
(the latter infinitive sentences) are, in Classical Greek, intro-<br />
1 That the author of either Papyrus was a Jew is impossible.<br />
- Thus, e.g., in the Berlin MS., immediatelj- before, we have, conversely,<br />
xpv^f for XP^"^''- (The document is otherwise well-written, like that of<br />
Vienna). Cf. also BU. 316 12 (Askalon, 359 a.d.) d [ = r)] kol ei nvi erepw<br />
6v6fj.aTi KaATre, <strong>and</strong>, conversely, 261 ir. (Faj'yum, 2nd-3rd cent, a.d.) fi /utj, with-<br />
out doubt for 61 yuTj.<br />
V "•<br />
.<br />
" Krebs writes el in the Berlin MS., <strong>and</strong> adds the note " : I. [i.e., read]<br />
^ Wessely writes ei"''' fj-r^v, <strong>and</strong> adds " Z. [ = read] ^ fxriv ".<br />
5 The note on p. 416 of the Etymologicum magnum, vis., 77 evippijfi.a<br />
opKiKov oirep Kal Sia 5i
'208 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 36<br />
duced by 77 ixrjv, for which, in Hellenistic-Eioman times, we<br />
find el (accent ?) firjv written ; so LXX <strong>and</strong> consequently<br />
Heb. 6^^ ". The author cannot rightly judge <strong>from</strong> this as to<br />
the opinion of Blass concerning the spelling <strong>and</strong> the origin of<br />
the formula : in any case it is evident <strong>from</strong> the last-quoted<br />
observation that he does not consider the accentuation el,<br />
which he seems to uphold, to be wholly free <strong>from</strong> doubt.<br />
The above-quoted work of Blass, Uher die Aussprache des<br />
Griechischen^, Berhn, 1888, p. 33, shows that this formula of<br />
swearing is used also in the Doric Mystery-Inscription of<br />
Andania in the Peloponnesus (93 or 91 B.C.) ; the o/jajo?<br />
'yuvaiKovofiov begins, in line 27, el fiav e^eiv eTrifieXeLav "rrepL re<br />
Tov e'lfiaricr/jiov (Dittenberger, Sylloge, No. 388, p. 570).<br />
Blass observes regarding this : "El fidv seems, nevertheless,<br />
rather to be a jussum speciale of the language than to rest<br />
upon general rules ".<br />
eXaicov.<br />
This word is undoubtedly found in Acts 1 ^2, awo opov
N. 37] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 209<br />
just as well be in a valley or anywhere else. eXaioov does<br />
not, of course, mean " Oliye-Mount " in Acts 1 ^'" either, but<br />
" place of ohves " or, if one prefers, " olive-wood ".^ The<br />
word is, doubtless, used here as a place-name ; but when a<br />
particular mountain has the name iXaicov, it cannot be in-<br />
ferred there<strong>from</strong> that the lexicographer has a right to render<br />
iXaioiv by " mons " olearum. To do so would be quite as pre-<br />
posterous as to translate Xeyicov, in Mark 5 ^, etc., by legio7i<br />
of demons.<br />
The circumstance that the word has been but scantily<br />
authenticated hitherto must have had a share in sometimes<br />
keeping it <strong>from</strong> its rights in another respect. Luke 19 ^^<br />
reads, according to universal testimony, Trpo? to opo
210 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 38<br />
line24f, eV tottw OIkuk;^ Sa[ l^^X ['^^Toj/'te/'oi;**'-'<br />
FEB. xxxviii. 9 (F., 263 A.D.) iv tottw Wt^iardveoii; Xeyo/xievo)).<br />
Nevertheless the case is a somewhat different one in the<br />
Papyrus passages ; the author would only bring the above<br />
forward in case of extreme necessity. But such a case would<br />
only exist if iXatcov were necessarily a genitive. Now, since<br />
we may without misgiving accentuate iXacoiv ", the question<br />
alone remains whether this form, which is urged upon us<br />
by Acts 1 ^'^, <strong>and</strong> which is a priori more probable than eXmcov<br />
without the article (which never occurs in Luke), is gram-<br />
matically tenable. And the answ^er must unquestionably<br />
be in the affirmative. Not, indeed, as A. Buttmann, p. 20,<br />
thinks, because the word is to be " treated altogether as<br />
an indeclinabile, <strong>and</strong> therefore as a neuter,"^ but by reference<br />
to the more lax usage of later Greek,* our knowledge of<br />
which is enlarged by the Papyri. In these the formulae, 6<br />
KoXovfievo^, €7rLKa\ovfj,evo^ , eiriKeKXrjfxevo'i, X(='yofievo
N. 39] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 211<br />
which appears to the author to deserve a more exact investigation,<br />
can only be slightly touched upon here, viz., Which<br />
Greek reading for the name of the Mount of Olives is implied<br />
by the Vulgate? In Matthew, according to our texts, the<br />
Mount of Olives is always (21 \ 24 ^, 26 ^°) called to 0/009 tmv<br />
iXacMv, in the corresponding passages in the Vulgate mons<br />
oliveti ; similarly (except in Luke 19 ^^ 21 ^'' <strong>and</strong> Acts 1 ^^,<br />
passages which on account of iXaicov require no explanation)<br />
in Luke 19^'' <strong>and</strong> John 8\ where also mons o/we^i corresponds<br />
to the opo^ Twv iXaicov. The matter would have no further<br />
importance if the Mount of Olives were always designated<br />
thus in the Vulgate. But in Mark always (11 \ 13 ^ 14^6)<br />
<strong>and</strong> Luke 22 ^^, as in Zech. 14 *, to 6po
212 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.39,40<br />
must read iXaiMv (to opo^; r wv iX. in Luke 19 ^'^ <strong>and</strong> else-<br />
where), <strong>and</strong>, in the single passage Acts 1 ^^ {opovq rod koXov-<br />
fievov) e\aiwvo
N.40,41] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 213<br />
evdiirtov.<br />
H. A. A. Kennedy ^ assigns the " adverb " evcoTrtov, which<br />
is used in the <strong>Bible</strong> as a preposition, to the class of "bibli-<br />
cal " words, i.e., those belonging to the LXX <strong>and</strong> the N. T.<br />
only. According to A. Buttmann, p. 273, the "preposition"<br />
is " probably of Eastern" origin, <strong>and</strong> according to Winer-<br />
Liinemann, p. 201, " the preposition ivcoTVLov (^^^y^) itself,"<br />
may be said to belong almost entirely to "the Hebrew<br />
colouring of the language." These statements are not par-<br />
ticularly informative ; but, at all events, their purport is<br />
easily gathered, viz., evMiriov is a new formation of " biblical "<br />
Greek.'^ But BU. 578 (Fayytim, 189 a.d.) attests the adver-<br />
bial use of the word as regards Egypt. That the Papyrus is<br />
comparatively late does not signify. Line i runs: /ieTaS(o?)<br />
iv(07n(ov) CO? Ka6i]K(€i,) Totii 7rpoaT€TayfM(evoi
214 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 41, 42<br />
€7riouai,o
N.42,43] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 215<br />
621) €vap€aKOT€po}
216 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.43,44<br />
tongue.^ In these circumstances it is very fortunate that the<br />
Inscriptions yield quite a multitude of examples of this very<br />
vv^ord, which go back to the age of the LXX, <strong>and</strong> infallibly<br />
prove that one may safely say: "very common in later<br />
Greek ". Of the examples v^hich occur in the tvi^o collections<br />
of Inscriptions investigated by the author, viz., those of the<br />
Mgesin Sea (fasc. i.) <strong>and</strong> of Pergamos, let it suffice here to<br />
mention only the pre-Christian ones: IMAe. 808 2 (Rhodes,<br />
3rd cent. B.C.), 811 (Rhodes, 3rd cent. B.C.), 63 1.2 (Rhodes,<br />
2nd cent. B.C.), 3 5 (Rhodes, 1st cent. B.C.); Perg. 167 3.5.15<br />
{ca. 166 B.C.), 129 <strong>and</strong> 130 (before 133 B.C.).<br />
KudapL^w.<br />
Cremer,^ p. 490, asserts it to be a fact "that KaOapi^o)<br />
is found only in Biblical'^ <strong>and</strong> (seldom indeed) in ecclesiastical<br />
Greek". But already Glavis ^'^ quotes Joseph. Antt. 11, 5, 4,<br />
eKaOdpi^e ry-jv irepl ravra (Tvvrjdeiav. More important still is<br />
the occurrence of the word in the Inscriptions in a ceremonial<br />
sense. The Mystery-Inscription of Andania in the Pelo-<br />
ponnesus (93 or 91 B.C.) prescribes, in line 37 : dva-ypa^avTca<br />
he Kol d(f)' &v Sel KaOapL^eiv Kai a p-r] Bet e^oi'Ta? elcnropevecrOat<br />
(Dittenberger, Sylloge No. 388, p. 571). Further, there come<br />
into consideration the directions (preserved in a double form^<br />
in the Inscriptions) of Xanthos the Lycian for the sanctuary<br />
of Men Tyrannos, a deity of Asia Minor, which he had founded<br />
CIA. iii. 74,'* cf. 73 (found near Sunium, not older than the<br />
imperial period). No unclean person shall enter the temple:<br />
KaOapi^eaTco^^'^ he aTro cr\^K]6phwv Ka\l "^oipeuiv^ Ka\^i lyvvaiKc^^<br />
Xov(Tafievov/lloge No. 379.<br />
:<br />
the
N.44,45] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 217<br />
which latter passage is to be interpreted in the Hght of<br />
the well-known idea, exemphfied in the above-mentioned<br />
Inscription <strong>and</strong> frequently elsewhere, viz., that the touching<br />
of a corpse renders one ceremonially unclean.^<br />
Kvpi,aK6
218 BIBLE STUDIES. [N .45, 4G<br />
examples <strong>from</strong> Asia Minor—all of the imperial period. The<br />
KvpiaKo
N.46,47] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 219<br />
authority for Se^aa-ri] as first day of the month in the Inscription<br />
of lasos,— given by Th. Reinach in the Revue des Etudes<br />
Grecques, vi. (1893), p. 159,—hne25, /cat rov Kar eviavrov<br />
f^evQjxevuv tokov Saxret alel rov TrapeXOovroq eviavrov /xrjvl<br />
TrpojTfo ^e^aarfj. Just as the first day of the month was thus<br />
called Emperor's day, so the first day of the week—with all<br />
its significant connection with the Gospel history— would<br />
be named, by the Christians, the Lord's day. The analogy<br />
obtains its full importance when considered in relation to the<br />
entire usage of Kvpia}<br />
Xoyela.<br />
We have succeeded in tracing this word in other<br />
quarters;^ first, in Pap. Grenfell <strong>and</strong> Hunt (Oxford, 1897),<br />
No. xxxviii.i5 (81 B.C.) <strong>and</strong> BU. 515 7 f. (Fayyum, 193 a.d.)—<br />
adopting the corrected reading of Wilcken given in vol. ii. of<br />
the Berlin MSS., p. 357; also in a compound: BU. 538ifif.<br />
(Fayyum, 100 a.d.) l3oraviaiJLov
220 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 47,48<br />
Since Codd. 44 <strong>and</strong> 71 give Kar avhpa Xoylav (74<br />
Xoyiav), <strong>and</strong> again Codd. 52, 55, 74, 106, <strong>and</strong> 243 omit<br />
: kut avSpa-<br />
KaraaKevdaiuna, one might feel tempted to regard the former<br />
as the original reading <strong>and</strong> the latter as a gloss to Xoyoav<br />
—unless perhaps KaraaKevdafi. was too uncommon a word,<br />
<strong>and</strong> the more familiar avWoy^ was a more obvious gloss ".<br />
We^ cannot comprehend how Grimm can thus speak of<br />
dvSpoXoyla ^ as analogous to ^evoXoyia : for this analogy<br />
would precisely imply that dvhpoXoyia means a levying of men.<br />
Quite as certainly must it be questioned that the word can<br />
signify a collection <strong>from</strong> each single man. But since this signi-<br />
fication is required by the connection, the reading Kar avhpa<br />
Xoyiav (read Xoyeiav ^) certainly deserves serious consideration<br />
; on this view, KaTacrKevda/jbara may quite well be<br />
retained : after he had taken a collection <strong>from</strong> each individual he<br />
sent money to the amount of about 2000 drachmas of silver^ to<br />
Jerusalem.*<br />
veo^vTo
N. 48,49] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 221<br />
Ps. 127 [128]^, ve6(f)VTa i\aio)v; similarly in BU. 565 u <strong>and</strong><br />
566 3 (fragments of the same document as 563).<br />
Glavis^, p. 326, " Neqtie in graeco V. Ti. cod., neque ap.<br />
profanos offenditur ". This negative statement is at all events<br />
more cautious than the positive one of Cremer^, p. 737:<br />
" only in New Testament Greek ". But both are invalidated<br />
by the Papyri.^ The word, meaning debt (in the literal sense,<br />
as in Matt. 18^'^), is found in formulae in BU. 112 n {ca. 60<br />
A,D.) KaOapa airo re ocpiXrj'i "* Kal v[7r^od7]Kr]
222 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.49,50<br />
1. According to Cremer^, p. 420, the word appears "not<br />
to occur at all in profane Greek . . . <strong>and</strong> therefore to be a<br />
word of Hellenistic formation, which follows the change<br />
which had taken place in the use of Trpoaevx^o-Oai, <strong>and</strong> which<br />
is at the same time a characteristic mark of the difference<br />
between Israel <strong>and</strong> the Gentile world ". But the fact that<br />
irpoaevxn, place of prayer,'^ is found also in connection with<br />
pagan worship ^ tells against this isolating of the word.<br />
2. The authorities for Trpoaevx^'] i^ ^^^^ sense of a Jewish<br />
place of prayer^ which up till now have been known <strong>and</strong><br />
applied are most likely all surpassed in age by an Inscription<br />
<strong>from</strong> Lower Egypt, which probably belongs to the 3rd cent.<br />
B.C., viz., GIL. iii. Suppl. 6583 (original in the Berlin Egyptian<br />
Museum) : " BaatXtaa-rjii koi /3acri\eft)9 irpocrTa^di'Tcov avrl<br />
T?}? TrpoavaKetixevq^ irepl t?}? avadecredxi Trj
N.50,51] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 223<br />
eluding remark about the Inscription (col. 1419) : " Most<br />
probably it has hitherto remained unnoticed that the omis-<br />
sion of d€6
224 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 51, 52<br />
added BU. 613 is (Fayyum, probably of the reign of Antoninus<br />
Pius).<br />
dpecTKeia.<br />
" Even those terms which, among the Greeks, are debased<br />
to common uses on account of their exchisive human apph-<br />
cation, such as dpeaKeia^'^ the obsequiousness which suits<br />
itself to everybody, obtain in the scriptures a higher con-<br />
notation by reason of the predominance of their relation to<br />
the Divine st<strong>and</strong>ard. The word occurs in Col. 1 ^^ in an<br />
undoubtedly good sense, <strong>and</strong> this transformation is to be<br />
attributed <strong>chiefly</strong> to the prevailing usage of dpea-To^; <strong>and</strong><br />
€vdpe(Tro
N. 52] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 225<br />
pound i^cXdaKo/xai is specially adduced, the usage of which<br />
in "biblical" Greek, as contrasted with the constructions<br />
of profane Greek, is said to be "all the more noteworthy<br />
<strong>and</strong> all the more deserving of serious consideration ". Cremer<br />
deems the biblical phrase e^iXdaKeadai Ta
226 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 53<br />
malmen). Clavis^, p. 263, adopts this view, with the note<br />
" usu a profanis alieno ". This is most probably one of the<br />
cases where no reason whatever can be given for the particular<br />
alteration of meaning having taken place in " biblical "<br />
Greek. If \iKfidco = grind to powder be possible at all, then<br />
it is only a matter of contingency that the word has not yet<br />
been found with that meaning outside the <strong>Bible</strong>. There<br />
is, however, a Papyrus which appears to the author to supply<br />
the want. In the fragment of a speech for the prosecution,<br />
BU. 146 5flf. (Fayytim, 2nd-3rd cent, a.d.), the prosecutor<br />
reports : eirrjKdav ' AfyadoKXr)^ koI Sov\o
N. 54] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 227<br />
the washings required under the theocracy for purposes of<br />
purification". This sets up an unjustifiable antithesis be-<br />
tween "profane" Greek <strong>and</strong> bibhcal, which Cremer himself<br />
is unable to maintain, for immediately afterwards he finds it<br />
necessary to grant that the word " does not, indeed, seem to<br />
have been altogether unused in profane Greek for ceremonial<br />
washing ; Plut. Prohl. Bom. 264, D : XovaaaQat irpo rr\
228 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 55<br />
alien were unknown in the former, which is said to use<br />
fieTotKo
N. 56] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 229<br />
to a document ;<br />
quite similarly in 196 2if. (109 A.D.), 281 isf.<br />
(reign of Trajan), <strong>and</strong> 394 i4t. (137 a.d.). In all these<br />
passages adertjaL'i is used in a technical juristic sense, being<br />
found in the formula et? aOerTjaw koI aKvpooatv. Compare<br />
these with et? adeTqcnv in Heb. 9 ^'\ <strong>and</strong> with the usage of the<br />
contrary formula et? /Be/Saiwaiv in LXX Lev. 25 ^^, Heb. 6 ^^<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Papyri.^ The formula was maintained for long<br />
afterwards : we still find et9 dOerrja-iv koL aKvpaxnv in PEB.<br />
xiv. i7f. (Fayyum, 166 a.d.) <strong>and</strong> ix. lo (Hermopolis, 271 a.d.).<br />
dvaTrifMTro).<br />
The references given by Clavis^, p. 27, <strong>and</strong> Thayer, p.<br />
41, for the meaning ad personam dignitate, auctoritate, potestate<br />
superiorem sursum mitto (Luke 23 ''<br />
, Acts 25 ^^) <strong>from</strong> Philo,<br />
Josephus <strong>and</strong> Plutarch can be largely increased <strong>from</strong> the<br />
Fayyum Papyri: BU. 19 i. 20 (135 a.d.), 5 ii. i9f. (138 a.d.),<br />
613 4 (reign of Antoninus Pius?), 15 i. 17 (194 a.d.), 168 25<br />
(2nd-3rd cent. a.d.).<br />
In regard to the use of this word in Matt. 6 '^- ^- ^*^, Luke<br />
'6 ^*, Phil. 4 ^^, as meaning I have received, its constant occur-<br />
rence in receipts in the Papyri is worthy of consideration.<br />
Two cases may be given which are significant on account<br />
of their contiguity in time to the above passages, viz., BU,<br />
584 5f. (Fayyum, 29th December, 44 a.d.) koL a-wex'j^ rrjv<br />
avvKeywprifjievT]v rt/xrjv iraaav eK ifKrjpovi, <strong>and</strong> 612 2 f. (Fayyum,<br />
6th September, 57 a.d.) d7rex(^ Trap v/xmv rov (popov rov<br />
i\a[i]ovpylov, &v e^^re [/xo]f iv fjnaOwaei. The words they<br />
have their reward in the Sermon on the Mount, when considered<br />
in the light of the above, acquire the more pungent<br />
ironical meaning they can sign the receipt of their reward : their<br />
right to receive their reward is realised, precisely as if they<br />
had already given a receipt for it. diro'xi] means receipt<br />
•exactly, <strong>and</strong> in Byzantine times we also find /uLiaOaTroxv'^<br />
^ See p. 105 ff. above.<br />
^ Wessely, Goypus Papyrorum Rainer-i, i. 1, 151 ; but no example is given<br />
there. The word might signify receipt for rent or hire, not deed of cunveymtce<br />
as Wessely supposes.
230 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 56, 57<br />
/8eySatft)crt9.<br />
The conjunction of the terms ^e/Saiovv or ^e^atcocn^ <strong>and</strong><br />
appa^cov ^ is also found in BU. 446 [ = 80] ^^ (reign of Marcus<br />
Aurelius) ;<br />
the sentence is unfortunately mutilated.<br />
In the technical sense of to try, to hear judicially (Acts<br />
23^5 ; cf. LXX Deut. 1^\ Dion Cass. 36, 53 [36]), also BU.<br />
168^^ (Fayyum, 2nd-3rd cent. a.d.).<br />
TO iiTi^dWov fxepo's.<br />
Frequent references given in connection with Luke<br />
15^^; a technical formula, also used in the Papyri: BU.<br />
234 13. 8 (Fayyum, 121 a.d.) to koX avrS eTn^dXKov fjuepo'i,<br />
419 5f. (276-277 a.d.) to eTn^dXXov [xoc /xepo^ of the paternal<br />
inheritance; similarly 614 17 f. (Fayyum, 216 a.d.) rrjv iiri-<br />
^dWovaav avrfj rcov 7raTp(po)[v^ fiepuSa.<br />
i'mCTKOTTO'^.<br />
Of this word as an official title Cremer^ p. 889, follow-<br />
ing Pape, gives only one example outside the N. T. : " In<br />
Athens the name was applied in particular to the able men<br />
in the subject states who conducted the affairs of the same ".<br />
But we find eVtV/coTrot as communal officials in Rhodes ; thus<br />
in IMAe. 49 43 fr. (2nd-lst cent. B.C.) there is named a council<br />
of five iiria-KOTTOL ;<br />
in 50 34^ (1st cent. B.C.) three eTrLa-KCTroi are<br />
enumerated. Neither Inscription gives any information as<br />
to their functions ; in the first, the eVtV/coTroi are found<br />
among the following officials : [Trpvravek (?)], ypa/ji/uiarev'i<br />
^ov\d
N. 57, 58] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 231<br />
a technical term for the holder of a religious office. The<br />
pre-Christian Inscription IMAe. 731 enumerates the following<br />
officials of the temple of Apollo :<br />
three<br />
iirtardTai, one<br />
ypa/j,/jbaT€u
232 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 58, 59<br />
that we find the title 6€o\6jo
N. 60] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 233<br />
2", but especially 15^", where the Christian Church at<br />
Antioch is called to TrXrjdo'i. Thus also to 7r\r]do
234 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 61, 62<br />
or /SouXevrai,). In our little provincial temple ^ we find<br />
. . corresponding to it, a council— also changed yearly<br />
of ' five of the oldest of the five phylse of the god Soknopaios<br />
for the present '23rd year ' {i.e., of Antoninus Pius =<br />
159-160 A.D.). This council gives in a report which the<br />
Eoman authorities had dem<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>from</strong> it concerning disci-<br />
plinary proceedings against a priest of the temple " (p. 35).<br />
The author has met with these Egyptian irpea^vrepoi m the<br />
following Papyri <strong>from</strong> the Fayytim :<br />
BU.<br />
—<br />
16 5 e (159-160 a.d.<br />
—the passage quoted by Krebs), twv e irpea^vrepoov lepewv<br />
7revTacf)v\ia^ Oeov ^OKVo\Tr^aiov ; 347 i. 5f. (171 A.D.), SaraySovTo?<br />
'7r[pea]/3vT€po[v i€peco]
N. 62, 63] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 235<br />
proved, we should thus have two valuable analogies of the<br />
early Christian irpea-^vrepoi. But, nevertheless, the word in<br />
the passages <strong>from</strong> Asia Minor would be used rather in its<br />
original signification, <strong>and</strong> not in the more special sense<br />
which finally developed into the idea of priest. In the<br />
Papyri it has this sense—or rather shows a tendency<br />
towards this sense. We do not assert that it means<br />
"priest " : that<br />
is impossible in view of the following lepeix;.<br />
What is of importance for the history of the word is the<br />
circumstance that it was used as a distinctive appellation of<br />
priests in particular. The transformation of the early<br />
Christian elders into the Catholic priests, so extremely<br />
important in its consequences,^ was of course facilitated by<br />
the fact that there already existed elder 2^'>'i&sts or priestly<br />
elders, of whom both the designation <strong>and</strong> the institution were<br />
but waiting for admission into a church which was gradually<br />
becoming secularised.''^<br />
'irpo
236 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 63, 64<br />
the smallness of which we may perhaps infer that the duties<br />
of this office were not his chief occupation."^ In BU. 488 3 f.<br />
(Fayyum, 2nd cent. A.D.), if the restoration be correct, we<br />
find a •7rpo(p7]Tr}
N. 64, 65] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 237<br />
This is to be read : Sacerdos Osirim ferens. npo(f)7j[rr]
^38 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 65, 66<br />
This (as it appears) rare word is mentioned by New<br />
Testament lexica as occurring outside the N. T. in Plu-<br />
tarch only. In reference to the unfortunately mutilated<br />
passage, Perg, 254 3 (Koman period), in which it occurs,<br />
Frankel quotes the following note <strong>from</strong> Mommsen,^ which<br />
gives what is most likely the oldest example of the word :<br />
" It appears that the word av^fiovXiov is, properly speak-<br />
ing, not Greek, but is formed in the Graeco-Latin official<br />
style, in order to represent the untranslateable consilium. It<br />
is so found in a document of the year 610 A.U.C. [GIG.<br />
1543 = Dittenberger, Sylloge, 242]. Gf. Plutarch, Bom. 14:<br />
wvofia^ov Se top Oeov Kcovcrov, eire ^ovXalov ovra • KcovatXcov<br />
yap en vvv to crv/xlSouXiov KaXovcri."<br />
The author found the word also in B U. 288 u (reign of<br />
Antoninus Pius) K[a]dri/ji,evcov iv crvfji^ovXiw iv rm 7rpat[T(opia)],<br />
<strong>and</strong> 511 15 {ca. 200 A.D.^) [i]v avix^ovXeia eKcidtaev.<br />
cr(f>pa'yl^(o.<br />
In Kom. 15 ^^ Paul describes the collection on behalf of<br />
Jerusalem which he had gathered among the Gentile Christ-<br />
ians as Kap7r6
N. 66, 67] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 239<br />
an analogous expression/ which Professor Wilcken, in a<br />
letter to the author, explains as follows : seal (the sacks contaming)<br />
the wheat <strong>and</strong> the barley. The same thing is meant<br />
in 15 ii. 21 [Fayyum, 197 (?) a.d., i)/xa
240 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 68<br />
Xapa'yfia.<br />
The other beast of Revelation 13 ^^ ^^ causes ^^ all, the<br />
small <strong>and</strong> the great, <strong>and</strong> the rich <strong>and</strong> the poor, <strong>and</strong> the free <strong>and</strong><br />
the bond, Xva hwatv avTol
N. 69] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 241<br />
rejected. The enigma can be solved only by the traditional-<br />
historical method which sets the passage in the light of the<br />
time-hallowed apocalyptic ideas. " It is, in fact, the ancient<br />
figure of Antichrist that has been turned to account in<br />
the second half of chap. 13." ^ The legend of Antichrist, how-<br />
ever, has it " that the Antichrist compels the inhabitants of<br />
the earth to assume his mark, <strong>and</strong> that only those who have<br />
the mark on forehead <strong>and</strong> h<strong>and</strong> may buy bread in times of<br />
want. Here we have the explanation of the enigmatic verses<br />
16 <strong>and</strong> 17.""<br />
Bousset is certainly well aware that to trace backwards<br />
is not to explain.^ And yet, should it be successfully de-<br />
monstrated that the '^apa'^ixa belonged in some way to the<br />
substance of the apocalyptic tradition of ancestral times, our<br />
investigation would be substantially furthered thereby. With<br />
no little suspense, therefore, the author examined the references<br />
which Bousset adduces elsewhere.* But the citations there<br />
are relatively very late passages at best, in regard to which<br />
it seems quite possible, <strong>and</strong> to the author also probable, that<br />
Eev. 13 has rather influenced them. And even if the mark<br />
had been borrowed by John, the special characteristics of the<br />
passage would still remain unexplained, viz., the fact that the<br />
mark embodies the name or the number of the beast, ^ that it<br />
has some general connection with buying <strong>and</strong> selling,*' <strong>and</strong>,<br />
most important of all, that it has some special reference to<br />
the Roman emperor who is signified by the beast. The tradi-<br />
tional-historical method is hardly adequate to the elucidation<br />
of these three points, <strong>and</strong>, this being so, the possibility of an<br />
1 Meyer, xvi. ^ p. 4.31. - Ibid., p. 432.<br />
* Cf. Der Antichrist, p. 8 :<br />
" At the same time I am quite conscious that<br />
in the last resort I do not attain to an underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the eschatologicalmytho<br />
logical ideas".<br />
* Der Antichrist, p. 132 ft".<br />
® According to Bousset, the mark seems to have been originally a<br />
serpent-mark :<br />
the reference to the name of the beast was added by the writer<br />
of the Apocalypse {Der Antichrist, p. 133). But nothing is added: <strong>and</strong><br />
therefore in Meyer, xvi. ', p. 432, it is more accurately put that the mark<br />
is "changed in meaning".<br />
® In the passages cited by Bousset the buying (<strong>and</strong> selling) is inti-<br />
mately connected with the famine.<br />
16
242 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 70, 71<br />
allusion to sometliing in the history of the time, hitherto<br />
unknown, presses for consideration.<br />
Now the Papyri put us in a position where we can<br />
do justice to this possibility. They inform us of a mark<br />
which was commonly used in imperial times,^ which<br />
(1) Is connected with the Roman Emperor,<br />
(2) Contains his name (possibly also his effigy) <strong>and</strong> the<br />
year of his reign,<br />
(3) Was necessary upon documents relating to buying,<br />
selling, etc., <strong>and</strong><br />
(4) Was technically known as ;^;apa7/ia.<br />
1. On Papyri of the 1st <strong>and</strong> 2nd centuries a.d. are often<br />
found " traces, now more distinct, now very faint, of a red<br />
seal, which, at first sight, resembles a red maculation ; but<br />
the regular, for the most part concentric, arrangement of the<br />
spots shows that they are really traces of written charac-<br />
ters ".^ But in addition to those seal- impressions on papyrus,<br />
which will be discussed presently in greater detail, there<br />
has also been preserved a circular stamp-plate of soft lime-<br />
stone having a diameter of 5"5 centimetres <strong>and</strong> a thick-<br />
ness of 2"8 centimetres. On the face of the stamp are<br />
vestiges of the red pigment. The plate is now in the Museum<br />
at Berlin, <strong>and</strong> a fac-simile was issued by F. Krebs in con-<br />
nection with BU. 183. We are enabled, by the kind<br />
permission of the authorities of the Imperial Museum, to<br />
give here a reproduction of the fac-simile.<br />
The legend, in uncial characters, reversed of course, is<br />
arranged in a circle, <strong>and</strong> runs as follows :<br />
L X.e' Katcrapo9,<br />
i.e., in the 35th year^ of Caesar (= 5-6 a.d.).<br />
^ Whether the use of this imperial x^P^TM" ^^ found elsewhere is<br />
unknown to the author. But he is of opinion that it is not ; otherwise it<br />
would be inconceivable that Mommsen, who finds in John 13 ^^f- an allusion<br />
to the imperial mo7iey (Romische Geschichte, v.*, Berlin, 1894, p. 522),<br />
should not have lighted upon the author's conjecture. Wessely also, in his<br />
issue of PER., treats the matter as something new.<br />
2 Wessely in ref. to PER. xi., p. 11.<br />
2 L is the common abbreviation for Itous.<br />
—
N. 71, 72] LANGUAGE OF THE GKEEK BIBLE. 243<br />
In the middle, surrounded by the circle of these<br />
letters, there are also the letters 7/3, which we do not<br />
underst<strong>and</strong>. Krebs resolves them thus :
244 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 72, 73<br />
(c) PEB. xi. (Fayyum, 108 a.d.), an agreement regarding<br />
the sharing of two parts of a house, is a specially finely<br />
preserved copy which Wessely has issued in fac-simile.^ " On<br />
the back is the red stamp, circular, <strong>and</strong> having a diameter of<br />
9*7 centimetres ; close to the outer edge there is a circular<br />
line, then, inside this, a circle formed by the letters (each 1<br />
centimetre in length) :<br />
—<br />
L t/S' AvTOKpdTopo
N. 73] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 245<br />
have been issued. At all events, the seal of Augustus<br />
bears no effigy,<br />
3. As to the purpose of the seal there can hardly be any<br />
doubt. Wessely^ thinks indeed that one might "take it<br />
to be a credential that the material v^ritten upon was pro-<br />
duced in the imperial manufactory ; or to be the credential<br />
of an autograph document ". But, in our opinion, the<br />
former alternative cannot be entertained. The seal in<br />
PEE. xi., for instance, is much too large for the factory-mark<br />
of the Papyrus ; so considerable a space of the valuable<br />
material would surely not have been <strong>from</strong> the first rendered<br />
unfit for use by stamping. And there is yet another reason.<br />
So far as the date of the preserved seals can still be made<br />
out, it corresponds to the year of the particular document.<br />
Now, if the seal be a factory-mark, this would be a remark-<br />
able coincidence. It is rather intended to be the guarantee of<br />
an autograph document. It is affixed to a contract by the<br />
competent authorities, making the document legally vahd.<br />
This hypothesis is confirmed by the under-mentioned copy<br />
of a similar document :<br />
on<br />
it there is no seal, but the legend<br />
is faithfully copied on the margin. The seal, then, belongs<br />
to the document as such, not to the papyrus.<br />
Looking now at the stamped documents with respect to<br />
their contents, we find that in five instances (including the<br />
under-mentioned copy) there are three bills of sale or pur-<br />
chase. The other two documents are in contents closely<br />
allied to these. Wessely - has already called special atten-<br />
tion to this in regard to the deed of partition ; but BU. 183<br />
also relates to a similar matter.^<br />
4. We are indebted to a fortunate coincidence for the<br />
knowledge of the official name of this imperial seal. PER.<br />
^ In connection with PER. xi., p. 37.<br />
^ In connection with PER. xi., p. 34.<br />
^ We are of opinion that, by a more exact examination of the frag-<br />
ments of bills of sale <strong>and</strong> similar documents of the 1st <strong>and</strong> 2nd centuries,<br />
so far as their originals are extant, we might discover traces of a seal in<br />
other instances.
246 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 74, 75<br />
iv. is the copy of a bill of sale <strong>from</strong> the Fayytim, belonging<br />
to the 12th year of the Emperor Claudius (52-53 A.D.). It<br />
consists of three parts, viz., the actual substance of the agree-<br />
ment, the procuratorial signature, <strong>and</strong> the attestation by the<br />
ypacfyelov, an authority whom Wessely describes as the<br />
" graphische Eegisteramt ". Each of these three parts is<br />
prefaced by a note stating it to be a copy, thus :<br />
dvTLypa
N. 75, 67] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 247<br />
what we now know of the emperor's %a/)a7/ia, we can very<br />
well underst<strong>and</strong> the 'x^dpa'yfia of the beast. The yapa'^y^a of<br />
the Apocalypse is not, of course, wholly identical with its<br />
contemporary prototype. The seer acted with a free h<strong>and</strong> ;<br />
he has it that the mark is impressed on forehead or h<strong>and</strong>,^<br />
<strong>and</strong> he gives the number a new meaning. It is in this point<br />
that ancient (apocalyptic ?) tradition may possibly have<br />
made its influence felt. But it has only modified ; the<br />
characteristic, not to say charagmatic, features of the proto-<br />
type can be recognised without difficulty.<br />
X^ipojpa^ov.<br />
The technical signification bond, certificate of debt, authen-<br />
ticated in reference to Col. 2 ^* by Clavis ^ <strong>and</strong> Thayer in<br />
Plutarch <strong>and</strong> Artemidorus only, is very common in the<br />
Papyri. Many of the original x^i'Poypa(l>ct, indeed, have been<br />
preserved ; some of these are scored through <strong>and</strong> thus<br />
cancelled {e.g. BU. 179, 272, FEB. ccxxix). The following<br />
passages <strong>from</strong> Fayyum Papyri may be cited for the word<br />
FEB. i. 29 (83-84 a.d.), xiii.3 (110-111 a.d.), BU. 50 5.10. is (115<br />
A.D.), 69 12 (120 A.D.), 272 4.16 (138-139 a.d.), 300 3. 12 (148<br />
A.D.), 301 17 (157 A.D.), 179 (reign of Antoninus Pius), FEB.<br />
ix.6. 9 (Hermopolis, 271 a.d.).<br />
As in 1 Cor. 7 ^'^ ^^ ^^ , a technical expression for divorce<br />
also in the Fayyum Papyri.'- In the marriage-contracts there<br />
are usually stated conditions for the possibility of separation ;<br />
these are introduced by the formula eav 8e [01 ya/j,ovvT€
248 bible <strong>studies</strong>. [n. 75, 76<br />
5. Phrases <strong>and</strong> Formulae.<br />
eK TMv recraapcov dve/jioyv.<br />
One might imagine the formula (LXX Zech. 11 '\ Mark<br />
13 "\ Matt. 24 ^^) to be a mere imitation of the corresponding<br />
Hebrew one. But it occurs also in PER. cxv. e (Fayyum,<br />
2nd cent, a.d.) [yeLTo]v€
N. 76, 77] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 249<br />
trouble any further about it, were it not that the Papyri<br />
indicate how Paul may have come to make this particular<br />
insignificant change. In the deed of partition PER.<br />
xi.23f. (Fayyum, 108 a.D.) we read ev/xeveraxxav [o/] ofioXo-<br />
yovvTeii iv toI
250 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 78<br />
B.C.) we have Kada koI ev Tol
N. 79] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 251<br />
ii. 11 (Elephantine, 232 a.d.) euda cnrov8d['i re /cat 8e]7;cret9<br />
7roir}adfxevo
252 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 79, 80<br />
Acts. Note especially the formula kuto. to Wo^; (Luke 1 ^,<br />
2*^): BU. 250 17 (reign of Hadrian) KaOapo'i Kara to e^o?,<br />
131 5 (2nd-3rd cent, a.d.) <strong>and</strong> 96 is (2nd half of 3rd cent, a.d.)<br />
KUTCi TO, ' P(i)/juai(ov €07},^ 347 i. 17, ii. 15 (171 A.D.) <strong>and</strong> 82 12 (185<br />
A.D.) freptTfiTjOrjvac kuto. to 6^09 (c/. Acts 15^ TrepcTfMrjdrjTe tw<br />
edei M(ovaeo)(;).<br />
Manifold authorities for the phrase in connection with<br />
2 Cor. 12 ^*, 1 Pet. 4 ^ Acts 21 ^^ ; it is found also in the Fayyum<br />
documents of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, BU. 240 27 <strong>and</strong><br />
80 [=446] 17. The construction can be made out in the<br />
latter passage only ;<br />
is followed by the infinitive.<br />
as in all the New Testament passages it<br />
Tov Oeov deXovTo^, etc.<br />
Similar pagan formulae have long since been referred<br />
to in connection with the New Testament passages. The<br />
Fayyum Papyri reveal how widespread its use must have<br />
been, even in the lower strata of society. With tov Oeov<br />
6ekovTo
N. 81] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 253<br />
(Fayyiim, 2nd-3rd cent, a.d.) like e medio tollo in the proper<br />
sense.<br />
arro rov vvv.<br />
This formula, employed in 2 Cor. 5 ^^, as also often by<br />
Luke (Gospel, <strong>and</strong> Acts 18 -), is very common in the Fayyum<br />
legal documents. We find it in the following combinations :<br />
atro Tov vvv eVl tov a-iravra ^^poi^oi/ PER. iv. 9. i7 (52-53 A.D.),<br />
xi.G (108 A.D.), BU. 350 19 (reign of Trajan), 193 ii. n (136<br />
A.D.) ; airo rov vvv et? rov aei ^povov 282 5 (after 175 A.D.) ;<br />
[a7r]o rov vvv eirl rov ael koI arravra [^poi^oi'] 4569 (348 A.D.);<br />
also st<strong>and</strong>ing by itself, airo rov vvv 153 u (152 A.D.) <strong>and</strong> 13 u<br />
(289 A.D.).<br />
A corresponding form, /i€;^/o[tJ t[oi)] vvv (cf. ci'xpi rov vvv<br />
Eom. 8"^ Phil. 1^), is found in BU. 256 9 (Fayyum, reign of<br />
Antoninus Pius).<br />
Kar ovap.<br />
The references for this phrase, as found in Matt. 1 '^^,<br />
2 ^'^ ^- ^^- '^'\ 27 ^'', cannot be supplemented by Perg. 357 ^ (Koman<br />
times) [/cjar' ovap or IMAe. 979 4 1. (Carpathus, 3rd cent,<br />
A.D.) Kara ovap ; in these cases the phrase does not mean in<br />
a dream, but in consequence of a dream, like Kar ovecpov in Perg.<br />
327 (late Koman ^).<br />
Trapatrio^ aya6(ov.<br />
In the letter of Lysias to the Jews, 2 Mace. 11 ^^, it is<br />
said Kal et? ro Xotirov Treipdao/nai 7rapalrio
254 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 81, 82<br />
to the Mitylenians, Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Ahad. 1889, pp. 960,<br />
965. Elsewhere also, e.g. in Dittenberger, 252, 2 ; 280,<br />
23". IMAe. 1032 11 (Carpathus, 2nd cent. B.C.) 7rapaiTio
N. 82, 83] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 255<br />
aries of King Eumenes I., soon after 263 a.d.) [7rap]e^ofiai Se<br />
Kol Tr)v [d]XX,7]p j^^peLav evv6a)
256 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 83, 84<br />
'lo'uXiO'i Bdaaoi;<br />
rfj yXv/cvraTj}<br />
[y^vvaiKi, (j)L\dvSp[Q)]<br />
Koi (f)L\OTeKPO),<br />
avv/3iQ}(Td(Tr}<br />
dfjbeUTTTOO'i<br />
err] \'<br />
An Inscription of the imperial period, <strong>from</strong> Paros, GIG.<br />
2384 \ similarly extols a wife as (f)i,XavBpov koi (ficXoiracSa.<br />
We need no evidence to prove that precisely a combination<br />
of this kind could readily become popular,<br />
TO avro (f)poveiv.<br />
This formula <strong>and</strong> others of similar formation which are<br />
current in the writings of the Apostle Paul have been found<br />
in Herodotus <strong>and</strong> other writers.'- The epitaph IMAe. 149<br />
(Rhodes, 2nd cent. B.C.), in which it is said of a married<br />
couple, ravrd \eyovT€
N.84,85] LANGUAGE OF THE GEEEK BIBLE. 257<br />
dfieravoTjTO^.<br />
According to Clavis^, p. 21, found only in Lucian, Abdic.<br />
11 ; Thayer, p. 82, adds Philo, De Praem. et Poen. § 3 (M. p.<br />
410). In PEPi. ccxvi. 5 (Fayytim, l8t-2nd cent. A.D.), the<br />
word is used, passively, of a sale {Kvplav kol ^e^aiav koI<br />
d/j,€Tav6r]Tov)<br />
.<br />
diroKpLfia.<br />
For this manifestly very rare word in 2 Cor. 1 ^, Clavis ^<br />
p. 43, gives only the reference Joseph. Antt. 14, 10, 6<br />
Thayer, p. 63, supplements this by Polyb. Excpt. Vat. 12,<br />
26 '', 1 ; in both passages an official decision is meant. The<br />
word occurs in the same sense in the Inscription (particularly<br />
worthy of consideration by reason of its proximity in time<br />
to the Pauline passage) IMAe. 2 4 (Khodes, 51 a.d.), in which<br />
rd evKTaiorara diroKpiixara certainly relates to favourable<br />
decisions of the Emperor Claudius.<br />
ttp/ceT09.<br />
Outside the N. T. only authenticated hitherto in Chry-<br />
sippus (in Athen. 3, 79, p. 113 b); is also found in the<br />
Fayyum Papyri BU. 531 ii. 24 (2nd cent, a.d.) <strong>and</strong> 33 5<br />
(2nd-3rd cent. a.d.).<br />
aaird^ofjiai,.<br />
With the meaning pay Gyve's respects (Acts 25 ^^, Joseph.<br />
Antt. 1, 19, 5 ; 6, 11, 1), also in the Fayyum Papyri BU. 347<br />
i. 3, ii. 2 (171 A.D.) <strong>and</strong> 248 12 (2nd cent. a.d.).<br />
Of the special meaning ^ furtim sepono in John 12 ^ BU.<br />
the<br />
Fayyum Papyri yield a number of fresh examples :<br />
361<br />
iii. 10 (end of 2nd cent, a.d.), 46 10 (193 a.d.), 157 s (2nd-3rd<br />
cent. A.D.). The last two documents contain speeches of<br />
the public prosecutor in regard to cases of theft.<br />
^ The more general meaning also is found in B U. 388 ii. 24 (Fayyum,<br />
2nd-3rd cent. a.d.).<br />
17<br />
;
258 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.85,86<br />
Without entering into the controversy over Matt. 11 '-<br />
<strong>and</strong> Luke 16 ^'", the author wishes only to estabhsh the<br />
following facts. Cremer *', p. 215, thinks that it may be<br />
considered as " demonstrable " that the word in Matthew<br />
must be taken as a passive : " As a deponent it would give<br />
no sense whatever, since /3id
N. 86, 87] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 259<br />
A word belonging" to the Greek <strong>Bible</strong> which the Papyri<br />
are brinoring again to hfe, after the exegetes had well-nigh<br />
strangled it. With reference to the passages James 1 ^ to<br />
hoKifiLov v/jLmv t^9 TrtcTTe&j? Karepyd^erai vTrofxovrjv, <strong>and</strong> 1 Pet.<br />
1 '<br />
'tva TO SoKL/xiou vfxcoj' Ty]^ TTtcrreo)? iroXvTLfioTepov ')(^pu
260 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 87, 88<br />
Rainer's collection. In the pawn-ticket FEB. xii. e f. (93 a.d.)<br />
there are mentioned gold buckles of the weight of 1^ minae of<br />
good gold (xpvaov Soki/ilov); the marriage contract xxiv. 5 (136<br />
A.D.) enumerates ornaments in the bride's dowry to the<br />
value of 13 quarters of good gold {-x^pvaov hoKifieiov *"^) ; a fragment<br />
of the same contract, xxvi., reads in Hne e \j(pvcr']iov<br />
\hoK\LiJiiov, <strong>and</strong> in line 9 [x/^]i'[o']ol' [K\oKi\^^^dov ^"'<br />
;<br />
similarly<br />
the fragments of marriage contracts xxiii. 4 (reign of<br />
Antoninus Pius) [xpvatov] SoKei/xetov **^, xxii. 5 (reign of<br />
Antoninus Pius) [xpv]o-Lov SoIki/jllov], <strong>and</strong> xxi. 12 (230 a.d.)<br />
[xp^(^ov] BoKLfiiov. There can be no doubt about the meaning<br />
of this SoA;t/xto9, <strong>and</strong>, in addition, we have the advantage of<br />
possessing a Papyrus which gives information on the matter.<br />
The marriage contract, PER. xxiv., is also preserved in a<br />
copy, <strong>and</strong> this copy, FEB. xxv., line 4, reads ;)(;puo-ioi; Bokl/j^ov<br />
instead of the ^puaou SoKifieiov of the original. Now this<br />
BoKifiov can hardly be a clerical error, but rather an easy<br />
variant, as iminaterial for the sense as ;;^pucrtou for xp^^^ov :<br />
BoKi/uLiof; has the meaning of B6ki/j,o^ proved, acknowledged,<br />
which was used, precisely of metals, in the sense of valid,<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ard, genuine {e.g., LXX Gen. 23^*^ apyvpiov SoKLf^ou,<br />
similarly ] Chron. 29 *, 2 Chron. 9 ^^<br />
ticulars in Cremer ^, p. 335 f.).<br />
xP^^^V SoKifxw ;<br />
par-<br />
Hence, then, the adjective SoKi/jLco'i, proved, genuine, must<br />
be recognised, <strong>and</strong> may be adopted without misgiving in both<br />
the New Testament passages.^ ro BoKi/jitov vfMcov Trj
N.88,89] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 261<br />
2 Cor. 8 ^ TO T^
262 BIBLE STUDIES. [N. 89,90<br />
translators, for the Greek word can mean neither crucible nor<br />
workshop. We must therefore deal with the Greek sentence<br />
as we best can. If, with Kiihl, we take Bokluiov as a sub-<br />
stantive equivalent to means of testing (which hoKLfitov [or<br />
SoKifiiov '?] can quite well mean), then the sentence runs :<br />
The ivorcls of the Lord are pure loords, silver purified by fire, a<br />
seven times refined means-of-testing for the earth (or for the<br />
l<strong>and</strong> ?). Such would, indeed, be the most obvious render-<br />
get a tolerable<br />
We ing,^ but what is gained thereby '?<br />
meaning only by taking hoidixLov adjectivally : the loords of<br />
ike Lord are pure luords, genuine silver, purified by fire, seven<br />
times refilled, for the l<strong>and</strong>. Godly men cease, untruth <strong>and</strong><br />
deceit are found on every side, a generation speaking great<br />
things has arisen :<br />
but<br />
Jahweh promises succour to the<br />
wretched, <strong>and</strong>, amidst the prevailing unfaithfulness, His<br />
words are the pure, tried defence of the l<strong>and</strong>. Taken somewhat<br />
in this way, the sentence fits into the course of thought<br />
in the Greek psalm.<br />
Finally, the texts of the LXX yield still further testimony<br />
to the existence of this adjective. In 1 Chron. 29 ''j<br />
B" ' gives the reading ()pyvpiov BoKifxiov instead of apyvpuov<br />
BoKL/jiov. The same confusion of So/ctfto? <strong>and</strong> hoicLiJ,to^, which<br />
we have already seen in the Papyri <strong>and</strong> the New Testament<br />
MSS., is shown in Zech. 11 ^^ : instead of Soki/jlov, ^ ""'^'^ Q*<br />
(Marchalianus, 6th cent, a.d., Egypt) have BoKifitov, Q'*<br />
SoKifM€lOV.<br />
i/CTeveia, iKTevco
N.90,91] LANGUAGE OF THE GBEEK BIBLE. 263<br />
But few references for this word are given in connection<br />
with Acts 1 1^ Luke 24 •• A, etc. ; cf. BU. 16 K 12 (Fayyum,<br />
159-160 A.D.) ')(^p(t)[/uL]evov epeaU eoSi'^crecn}<br />
KaKoirdOeia or KaKOTraOia.<br />
For this word in James 5 ^^, usually written KaKoirdSeta,<br />
Clavis^, p. 222, gives only the meaning vexatio, calamitas,<br />
aerumna, <strong>and</strong> Beyschlag ^ expressly rejects the meaning vexa-<br />
tionnm patientia. Cremer ^, p. 749, likewise enters the<br />
passage under affliction, pains, misfortune, but this must be<br />
an error, as he again records it three lines below under<br />
the other meaning, hearing of affliction. The context sup-<br />
ports this interpretation (though we cannot think it<br />
impossible that James might have said : Take<br />
an example<br />
<strong>from</strong> the prophets in affliction <strong>and</strong> patience). From the re-<br />
ferences given in Clavis we might judge that this sense of<br />
the word could not be authenticated. But the passages<br />
quoted by Cremer, 4 Mace. 9 ^ <strong>and</strong> Plut. Num. 3, 5, may be<br />
supplemented by references <strong>from</strong> the Inscriptions. In IMAe.<br />
1032 10 (Carpathus, 2nd cent. B.C.) rav irdcrav eKreveiav kol<br />
KaKoiradiav '7rape')(6/jievo
264 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.91,92<br />
Inscription of Sestos (ca. 120 B.C.), that " of course " the<br />
word at first meant suffering of misfortune, but that, in the<br />
Inscription, it has the more general meaning of exertion,<br />
endurance, which meaning, he says, is also met with in con-<br />
temporary Inscriptions, <strong>and</strong> is much more frequent in<br />
Polybius than the common one.<br />
The objection may be made that these are in reality<br />
two different words with different meanings. But even<br />
granting that KaKoiradia is of different formation <strong>from</strong><br />
KaKoirddeia,^ there still remains the question whether the<br />
traditional KaKoiradeia'i may not be an itacistic variation of<br />
KaKOTradia'i. The present writer would, with Westcott <strong>and</strong><br />
Hort, decide for this alternative, <strong>and</strong> read KaKorrradia^ (so<br />
B* <strong>and</strong> P).<br />
KaraKpL^a.<br />
This rare word is authenticated (apart <strong>from</strong> Eom. 5 ^^- ^^,<br />
8^) only in Dion. Hal. 6, 61. All the less should the follow-<br />
ing passages be disregarded. In the deed of sale, PEB. i.<br />
(Fayyum, 83-84 a.d.), hneisf., it is said of a piece of l<strong>and</strong><br />
that it is transferred to the purchaser KaOapa diro Travroff<br />
otjieiXrjfjbaro'i diro [xev 8r]/j.o(TiCi)v reXeafidrcov (le) iravrcov koI<br />
[eTeptov er\ho)v koX dpra/Siaiv -' Kal vav^Kov koI dpiOp^riTtKOiv Kal<br />
evrt/SoyV?}? K(i)fir)^ Kal KaraKpifMaTcov iravroyv Kal Travro
N.92,93] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. '265<br />
of evidence (? Evidenzhaltungssteuern), of the additional pay-<br />
ments of the village-comviunities— in short, of all payments of<br />
every kind ; in line 3-.' of the same Papyrus he again renders<br />
[/cara^pt/iaTjcwj/ by taxes. We doubt the accuracy of these<br />
renderings, though ourselves unable to interpret the word<br />
with certainty. We, nevertheless, conjecture that it<br />
signifies a burden ensuing <strong>from</strong> a judicial pronouncement<br />
—a servitude. One may perhaps render legal burden. We<br />
are of opinion that the meaning poena condemnationem<br />
sequens, which was accepted by earlier lexicographers, but<br />
which is now no longer taken into consideration by Clavis ^<br />
<strong>and</strong> Cremer^—a meaning in accordance with the abovementioned<br />
usage— is particularly suitable in Rom. 8 ^ ; cf.<br />
Hesychius :<br />
KaTuKpcfia'<br />
KaTdfcpiat apxefXTropfov.^<br />
Here we have the construction with vtto as in Acts 10 ^'^<br />
16 ^ 22^1 So in an Inscription <strong>from</strong> Naples, IGrSI. 758<br />
10 f. (second half of 1st cent, a.d.), fxe/xaprvprj/jievov v(f>^ i)fi(bv<br />
Scd T€ TTJV TCOV rpOTTCdV KOCT/jLlOTIJTa.<br />
fieTa Kai.<br />
With the late pleonastic Kai after ixerd in Phil 4*"^<br />
Blass^ rightly compares avv Kai in Clem. 1 Cor. 65 \ In<br />
the Papyri we have found /xera Kai only in BU. 412 et. (4th<br />
p. 429.<br />
^ Quotation <strong>from</strong> Mommsen, BomiscJie Geschichte, v, *, Berlin, 1894,<br />
^ See p. 64, note 2.<br />
' Ch: des Neutest. Griechisch, p. 257. [Eng. Trans., p. 263.]
266 BIBLE STUDIES. [N.93,94<br />
cent. A.D.); auv Kai is more frequent, e.VL0V.'^<br />
Neither Clavis ^ nor Thayer gives any authority earHer<br />
than Polybius (t 122 B.C.) for the meaning pay ; it is only<br />
when, guided by their reference, we consult Sturz, De Dial.<br />
Mac, p. 187, that we find that, according to Phrynichus,<br />
the comedian Men<strong>and</strong>er (t 290 B.C.) had already used the<br />
word in this sense. Soon afterwards, in the agreement (pre-<br />
served in an Inscription) of King Eumenes I. with his<br />
mercenaries, we find it used several times, Perg. 13 7. is. u<br />
(soon after 263 B.C.)—always in the singular. Note in liner<br />
the combination o-^oovlov Xafi^dveiv as in 2 Cor. 11 ^. The<br />
singular is used in the Papyri for army pay, BU. 69$<br />
(Fayyum, 120 a.d.) ; for wages of the v8po(f)v\aK€
N.94,96] LANGUAGE OF THE GREEK BIBLE. 267<br />
Attalus writes in a letter to the council <strong>and</strong> people of Pergamus<br />
that his mother Stratonike has brought rov Ala rov<br />
Sa^d^iov TraTpoTrapdSoTov ^ to Pergamus.<br />
a/xapdyBLVo';.<br />
Apart <strong>from</strong> Rev. 4 ^, Glavis ^ gives no references at all.<br />
Thayer adds Lucian. In PEB. xxvii. s (Fayyum, 190 a.d.)<br />
the word is used to describe a woman's garment : emerald-green.<br />
ri]pr^cn^.<br />
As in Acts 4^, 5^^, imprisonynent, ward, also in BU. 388<br />
iii. 7 (Fayyum, 2nd-3rd cent, a.d.) eKeXevaev S/xapajBov kuI<br />
EvKaipov 6t
1<br />
IV.<br />
AN EPIGKAPHIC MEMOEIAL OF THE<br />
SEPTUAGINT.
€1 apaye if/rjXa(f>T^(r€iav avTov Koi evpoiev.
AN EPIGEAPHIC MEMORIAL OF THE SEPTUAGINT.<br />
The Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translation of the Old Testament passed<br />
<strong>from</strong> the sphere of Jewish learning after Hellenistic Judaism<br />
had ceased to exist. Later on, the very existence of a Greek<br />
translation was completely forgotten.^ It is therefore all<br />
the more interesting to follow the traces which reveal any<br />
direct or indirect effects which the Septuagint had upon the<br />
common people—their thoughts <strong>and</strong> their illusions.<br />
The materials for a knowledge of the popular religious<br />
<strong>and</strong> ethical ideas of the Jews <strong>and</strong> Christians in the imperial<br />
period are more meagre than those which yield us the<br />
thoughts of the cultured <strong>and</strong> learned. But those materials,<br />
scanty though they be, have not as yet been fully worked.<br />
Scholars are usually more interested in the theologians of<br />
Tiberias, Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, Antioch <strong>and</strong> Rome, than in such<br />
people as found their edification in the " Apocryphal<br />
Legends, Gospels <strong>and</strong> Acts. But surely it is erroneous to<br />
suppose that we have a satisfactory knowledge of the history<br />
of religion when we have gained but a notion of the origin<br />
<strong>and</strong> development of dogma. The history of religion is<br />
the history of the religious feeling {Beligiositdt) not that of<br />
theology, <strong>and</strong> as truly as religion is older than theology,<br />
as truly as religion has existed in every age outside of<br />
theology <strong>and</strong> in opposition to dogma, so imperious must<br />
grow the dem<strong>and</strong> that we shall assign a place in the gallery<br />
of history to the monuments of popular piety. These are<br />
' Cf. L. Dukes, Literat ivrhistorische Mittlieilungen uber die altesten<br />
hebi-aischen Exegeten, Grammatiker zi. Lexikographen (Ewald & Dukes,<br />
Beitrdge, ii.), Stuttgart, 1844, p. 53 ; Schurer, ii., p. 700 ff. [Eng. Trans., ii.,<br />
lii., p. 168 f.]; J. Hamburger, Real-Encyclopddie fur Bibel und Talmud, ii.,<br />
Leipzig, 1883, p. 1234.<br />
— "
272 BIBLE STUDIES. [24<br />
necessarily few. For while theology, <strong>and</strong> the religion of<br />
theologians, have always been capable of asserting them-<br />
selves, the religion of the people at large has not been<br />
concerned to raise memorials of itself. Thus it is not to be<br />
wondered at that the copious literature of theology should,<br />
so far as appearance goes, stifle the insignificant remains of<br />
the people's spontaneous expression of their religion^—not<br />
to speak of the fact that much that was of value in the latter<br />
was intentionally destroyed. That which was extra-theo-<br />
logical <strong>and</strong> extra-ecclesiastical was looked upon by the ofi&cial<br />
theology as a priori questionable. Why, even at the present<br />
day, most of those productions of ancient popular religion<br />
come to us bearing the same stigma : we are accustomed<br />
to think of them as Apocryphal, Heretical, Gnostic, <strong>and</strong> as<br />
such to ignore them.<br />
But those ideas, further, which we commonly designate<br />
as Superstition ^ seem to the author to deserve a place in the<br />
history of popular religion. The ordinary members of the<br />
community, townsman <strong>and</strong> peasant, soldier <strong>and</strong> slave, went<br />
on living a religious life of their own,^ unaffected by the<br />
theological tendencies around them. We may very well<br />
doubt, indeed, whether that which moved their hearts was<br />
religion in the same sense as Prophecy or the Gospel, but<br />
their faith had received <strong>from</strong> the illustrious past the religious<br />
temper, at least, of ingenuous <strong>and</strong> unquestioning childhood.<br />
Their faith was not the faith of Isaiah or of the Son of Man ;<br />
still, their " superstition " was not wholly forsaken of God.<br />
A devout soul will not be provoked by their follies, for<br />
throughout all their " heathenish " myth-forming <strong>and</strong> the<br />
natural hedonism of their religion there throbbed a yearning<br />
anticipation of the Divine.<br />
The superstitions of the imperial period do not permit<br />
1 A similar relation subsists in kind between the materials of literary<br />
speech <strong>and</strong> of popular speech.<br />
2 J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, ii.^, Gottingen, 1854, p. 1060, says<br />
"Superstition formed in some ways a religion for the homes of the lower<br />
classes throughout ".<br />
3 C/. F. Piper, Mythologie der christUchen Kunst, Erste Abth., Weimar,<br />
1847, p. ix. f.
25] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 273<br />
of being divided into the three classes : Heathen, Jeivish,<br />
Christian. There is frequently no such clear distinction<br />
between the faith of the Heathen <strong>and</strong> the Jew <strong>and</strong> that of<br />
the Christian. Superstition is syncretic in character :<br />
this<br />
fact has been anew confirmed by the extensive recently-<br />
discovered remains of the Literature of Magic. And yet it<br />
is possible, with more or less precision, to assign certain<br />
fragments of these to one of the three departments named.<br />
The hterary memorial which is to be discussed below<br />
has been influenced in the most marked degree by the ideas<br />
of Greek Judaism, or, what is practically the same, of the<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Old Testament. After a few remarks about<br />
the circumstances of its discovery,^ the text itself is given.<br />
The tablet of lead upon which the Inscription is scratched<br />
comes <strong>from</strong> the large Necropolis of ancient Adrumetum, the<br />
capital of the region of Byzacium in the Roman province<br />
of Africa. The town lies on the coast to the south-east of<br />
Carthage. In connection with the French excavations which<br />
have been successfully carried on there for some time, the<br />
rolled-up tablet was incidentally found by a workman in the<br />
1 The author here follows the information which G. Maspero, the first<br />
editor of the Inscription, gave in the Collections du Musee Alaoui, premUre<br />
serie, Q" livraison, Paris, 1890, p. 100 ff. A phototypic fac-simile of the tablet<br />
forms the frontispiece of Bibelstudien. Only after the original issue of the<br />
present work did the author learn of the sketch by Josef Zingerle in Philologus,<br />
liii. (1894), p. 344, which reproduces the text <strong>from</strong> Revue archeologiqiie, Hi t. xxi.<br />
(1893), p. 397 ff. (Reprint <strong>from</strong> Collections du Musee Alaoui, i., p. 100 ff.) The<br />
text has been discussed also by A. Hilgenfeld, Berl. Philol. Wochenschrift, xvi.<br />
(1896), p. 647 ff.; R. Wunsch, CIA. Appendix (1897), xvii. f. ; <strong>and</strong> L. Blau, Das<br />
altjildische Zauberwesen (1898), p. 96 ff. The tablet has been noticed (with obser-<br />
vations by A. Dieterich) by P. Hiller von Gaertringen in the Sitzungsherichte<br />
der Berlitier Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1898, p. 586. Cf. also Schiirer, ^iii.,<br />
p. 298 f. Individual textual conjectures <strong>and</strong> exegetic proposals are found in<br />
the various critiques of the Bibelstudien. The author hopes subsequently<br />
to take special advantage of the new exegetic material afiorded by Hilgenfeld<br />
^nd Blau in particular. In the following he has corrected his former reading<br />
AofiiTiavai/ (line '') to AofiiTiaviiy, <strong>and</strong> (line j^)<br />
iVa avrriv to iV axn^v. Hilgen-<br />
feld's assertion (p. 648) that Ao^iTia»''(/v should be read throughout is erroneous.<br />
18
274 BIBLE STUDIES. [26, 28<br />
June of 1890 ; ^ he noticed it only when a prong of his mattock<br />
had pierced the roll. This damaged the tablet in three places."<br />
There were also other three holes in the lead— probably<br />
caused by a nail with which the roll had been perforated.<br />
The tablet is thus damaged in six places, but the few letters<br />
which are in each case destroyed permit, with one exception,<br />
of being easily supphed.<br />
We read the text thus<br />
^ :<br />
—<br />
OpKi^co (T€, Saifioviov TTvevfjua to ivOdhe Ket^ievov, ro) ovo-<br />
fiaTL Tw a'yiu) Acod<br />
A^[aw]d Tov deov tou A^paav kul top law top rov<br />
laKOv, laoi<br />
Line 2, \aKov: M. corr. 'I((r)a«:ou.<br />
^ In 1889 a tabula devotionis had been discovered in the Necropolis of<br />
Adrumetum, <strong>and</strong> it was discussed by M. Breal <strong>and</strong> G. Maspero in the fifth<br />
instalment of the Collections (1890) just cited; it, too, contains a love-spell,<br />
but is, apart <strong>from</strong> a few Divine names, free <strong>from</strong> biblical ideas <strong>and</strong> phrases.<br />
A third tablet of Adrumetum, the publication of which was prospectively<br />
announced on the cover of the eighth instalment, has not yet been issued.<br />
Professor Maspero of Paris, Member of the Institute of France, had the great<br />
kindness to inform the author (16th April, 1894) that the contents of this<br />
tablet <strong>and</strong> similar unpublished pieces were likewise non-Jewish. In CIL.<br />
viii., S^ippl. i. (1891), sub Nos. 12504-12511, there have recently been brought<br />
together some tabulce execrationuyn discovered in Carthage, of which the<br />
last affords some parallels to our tablet : see below.<br />
—<br />
Cf. now the copious<br />
material collected by R. Wiinsch in the CIA. Appendix coniinens de-<br />
fixionuni tabellas in Attica regione repertas, Berlin, 1897 ; also M. Siebourg,<br />
Ein gtwstisches Goldamulet aus Gellep, in Bonner Jahrbilcher, Heft 103 (1898),<br />
p. 123 ff.<br />
2 We imagine that these are the three holes upon the right margin<br />
of the tablet.<br />
^ We have indicated the divergent readings of Maspero by M. The<br />
numerous errors in accentuation which his text contains are not noted here.<br />
Restorations are bracketed [], additions (). We have left unaccented the<br />
Divine names <strong>and</strong> the other transcriptions, not knowing how these were<br />
accented by the writer of the tablet <strong>and</strong> the author of his original text. To<br />
furnish them with the " traditional " accents given in the editions of the<br />
Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, so far as the names in question occur there, serves no purpose,<br />
to say nothing of the fact that these " traditional " accents themselves cannot<br />
be scientifically authenticated. Cf. Winer-Schmiedel, § 6, 8 fe (p. 75 f.). [Eng.<br />
Trans., p. 59.]
28, 29] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 275<br />
Au)[6 A^]a(od deov rov la-pa/jua • ukovo-ov tov 6v6/xaTO
276 BIBLE STUDIES. [29, 30<br />
Ovp^ava, Trpo? rrjv AojxiTLavav, fjv €T€K6v Kavhihn, epoivra<br />
Kal oeufie-<br />
vov avTri
30, 31] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 277<br />
40 eT€K€v Ovp^a(va), irpof; ttjv Ao/j,iTiavav, fjv erexev Kav"<br />
BiSa, ipoJi'Ta<br />
fiai[v]6/jL€vov fSaaai'i^o/xevov iirl rfi a?/ca fxi'-jre irapdivov eTTidviMovvra, /ulovtjv 8e rrjv Ao-<br />
lxiTia\vav\<br />
rjv ereKep KavSiSa, avfjil3[t]ov e^^i-v oXw T[
278 BIBLE STUDIES. [32<br />
thee by him who crusheth the rocks. I adjure thee by<br />
him who parted the mountains. I adjure thee by him<br />
who holdeth the earth upon her foundations. I adjure<br />
20 thee by the sacred Name which is not uttered ; in the<br />
[ ] I will mention it <strong>and</strong> the demons will be startled,<br />
terrified <strong>and</strong> full of horror, that thou bring Urbanus,<br />
whom Urbana bore, <strong>and</strong> unite him as husb<strong>and</strong> with<br />
Domitiana, whom C<strong>and</strong>ida bore, <strong>and</strong> that he loving<br />
may beseech her ; at once ! quick ! I adjure thee by<br />
him who set a lamp <strong>and</strong> stars in the heavens by the<br />
comm<strong>and</strong> of his voice so that they might lighten all<br />
25 men. I adjure thee by him who shook the whole world,<br />
<strong>and</strong> causeth the mountains to fall <strong>and</strong> rise, who causeth<br />
the whole earth to quake, <strong>and</strong> all her inhabitants to<br />
return, I adjure thee by him who made signs in the<br />
heaven <strong>and</strong> upon the earth <strong>and</strong> upon the sea, that thou<br />
bring Urbanus, whom Urbana bore, <strong>and</strong> unite him as<br />
30 husb<strong>and</strong> with Domitiana, whom C<strong>and</strong>ida bore, so<br />
that he, loving her, <strong>and</strong> sleepless with desire of her,<br />
beg her <strong>and</strong> beseech her to return to his house as his<br />
wife. I adjure thee by the great God, the eternal <strong>and</strong><br />
almighty, whom the mountains fear <strong>and</strong> the valleys in<br />
35 all the world, through whom the lion parts with the<br />
spoil, <strong>and</strong> the mountains tremble <strong>and</strong> the earth <strong>and</strong> the<br />
sea, (through whom) every one becomes wise who is<br />
possessed with the fear of the Lord, the eternal, the<br />
immortal, the all-seeing, who hateth evil, who knoweth<br />
what good <strong>and</strong> what evil happeneth in the sea <strong>and</strong> the<br />
rivers <strong>and</strong> the mountains <strong>and</strong> the earth, Aoth Abaoth ;<br />
by the God of Abraan <strong>and</strong> the Jao of Jaku, the<br />
Jao Aoth Abaoth, the God of Israma, bring <strong>and</strong> unite<br />
40 Urbanus, whom Urbana bore, with Domitiana, whom<br />
C<strong>and</strong>ida bore,—loving, frantic, tormented with love <strong>and</strong><br />
affection <strong>and</strong> desire for Domitiana, whom C<strong>and</strong>ida bore;<br />
unite them in marriage <strong>and</strong> as spouses in love for the<br />
whole time of their life. So make it that he, loving,<br />
45 shall obey her like a slave, <strong>and</strong> desire no other wife or<br />
maiden, but have Domitiana alone, whom C<strong>and</strong>ida
33] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 279<br />
bore, as his spouse for the whole<br />
"<br />
thne of their life,<br />
at once, at once !<br />
quick,<br />
quick !<br />
Explanation.<br />
The tablet, as is shown not only by its place of origin<br />
(the Necropolis of Adruinetum belongs to the second <strong>and</strong><br />
third centuries, a.d. ; the part in which the tablet was<br />
found is fixed in the third), but also by the character of the<br />
lettering, is to be assigned to the third century,^ that is<br />
to determine it by a date in the history of the Greek <strong>Bible</strong><br />
— ;<br />
about the time of Origen.<br />
Maspero includes it among the Imprecation-tablets<br />
{Devotions- oder Defixionstafeln) not infrequently found in<br />
ancient '-^ tombs. A leaden tablet, rolled up like a letter,<br />
was placed in the tomb with the dead, in order, as it were,<br />
to let it reach the residence of the deities of the underworld<br />
to their vengeance was delivered the enemy whose destruction<br />
was desired.^ This tablet, however, contains no execrations<br />
against an enemy, but is a love-spell * dressed in the form of<br />
an energetic adjuration of a demon, by means of which a<br />
certain Domitiana desires to make sure of the possession of<br />
her Urbanus. The technical details of the spell have no<br />
direct significance for our subject ; we are interested only in<br />
the formulae by which the demon is adjured. It is upon<br />
these, therefore, that the greatest stress will be laid in the<br />
following detailed explanation.<br />
We may at once take for granted that these formulae<br />
were not composed by Domitiana herself. She copied them,<br />
or had them copied, <strong>from</strong> one of the many current books of<br />
Magic, <strong>and</strong> in doing so had her own name <strong>and</strong> that of the<br />
^ Maspero, p. 101.<br />
^ Cf. upon these A. Dieterich most recently, Fleckeisen's Jahrbb. Suppl.<br />
xvi., p. 788 ff. ; as regards the literature cf. also CIL. viii., Suppl. i., p. 1288,<br />
<strong>and</strong> specially Wiinsch, CIA. Appendix (1897).<br />
^ Cf. M. Breal, in the fifth instalment of the already-cited Collections<br />
(1890), p. 58.<br />
•* On<br />
this species of Magic cf. the instructive citations of E. Kuhnert,<br />
Feuerzauher, Bhein. Museum fur Philologie, N. F., vol. xlix. (1894), p. 37 ff.
280 BIBLE STUDIES. [34<br />
person loved inserted at the respective places. To conclude<br />
<strong>from</strong> the biblical nature of the formulae she used, that she<br />
must have been a Jewess, or even a Christian,^ would be a<br />
precarious inference; it seems to the author more probable that<br />
she <strong>and</strong> Urbanus, to judge <strong>from</strong> their names perhaps slaves or<br />
emancipated - persons, were " heathens ".^ Quite ingenuously<br />
the love-sick girl applied the spell, which her adviser asserted<br />
to be of use in love-troubles— just because it so stood, black on<br />
white, in the " Books ". On this assumption the historical<br />
value of the formulae is increased, for the formulae thus em-<br />
ployed in the third century must have been extracted by the<br />
writer of the book in question at a certainly much earlier<br />
date'' <strong>from</strong> the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Old Testament. In the Magic<br />
books now in Paris, Leiden <strong>and</strong> London, which were in the<br />
main composed before the third century, we find quite a<br />
multitude of similar adjurations compiled <strong>from</strong> biblical<br />
materials, <strong>and</strong> the task of subjecting these to a critical sur-<br />
vey is well worth while. ^ It would thus, for the reasons<br />
indicated, be a mistake, as the author thinks, to add this<br />
tablet to the proofs of the presence of Jews westwards of<br />
1 Maspero, p. 107 f. ^ Ibid., p. 107.<br />
^ This is directly supported by the fact that several of the best-known<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> names in the tablet are corrupt ; they have been incorrectly copied.<br />
Cf. the Explanation.<br />
* Cf. p. 323.<br />
^ C. Wessely, On tlie spread of Jewish-Christian religions ideas among<br />
the Egyptians, in TJie Expositor, third series, vol. iv. (London, 1886), No.<br />
xxi. (incorrectly xiii. on the part), pp. 194-204. Further in A. Dieterich,<br />
Abraxas, p. 136 ff. ; Blau, p. 112 ff. ; Schiirer,^ iii., p. 298 ff. A small collection<br />
of Hellenistic-Jewish invocations of God, which might be made<br />
on the basis of the Magic Papyri <strong>and</strong> Inscriptions, would be, in consideration<br />
of the relatively early period of their composition, certainly not without<br />
interest as regards the LXX-Text. Reference may also be made here to<br />
the biblical passages found in the Inscriptions. The author is unaware<br />
whether these have been treated of collectively <strong>from</strong> the st<strong>and</strong>point of textual<br />
criticism. They are also instructive for the history of the way in which the<br />
<strong>Bible</strong> has been used. In very few cases will they be found to have been<br />
derived <strong>from</strong> direct biblical readings.-—Beginnings of the task here indicated<br />
have been made by E. Bohl, Tlieol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1881, p. 692 if., <strong>and</strong><br />
E. Nestle, ibid., 1883, p. 153 f. Materials <strong>from</strong> the Inscriptions have recently<br />
been largely added to.
35, 36] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 281<br />
Cyrenaica, a collection of which has been made by Schiirer^<br />
so far as regards the imperial period.<br />
In detail, the following observations must be made :<br />
Line 1 f. It is the haitxainov irvevfxa of the tomb in<br />
which or upon which the spell was laid that is addressed.<br />
That the SaifxoiHa stay beside the grave is an idea of post-<br />
biblical Judaism :<br />
these<br />
—<br />
demons of the tomb help men in the<br />
practice of Magic- It is in the Papyri a frequently given<br />
direction, to make sure of the assistance of a spirit who resides<br />
in the grave of a murdered person or of one who has in any<br />
other way perished unfortunately.^ opKi^w tm ovofxarL tw<br />
a
—<br />
—<br />
282 BIBLE STUDIES. [36, 37<br />
J 384, ix. 7 ^ has made a similar corruption where he, in the<br />
midst oi a long series of Magical Divine names, writes<br />
A^paav, Tov laaK, top luKKOi^i ; SO also Codex B (Birch)<br />
has A^paav in Luke 3 ^'*. The interchanging of fi <strong>and</strong> v at<br />
the end of Semitic words is to be frequently seen elsewhere<br />
see below, p. 310 f. tov law lov tov Iukou: on lao) see<br />
below, p. 324 ; observe the article here. laKov was likewise<br />
left as it was ; probably it is a corruption of laaKov ; " even<br />
Josephus Graecises the simple transcription, as with most<br />
proper names ; laaK or laaaK he gives as "laaico'^.<br />
Line 3f. tov lo-pafxa: clearly a corruption of laparfK,<br />
arising <strong>from</strong> a copyist's error ; the A might easily become<br />
A. The use of the solemn designation the God of Abraham,<br />
of Isaac <strong>and</strong> of Jacob is exceedingly common in the Magical<br />
formulae.^ These names, according to Origen, had to be left<br />
untranslated in the adjurations if the power of the incantation<br />
was not to be lost.* aicovaov tov 6v6fjbaTo
37, 38] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 283<br />
TO 6vo/j,a avTov, similarly Ps. 98 [99]^; to ovofxa to iik^a of<br />
the name of God, Ps. 98 [99]^ Ezek. 36'^^ cf. Ps. 75 [76]^<br />
<strong>and</strong> Is. 33 ^^ ; the<br />
frequently applied<br />
combination yLteya? koI oi3ep6
284 BIBLE STUDIES. [38, 39<br />
similarly 11 ^- ; <strong>and</strong> with the idea, (f>o^€p6
39, 40] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 285<br />
Svvdfiet aov t7]v daXacrcrav, with which should be compared<br />
LXX Exod. 15 * : Kal 8ia 7n'eufj,aT0
286 BIBLE STUDIES. [40, 41<br />
(third cent, a.d.) in de cura houm § 19 (ed. Schuch) ^ h<strong>and</strong>s<br />
down the following healing charm : nee lapis lanam fert, nee<br />
lumbricus oculos habet, nee mula parit utricuhim ; similarly<br />
Marcellus (fifth cent, a.d.), De Medicam. viii. 191 (ed. Helm-<br />
reich) : ^ nee mitla parit nee lapis lanam fert nee huic morho<br />
caput creseat aut si creverit tabescat, <strong>and</strong> a Codex Vossianus ed.<br />
Piechotta Anecd. lat. clxx. : ^ " quod nmla non parit " et exspues,<br />
"nee cantharus aquam bibit" et exspues, '' ?iee palumba denies<br />
habet" et exspues, "sic mihi denies non doleant" et expues.<br />
Finally, reference must be made to a passage in the Leiden<br />
copy of the Codex Corbeiensis of Vegetius,* which gives the<br />
formula :<br />
focus alget, aqua sitit, cibaria esurit, mula parit, tasca<br />
masca venas omnes. But what comes nearest to our passage<br />
is a sentence preserved in a poem of the Codex Vindobonensis,<br />
93 : ^ herbula Proserpinacia, Horei regis filia, quomodo elausisti<br />
mulcB partum, sic claudas et undam sanguinis huius, <strong>and</strong> in a<br />
still more instructive form in the Codex Bonnensis, 218 (66 a) :<br />
herbula Proserpinatia, Hard regis filia, adiuro te per tuas virtutes,<br />
ut quomodo elausisti partum mulae, claudas undas sanguinis huius.<br />
Strange as at first sight the affirmation thus made of God<br />
may appear in connection with the others, we now see that<br />
in an incantation it is least of all strange. The Jewish com-<br />
piler of our text borrowed it <strong>from</strong> pagan sources, probably<br />
unconsciously but perhaps intentionally using a biblical<br />
phrase—<strong>and</strong>, indeed, the intention did not directly oppose<br />
the biblical range of thought.<br />
Line 16 f. rov htopiaavTa to (f)co
41, 42] A SEPTUAGINT MEMOEIAL. 287<br />
Line 17. rov awrpi^ovra Ta
288 BIBLE STUDIES. [42, 43<br />
wrote before the destruction of the Temple?^ AVe would<br />
therefore propose to consider o ov Xeyerai as a clause by<br />
itself : it expresses the well-known Jewish idea that the<br />
name of God is an 6vo/xa app-qrov,—see LXX Lev. 24^''<br />
ovofid^ayv Se to ovopa Kvplov OapciTW davarovcrOw ; Josephus,<br />
Antt. U. 12 4 : Kal o ^eo? avTM arjixaivet rrjv eavrou TrpoaijyopCav<br />
ov Trporepov et? di'dp(07rov
43, 44] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 289<br />
Line 23. ^8?; Ta')(^v, cf. line 47, ^8?/ rjhrj ra')(^v ra'y^v:<br />
a very frequent concluding formula in the incantations,^ which<br />
is still seen, e.g., on Coptic amulets of the 5th-6th <strong>and</strong><br />
"^<br />
11th centuries ;<br />
it is also to be restored, of course, at the<br />
end of the previously-cited Inscription <strong>from</strong> Carthage.*<br />
raxv for Ta;)^ea)9 is very common in the LXX.<br />
Line 23 ff. t6v (fxoaTij pa kuI dcrrpa iv ovpav^<br />
iroiTjaavTa: LXX Gen. l^^^', Kal eiroirjo-ev o ^eo? rov
290 BIBLE STUDIES. [44, 45<br />
eOero avrov^ o deo^ iv tco arepecofiari tov ovpavov ware (f)aiv€cv<br />
£7rt T^? 'yrj'i.<br />
Line 25 f. tov a-wcre [a-avra irdaav Trjv oIkov-<br />
ixevr)v : LXX Ps. 59 [60]^, aweaeiaa^ rrjv yrjv. For iraaav<br />
rrjv oLKovixevrjv, cf. LXX Is. 13^. Kal ra opt) €kt pa^V^i^-<br />
^ovTa Kal eK^pd^ovra:^ a repetition of the thought in<br />
hne 18, but verbally independent.<br />
—<br />
Line 26 f. tov iroLovvTa eKTpofXov ttjv yrjv aTraaiav):<br />
cf. LXX Ps. 103 [104] ^^ 6 iiri^XeTTcov evl Tr}v jrjv koI Troimv<br />
avTTjv Tpifietv ;<br />
eKTpo/xo'i does not seem to have been retained<br />
anywhere else, the LXX using evTpojjio^ in the same sense,<br />
Ps. 17 [18] « <strong>and</strong> 76 [77] 19.<br />
Line 27. {Kal) Katv i^ovTa 7rdvTa
45, 46] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 291<br />
surely have appeared first of all in the LXX), but popular<br />
Greek. ^<br />
—<br />
Line 33. ov (fjo^elrai oprj Kal v air at,: instead of<br />
the unmistakable ov Maspero writes ov. A specialising of<br />
the idea that the earth also has a " fear of God " : c/. LXX<br />
Ps. 32 [33] ^ (f)o^T}9i]T(o Tov Kvpcov TTcicra rj yrj, <strong>and</strong> Ps. 66 [67]*,<br />
(j)o^rid7]TQ)aav avrbv iravTa to, irepara Trjo^o^ rov<br />
KvpLov: perhaps this is the most difficult passage in the<br />
Inscription. iSdXXofiai {elSdWo/jbac) or lvhd\Xop,ai means to<br />
seem, appear, become visible, show oneself, also to resemble. The<br />
1 U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff in Guil. Schmidt's De Flavn losephi<br />
elocutione observationes criticae, Fleck. Jbb. Suppl. xx. (1894), p. 516.<br />
2 apiray/xa is used for the lion's prey in LXX Ezek. 22 ^s ; cf. 19 =• «.
292 BIBLE STUDIES. [46, 4T<br />
word does not occur in the LXX, but ivSaXfia, the noun, is.<br />
found in Jer. 27 [50]^'', probably in the sense of ghost, in<br />
Wisd. 17 ^ for image, which meanings are easily obtained<br />
<strong>from</strong> the verb. The first appearance of the verb in biblico-<br />
ecclesiastical literature, so far as the author knows, is in<br />
Clement of Rome, 1 Cor. 23 ^, ^lo /xr) 8i-\lrvx(OfJLev fir/^e lv8a\-<br />
Xeadd) rj '\jrv')(r) tj/mmv eirl ral
47, 48] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 293<br />
With regard to ov ff%et (f)6/3o
294 BIBLE STUDIES. [48, 49<br />
tablet, whether male or female, <strong>and</strong> the original author of<br />
the text cannot have been the same individual. No one<br />
apparently so familiar w^ith even the deeper thoughts of the<br />
Greek <strong>Bible</strong> could fall into such childish errors in the most<br />
everyday matters, such as the names of the patriarchs <strong>and</strong><br />
other things. It is in all probability most correct to suppose<br />
that the tablet (with the exception of such parts as referred<br />
to the particular case) was copied <strong>from</strong> a book of Magic, <strong>and</strong><br />
that even there the original text was already corrupt. If<br />
the tablet was itself written in the third century, <strong>and</strong> if<br />
between it <strong>and</strong> the compiler of the original text there was<br />
already a considerable period, in which corrupt copies were<br />
produced <strong>and</strong> circulated, then the second century A.D. will<br />
probably form a terminus ad quern for the date of its composi-<br />
tion ; nevertheless there is nothing to prevent our assigning<br />
to the original text a still earlier date.<br />
As the locality of the original composition we may<br />
assume Egypt, perhaps Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, not only <strong>from</strong> the general<br />
character of the text, but also by reason of the Egyptian<br />
origin of texts which are cognate with it.<br />
The author was a Greek Jew : ^ this follows incontro-<br />
vertibly, as it seems to us, <strong>from</strong> the formal character of<br />
the text. If we had in the incantation a succession of verbal<br />
citations <strong>from</strong> the Septuagint, the hypothesis of a Jewish<br />
author were certainly the most natural, but we should then<br />
have to reckon also with the presumption that some<br />
"heathen," convinced of the magic power of the alien God,<br />
may have taken the sayings <strong>from</strong> the mysterious pages of<br />
the holy <strong>and</strong> not always intelligible Book of this same God,<br />
very much in the same way as passages at large <strong>from</strong><br />
Horner^ were written down for magical purposes, <strong>and</strong> ;i.s<br />
to this day amulets are made <strong>from</strong> bibhcal sayings.^ Keally<br />
1 A. Hilgenfeld in Berl. Philol. Wochenschrift xvi. (1896), p. 647 ff.,<br />
considers that the author was a follower of the Samaritan Simon Magus.<br />
"^<br />
Cf. with reference to " Homeromancy," especially Pap. Lwid. cxxi.<br />
(third century a.d.), <strong>and</strong> the remarks upon this of Kenyon, p. 83 f.<br />
3 A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart, 2nd edition,<br />
thoroughly revised, Berlin, 1869, p. 321 f.
49, 50] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 295<br />
verbal quotations, however, such as could be copied mechani-<br />
cally, are almost entirely absent <strong>from</strong> our text, in spite of<br />
its extreme dependence in substance <strong>and</strong> form upon the<br />
Greek Old Testament. We have here an instructive example<br />
of the reproduction of biblical passages <strong>from</strong> memory<br />
vi^hich played such a great part in quotations <strong>and</strong> allusions<br />
in the early Christian writings. The compiler of our text<br />
certainly did not consult his Greek <strong>Bible</strong> as he set down one<br />
biblical attribute of God after another ; the words flowed<br />
<strong>from</strong> his pen without any consideration on his part of what<br />
might be their particular origin, or any thought of checking<br />
the letters in a scrupulous bibliolatry. Only a man who<br />
lived <strong>and</strong> moved in the <strong>Bible</strong>, <strong>and</strong>, indeed, in the Greek<br />
<strong>Bible</strong>, could write as he wrote. And if here <strong>and</strong> there some-<br />
thing got mixed with his writing which has no authority in<br />
the Septuagint, then even that speaks not against, but in<br />
favour of, our view. For the theological conception of the<br />
Canon has never been a favourite with popular religion,—we<br />
might almost say, indeed, with religion in general. In every<br />
age the religious instinct has shown an indiiference in re-<br />
spect to the Canon,—unconscious, unexpressed, but none the<br />
less effective—which has violated it both by narrowing it <strong>and</strong><br />
extending it. How many words of the canonical <strong>Bible</strong> have<br />
never yet been able to effect what Holy Scripture should !<br />
How much that is extra-canonical has filled whole generations<br />
with solace <strong>and</strong> gladness <strong>and</strong> religious enthusiasm<br />
Just as the Christians of New Testament times not infre-<br />
quently quoted as scripture words for which one should have<br />
vainly sought in the Canon (assuming that even then an<br />
exact demarcation had been made, or was known), so also<br />
does this text <strong>from</strong> Adrumetum, with all its obhgations to<br />
the <strong>Bible</strong>, manifest an ingenuous independence with regard<br />
to the Canon.<br />
In respect of form, the following facts also merit atten-<br />
tion. The text is almost wholly free <strong>from</strong> those grammatical<br />
peculiarities of the Septuagint which are usually spoken<br />
of as Hebraisms — a term easily misunderstood. This is a<br />
proof of the fact, for which there is other evidence as<br />
!
296 BIBLE STUDIES. [50, 51<br />
well,^ that the syntactic "influence " of the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian trans-<br />
lation was less powerful by far than the lexical. The spirit<br />
of the Greek language was, in the imperial period, sufficiently<br />
accommodating where the enlarging of its stock of terms<br />
was concerned ; the good old words were becoming worn<br />
out, <strong>and</strong> gropings were being made towards new ones <strong>and</strong><br />
towards the stores of the popular language—as if internal<br />
deterioration could be again made good by means of external<br />
enlargement. But notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing all this it had a sense of<br />
reserve quite sufficient to ward off the claims of a logic which<br />
was repugnant to its nature. The alleged "Jewish-Greek,"<br />
of which the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translation of the Old Testament is<br />
supposed to be the most prominent memorial, never existed<br />
as a living dialect at all. Surely no one would seriously affirm<br />
that the clumsy barbarisms of the Aramaean who tried to make<br />
himself understood in the Greek tongue were prescribed by<br />
the rules of a " Jewish-Greek " grammar. It may be, indeed,<br />
that certain peculiarities, particularly with regard to the<br />
order of words, are frequently repeated, but one has no right<br />
to search after the rules of syntax of a " Semitic Greek " on<br />
the basis of these peculiarities, any more than one should<br />
have in trying to put together a syntax of " English High-<br />
German " <strong>from</strong> the similar idioms of a German-speaking<br />
Englishman. We need not be led astray by the observed<br />
fact that Greek translations of Semitic originals manifest a<br />
more or less definite persistence of Semitisms ; for this per-<br />
sistence is not the product of a dialect which arose <strong>and</strong><br />
developed in the Ghettos of Alex<strong>and</strong>ria <strong>and</strong> Eome, but the<br />
disguised conformity to rule of the Semitic original, which<br />
was often plastered over rather than translated. How comes<br />
it that the syntax of the Jew Philo <strong>and</strong> the Benjamite Paul<br />
st<strong>and</strong>s so distinctly apart <strong>from</strong> that of such Greek transla-<br />
tions ? Just because, though they had grown up in the<br />
Law, <strong>and</strong> meditated upon it day <strong>and</strong> night, they were yet<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>rian <strong>and</strong> Tarsian respectively, <strong>and</strong> as such fitted<br />
their words naturally together, just as people spoke in Egypt<br />
^ Cf. the author's sketch entitled Die neutsstamentliche Formel " in<br />
Christo Jesu'' untersucht, Marburg, 1892, p. 66 f.
51, 52] A SEPTUAGINT MEMORIAL. 297<br />
<strong>and</strong> Asia Minor, <strong>and</strong> not in the manner of the clumsy pedan-<br />
try ^ of the study, submitting line after line to the power of<br />
an alien spirit. The translators of the Old Testament were<br />
Hellenists as well as were Philo <strong>and</strong> Paul, but they clothed<br />
themselves in a strait-jacket—in the idea perhaps that such<br />
holy labour dem<strong>and</strong>ed the putting on of a priestly garment.<br />
Their work gained a success such as has fallen to the lot of<br />
but few books :<br />
it became one of the " great powers " of history.<br />
But although Greek Judaism <strong>and</strong> Christianity entered into,<br />
<strong>and</strong> lived in, the sphere of its ideas, yet their faith <strong>and</strong> their<br />
language remained so uninjured that no one thought of the<br />
disguised Hebrew as being sacred, least of all as worthy of<br />
imitation,^—though, of course, there was but little reflection<br />
on the matter.<br />
Then the Tablet <strong>from</strong> Adrumetum manifests a peculiarity,<br />
well known in the literature of Hellenistic Judaism<br />
which, we think, ought also to be considered as one of<br />
form. This is the heaping iip of attributes of God, which<br />
appears to have been a favourite custom, especially in<br />
prayers.^ It is a characteristic of certain heathen prayers<br />
it was believed that the gods were honoured, <strong>and</strong> that the<br />
bestowal of their favours was influenced,* by the enumera-<br />
1 We would point out that this judgment upon the LXX refers only<br />
to its syntax. But even in this respect the investigation of Egyptian<br />
<strong>and</strong> vernacular Greek will, as it advances, reveal that many things that<br />
have hitherto been considered as Semitisms are in reality Alex<strong>and</strong>rianisms<br />
or popular idioms. With regard to the vocabulary the translators have<br />
achieved fair results, <strong>and</strong> have not seldom treated their original with<br />
absolute freedom. This matter has been more thoroughly treated in Articles<br />
II. <strong>and</strong> III. of the present work.<br />
^ The Synoptic Gospels, for instance, naturally occupy a special<br />
position, in so far as their constituent parts go back in some way to<br />
Aramaic sources. But the syntactic parallels to the LXX which they show<br />
are not so much an " after-effect " of that book as a consequence of the<br />
similarity of their respective originals.<br />
' Grimm, HApAT. iv. (1857), p. 45.<br />
* Grimm, ibid. The v/j.vcfSia Kpvrrr'fi of Hermes Trismegistos (given by<br />
A. Dieterich in Abraxas, p. 67), for example, affords information on this point,<br />
though, of course, it is very markedly pervaded by biblical elements.<br />
;
298 BIBLE STUDIES. [52, 53<br />
tion 'of their attributes. We think it probable that this<br />
notion also influenced the form of Judaeo-Greek prayers.^<br />
At all events we hear in thena the expression of the same<br />
naive tendency w^hich Grimm unjustifiably reproaches as " a<br />
misunderst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>and</strong> lack of the true spirit of prayer".<br />
Good words were given to God—something must be given<br />
His divine self-importance, as it were, was appealed to. It<br />
is children that flatter thus. With regard to this char-<br />
acteristic in prayer, unmistakably present also in our text,<br />
compare the prayer of the Three Men, then 3 Mace. 2^^'<br />
<strong>and</strong> 6^*"^-, but specially the following passages:<br />
2 Mace. 1<br />
^* ^'<br />
: /cvpie Kvpie 6 ^eo
53, 54] A SEPTUAGINT MEMOEIAL. 299<br />
temper of mind not entirely alien to religion, yet the employment<br />
of it, where the religious motive has given place to the<br />
liturgical, the unconstrained feeling of the true worshipper<br />
to the hterary interest of the prayer-book writer, is in general<br />
purely ritualistic, that is, formal. But the attributes of God<br />
which are found in the text <strong>from</strong> Adrumetum are of deep<br />
interest even in substance, when considered in reference to<br />
the choice which the compiler has made. It is true that<br />
they are here used as the vehicle of an incantation, but<br />
how different is their simplicity <strong>and</strong> intelligibility <strong>from</strong> the<br />
meaningless chaos of most other incantamenta ! The' context<br />
in which they st<strong>and</strong> must not cause us to ignore their religious<br />
value. If we put aside the adjuration of the demon<br />
for the trivial ends of a sickly affection, we are enabled to<br />
gain a notion of how the unknown author thought about<br />
God. The suspicion that he was an impostor <strong>and</strong> that he<br />
intentionally employed the biblical expressions as hocus-<br />
pocus is perhaps not to be flatly denied ; but there is nothing<br />
to justify it, <strong>and</strong> to assert, without further consideration, that<br />
the hterary representatives of magic were swindlers, would<br />
be to misapprehend the tremendous force with which the<br />
popular mind in all ages has been ruled by the " super-<br />
stitious " notion that the possession of supernatural powers<br />
may be secured through rehgion. Our compiler, just because<br />
of the relative simplicity of his formulae, has the right to be<br />
taken in earnest. What strikes us most of all in these are<br />
the thoughts which establish the omnipotence of God. The<br />
God, through Whom he adjures the demon, is for him the<br />
creator, the preserver <strong>and</strong> the governor of nature in its<br />
widest sense : He has, of course, the power to crush the<br />
miserable spirit of the tomb. But besides this conception<br />
of God, which impresses the senses more strongly than<br />
the conscience, <strong>and</strong> upon which the poetry of bibHcal <strong>and</strong><br />
post-bibhcal Judaism long continued to nourish itself,^ this<br />
unknown man has also extracted the best of what was.<br />
^ For a somewhat more remote application of this thought cf. J.<br />
Bernays, Die heraklitischen Briefe, Berlin, 1869, p. 29. The magic Papyri<br />
yield a multitude of examples of the idea.
300 BIBLE STUDIES. [54<br />
best in the Jewish faith, viz., the ethical idea of the God of<br />
prophecy, Who separates the pious <strong>from</strong> the transgressors<br />
because He hates evil, <strong>and</strong> the "fear" of Whom is the<br />
beginning of wisdom.<br />
Thus the tablet of Adrumetum is a memorial of the<br />
Alex<strong>and</strong>rian Old Testament. Not only does it reveal what<br />
a potent formal influence the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>, <strong>and</strong> especially<br />
the praise-book thereof, exercised upon the classes who<br />
lived outside of the official protection of the Synagogue <strong>and</strong><br />
the Church, <strong>and</strong> who thus elude the gaze of history, but it<br />
lets us also surmise that the eternal thoughts of the Old<br />
Testament had not wholly lost their germinative power<br />
even where, long after <strong>and</strong> in an obscure place, they had<br />
seemingly fallen among thorns.
V.<br />
NOTES ON SOME BIBLICAL PEKSONS<br />
AND NAMES.
Tov ^Xioy ainov dvareXXei iirl Trovqpov^ koI dya^ovs /cat /Sp^x^i lin<br />
Si/catWs Ktti dScKovs.
NOTES ON SOME BIBLICAL PERSONS AND NAMES.<br />
1. HELIODORUS.<br />
The Second Book of Maccabees has a wonderful story<br />
to tell of how Ejng Seleucus IV. Philopator made an un-<br />
successful attempt to plunder the temple-treasury in Jeru-<br />
salem. A certain Simon, who had occasion to revenge himself<br />
upon Onias the high-priest, had gone hurriedly to Apollonius,<br />
the Syrian governor of Coelesyria <strong>and</strong> Phoenicia, <strong>and</strong> had<br />
contrived to impress him with the most marvellous ideas<br />
of the temple property in Jerusalem. The king, having<br />
been informed of the sacred store, thought it well to send<br />
his minister Heliodorus to Jerusalem, with orders to bring<br />
back the gold with him. Heliodorus was the very man for<br />
such a mission. Having reached Jerusalem, neither the<br />
expostulations of the high priest nor the lamentations of<br />
the people were able to dissuade him. In the extremity of<br />
their distress recourse was had to prayer. And just as the<br />
heartless official <strong>and</strong> his minions were actually preparing<br />
to pillage the treasury, " there appeared unto them a horse<br />
with a terrible rider upon him, <strong>and</strong> adorned with a very<br />
fair covering, <strong>and</strong> he ran fiercely, <strong>and</strong> smote at Heliodorus<br />
with his fore-feet ; <strong>and</strong> it seemed that he that sat upon the<br />
horse had complete harness of gold. Moreover, two other<br />
young men appeared before him, notable in strength, excellent<br />
in beauty, <strong>and</strong> comely in apparel ; who stood by him<br />
on either side, <strong>and</strong> scourged him continually, <strong>and</strong> gave him<br />
many sore stripes. And Heliodorus fell suddenly to the<br />
ground <strong>and</strong> was compassed with great darkness ; but they<br />
that were with him took him up, <strong>and</strong> put him into a litter<br />
<strong>and</strong> carried him forth." A sacrifice offered by the high-
304 BIBLE STUDIES. [172<br />
priest saved the half-dead man, <strong>and</strong> then the two young<br />
men, apparelled as before, appeared to him again, <strong>and</strong> told<br />
him that he owed his life to Onias. Then Heliodorus, being<br />
asked by the king after his return, who might be the proper<br />
person to send on the same err<strong>and</strong> to Jerusalem, repHed<br />
" If thou hast any enemy or adversary to thy government,<br />
send him thither, <strong>and</strong> thou shalt receive him well scourged,<br />
if he escape with his life : for in that place without doubt<br />
there is an especial power of God ".<br />
The historical foundations of this tale in 2 Mace. 3,<br />
which is certainly better known to-day through Eaphael's<br />
picture than through its original narrator, are not so obvious<br />
as its pious aim. Grimm ^ is inclined to allow it a kernel of<br />
history ; up to verse 23 the story does not contain a single<br />
feature which might not have been literally true. Owing<br />
to the financial difficulties occasioned by the conclusion of<br />
peace with Bome, temple-robbings seem to have become,<br />
to some extent, the order of the day with the Seleucidae.<br />
Grimm therefore accepts the historicity of the attempt to<br />
plunder the temple, but leaves undecided the actual nature<br />
of the event, thus ornamented by tradition, by which the<br />
project of Heliodorus was bafifled. The author is not in a<br />
position to decide this question, though, indeed, the answer<br />
given by Grimm seems to him to be in the main correct.^<br />
But in any case the observation of Schiirer,^ viz., that the<br />
book as a whole (or its source, Jason of Gyrene) is not seldom<br />
very well-informed in the matter of details, is confirmed in<br />
the present passage.<br />
The book undoubtedly says what is correct of the hero<br />
of the story, Heliodorus,^ in describing him as first minister<br />
^HApAT. iv. (1857), p. 77.<br />
2 The author, however, finds, even previous to verse 23, features which<br />
are to be explained by the " edifying tendency " of the book.<br />
3 Schiirer, ii., p. 740 (= Mii., p. 360). [Eng. Trans., ii., ii., p. 211 f.]<br />
* According to the "fourth " Book of Maccabees, which uses this narrative<br />
for purposes of edification, it was not Heliodorus, but Apollonius, who<br />
tried to plunder the Temple. J. Freudenthal, in Die Flav. Joseph, beigelegte<br />
Schrift Ueber die Herrsch. der Vernunft, p. 85 f., is inclined to reject both<br />
reports as suspicious, but to consider that of i Mace, to be the better of the<br />
:
173] HELIODORUS. 305<br />
of the Syrian king. It is indeed true that this assertion is<br />
not vouched for in ancient hterature ; for Appian, Syr., p.<br />
45 (Mendelssohn, i., p. 416) makes mention of only one<br />
Heliodorus as tlvo^ tmv irepl rrjv avkrjv of Seleucus. But<br />
even if this note makes it more than "probable"^ that it<br />
refers to the same man as is alluded to in the Second Book<br />
of Maccabees, yet, if there were no further proof of the<br />
identity, it would be necessary to reckon seriously with the<br />
possibility that the author of that book, in accordance with<br />
his general purpose, transformed some mere court-official<br />
into the first minister of the king of Syria, in order to make<br />
still more impressive the miracle of his punishment <strong>and</strong> his<br />
repentance. But this very detail, suspicious in itself, can be<br />
corroborated by two Inscriptions <strong>from</strong> Delos, made known by<br />
Th. Homolle, which may be given here :<br />
—<br />
I.^ HXcoSco pov Ala')(y\ov ' AvT\^to')(^ea\<br />
rov avvTpocpov^ rod ^aaiXe(o
806 BIBLE STUDIES. [174<br />
for his kindness, <strong>and</strong> on account of his being well-affected<br />
towards the king, to the Delian Apollo.<br />
11.^ HXioBcopov Alo-)(y\ov tov a\yvrpo
175] HELIODORUS. 307<br />
Codices 19, 44, 71, etc., which substitute T^p77/iaT&)i/ for<br />
7rpay/j,dT(ov in this passage,^ have obviously been so influenced<br />
by the contents of the narrative as to turn the chancellor into<br />
a chancellor of the exchequer ; for such must have been the<br />
sense of the title given by them, viz., rov iirl tmv xpVH'"''^^^^-<br />
As for Syncellus (8th cent, a.d.), Chronogr., p. 529 7 (Bonn<br />
edition), w^ho likewise describes Heliodorus as 6 eVt r&v<br />
XpvM'O'Twv, he is probably dependent on these codices.^<br />
Evidence <strong>from</strong> the Inscriptions has extended our know-<br />
ledge thus far : Heliodorus came originally <strong>from</strong> Antioch,^<br />
<strong>and</strong> was the son of a certain Aischylos. In the lofty<br />
position of first minister of King Seleucus IV. Philopator,<br />
to whose familiar circle (avvTpo
308 BIBLE STUDIES. [176<br />
/cXr;cre&)9. Now even if it be true that " the Apostles " so<br />
named him, yet it is improbable that they were the first to<br />
coin the name, which rather appears to be an ancient one.<br />
The derivation given by the writer of the early history of<br />
Christianity is clear only as regards its first part :<br />
/3ap is of<br />
course the Aramaic '^'R, son, so frequently found in Semitic<br />
names. In regard to va^a
177] BAENABAS. 309<br />
Na^T)— Na^i was already in use as a personal name<br />
( = prophet) in the time of the LXX cannot be ascertained ;<br />
certainly, however, it had later on become known as such to<br />
the Jews through the Greek <strong>Bible</strong>. We might, then, possibly<br />
find this name in the -va^a
310 BIBLE STUDIES. [178<br />
<strong>and</strong> Nehuzaradan 2 Kings 25<br />
^ = (LXX) Na^ov^apSav. It<br />
is therefore highly probable that the form Bapvai3ov
179] MANAEN. 311<br />
is distinguished by the attribute 'Hpd}8ov rov rerpadp^ov<br />
avvrpo
312 BIBLE STUDIES. [180, 181<br />
his conlactaneus ascended the throne of his father. The<br />
interpretation companion in education is better :<br />
one might in<br />
this connection compare the play-mates of the Dauphin, who<br />
were, as a matter of course, taken <strong>from</strong> the best famihes,<br />
<strong>and</strong> of whom, later on, one or another continued, so far as<br />
consistent with the reverence that "doth hedge a king," to<br />
be the intimate friend of the prince, now come to man's<br />
estate. But this hypothesis is hkewise too special ; crvvTpo(^o
181, 182] SAULUS PAULUS. . 313<br />
4. SAULUS PAULUS.<br />
In Acts 13 ^ the words Sav\o
•gl4 BIBLE STUDIES. [182, 183<br />
Antiochus Inscription not made it more likely that the Latin<br />
usage is really a Graecism." ^<br />
W. Schmid seems to think that certain passages <strong>from</strong><br />
iElianus <strong>and</strong> Achilles Tatius are the earliest instances of this<br />
construction in the literature. But even in the literature<br />
the usage, most likely derived <strong>from</strong> the popular speech, can<br />
be shown to go much farther back. We find the reading<br />
''A\Ktfjio
183, 184] SAULUS PAULUS. 315<br />
Cyprus ; he had, Hke many natives of Asia Minor, many<br />
Jews <strong>and</strong> Egyptians of his age, a double name. We know<br />
not when he received the non-Semitic name in addition to<br />
the Semitic one. It will hardly be dem<strong>and</strong>ed that we should<br />
specify the particular circumstance which formed the occa-<br />
sion of his receiving the surname Paulos. The regulations<br />
of Eoman Law about the bearing of names cannot in this<br />
question be taken into consideration. If in Asia Minor or on<br />
the Nile any obscure individual felt that, in adopting a non-<br />
barbaric surname, he was simply adapting himself to the<br />
times, it is unlikely that the authorities would trouble themselves<br />
about the matter. The choice of such Graeco-Roman<br />
second names was usually determined by the innocent freedom<br />
of popular taste. But we can sometimes see that such<br />
names as were more or less similar in sound to the native<br />
name must have been specially preferred.^ In regard to<br />
Jewish names this is the case with, e.g., 'laKifi— "A\Kt/j,o
316 BIBLE STUDIES. [184, 185<br />
the case of the Tarsian Saov\,^ when he received a non-<br />
Semitic second name (we do not know the exact time, but<br />
it must have been before Acts 13 ^) the choice of JTa,{)\o
185, 186] SAULUS PAULUS. 317<br />
SO far (unless we are willing to go back to a difference in<br />
the sources) is the supposition ^ that the historian uses the<br />
one or the other name according to the field of his hero's<br />
labours ; <strong>from</strong> chap. 13 ^ the Jewish disciple ^av\G
1<br />
VI.<br />
GKEEK TRANSCKIPTIONS OF THE<br />
TETRAGRAMMATON.
Km (f}o/3r}$rj(TOVTaL to. eOvr) to ovofid crov Kvpu.
GEEEK TRANSCEIPTIONS OF THE TETRA-<br />
GRAMMATON.<br />
In a notice of Professor W. Dindorf's edition of Clement,<br />
Professor P. de Lagarde^ reproaches the editor, in reference<br />
to the passage Strom, v. 634 (Dindorf, iii. p. 27 25), with<br />
having " no idea whatever of the deep significance of his<br />
author's words, or of the great attention which he must pay<br />
to them in this very passage ". Dindorf reads there the form<br />
^laov as TO rerpdypa/nfiov ovofxa to fxvaTiKov. But in various<br />
manuscripts <strong>and</strong> in the Turin Catena to the Pentateuch ^ we<br />
find the variants 'la oval or 'la ove.'^ Lagarde holds that the<br />
latter reading " might have been unhesitatingly set in the<br />
text ; in theological books nowadays nothing is a matter<br />
of course ". The reading 'laove certainly appears to be th©<br />
original ; the e was subsequently left out because, naturally<br />
enough, the name designated as the Tetragrammaton must<br />
have no more than four letters.*<br />
The form 'laove is one of the most important Greek<br />
transcriptions of the Tetragrammaton usually referred to in<br />
seeking to ascertain the original pronunciation. F. Dietrich<br />
in a letter of February, 1866,^ to Franz Delitzsch, makes<br />
the following collection of these transcriptions :<br />
1 GGA. 1870, part 21, p. 801 ff. Cf. Symmikta, i., Gottingen, 1877, p. 14 f.<br />
2 Cf. upon this E. W. Hengstenberg, Die Authentic des Pentateuchs, i.,<br />
Berlin, 1836, p. 226 f.<br />
^ With reference to the itacistic variation of the termination, cf. the<br />
quite similar variants of the termination of the transcription El/xaXKovai<br />
1 Mace. 11^9 'ifiaAKoue, '2,ivfjLa\Kovi\, etc., <strong>and</strong> on these C. L. W. Grimm,<br />
HApAT. iii., Leipzig, 1853, p. 177.<br />
* Hengstenberg, p. 227.<br />
^ ZAW. iii. (1883), p. 298.<br />
21<br />
—
322 BIBLE STUDIES. [4,5<br />
Cent. 2. Irenaeus<br />
2-3. Clement<br />
3. Origen<br />
4. Jerome<br />
— Epiphanius<br />
5. Theodoret<br />
(Sam.)<br />
7. Isidore<br />
mn""<br />
{laove<br />
Ia/36<br />
^n^<br />
laod (?) 1<br />
laov<br />
laoo (lacu la)<br />
JaJio<br />
law<br />
n*"<br />
la—lAH<br />
la<br />
Ai'o {cod. Aug.<br />
la)<br />
Ja. Ja.<br />
It is an important fact that nearly all the transcriptions<br />
which have thus come down <strong>from</strong> the Christian Fathers<br />
are likewise substantiated by " heathen " sources. In the<br />
recently-discovered Egyptian Magic Papyri there is a whole<br />
series of passages which—even if in part they are not to be<br />
conceived of as transcriptions of the Tetragrammaton—merit<br />
our attention in this connection. As early as 1876 W. W.<br />
Graf Baudissin,^ in his investigation of the form ^Idw, had<br />
referred to passages relating to it in the Magic Papyri in<br />
Leiden^ <strong>and</strong> Berlin.'' Since that time the edition of the<br />
Leiden Papyri by C. Leemans/' <strong>and</strong> that of the Paris <strong>and</strong><br />
London Papyri by C, Wessely/ the new edition of the Leiden<br />
Papyri by A. Dieterich,*^ the latest pubhcations of the British<br />
p. 197 ff.<br />
i Wrongly questioned by F. Dietrich ; c/. p. 327 below.<br />
'^ F. Dietrich reads laov.<br />
^ Studien zur semitischen ReligionsgeschicJite, Heft i., Leipzig, 1876,<br />
^ At that time there were only the preliminary notes of C. J. C. Reuvens<br />
Lettres d M. Letronne sur Us papyrus bilingues et grecs . . . du niusfie d'an-<br />
tiquites dc I'universite de Leide, Leiden, 1830.<br />
•''<br />
Edited by G. Parthey, AAB., 1865, philol. und histor. Abhh., 109 f^'.<br />
•^ In his publication. Papyri Graeci viusei antiquarii publici Lugduni-<br />
Batavi, vol. ii., Leiden, 1885.<br />
"DAW. philos. -histor. Classe, xxxvi. (1888), 2 Abt. p. 27 ff. <strong>and</strong> xlii.<br />
(1893), 2 Abt. p. 1 ff.<br />
^ Papyrus magica musei Lugdunensis Batavi, Fleckeisen's Jahrbb.<br />
Suppl. xvi. (1888), p. 749 ft. (=the edition of Papyrus J 384 of Leiden).<br />
Dieterich, Abraxas, Studien zur Religions- Geschichte des spdteren Altertums,<br />
Leipzig, 1891, p. 167 Q. (= edition of Papyrus J 395 of Leiden). The author<br />
has to thank his colleague <strong>and</strong> friend the editor (now in Giessen) for divers<br />
information <strong>and</strong> stimulating opposition.<br />
:
5,6] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 323<br />
Museum,^ <strong>and</strong> other works, have rendered still more possible<br />
the knowledge of this strange literature, <strong>and</strong> an investiga-<br />
tion of these would be worth the trouble, both for the<br />
historian of Christianity '^ <strong>and</strong> for the Semitic philologist.^<br />
The Papyri in their extant form were written about the<br />
end of the third <strong>and</strong> beginning of the fourth century a.d. ;<br />
their composition may be dated some hundred years before<br />
—in the time of TertuUian.^ But there would be no risk of<br />
error in supposing that many elements in this literature be-<br />
long to a still earlier period. It is even probable, in view of<br />
the obstinate persistence of the forms of popular belief <strong>and</strong><br />
superstition, that, e.g., the books of the Jewish exorcists at<br />
Ephesus, which, according to Acts 19 ^^, were committed to<br />
the flames in consequence of the appearance of the Apostle<br />
Paul, had essentially the same contents as the Magic Papyri<br />
<strong>from</strong> Egypt which we now possess.^<br />
In the formulae of incantation <strong>and</strong> adjuration found in<br />
this literature an important part is played by the Divine<br />
names. Every possible <strong>and</strong> impossible designation of deities,<br />
p. 62 ff.<br />
1 F. G. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in tJie British Museum, London, 1893,<br />
2 Cf. A. Julicher, ZKG. xiv. (1893), p. 149.<br />
•^<br />
Cf. E. Schiirer, Geschichte des jildischen Volkes im ZeitaUer Jesu<br />
Christi, 3", Leipzig (1898), p. 294 ft'., <strong>and</strong> especially L. Blau, Das altj Udlsdie<br />
Zauberwesen (Jahresbericht der L<strong>and</strong>es-Babbinerschule in Budajyest, 1897-98),<br />
Budapest, 1898.<br />
* Wessely, i., p. 36 ft'. Though A. Harnack, Geschichte der altchrlst-<br />
lichen Litteratur bis Eusebius, i., Leipzig, 1893, p. ix., maintains that the age<br />
of the Magic Literature is as yet quite undetermined, this must so far be<br />
limited as that at least a terminus ad quem can be established on palseo-<br />
graphical <strong>and</strong> internal grounds for a not inconsiderable part of this literature.<br />
•'' The<br />
Book of Acts—if we may insert this observation here—manifests<br />
in this passage an acquaintance with the terminology of magic. Thus the<br />
expression to irfpiepya, used in 19 ^^, is a terminus technicus for magic ; of., in<br />
addition to the examples given by Wetstein, ad loc., Pap. Lugd., J 384, xii. is<br />
<strong>and</strong> 21, irepiepyia <strong>and</strong> nepiepydCo/jLai (Fleck. Jahrbb. Suppl. xvi., p. 816: cf.<br />
Leemans, ii., p. 73). So also irpa^is, 19^**, a terminus technicus for a particular<br />
spell, of which the indexes of Parthey, Wessely <strong>and</strong> Kenyon afford numerous<br />
examples. The ordinary translation artifice (Ranke) obliterates the peculiar<br />
meaning of the word in this connection. [English A.V. <strong>and</strong> R."V. deeds even<br />
more completely].
324 BIBLE STUDIES. [6,7<br />
Greek, Egyptian <strong>and</strong> Semitic, is found in profuse variety,<br />
just as, in general, this whole class of literature is character-<br />
ised by a peculiar syncretism of Greek, Egyptian <strong>and</strong> Semitic<br />
ideas.<br />
But what interests us at present are the forms which<br />
can in any way be considered to be transcriptions of the<br />
Tetragrammaton. For the forms which are h<strong>and</strong>ed down<br />
by the Fathers, in part still questioned, are all verified by the<br />
Papyri, v^th the sole possible exception of Clement's laove.<br />
To the examples given by Baudissin there is to be added<br />
such a large number <strong>from</strong> the Papyri since deciphered, that a<br />
detailed enumeration is unnecessary.^ The palindromic form<br />
Lacoat^ is also frequently found, <strong>and</strong>, still more frequently,<br />
forms that seem to the author to be combinations of it, such<br />
as ap^aOiao)} The divine name law became so familiar that<br />
it even underwent declension : elfxl 6eo
7, 8] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 325<br />
961 <strong>and</strong> 3033'^), <strong>and</strong> cawX (Paj). Paris. Louvre 2391 isi)," as also<br />
a whole mass of other combinations.<br />
laojia :<br />
(read) eVt rov fMercoirov iacoCa {Pap. Paris. Bihl. 7iat. 3257).'*<br />
larf<br />
occurs more frequently ; in particular, in the significant<br />
passage :<br />
—<br />
opKL^co ere kuto. tov deov tmv 'E/Bpaicov 'lijaov' la^a'<br />
larj' ajSpaoid' aia' dcoO' eXe' eXoi' arfOi' euV ttt/Sae;^* alSapfxa^i'<br />
la^a paov' a^eX^eX' Xcova' a^pa' p,apoia' /SpaKcwv {Pap. Paris.<br />
Bibl. nat. 3019 s.<br />
^<br />
; again, in the same Papyrus, 1222 ff. ® Kvpt,e<br />
law aiT] io)r] wlt] wlt] it] aicoac atov(o arjco 7]ai tea) 7]vco arji aco awa<br />
aerji vo) aev tat] ei\ One might surmise that the form larj<br />
in the latter passage should be assigned to the other mean-<br />
ingless permutations of the vowels/ But against this is to<br />
be set the fact that the forin is authenticated as a Divine<br />
name by Origen, that in this passage it st<strong>and</strong>s at the end of<br />
the series (the ei of the Papyrus should likely be accented el),<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus seems to correspond to the well-known form caoy at<br />
the beginning. Nevertheless, too great stress should not be<br />
laid upon the occurrence, in similar vowel-series, of purely<br />
vocalic transcriptions of the Tetragrammaton.<br />
Further, in the same Papyrus, istu * <strong>and</strong> igse ^ ; also in<br />
Pap. Lo7id. xlvi. 23.^**<br />
p. 294).<br />
1 Wessely, i., pp. 68 <strong>and</strong> 121. - Ibid., p. 144.<br />
^ Combined <strong>from</strong> laoi <strong>and</strong> la (c/. Baudissin, p. 183 f., <strong>and</strong> F. Dietrich,<br />
* Wessely, i., 126.<br />
^ Ibid., p. 120. This passage, so far as regards the history of religion,<br />
is one of the most interesting : Jesus is named as the Ood of tlie Hebrews ;<br />
observe the Divine names combined with aB (in reference to afieK&eX, cf.<br />
Baudissin, p. 25, the name of the King of Berytus 'Afie\$a\os) ; on aia <strong>and</strong><br />
io)3o see below, pp. .326 <strong>and</strong> .333 f. ; with reference to Ood (Egyptian deity) in<br />
the Papyri, cf. A. Dieterich, Abraxas, p. 70.<br />
^ Ibid., p. 75.<br />
* Wessely, i., p. 84. ^ Ibid., p. 94.<br />
" Kenyon, p. 66 ; Wessely, i., p. 127.<br />
^<br />
" Cf. upon these, p. 329 below.
326 BIBLE STUDIES. [8, 9<br />
This form is also found in W. Frohner's<br />
bronze tablet in the Museum at Avignon :<br />
^ issue of the<br />
the last two lines<br />
should not be read Kal
9, 10] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 327<br />
F. Dietrich has erroneously questioned this form.^ The<br />
following should be added to the citations given by Bau-<br />
dissin :<br />
—<br />
Pap. Lond. xlvi. 142 (lacor),^<br />
,, ,, xlvi. 470 (tacod),^<br />
Pap. Par. Bihl. nat. 3263 {iawO),'^<br />
Pap. Lugd. J 395, xxi.14 {a^pariawB),^<br />
Pap. Lond. xlvi. 56 {ap0adia(od),^<br />
Pap. Berol. 2 125 {afi^pid lacod).^<br />
With reference to the agglutination of a T-sound to<br />
t,a(o, cf. the literature cited by Baudissin.^ The Papyri yield<br />
a large number of examples of similar forms in -q)6. Similar<br />
forms with Greek terminations {e.g., ^apacodrjq) , in Josephus<br />
<strong>and</strong> others.^<br />
laove.<br />
Regarding Clement's form laove, the author calls atten-<br />
tion to the following passages :<br />
—<br />
6eo
328 BIBLE STUDIES. [10, 11<br />
dKova-droi fjboc '"^ iraaa yX(ba(Ta koI rrdaa (f>Q)Vi], ort iyo)<br />
elfiL Trepraco [/u./?^ %
11, 12] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 329<br />
bility. We must first of all investigate whether the said<br />
forms do not belong to the manifold permutations of the<br />
seven vowels/ which are all but universally considered to be<br />
capricious <strong>and</strong> meaningless, mocking every possible attempt<br />
at explanation, <strong>and</strong> which can therefore, now less than ever,<br />
yield a basis for etymological conjectures.<br />
An instructive collection of these permutations <strong>and</strong> com-<br />
binations of the seven vowels for magical purposes is found<br />
in Wessely's treatise, Ejyhesia Grammata.- That writer else-<br />
where^ passes judgment upon them as follows: "other<br />
[names] again appear to have no special meaning, for, just<br />
as magical formulae are formed <strong>from</strong> the seven vowels aerjiovo)<br />
<strong>and</strong> their permutations <strong>and</strong> combinations . . ., so in all<br />
probability there were magic formulae formed <strong>from</strong> the<br />
consonants also, now Hebraising, now Egyptianising, now<br />
Graecising, <strong>and</strong> without any definite meaning ". We are<br />
unable to decide whether this assertion concerning the<br />
consonantal formulae is correct. But certainly when the<br />
chaos of the vocalic formations is surveyed, the possibility<br />
of accounting for the great majority of the cases may be<br />
doubted.* If, then, it were established that the forms cited<br />
above should also be assigned to this class, they could, of<br />
course, no longer be mentioned in the present discussion.<br />
We should otherwise repeat the mistake of old J. M. Gesner,*<br />
who believed that he had discovered the Divine name<br />
Jehovah in the vowel series lEHflOTA.<br />
But in the present instance the matter is somewhat<br />
different, <strong>and</strong> the conjecture of Kenyon cannot be sum-<br />
marily rejected. To begin with, the form lacoovrje or lacoovrji,<br />
1 Cf. on this point Baudissin, p. 245 ff. ; Parthey,<br />
Abr., p. 22 f.<br />
p. 116 f. ; A. Dieterich,<br />
* The 12th Jahrcsb. ilber das K. K. Fianz-Josephs-Gymn. in Wien, 1886.<br />
3 Wiener Studien, viii. (1886), p. 183.<br />
* Let one example suffice : Pap. Lugd. J 395, xx. i flf. (A. Dieterich,<br />
Abr., p. 200 ; Leemans, i., p. 149 f.) : iiriKa\ov/xai ere ivevo waerjiacu aerjaieTjari<br />
lovuirvj] liovariCDTii. oiTjuttTj laiovrjavTf vrja lODLcaat ituai
330 BIBLE STUDIES. [12, IS<br />
in the first passage quoted, does not st<strong>and</strong> among other<br />
vowel-series ; on the contrary, it is enclosed on both sides by<br />
a number of indubitable Divine names. Further, the same<br />
form with insignificant modifications is found in various<br />
passages of various Papyri ; <strong>from</strong> this we may conclude<br />
that it is at least no merely hap-hazard, accidental form.<br />
Finally, its similarity with Clement's laove is to be noted.<br />
At the same time, wider conclusions should not be drawn<br />
<strong>from</strong> these forms—none, in particular, as to the true pro-<br />
nunciation of the Tetragrammaton :<br />
for the fact that in<br />
three of the quoted passages the form in question is followed<br />
by vocalic combinations in part meaningless, constitutes an<br />
objection that is at all events possible.<br />
The value of the vocalic transcriptions of the Tetragrammaton<br />
for the determination of its true pronunciation appears to us,<br />
by reason of the diffuse <strong>and</strong> capricious usage of the voivels which<br />
we find throughout the Magic Literature, to be at most very smalh<br />
The very great uncertainty of the traditional texts must also be<br />
urged as an objection to its being so employed. Nowhere<br />
could copyists' errors ^ be more easily made, nowhere are<br />
errors in reading by editors more possible, than in these<br />
texts. Let any one but attempt to copy half a page of such<br />
magic formulae for himself :<br />
the<br />
eye will be continually losing<br />
its way because there is no fixed point amidst the confusion<br />
of meaningless vowels by which it can right itself.<br />
Ia0€.<br />
It is thus all the more valuable a fact that the important<br />
consonantal transcription of the Tetragram, la^e, given by<br />
Epiphanius <strong>and</strong> Theodoret, is attested hkewise by the Magic<br />
Literature, both directly <strong>and</strong> indirectly. The author has<br />
found it four times in the collocation la/Se ^e/Svd :<br />
i^opKi^o) y/xa? rh aytov 6vo/j,[a<br />
€pr}iii(T6apr}apapapaxapapar](^6c(7<br />
1 Cf. Wessely, ii., p. 42, on the "frivolity" (Leichtfertigkeit) with which<br />
the copyists treated the magic formulae. The state of the text generally with<br />
regard to Semitic names in Greek manuscripts, biblical <strong>and</strong> extra-biblical, is<br />
instructive.<br />
—
13, 14] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 331<br />
lao) la/Se ^e^vd Xava^tcra4>\ai><br />
€KTi7ra/xfxovTro(f)8'r)VTii'a^o<br />
o TOiv oXcov ^aai\eu
332 BIBLE STUDIES. [14, 15<br />
where authenticated/ it is very precarious to see it in the<br />
^€l;e0vO of the Inscription. The mere absence of the X,<br />
indeed, would not be decisive- against Lenormant's idea, but<br />
certainly the v, which cannot be read as u,'-" is decisive, <strong>and</strong><br />
above all the great improbability of the assumption that the<br />
names of God <strong>and</strong> the Devil st<strong>and</strong> thus closely together.<br />
We consider it to be much less objectionable to explain*<br />
^e^v6 as a corruption of ilit^ll*, <strong>and</strong> to see in ca/Se l^e/SvO<br />
the familiar nii^l!? 71^T1\<br />
With reference to this identification, the author's col-<br />
league, Herr P. Behnke, Pastor <strong>and</strong> Repetent at Marburg, has<br />
kindly given him the following additional information :—<br />
" V = Heb. o is frequently found. The examples, how-<br />
ever, in which this vowel-correspondence appears before p<br />
should not be taken into account {"^72 = H'Vppa, "12 = Tvpo^,<br />
"^"iHn = 'iTajSvpcov, 'AralSvpcov, 12)113 = Kvpo
15, 16] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 333<br />
appears in 1'i33, which goes back to an original kanndr ; here<br />
therefore the v corresponds to an o which has been derived<br />
<strong>from</strong> a, as would be the case with -v6 = r»V). But it seems<br />
to me to be of greater consequence that the Phoenician pro-<br />
nunciation of Heb. 6 (<strong>and</strong> o) is y. Thus we have in the<br />
Poenulus of Plautus {ed. Eitschl) [chyl = ^^ = kuW], "'i^^JiD<br />
(= mausdi) given as myseJii ; jli^^ (sign, original form dth) as<br />
yth, jnt^T as syth. Moreover, Movers {Phoniz., ii., 1, p. 110)<br />
has identified Berytos with n'^*1^«l5., <strong>and</strong> Lagarde {Mitteil., i.,<br />
p. 226) has acknowledged the identification. It is thus quite<br />
possible that i^1^5!l!^ could have become ll,e^v6 in the mouth<br />
of a Phoenician juggler. Still, the omission of the a before<br />
dth in the pronunciation remains a difficulty."<br />
Perhaps Ia/3e is also contained in the word aepta^e-<br />
^cod {Pap. Lond. xlvi. s) ^ ; but the text is uncertain <strong>and</strong><br />
the composition of the word doubtful.<br />
Reference must finally be made to a number of forms,<br />
in respect of which the author is again unable to allow him-<br />
self a certain conclusion, but which appear to him to be<br />
corruptions of the form la^e, <strong>and</strong> therefore in any case to<br />
merit our attention :<br />
—<br />
la^oe, Pap. Lond. xlvi. b3 ;<br />
la^a^ is frequently found :<br />
^<br />
opKL^cv ere Kara rev deov tmv<br />
E0paiu>v 'Irjaov' ta/3a' lat]' a^apfia^' la^a paov.<br />
a^eX^eX . . . {Pap.<br />
Par. Bibl. nat. 3019 sf.),* iiriKakovfiai ae top<br />
pik
334 BIBLE STUDIES. [17<br />
Bibl. nat. i6-2i tr.)/ u/xa? e^opKi^w Kara rov laoi Kal tov (ra^awO<br />
Kal ahwvat ^aXca^a (Paj). Par. Bibl. nat. usifr.),'^<br />
la/Sa ebS caco (a gem-iiiscription) ^<br />
lajSatad^: iaoiO la^acoO {Paj). Par. Bibl. nat. am),^ Bta<br />
TO fieya evho^ov ovofia a^paafj. efieivaaeov/SawO ^aidu)^ eaia<br />
la/Saayd [Pa]). Lond. cxxi. -iu t.) "<br />
La^a^: av el ia/3ai: cru el Lairoi'i (Paj). Lond. xlvi. loi).'<br />
A. Dieterich^ thinks it superfluous "to seek a 'Id^r]
18] THE TETRAGRAMMATON. 335<br />
however, does not appear to the writer to be unanswerable.<br />
We must not of course so conceive of the dissemination of the<br />
form as if it had been consciously employed, in such various<br />
locahties, as the true name of the Mighty God of the Jews ;<br />
the writer of the Cumaean tablet simply copied it along with<br />
other enigmatic <strong>and</strong>, of course, unintelligible magic formulae<br />
<strong>from</strong> one of the numerous books of Magic, all of which, very<br />
probably—to judge <strong>from</strong> those still extant— point to Egypt<br />
as their native region. But Egypt was just the country which,<br />
because of the ethnological conditions, was most ready to trans-<br />
fer Jewish conceptions into its Magic. One may therefore not<br />
unjustifiably suppose that here especially the Tetragramma-<br />
ton was used by the magicians as a particularly efficacious<br />
Name in its correct pronunciation, which was, of course,<br />
still known to the Jews, though they shrank <strong>from</strong> using it,<br />
up to <strong>and</strong> into the Christian era. Thus we have been using<br />
the la^e not necessarily for the purpose of indicating the<br />
specifically Samaritan pronunciation as such, but rather as<br />
an evidence for the correct pronunciation. But we con-<br />
sider it quite possible to account for the occurrence of Ia^€<br />
in Egyptian Papyri by " Samaritan " influence. Besides<br />
the Jews proper ^ there were also Samaritans in Egypt.<br />
" Ptolemy I. Lagi in his conquest of Palestine had taken<br />
with him many prisoners-of-war not only <strong>from</strong> Judaea <strong>and</strong><br />
Jerusalem but also ' <strong>from</strong> Samaria <strong>and</strong> those who dwelt in<br />
Mount Gerizim,' <strong>and</strong> settled them in Egypt [Joseph. Antt.<br />
xii. 1]. In the time of Ptolemy VI. Philometor, the Jews<br />
<strong>and</strong> Samaritans are reported to have taken their dispute con-<br />
cerning the true centre of worship (Jerusalem or Gerizim)<br />
to the judgment-seat of the king [Joseph. Antt. xiii. 3 4]."''<br />
Some Papyri of the Ptolemaic period confirm the relatively<br />
early residence of Samaritans in Egypt. As early as the<br />
time of the second Ptolemy we find {Paj). Flind Petr. ii. iv.<br />
1 Cf. on the Jewish diaspora in Egypt, Hugo Willrich, Juden und<br />
Griechen vor der makkahdiscJien Erliebung, Gottingen, 1895, p. 126 ff. ; <strong>and</strong>,<br />
against Willrich, Schiirer, ThLZ. xxi. (1896), p. 35. Cf. also Wilcken, Berl.<br />
PMlol WocJienschrift, xvi. (1896), p. 1492 S.<br />
^ E. Schiirer, Geschichte des jildischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,<br />
ii., Leipzig, 1886, p. 502 (= nii., p. 24). [Eng. Trans., ii., ii., p. 230.]
336 BIBLE STUDIES. [19, 20<br />
11)1 mention of a place Samaria in the Fayyum, <strong>and</strong> two<br />
inhabitants of this Samaria, ©eoc^tAo? <strong>and</strong> Ilvppia^^ are<br />
named in Pap. Flind. Petr. ii. xxviii.^' Even more im-<br />
portant, in this connection, than such general information,<br />
is a passage in the supposed letter of Hadrian to Servianus,<br />
in which it is said that the Samaritans in Egypt, together<br />
with the Jews <strong>and</strong> Christians dwelling in that country,<br />
are all Astrologers, Aruspices <strong>and</strong> Quacksalvers.'^ This is<br />
of course an exaggeration ; but still the remark, even if the<br />
letter is spurious, is direct evidence of the fact that magic <strong>and</strong><br />
its alhed arts were common among the Egyptian Samaritans.<br />
We may also refer here to Acts viii. : Simon the magian was<br />
altogether successful among the Samaritans :<br />
" to him they all<br />
gave heed, <strong>from</strong> the least to the greatest, saying, This man is that<br />
poiver of God tvhich is called Great". ^ As the Divine name<br />
played a great part in the adjurations, we may conclude that<br />
the Samaritan magicians used it too—naturally in the form<br />
familiar to them. From them it was transferred, along with<br />
other Palestinian matter, to the Magic Literature, <strong>and</strong> thus<br />
it is explained why we should find it in a remote region,<br />
scratched by some one unknown, full of superstitious dread,<br />
upon the lead of the minatory magical tablet.<br />
1 In J. P. Mahaffy, Tlie Flinders Petrie Papijri, ii., Dublin, 1893 [14].<br />
The paging of the text is always given in brackets [ ] in Mahaffy. Vol. i.<br />
was published in Dublin, 1891.<br />
2 Mahaffy, ii. [97], conjectures that these are translations of Eldad <strong>and</strong><br />
Esau. With this he makes the further conjecture that the name @i6
VII.<br />
SPICILEGIUM.<br />
22
Lva /J-rj TL aTroXrjTai,
1. THE CHEONOLOGICAL STATEMENT IN THE<br />
PEOLOGUE TO JESUS SIRACH.<br />
'Ev yap TM oyBoqy koI rpiaKoarS erei eVi rov Evepyerov<br />
fiacrt\eoy
340 BIBLE STUDIES. [256<br />
Letronne/ written in reference to a passage in the Inscrip-<br />
tion of Rosetta to be noticed presently.<br />
The difficulty, nevertheless, can be removed. But<br />
certainly not by simply referring, as does 0. F. Fritzsche,^<br />
to the passages LXX Hagg. 1\ 2\ Zech. 1^ 7\ 1 Mace.<br />
13 *^ 14 2^ to which may be added LXX Zech. 1 \ for, all<br />
these passages being translations of Semitic originals, the eVi<br />
might be a mere imitation of 7, <strong>and</strong> would thus yield nothing<br />
decisive for the idiom of the Prologue to Sirach, which was in<br />
Greek <strong>from</strong> the first. The following passages seem to the<br />
present writer to be of much greater force. In an Inscription<br />
<strong>from</strong> the Acropolis,^ as old as the 3rd cent. B.C., we find in<br />
line 24 f. the words lepev'i y€v6/jL€vo
257, 258] EDICT AGAINST EGYPTIAN JEWS. 341<br />
<strong>from</strong> the Prologue to Sirach, perhaps he would have decided<br />
for this way of taking eiri, which so admirably suits the<br />
context. The two passages mutually support one another.<br />
But the usage of eVt is further confirmed by other passages<br />
of Egyptian origin. In Pap. Par. 15 ^ (120 B.C.) two al'^vir-<br />
Tiac (Tvyypa(pai are mentioned, which are dated as follows :<br />
p.id
!<br />
342 BIBLE STUDIES. [258<br />
8e TOP I3ov\6/jL€vov i(f> u> Trjv ovaiav rov efnri/rrTOVTO'i vtto ttjv<br />
€v6vvav Xrjy^erat koI e'/c tov ^aaiXiKov apyvplov Spa-y^fia'^<br />
Sca^y^iXia'i koX T7J
259] EDICT AGAINST EGYPTIAN JEWS. 343<br />
text, by which the received reading can be explained as<br />
being an attempt to make the statement more plausible.<br />
Hence Grimm gives it the preference, <strong>and</strong> " cannot hesitate<br />
for a moment " to accept the emendation of Grotius, viz.,<br />
Kol Toi
344 BIBLE STUDIES. [260<br />
warrant for the apprehension of two runaway slaves—raises<br />
the supposition to a certainty. The warrant first gives an<br />
exact description of each fugitive, <strong>and</strong> then sets forth a<br />
reward for their recapture, or for information concerning<br />
their whereabouts. When we place the two passages in<br />
parallel columns as below, we see at once the remarkable<br />
similarity between the formulae employed in each ; be it<br />
noted that the Maccabean passage has been correctly<br />
punctuated.<br />
3 Mace. 3 28. Pap. Par. 10.<br />
/MTjvvetv Be rov ySou- tovtov 09 av avaydyrj<br />
\o fjuevov, e(^' w Trjv ovcnav XTfyfrerat ')(aKK0V rakavra<br />
Tov e/iTrtTTTOi/TO? vTTo TT]v €v- Bvo T p t a')(^l,\ LU^ {8pa')(^/j,d
. which<br />
261] EDICT AGAINST EGYPTIAN JEWS. 345<br />
the third Book of Maccabees ; while, conversely, it may be<br />
maintained that the Ptolemaic edicts in Jewish-Alex<strong>and</strong>rian<br />
literature, even if they were each <strong>and</strong> all spurious, <strong>and</strong> were<br />
without value as sources for the facts, are yet of great<br />
historical importance, in so far, that is,^ as they faithfully<br />
represent the forms of official intercourse.<br />
What, then, shall we say of the "extraordinary" pro-<br />
clamation at the end of v. ^* ? There is no necessity what-<br />
ever that we should connect the passage itself (according to<br />
the ordinary reading) with slaves ; the present writer is<br />
surprised that Grimm did not perceive the much more<br />
obvious explanation, viz., that the invitation is really<br />
directed to the Jews. The edict threatened their freedom<br />
<strong>and</strong> their lives, as may not only be inferred <strong>from</strong> the circum-<br />
stances of the case, but as is also confirmed by the expression<br />
of their feelings once the danger had been happily averted :<br />
they felt that they were daovec^, eXevdepoi, v'7rep-)(apetav(i)0ij(T€TaL, is the<br />
older—though itself a corrupt—form of the text, the author<br />
would propose to make a trivial alteration, <strong>and</strong> read kuI rfj<br />
ekevdepia aTe(papcodr]aeTac.'^ The verb arecftavoo) has not<br />
infrequently the general meaning reward,'^ <strong>and</strong> this is what<br />
it means here.<br />
1 To say nothing of their value as indicating the wishes <strong>and</strong> ideas of<br />
the writers of them.<br />
•^ 3 Mace. 7 •^».<br />
'' In Trj eKeuOepia (TTe(pavajdri
346 BIBLE STUDIES. [262<br />
3. THE " LAEGE LETTEES " AND THE " MAEKS OF<br />
JESUS " IN GAL. 6.<br />
Paul began his preaching of the gospel to the Gala-<br />
tians in most promising circumstances ; they received the<br />
invalid traveller as a messenger of God, yea, as if it had<br />
been the Saviour himself v^ho sank down upon their thres-<br />
hold under the burden of the cross. Whereas others might<br />
have turned <strong>from</strong> Paul with loathing, they came to him,<br />
aye, <strong>and</strong> would have given away their eyes if by so doing<br />
they could have helped him. And then with childlike piety<br />
they gazed upon the majestic Form which the stranger<br />
pictured to them. Ever afterwards they were his children ;<br />
<strong>and</strong> like a father's, indeed, are the thoughts which, across<br />
l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> sea, bind him to the far-off churches of Galatia.<br />
True, he knows that they had forsaken their native idols<br />
with the zeal of the newly-awakened, but he also knows that<br />
they had not followed up this advance by full realisation<br />
of the sacred fellowship in which the majesty of the living<br />
Christ ever anew assumes human form. The confession<br />
regarding his own life in Christ, which Paul, on the very<br />
eve of his martyrdom, made to his dearest friends, had been<br />
confirmed in his own mind by the painful yet joyful experi-<br />
ence of his long apostolic labours among the churches : Not<br />
as though I had already attained ! So then, as he left these<br />
infant churches in Asia Minor, his heart, full of love <strong>and</strong><br />
gratitude, would yet have some foreboding of the dangers<br />
which their isolation might bring about ; we cannot imagine<br />
that he was one to think, with the blind affection of a father,<br />
that the newly-awakened had no further need of tutors <strong>and</strong><br />
governors. Nay, but rather that, as he prayed to the Father<br />
on their behalf, his remembrance of them would be all the<br />
more fervent.<br />
With their good-natured GaHic flightiness of disposition,<br />
these young Christians, left to themselves, succumbed to the<br />
wiles of their tempters. Paul was compelled to recognise<br />
that here too, the wicked enemy, who was always sowing<br />
tares among his wheat, did not labour in vain. In their
263] "LARGE LETTERS" AND "MARKS OF JESUS ". 347<br />
simple-hearted ignorance the Galatians had allowed them-<br />
selves to be bewitched by the word of the Law, <strong>and</strong>, in<br />
course of time, their idea of the man whom they had once<br />
honoured as their father in Christ became somewhat distorted<br />
in the light which streamed <strong>from</strong> national <strong>and</strong><br />
theological animosity.<br />
How shall we figure to ourselves the feelings of the<br />
Apostle as the news of this reached his ears ? If we would<br />
underst<strong>and</strong> not only the words, but, so to speak, also the<br />
spirit, of the Letter to the Galatians, we must, above<br />
all, endeavour to bring home to our minds the movements<br />
of this marvellous human soul. The keen biting polemic<br />
of the missive gives us to know exactly how Paul judged<br />
of the legal particularism of his opponents ; it was the<br />
salutary indignation of the reformer that guided his pen<br />
here. But we dare not assume that he meted out the<br />
same measure to the tempted as to their tempters. The<br />
bitter incisiveness with which he speaks of these churches<br />
does not proceed <strong>from</strong> the self-willed sullenness of the misinterpreted<br />
benefactor who is pleased to pose as a martyr<br />
it is rather the lament of the father who, in the unfilial<br />
conduct of his son, sees but the evil which the wrong-doer<br />
brings upon himself. The harsh <strong>and</strong> formal speech of the<br />
first page or two of the letter is that of the iraiSaywyo^; eot<br />
Xpiarov. But he speaks thus only incidentally ; once he<br />
has risen above the warfare of embittering words to the<br />
praise of the faith in Christ which may again be theirs,<br />
the warm feelings of the old intimacy will no longer be<br />
subdued, <strong>and</strong> the man who a moment before had feared<br />
that his labour among these foolish ones had been in vain,<br />
changes his tone <strong>and</strong> speaks as if he were addressing the<br />
Philippians or his friend Philemon.<br />
As in his other letters, so in this does Paul add to the<br />
words he had dictated to his amanuensis a postscript in his<br />
own h<strong>and</strong>writing. More attention ought to be paid to the<br />
concluding words of the letters generally; they are of the<br />
highest importance if we are ever to underst<strong>and</strong> the Apostle.<br />
The conclusion of the Letter to the Galatians is certainly a<br />
:
348 BIBLE STUDIES. [264<br />
very remarkable one. Once again, in short <strong>and</strong> clear anti-<br />
theses, the Law <strong>and</strong> Christ are set over against each other<br />
<strong>and</strong>, moreover, the fact that it is only his opponents whom<br />
he now treats severely, fully consorts with the mood of<br />
reconcihation with the church, to which, in course of writing,<br />
he had been brought. The letter does not close with com-<br />
plaints against the Galatians ; <strong>and</strong> in view of the occasion<br />
of the letter, this must be taken as signifying very much the<br />
same as what can be observed in the conclusion of other<br />
letters called forth by opposition, viz., the express indication<br />
of the cordiahty that subsisted between the writer <strong>and</strong> the<br />
readers. Paul has again attained to perfect peace—so far,<br />
at least, as concerns his Galatian brethren ;<br />
<strong>and</strong><br />
we are of<br />
opinion that in this placid frame of mind hes the explanation<br />
of the much-discussed words at the beginning of the auto-<br />
graph conclusion : See with how large letters 1 write unto you<br />
with mine own h<strong>and</strong>. The true mode of interpreting these<br />
words is to take them as a piece of amiable irony, <strong>from</strong> which<br />
the readers might clearly reahse that it was no rigorous<br />
pedagogue that was addressing them. The amanuensis,<br />
whose swift pen was scarcely able to record the eloquent<br />
flow of Paul's dictation upon the coarse papyrus leaves, had<br />
a minute commonplace h<strong>and</strong>writing. Between his fluent<br />
h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> that of Paul there was a pronounced difference ^—<br />
not only in the Letter to the G-alatians. Surely it is hardly<br />
quite accurate to say that Paul used large letters m the<br />
present isolated instance for the purpose of marking the<br />
importance of the words to follow. The large letters naturally<br />
suggest that the explanation rather lies in the formal <strong>and</strong><br />
external matter of cahgraphy, <strong>and</strong> the fact that Paul calls<br />
special attention to them can only be explained, as we<br />
think, on the theory indicated above. Large letters are<br />
calculated to make an impression on children ; <strong>and</strong> it is as<br />
his own dear foohsh children that he treats the Galatians,<br />
playfully trusting that surely the large letters will touch<br />
their hearts. When Paul condescended to speak in such a<br />
1 See the remarks of Mahafiy, i., p. 48.<br />
;
265] "THE MABKS OF JESUS." 349"<br />
way, the Galatians knew that the last shadows of casti^atory<br />
sternness had died <strong>from</strong> his countenance. The real stern-<br />
ness of the letter was by no means obliterated thereby ; but<br />
the feeling of coolness that might have remained behind was.<br />
now happily wiped away by Paul's thrice-welcome good-<br />
natured irony, <strong>and</strong> the readers were now all the more ready<br />
to receive the final message that still lay on his heart.<br />
The closing words present no difficulty in themselves..<br />
It is only the last sentence but one ^—one of the strangest<br />
utterances of Paul—which is somewhat enigmatical. Tov<br />
XoiTTov ^ KOTTOv; fiot /bLTjSel^ irapex^TO) • iyco yap ra (TriyjiaTa<br />
TOV 'Irjaov iv toi acofxari /xov /Sacrra^co, henceforth let no man<br />
trouble me, for I bear in my body (R.V. br<strong>and</strong>ed on my body) the<br />
marks of Jesus. Two questions arise here :<br />
first, what does.<br />
Paul mean by the marks of Jesus ? <strong>and</strong>, secondly, to what<br />
extent does he base the warning, that no one shall trouble<br />
him, upon his bearing of these marks ?<br />
" crriy^iara . . are signs, usually letters of the alphabet<br />
(Lev. 19 ^^), which were made upon the body (especially on<br />
the forehead <strong>and</strong> the h<strong>and</strong>s) by br<strong>and</strong>ing or puncturing,—<br />
on slaves as a symbol of their masters, on soldiers as a<br />
symbol of their leaders, on criminals as a symbol of their<br />
crime, <strong>and</strong> also, among some oriental peoples, as a symbol<br />
of the deity they served (3 Mace. 2^®, . . )."^ Hence an<br />
ancient reader would know perfectly well what these stig-<br />
mata were, but the very variety of their possible application<br />
renders less evident the special reference in the case before<br />
us. In any case, it seems to us quite evident that Paul is<br />
speaking metaphorically ; is alluding, in fact, to the scars<br />
of the wounds he had received in his apostohc labours,*<br />
<strong>and</strong> not to actual, artificially-produced arlyfiara. Sieffert^<br />
decides in favour of the hypothesis that Paul's intention<br />
was to describe himself as the slave of Christ ; but in that<br />
case, how can the yap possibly be explained ? We feel,<br />
in fact, that the yap is of itself sufficient to invalidate<br />
the hypothesis. Had Paul said the exact contrary ; had<br />
^ Gal. 6 ". "^ For rod \onrov cf. W. Schmid, Der Atticismus, iii., p. 135.<br />
» F. Sieffert, Meyer, vii. "><br />
(1886), p. 375. * 2 Cor, 11. * P. 876.
350 BIBLE STUDIES. [266<br />
he said, for instance, Henceforth go on troubling me as you<br />
will,^ —then the ydp would have admirably fitted the con-<br />
text ; that IS, Paul might have gone on to say, with<br />
proud resignation, I am accustomed to that, for I am naught<br />
but a despised slave of Jesus Christ.<br />
No one will seriously contend that Paul wished to com-<br />
the reference to<br />
pare himself with a br<strong>and</strong>ed criminal ; <strong>and</strong><br />
the tattooing of soldiers would seem' equally far-fetched.<br />
The ydp speaks against the latter explanation quite as<br />
forcibly as against the hypothesis of slave-marks ; for the<br />
miles christianus does not quench the fiery darts of the Evil<br />
One by striking a treaty, but by going forth to active warfare,<br />
armed with the shield of faith.<br />
The explanation of Wetstein ^ still seems to us to<br />
be the best ; according to this, Paul means sacred signs,<br />
in virtue of which he is declared to be one consecrated to<br />
Christ, one therefore whom no Christian dare molest. But<br />
Wetstein, too, fails adequately to show the causal relation<br />
between the two clauses, <strong>and</strong> as little does he justify<br />
the unquestionably strange periphrasis here used to express<br />
metaphorically the idea of belonging to Christ.^<br />
Provisionally accepting, however, this theory of the<br />
ariyfiara, we might represent the causal relation somewhat<br />
as follows : Anyone who bears the marks of Jesus is His<br />
disciple, <strong>and</strong>, as such, is under His protection ; hence any-<br />
one who offends against Paul lays himself open to the<br />
punishment of a stronger Power. We should thus be led to<br />
look upon the arly/jiaTa as sacred protective-marks, <strong>and</strong> to<br />
interpret our passage in connection with certain lines of<br />
thought to which B. Stade has recently called attention.*<br />
Already in the Old Testament, according to him, we find not<br />
^ Cf. J. J. Wetstein, Novum Testaynentum Graecum, ii., Amsterdam,<br />
1752, p. 238 f. : " Notae enim serviles potius invitabant aliorum co7itumeliam'\<br />
^ P. 238 : " Sacras notas intelligit Paulus ; se sacrmn esse, cui idea nemo<br />
eorum, qui Christum mnant, molestus esse debeat, profitetur ".<br />
' Besides, Paul does not speak of the marks of Christ at all ; lie uses<br />
the name Jesus, otherwise rare in his writings.<br />
* Beitrdge zur Pentatev/ihkritik, ZAW. xiv. (1894), p. 250 fi.
267] "THE MARKS OF JESUS." 351<br />
a few indications of such protective-marks. He explains<br />
the mark of Cain as such, but, even apart <strong>from</strong> this,<br />
reference may be made to Is. 44^^ <strong>and</strong> Ezek, 9 ; ^ in the<br />
latter passage we read that, before the angels bring ruin<br />
upon Jerusalem <strong>and</strong> destroy its inhabitants, one of them<br />
sets a mark upon the forehead of all those who mourn for<br />
the abominations practised in the city ; these are spared by<br />
the destroying angels.=^ In Lev. 19'^^/ 21 ^f-, Deut. U^^-,<br />
there is likewise implied an acquaintance with sacred signs<br />
by which the bearer indicates that he belongs to a certain<br />
deity : were<br />
the Israelites to permit of the sign of another<br />
god among them, they would thereby rupture their special<br />
relation to Jahweh as being His people. Circumcision, too,<br />
may be looked upon as a mark of Jahweh.^ The following<br />
passages, belonging to a later time, may be mentioned :<br />
Psal. Sol. 15 * on ro cnj/iieiov rod deov iirl hiKaiov^; et?<br />
(TcoTTjpLav, cf. v. ^^, where it is said of the Troiovvre^ avofiiav<br />
that they have to a-rnxelov rrj
352 BIBLE STUDIES. [268<br />
Tai) ; <strong>and</strong> similarly the worshippers of the beast in Eevela-<br />
tion bear the name or the number of the beast as a ')(dpay/j,a<br />
on the forehead or on the right h<strong>and</strong>,^ while the faithful are<br />
marked with the name of the Lamb <strong>and</strong> of the living God.*<br />
Finally—a fact which is specially instructive in regard to the<br />
significance of protective-marks in Greek Judaism—the The-<br />
phillin, prayer-fillets, were regarded as protective-marks, <strong>and</strong><br />
were designated (^vXaKr-^pta, the technical term for am^dets.<br />
These various data are sufficient, in our opinion, to justify<br />
us in supposing that the Apostle might quite easily charac-<br />
terise his scars metaphorically as protective-marks?<br />
In confirmation of this supposition we feel that we<br />
must draw attention to a certain Papyrus passage, which<br />
seems to grow in significance the longer we contemplate it,<br />
<strong>and</strong> which, moreover, may even merit the attention of those<br />
who cannot at once accept the conclusions here drawn <strong>from</strong><br />
it, as we think, with some degree of justification.<br />
It is found in the bilingual (Demotic <strong>and</strong> Greek)<br />
Papyrus J. 383 (Papyrus Anastasy 65) of the Leiden<br />
Museum. C. J. C. Eeuvens * was the first to call attention<br />
to it, assigning it to the first half of the 3rd cent. A.D.*<br />
Then it was pubHshed in fac-simile ^ <strong>and</strong> discussed ^ by C.<br />
1 Rev. 13i^f-, 14 9ff-, 16 2, 19 ^o, 20'*. See ante, p. 240 ff.<br />
2 Rev. 14 \ T'^ff-, 9*. On the meaning of signs in the Christian Church,<br />
see the suggestions of Stade, p. 304 fi.<br />
', We think it probable that the expression forms an antithesis to the<br />
previously mentioned circumcision (cf. Rom. 4" a-vi^f'tov n-epjTo^^s), <strong>and</strong> that<br />
emphasis is to be laid upon rod 'Iriffod.<br />
4 Lettres a M. Letrcmne . . . sur les papyrus hilingues et grecs . . . du<br />
musie d'antiquiUs de VuniversiU de Leide, Leiden, 1830, i., pp. 3 ff., 36 ff.<br />
In the Atlas belonging to this work, Table A, some words <strong>from</strong> the passage<br />
under discussion are given in fac-simile.<br />
" Appendice (to the work just cited), p. 151.<br />
'^Papyrus igyptien dimotique a transcriptions grecques du musie d'an-<br />
tiquitis des Pays-Bas a Leide {description raisonn^£, J. 383), Leiden, 1839.<br />
Our passage is found in Table IV., col. VIII. ; in the tables the Papyrus is<br />
signed A. [ = Anastasy ?] No. 65.<br />
' Monumens dgyptiens du musfe d'antiquitis des Pays-Bas a Leide,<br />
Leiden, 1839.
269] " THE MARKS OF JESUS." 363<br />
Leemans, the director of the museum, who has lately again ^<br />
indicated his agreement with Reuvens' date. H. Brugsch ^<br />
has expressly emphasised the great importance of the<br />
Papyrus for the study of the Demotic, <strong>and</strong> has made most<br />
exhaustive use of it in his Demotic Grammar.^ He follows<br />
Beuvens <strong>and</strong> Leemans in describing it as Gnostic— a term<br />
that may either mean much or little. The passage in<br />
question has been recently discussed more or less elaborately<br />
by E. Eevillout,* G. Maspero^ <strong>and</strong> C. Wessely.^<br />
It is found in the Demotic text of this "Gnostic"<br />
Papyrus,''' which belongs to that literature of magic which<br />
has been h<strong>and</strong>ed down to us in extensive fragments, <strong>and</strong><br />
recently brought to light. To judge <strong>from</strong> the fac-similes,<br />
its decipherment is quite easy—so far, at least, as it affects<br />
us here. First of all, the text, as we read it, is given, the<br />
various readings of Eeuvens (Rs), Leemans (L), Brugsch<br />
(B), Maspero (M), Revillout (Rt) <strong>and</strong> Wessely (W) being<br />
also indicated.<br />
It is introduced by a sentence in the Demotic which<br />
Revillout translates as follows : " Pour parvenir d etre aime de<br />
quelqu'un qui lutte contre toi et ne veut pas te parler [dire] :<br />
1885, p. 5.<br />
^ Papyri graeci musei antiquarii publici Lugduni-Batavi, ii., Leiden,<br />
^ Uber das dgyptische Museum zu Leyden, in the Zeitschr. der Deutschen<br />
morgenl<strong>and</strong>ischen Gesellschaft, vi. (1852), p. 250 f.<br />
^ Orammaire dimotique, Berlin, 1855. A fac-simile of our passage is<br />
found on Table IX. of that book, a transcription on p. 202.<br />
* Les arts igyptiens, in the Revue igyptologigv^, i. (1880), p. 164 ; cf. the<br />
same author's discussion of the Papyrus, ibid., ii. (1881-1882), p. 10 ff. His<br />
book, Le Raman de Setna, Paris, 1877, was not accessible to the present<br />
writer.<br />
^ Collections du Musde Alaoui, premiere serie, 5^ livraison, Paris, 1890,<br />
p. 66 f. ; see the same author's discussion of the Papyrus in his Etudes<br />
dimotiques, in the Recueil de travaux relatifs d la philologie et d I'arch^ologie<br />
egyptiennes et assyriennes, i. (1870), p. 19 ff. A study by Birch mentioned<br />
there is unknown to the present writer. Our passage is found on p. 30 f.<br />
* Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, v,<br />
(Vienna, 1892), p. 13 f.<br />
'This Papyrus contains another <strong>and</strong> longer Greek incantation, most<br />
recently read <strong>and</strong> discussed by Revillout, Rev. 6g., i. (1880), p. 168 f.<br />
23<br />
"
354 BIBLE STUDIES. [270<br />
In the original the spell occupies three <strong>and</strong> a half lines.<br />
A rent runs down the Papyrus column, nearly in the middle ;<br />
the number of the missing letters is indicated in the tran-<br />
script by dots, the ends of the original lines by |<br />
MHMEAIflKEOAE ANOX<br />
HAninET . . METOTBANES<br />
BASTAZflTHNTA^HN<br />
TOYOSiPEn^KAirnArn<br />
5 RATA..HXAIATTHNE X<br />
ABIAOXKATAXTHXAIEIX<br />
TASTASKAIKATAOESeAI<br />
EIX . . . XAXEANMOIOA<br />
KonomnAPASxH lipos<br />
10 PEWfLATTHNATTfLi<br />
j<br />
2 TraTTiTreT . . : Rs. ira-nnri . . ., L. naTrnreT . , B. iraTnir(T(ov), M.<br />
Papipetu, Rt. IlaTreTnToi;, W. iraTrnreTov 4 otripecos : W. oaipios [!J |<br />
5 KOTO . . ricrai : Rs. TraTa{(rTr))aat, L. Kara . . Tjtroi, B. M. Rt. koto-<br />
ffrriffaL, W. Ka,Ta[(rT7]]aai \<br />
e<br />
s : Rs. B. M. Rt. eis, L. 6 . s 7 toittos :<br />
|<br />
Rs. T05 Tos, B. Tos racpas, W. ras ras ^^'^ 8 . . . •<br />
| x«s B,S. (ju)axas,<br />
L. . axes, M. aXxas, W. . . oxos | A : B. M. Rt. interpret as Seivo,<br />
W. 5(€)i(i'o) 9 peifa> : B. M. Rt. rpe^oo, W. ,pepa><br />
I \<br />
The editors differ <strong>from</strong> one another principally in their<br />
reproduction (or restoration) of the non-Greek words in the<br />
text. As these are irrelevant to our present purpose, we<br />
shall not further pursue the subject, feeling constrained to<br />
follow Maspero in reading thus :<br />
—<br />
M.rj fxe SlcoKe oSe ' clvo')(^<br />
7ra,7r(7reT[oL'] [xerov^ave^;<br />
/Sacrra^o) rr^v Ta(j)r]v<br />
rov ^OaLp€a>
271] "the MAEKS of JESUS." 355<br />
few variations. This Demotic version is thus rendered by<br />
^<br />
Eevillout :<br />
" Ne me persecute pas,>~une telle !— Je suis Papipetou Metou-<br />
banes, je porte le sf^pulcre d' Osiris, je vais le transporter a Abydos; je<br />
le ferai reposer dans les Alkah. Si une telle me rdsiste aujourd'hui,<br />
je le renverserai.—Dire sept fois."<br />
We perceive at once that we have here a formula of<br />
adjuration. The following notes will help towards an under-<br />
st<strong>and</strong>ing of the Greek text.<br />
Line 1. The commentators take avo^ to be the Coptic<br />
anok {cf. "^^Jh^) I am. In the Greek books of magic we very<br />
frequently find similar instances of the iyco et/xt followed by<br />
the divine name, by which the adjurer identifies himself with<br />
the particular deity in order to invest his spell with special<br />
efficacy, <strong>and</strong> to strike the demon with terror.<br />
L. 2. We have not as yet discovered any satisfactory<br />
etymological explanation of the words TraTmreTov /Merov^ave'?<br />
Heuvens <strong>and</strong> Leemans give nothing more than conjectures.<br />
It is sufficient for our purpose to remember that such foreign<br />
words play a very great part in adjurations. Even if they<br />
had originally any meaning at all, it is yet unhkely that those<br />
who used the formula ever knew it ; the more mysterious<br />
the words of their spell sounded, the more efficacious did<br />
they deem it.<br />
L. 3. The editors translate rrjv Ta(f)r)v rod 'Oa-lpe(o
356 BIBLE STUDIES. [272<br />
of this amulet is explained by the Osiris myth.^ The Osiris<br />
of Graeco-Ronian times was the god of the dead. His<br />
corpse, dismembered by Typhon, was again put together<br />
with the greatest difficulty by Isis ; <strong>and</strong> it was ever afterwards<br />
the most cherished task of Isis, Nephthys, Horus,<br />
Anubis <strong>and</strong> Hermes, deities friendly to Osiris, to guard his<br />
tomb, <strong>and</strong> to prevent the wicked Typhon <strong>from</strong> repeating<br />
his mutilation of the divine body. The magicians took<br />
advantage of this conflict among the gods in order to make<br />
sure of the assistance of those who were friendly to Osiris.<br />
They strove to get possession of the sacred coffin ; they<br />
carried it about with them— at least in effigie, as an amulet<br />
<strong>and</strong> they threatened to demolish it if their desires were<br />
not fulfilled. Thus, according to Jamblichus,^ the threats<br />
to destroy the heavens, to reveal the mysteries of Isis, to divulge<br />
the ineffable secret hidden in the depths, to stay the sacred sun-<br />
— :<br />
barge, to gratify Typhon by scattering the limbs of Osiris belong<br />
to the ^laariKal aireiXai of the Egyptian magicians. The<br />
adjuration under notice is an efficacious minatory formula of<br />
this kind. It is directed to a demon, who is believed to<br />
be the cause of the difficulties which, it is hoped, will be<br />
eluded by its means ; ^ the possession of the Ta(^r} rod '"Oatpew'i<br />
cannot but impress him, being a guarantee for the support<br />
of the most powerful deities, seeing that it was to their own<br />
best interests to be favourable to the possessor of the imperilled<br />
mummy. A quite similar menace, made by some<br />
" obscure gentleman," is found in a recently-published<br />
tabula devotionis * <strong>from</strong> Adrumetum : if not, I shall go doum<br />
to the holy places of Osiris, <strong>and</strong> break his corpse in pieces, <strong>and</strong><br />
throw it into the river to be borne away.^<br />
1 In reference to what follows, see Maspero, Coll. Al., p. 66.<br />
^ De mysteriis, 65 (ed. G. Parthey, Berol., 1857, p. 245 f.) : ^ yap rhv<br />
ovpavhv 7rpocrapd^€iv ^ to, KpvirTo. ttjs ''icriSos iK(pav€7v ^ rh tV afivaff^ a.Tr6ppr]Toy [for<br />
this we find, 67, p. 248, ra eV 'AfivStf dTrdppTjro ; cf. 1. 6 of our formula] Sei^eiy<br />
fj (TTTtcreiv rriv ^dpiv, f) ra fiihi) rov 'OffipiSos SiacTKeSdffeiv rcfi Tv
273] "THE MARKS OP JESUS." 357<br />
L. 6. "A/3i8o
368 BIBLE STUDIES. [274<br />
The spell may accordingly be translated as follows :<br />
Persecute me not, thou there !—I am PAPIPETOU METU-<br />
BANES ; 1 carry the corpse of Osiris <strong>and</strong> I go to convey it to<br />
Abydos, to convey it to its resting-place, <strong>and</strong> to place it in the<br />
everlasting chambers. Should any one trouble me, I shall use it<br />
against him.<br />
Now, differ as we may as to the meaning of the indi-<br />
vidual details of this spell, <strong>and</strong>, in particular, as to the<br />
allusions to Egyptian mythology, it is, after all, only the<br />
essential meaning which concerns us here, <strong>and</strong> this meaning<br />
the author holds to be established :<br />
the<br />
—<br />
^aara^etv of a par-<br />
ticular amulet associated with a god acts as a charm against<br />
the KQ7rov<br />
moreover, it seems probable that we must explain the threat<br />
by the same temper of mind^ to which we attributed the<br />
sportive phrase about the large letters. Just as the Apostle,<br />
with kindly menace, could ask the Corinthians, Shall I come<br />
unto you with the rod ? ^ so here, too, he smilingly holds up his<br />
finger <strong>and</strong> says to his naughty but well-beloved children<br />
Do be sensible, do not imagine that you can hurt me—I am<br />
protected by a charm.<br />
We must confess that we do not feel that Paul, by this<br />
mixture of earnest <strong>and</strong> amiable jest, lays himself open to<br />
the charge of trifling. Only by a total misapprehension of<br />
^ We would not, however, attach any special importance to this. The<br />
explanation; given above is quite justifiable, even if Paul was speaking wholly<br />
in earnest.<br />
2 1 Cor. 4 21 ; see p. 119 f<br />
.<br />
:
275] "the MAEKS OF JESUS." 359<br />
the actual letter-like character of his writings as they have<br />
come down to us, could we expect that he should in them<br />
assume the severe manner of the doctor gentium, who, caught<br />
up into the third heaven, proclaims to mankind <strong>and</strong> to the<br />
ages what eye hath never seen. Paul is no bloodless <strong>and</strong><br />
shadowy figure of a saint, but a man, a man of the olden<br />
time. One in whose letters utterance is found for the rap-<br />
tured glow of faith <strong>and</strong> for a sensitive <strong>and</strong> circumspect love,<br />
for bitter feelings of scorn <strong>and</strong> relentless irony—why should<br />
the winning kindliness of the jest be deemed alien to him ?<br />
He wishes to bring back the Galatians to the true way, but<br />
perhaps feels that he, in treating as reXetot those who are but<br />
v7]7rioL, has overshot the mark. So he withdraws, though as<br />
regards the manner rather than the matter of his charges<br />
<strong>and</strong> who that has ever loved the Apostle could find fault ?<br />
Paul has taken care, in this passage, that his words shall<br />
have no hackneyed ring; he does not use general terms<br />
about the purposelessness of the attacks made on him, but<br />
intimates that what preserves him are the protective-marks of<br />
Jesus. Jesus guards him ; Jesus restrains the troublers ;<br />
Jesus will say to them : tl avrS Koirovi '7rape')(ere ; Kakov<br />
epyov rjpydcraTO iv e^oi.<br />
We cannot, of course, go so far as to maintain that<br />
Paul makes conscious allusion to the incantation of the<br />
Papyrus ; but it is not improbable that it, or one similar<br />
to it, was known to him, even were it not the case that he<br />
composed the Letter to the Galatians in the city of magicians<br />
<strong>and</strong> sorcerers. The Papyrus dates <strong>from</strong> the time of Tertullian<br />
; the incantation itself may be much older.^ The<br />
same Papyrus furnishes us with another incantation,^ mani-<br />
festly pervaded by Jewish ideas,—another proof of the<br />
supposition that the Apostle may have been acquainted<br />
with such forms of expression. Moreover, we learn even<br />
<strong>from</strong> Christian sources that Paul on more than one<br />
1 See p. 323.<br />
' It begins thus : firiKa\ovfiai at rhv iv t^ Keyef irvfvfiari Seiuhv aSparov<br />
vai/TOKpdropa Oehi' Oewv (pOopoirothy koI ip7}fiLoiToi6v [Revue igyptologiqice , i., p. 168).<br />
;
360 BIBLE STUDIES, [276, 277<br />
occasion came into contact with magicians,^ while he him-<br />
self warns the Galatians against ^ap/xaKela,'^ <strong>and</strong> reproaches<br />
them for having suffered themselves to be bewitched:^ all<br />
these things but serve as evidence for the fact that the sphere,<br />
<strong>from</strong> which, haply, some hght has been thrown upon the<br />
obscure phrase about the marks of Jesus, was in no wise<br />
outwith the circle of ideas in which the writer moved.* Be<br />
it at least conceded that our contention should not be<br />
met by aesthetic or religious objections. We would not<br />
maintain, of course, that the figure used by Paul can<br />
be fitted into the formulas of dogmatic Christology ; but in<br />
its context it forms a perfectly definite <strong>and</strong> forcible metaphor.<br />
And as for the possible religious objection, that Paul was<br />
not the man to apply terms originating in the darkest<br />
"heathenism" to facts distinctively Christian, it is a fair<br />
counter-plea to ask whether it is an unchristian mode of<br />
speech, at the present day, to use the verb charm (feien) in<br />
a similar connection, or to extol the Cross as one's Talisman.<br />
In the same manner does Paul speak of the wounds which<br />
he had received in his apostolic work—<strong>and</strong> which in 2 Cor.<br />
4 ^^ he describes as the vefcp(0(rL
277, 278] A NOTE TO SECOND PETER. 361<br />
dperrj, been laid under contribution,^ <strong>and</strong> it will once again<br />
engage our attention.^ We begin here by giving the two<br />
texts in parallel columns, duly marking the cognate elements<br />
in each ; be it observed that it is not only the unquestion-<br />
able smiilarities m expression <strong>and</strong> meaning which are thus<br />
emphasised, but also certain—for the present let us call<br />
them mechanical—assonances between the two texts, the<br />
calling of attention to which will be justified as we proceed.<br />
In order to underst<strong>and</strong> the Inscription, which, omitting the<br />
introductory formula, we give in the original orthography,<br />
let it be borne in mind that the infinitive aeacoa-dai depends<br />
upon an antecedent etTrovro^.<br />
Decree of Stratonicea.<br />
. . . T-qv TToXiv avwOev rfj rcov<br />
irpoeaTMTcov avTri
362 BIBLE STUDIES. [278, 27*<br />
Kal TO avvirav ttXt^^o? Ovei re (V. ii) : ovrw
279, 280] A NOTE TO SECOND PETEE. 363<br />
presupposes a knowledge of the other, then we should have<br />
here the recurrence of a phenomenon often observed in<br />
parallel or internally-dependent texts, viz., that consciously<br />
or unconsciously the dependent text has been so framed, by<br />
means of a slight alteration,^ as to obliterate the traces of its<br />
origin.<br />
We are of opinion that the parallels already indicated<br />
are sufficiently evident. Should further instances be made<br />
out, these will naturally gain a much stronger evidential<br />
value <strong>from</strong> their connection with what has been already<br />
pointed out. There is nothing remarkable in the mere fact<br />
that the Inscription contains this or that word which occurs<br />
in the Epistle. But what is significant, is that the same<br />
definite number of what are, in part, very characteristic<br />
expressions, is found in each of the two texts ; <strong>and</strong> it is this<br />
which renders improbable the hypothesis of mere accident.<br />
Little value as we would place upon individual cases of<br />
similarity, yet in their totality these strike us as very forcible.<br />
Hence the connection also brings out the full importance of<br />
the parallels rj ala>vto
364 BIBLE STUDIES. [280, 281<br />
our parallel is in no way lessened. Observe, moreover,<br />
Kvpicov II Kvpiov. Then, again, the likeness of iracrav airovhrjv<br />
elacpepeaOat in the Inscription to cnrovhrjv iraaav Trapetaevey-<br />
Kavre
281, 282] A NOTE TO SECOND PETER. 365<br />
external way, " Some peculiar expression, the purpose of<br />
which is made plain only by the context in Jude, is retained,<br />
or an expression is fabricated <strong>from</strong> reminiscences of the<br />
purely local connection in that book. In 2 Pet. 2 ^^, the<br />
leading word avvevcoxov/jLevot is taken <strong>from</strong> Jude v. ^^, <strong>and</strong><br />
yet its concrete relationship to the love-feasts has been allowed<br />
to fall out, so that it is only the sound of the words which<br />
influences the choice of the essentially different expressions<br />
(aTrdracii^ instead of dyaTraL^;, airiKoL instead of crTrtXaSe?)." ^<br />
Now, precisely as in regard to the formal assonances in the<br />
very instructive example just given, viz. :—<br />
Jude V. 12<br />
:<br />
2 Pet. 2 i^<br />
ovTol elcTiv 01 ev rai^i dyd- o-n-iAot ^ Kal /x(OfA,oi evrpv-<br />
Trai^ v/jiMv airiKaBes, (Twevco- (ftojvre'i ev rai^ dirdraL^ av-<br />
')(^ov fxevoL d(f)6^o)
366 BIBLE STUDIES. [282, 283<br />
Is it possible to hold that the similarities in the two<br />
texts are merely accidental? We have again <strong>and</strong> again<br />
pondered this question, but have always come to the conclusion<br />
that it must be answered in the negative. Doubt-<br />
less, the deciding of such questions always impHes a certain<br />
inner susceptibility, <strong>and</strong> is thus subjective. But here, as<br />
we judge, there are objective grounds to proceed upon. We<br />
would endeavour, therefore, to define more precisely the very<br />
general impression made by the two texts, by saying that<br />
they must be inter-related in some way.<br />
Now the Decree of Stratonicea is undoubtedly older<br />
than the Second Epistle of Peter. From its contents, we<br />
might infer its date to be previous to 22 a.d. ;<br />
<strong>from</strong> its form,<br />
somewhat later. But even if the Inscription were of later<br />
date than the Epistle, it would be an improbable hypothesis<br />
that the former was in its contents dependent upon the<br />
latter. The dependence must rather be, if the relationship<br />
is granted, on the side of the Epistle. Hence the general<br />
statement made above may be specialised thus far : the<br />
beginning of the Second Epistle of Peter must be in some<br />
way dependent upon forms of expression occurring in the<br />
Decree of Stratonicea.<br />
We speak of the forms of expression of the Decree.<br />
For it is not urgently necessary to assert a dependence<br />
upon the Decree itself. Of course, it is certainly possible<br />
that the writer of the Epistle may have read the Inscrip-<br />
tion. Assuredly Paul is not the only Christian of the<br />
century of the New Testament who read "heathen" inscrip-<br />
tions, <strong>and</strong> reflected thereon. The inscriptions, ofificial <strong>and</strong><br />
private, found in the streets <strong>and</strong> market-places, in temples<br />
<strong>and</strong> upon tombs, would be the only reading of the great<br />
majority of people who could read. Of what we call classical<br />
literature, the greater number would hardly ever read anything<br />
at all. The heads of the Christian brotherhoods who<br />
were versed in literature were influenced, in respect of their<br />
range both of words <strong>and</strong> thoughts, by their sacred books, but<br />
manifestly also by the forms of expression common in their<br />
locality. The present writer would count the expressions
283, 284] A NOTE TO SECOND PETEE. 367<br />
before us, found in the Inscription of Stratonicea, as belong-<br />
ing to the solemn forms of the official liturgical language of<br />
Asia Minor. From the nature of the case it seems certain<br />
that they were not used for the first time in this Decree in<br />
honour of Zeus Panhemerios <strong>and</strong> Hekate. Conceivable<br />
though it be that the author of the Second Epistle of Peter<br />
had adopted them directly <strong>from</strong> the Carian Inscription/ yet<br />
we would confine ourselves to the more cautious conjecture<br />
that the author of the Epistle, like the author of the Decree<br />
before him, simply availed himself of the familiar forms <strong>and</strong><br />
formulae of religious emotion."^ The mosaic-like character<br />
of the writer's work, specially evident in his relation to the<br />
Epistle of Jude, is illustrated once more by the facts just<br />
adduced.<br />
Should our conjecture hold good— particularly, of course,<br />
if a direct dependence upon the Decree of Stratonicea could<br />
be made probable—we should have a new factor for the<br />
solution of the problem as to the origin of the Epistle.<br />
Oertainly the hypothesis of an Egyptian origin, which has<br />
gained great favour in recent years, is not confirmed by the<br />
local colouring, which belongs to Asia Minor ; we<br />
would,<br />
however, refrain meanwhile <strong>from</strong> categorically asserting<br />
that it originated in Asia Minor,^ as we have not yet mastered<br />
^ The above-discussed series of purely formal assonances might be put<br />
forward as supporting this.<br />
- How such formulae were used, spontaneously, so to speak, in the<br />
writings of other representatives of the new Faith, may be seen, e.g., in the<br />
relationship between certain Pauline passages <strong>and</strong> the solemn words made<br />
known to us by an Inscription of Halicarnassus of the early imperial period :<br />
see G. T. Newton, A History of Discoveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus <strong>and</strong><br />
Branchidae, ii. 2, London, 1863, p. 695.— C/. also W. M. Ramsay, The Greek<br />
of the Early Church <strong>and</strong> five Pagan Ritual, in the Expository Tunes, vol, x.,<br />
p. 9ff. —A similar instance <strong>from</strong> ancient times has been noted by R. Kittel in<br />
ZAW. xviii. (1898), p. 149 if. ; Isaiah 45 iff- shows dependence upon the court-<br />
phraseology made known to us by the clay-cylinders of Cyrus.<br />
^ The theory becomes still more probable when we compare the above<br />
conjecture with what Th. Zahn, Geschichte des Neutestarnentl. Kanons, i. 1,<br />
Erlangen, 1333, p. 312 ff., says about the locality in which the Espistle "was<br />
first circulated, <strong>and</strong> gained the esteem ot the church" ; but see A. Harnack,<br />
Das N.T. um das Jahr 200, Freiburg i. B., 1889, p. 85 f.
368<br />
'<br />
BIBLE STUDIES. [284, 285<br />
the lexical relations of the Epistle. It would at least be<br />
necessary to inquire how far its peculiar vocabulary has<br />
points of contact with that of literary sources (of the im-<br />
perial period) <strong>from</strong> Egypt/ or Asia Minor,^ including those<br />
of the Papyri <strong>and</strong> the Inscriptions.<br />
5. WHITE EOBES AND PALMS.<br />
"After these things I saw, <strong>and</strong> behold, a great multi-<br />
tude, which no man could number, out of every nation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> of all tribes <strong>and</strong> peoples <strong>and</strong> tongues, st<strong>and</strong>ing before<br />
the throne <strong>and</strong> before the Lamb, arrayed in white robes,<br />
<strong>and</strong> palms in their h<strong>and</strong>s ; <strong>and</strong> they cry with a great voice,<br />
saying, Salvation unto our God which sitteth on the throne,<br />
<strong>and</strong> unto the Lamb." So does the early Christian seer<br />
depict those who have been made perfect, who have come<br />
out of the great tribulation, <strong>and</strong> now serve God day <strong>and</strong><br />
night in His temple. Few <strong>Bible</strong> passages have taken such<br />
hold of the everyday Christian consciousness, few have been<br />
inscribed so hopefully on the impassive tombstone, as these<br />
chaste verses <strong>from</strong> the mysterious final pages of the Holy<br />
Book. So deeply have they entered into the sphere of<br />
religious ideas, that, generally speaking, we are not struck<br />
by the thought, how eloquent of ancient days is the colour-<br />
ing of the artist who created the picture. The inner<br />
beauty of the thought keeps in abeyance any impression<br />
which its form might suggest ; the captivated spirit even<br />
^ Of course, such expressions as may probably seem to be derived <strong>from</strong><br />
the Alex<strong>and</strong>rian translation of the O.T. would not prove anything regarding<br />
the hypothetical Egyptian origin of the Epistle.<br />
^ So far as we are able, <strong>from</strong> a general knowledge of a portion of<br />
the Inscriptions of Asia Minor, to judge, the lexical relations of the Epistle<br />
do, indeed, point to Asia Minor or Syria. He gives but one example here,<br />
which he would likewise attribute to the fixed phraseology of solemn speech.<br />
In 2 Pet. 1 * we find the peculiar phrase, 'iva . . yeu-qcrde Oeias Kotvaivol (pixreoos ;<br />
with this compare a passage <strong>from</strong> a religious Inscription of King Antiochus I.<br />
of Kommagene (middle of 1st cent. b.c. ; discovered at Selik), viz., iraaiv Sffoi<br />
(pixreois KOLvwvovvres a,vOp(j3\ji]vr)s (in Humann <strong>and</strong> Puchstein's Reisen in Klei/n-<br />
asien und Nordsyrien, Textb<strong>and</strong>, p. 371). The resemblance had already struck<br />
the editors of the Inscription. The Kommagenian Inscriptions, moreover,<br />
afford other materials for the history of the language of early Christianity.
285, 286] WHITE ROBES AND PALMS. 8()9<br />
of the modern man readily <strong>and</strong> unconstrainedly accepts<br />
the unaccustomed scenery, which yet has its proper place<br />
only under the eternal blue of the eastern sky, or in the<br />
serene halls of an ancient temple. The pious Christian of<br />
the times of decadence did not depict things to come in the<br />
forms of the pitiful present ; he saw them rather in the<br />
crystal mirror of the authoritative past.<br />
The exegetes of Eev. 7 ^ ^- have striven, in widely diver-<br />
gent ways, to explain the peculiar colouring of this celestial<br />
scenery. How does it come about that the adornment of<br />
the blessed choir of the saints before the throne of God<br />
should be portrayed exactly as it is ? The explanation of<br />
the indwidiial elements provides no difficulty.^ The white<br />
robes, of course, according to the bold symbolism of the text<br />
itself, are connected with the cleansing power of the blood<br />
of the Lamb (v. ^'') ; <strong>and</strong>, even without this special reference,<br />
they have already a distinct <strong>and</strong> well-known sense (see<br />
6 ^^). Again, the expression palms in their h<strong>and</strong>s is familiar<br />
to the reader of the <strong>Bible</strong> as a sign of festive joy. Attempts<br />
have been made to supply a more definite background for<br />
this latter feature, now <strong>from</strong> Jewish, now <strong>from</strong> Hellenic,<br />
ideas. On the one h<strong>and</strong>, the palms have been looked upon<br />
as suggesting a comparison of the heavenly glory with the<br />
Feast of Tabernacles ; on the other, they have been taken<br />
as an allusion to the palm-twigs bestowed upon the victor<br />
in the Greek games.<br />
We would not deny that such explanations, so far<br />
as concerns the details of a picture which is not after<br />
all so difficult to grasp, are quite adequate. But they<br />
do not elucidate the scene in its entirety. How did the<br />
writer come to bring together precisely these two features ?<br />
And how comes it that both are assigned to the choir of<br />
the blessed, which, in alternate song with the angels, raises<br />
a hallelujah to the Most High ? If we knew of no historical<br />
circumstance which might suggest an answer to these<br />
questions, we might naturally enough infer that the writer<br />
of the Apocalypse had himself composed his picture <strong>from</strong><br />
1 For what follows cf. F. Diisterdieck, Meyer, xvi. ^ (1887), p. 289.<br />
24
370 BIBLE STUDIES. [286, 287<br />
diverse elements. But we are of opinion that there are<br />
good grounds for the supposition that the portrayer of the<br />
7rav7]'yvpi
.<br />
I.<br />
INDEX OF GEEEK WOEDS AND PHEASES.<br />
«t interchanging with e, 182.<br />
-a, -as in imperf. , 191.<br />
'A$awe, 281.<br />
'APSevayci, 310.<br />
'A;3e'A3a\os, 325.<br />
A3«A)3e\, 325.<br />
'AfftSos, 357.<br />
'A/3paayU, 187.<br />
'A)3paa|Uios, 187.<br />
A^paav, 281.<br />
A^padia&pi, 334.<br />
"A^pafMOS, 187.<br />
A^pariawd, 327.<br />
d7a7rrj, 198 f.<br />
ayyapivw, 86 f., 182.<br />
a^Yapoj, 86 f.<br />
a.ypvTrv€(ti iiri, 283.<br />
070), 190.<br />
d56A.(^($s, 87 f. , 142.<br />
aSoAos, 256.<br />
^5uT0j/, 287.<br />
Atj [?], 326.<br />
a^ai/aros, 293.<br />
«is aOfT-qffiv, 228 f.<br />
tiS dSeTTjcriv /col aKvpaxriv,<br />
228 f<br />
d0eT7jo-|/is, 92, 223.<br />
'Ai'Ti7ra[Tpo]s, 187.<br />
a^ioo/xa, 92 t.<br />
diiots ToC 0«oii, 248.<br />
dTrepiT/urjTos, 153.<br />
dTre'x'^i 229.<br />
dTrd, 196, 216, 227.<br />
airh Tov fieKriaTov, 93.<br />
airb TOV vvv, 253.<br />
OTroSiSeTO), 192.<br />
air6Kpifj.a, 257.<br />
' ATroWivdpios , 309.<br />
'AiroWdovios, 149.<br />
I<br />
229.<br />
apa^ipxv^! 184.<br />
apa^wv, 183 f. /<br />
Ap/8aeiao, 324. /<br />
Ap3afliaa)0, 327.<br />
/'<br />
'ApeSas, 183 f. /<br />
apfffKeia, 224. /<br />
dpeTaAo7ia, 93 f. /<br />
aperaXSyiov, 94. /<br />
apeTa\6yos, 96.<br />
'ApeTas, 183 f.<br />
' dirox'').<br />
dp€T7J, 95 f. , 3f<br />
apKfrds, 257.<br />
apirayfxa, 291.<br />
dpird^o), 190.<br />
appa^iiiv, 108 f,<br />
r37<br />
1 Ba9ici/3r)A,<br />
01 &pTOl oi ivcOTTLOL, 157.<br />
01 ^proi T7)s irpoOeffeciis, 157.<br />
01 aproi TOV irpoffdirov, 157.<br />
dpxiij. 267.<br />
apxifiofxaTopvAa^, 98.<br />
-aj, 188 f.<br />
&ffrifj.os, 153.<br />
-atri for -ov, 192.<br />
'AfriSoToi, 68.<br />
dtTTrdfo/xai, 257.<br />
'AcrrapTielov, 150.<br />
'ATa^vpiov, 332.<br />
a(/)6(Tis, 98 t'.<br />
dxpf '01 SoOAoi, 68.<br />
Aa)0, 281, 288.<br />
334.<br />
BaAia;3a, 334.<br />
BopiTjcroi), 163.<br />
Bapfa, 188.<br />
Bapvdfiasm, 310.<br />
Bapw/35s, 187 f., 307.<br />
Bapva0T][U. 309.<br />
Bapw^Si [?], 309.<br />
Bapi^afiods [1], 187 f., 309 f.<br />
BapvSs [?], 188.<br />
Bapuefiods, 188, 309.<br />
BapTapas, 189.<br />
jSaffiAei'a dcrdAeuTos, 363.<br />
^acriXeia iirovpavios, 363.<br />
^ao-TdCco, 102 f.. 191, 257.<br />
354 f., 358.<br />
fie^aios, 107, 109.<br />
Pe^atdw, 108 f., 230.<br />
rb 5oKi;i 281.<br />
rb 5oKi/Kai (po^e-<br />
Tb 5oKi/.2 f.<br />
' 'foKiyuio s, 146 f.,<br />
odKip-os<br />
AopKCLSl.<br />
Sve'iv, 1197 f.<br />
Svvafj.iss, 197 f.<br />
r] dvvai^<br />
fj.€vv 202, 204.<br />
Swo/J-a<br />
vafia<br />
Uo, 18>02.<br />
Sutri, 1'
372 INDEX OF GEEEK WOEDS AND PHEASES.<br />
yiv-n/xa, 109 f., 184.<br />
•yivt]^aT0'ypa(pi03, 184.<br />
yevvaoi, 184.<br />
yevvridds, 184.<br />
'yivv7)yi.a, 184.<br />
yev6ix^vos, 191.<br />
yivofiai, 184, 191, 192.<br />
T^ yvi]aiov, "2.50.<br />
yoyyvQoi, 110.<br />
ypd^jxara ffTiKrd, 351.<br />
ypa/jL/xaTevs, 106 t.<br />
ypa/j.fxaT€vs rwv Swa/j-eoov,<br />
110 f.<br />
ypa/n/iiaTevs riiv juax'/tiw;/,<br />
110.<br />
ypa/x/xaTLKos, 112.<br />
KOTO ras ypacpds, 250.<br />
ypacpTi, 112 t'.<br />
Kara t?}!/ •)pa(pr\v, 250.<br />
7pa
tJ) OeaeKiov, 123.<br />
ee6s,'l67, 223.<br />
rod deov B^Kovtos, etc. , 252.<br />
0eo(^iAos, 336.<br />
6p6vos t7(s x^pi-'^os, 135.<br />
Kara, dvyarpoirouav , 239.<br />
SwO, 288, 325.<br />
I as a consonant, 326.<br />
l=Lei, 182 f.<br />
-I'a for -eia, 181 f.<br />
la, 322, 324.<br />
'la ovai, 321.<br />
lo ovf, 321.<br />
Ia0a, 325, 333.<br />
Ia;8as, 334.<br />
la^awd, 334.<br />
Ia;6e, 322, 330 f.<br />
lafie^eBvO, 3-30 f.<br />
Ia/87js[?], 334.<br />
Ia)3o6, 333.<br />
Ia;8oi;cr), 334.<br />
lajSoux, 334.<br />
Ia;3co, 334.<br />
la/Scox, 334.<br />
laTj, 322, 325 f.<br />
larjA, 325.<br />
IaK/cai;3i, 282.<br />
laKov, 282.<br />
IaKoy;3, 282, 324.<br />
'laKiifi. -316.<br />
'lOKCOySos, 316.<br />
laoai, 324.<br />
laod, 322, 326.<br />
'loov, 321, 322.<br />
'laoue, 321, 322, 327 f.<br />
laircDs, 334.<br />
'Idffccv, 315.<br />
lao), 282, 322, -324.<br />
law la, 322, 325.<br />
lacoat, 324.<br />
laaiS, .327.<br />
lacoA, 325.<br />
law, 324.<br />
Iaa>ou6, 328.<br />
laoJoueTj, 328.<br />
lawouve, 327, 328, 329.<br />
laceovrii. 327, 329.<br />
lacDT, 327.<br />
ISdWoixai, 291 f.<br />
rSios, 123 f.<br />
lEHnOTA, 329.<br />
lei = I, 182 f.<br />
ieparevw, 215 f.<br />
lepocroAuMa, 316.<br />
'lepouffa\rj/j., 316.<br />
i\d(TKOfj.ai, 224 f.<br />
IXdffKoixai afxaprias, 224 t.<br />
l\a(rrr)piov , 124 f.<br />
l\a(Tri)pwv iiziQefxa, 125.<br />
iKa, 141 f.<br />
Ao76ia, 142 f., 219 f.<br />
Aoyeuoi, 143.<br />
Ao7ia[?], 142 f., 219 f.<br />
ToC AoiTTof}, 349.<br />
AouQ), 226 f.<br />
Aouco aTTo, 227.<br />
Mava-fj/j., 310 f.<br />
Mafo:^;/, 310 f.<br />
/xaprvpovfiai, 265.<br />
fj.dxw, 201.<br />
fxiyiaros, 365.<br />
/j-ei^onpos, 144.<br />
EK ToC jxiaov atpai, 252.<br />
/.lera /coi, 64, 265.<br />
/a6Ta x^^pas exu), 370.<br />
;UeTa5i'5a)^i ivunriov, 213.<br />
fjLsmnyiypacpai', 192.<br />
fj-iroLKos, 228.<br />
/.teTouySoi'ej, 355.<br />
d fiiKpos, 144 f.<br />
jMLffdanoxhi 229.<br />
fxiffOTTov-qpiw, 293.<br />
/xtcroTTovrjpia, 293.<br />
/j.iaoir6v7}pos, 293.<br />
fxvppa, 332.<br />
Naj3rj, 308.<br />
Na^i, 308.<br />
Na^o/coSpdcropos, 309.<br />
Na^oi/C.'apSaj', 310.<br />
NaPouxoSovocrop, 309.<br />
NaySouxoSoi/dcopos, 309.<br />
NaySoS, 309.<br />
Naur;, 308.<br />
N€)3oCs, 309.<br />
veKpia, 142.<br />
veKpooiTis Tov 'Ir/(ro5, 360.<br />
i'6d(|)uTos, 220.<br />
j'drj,ua, 73.<br />
v6fj.iQlxa, 185.<br />
vofjtds, 145.<br />
lej/oAo'yia, 220.<br />
olSes, 192.<br />
of/ceros, 123.<br />
olKovofLia, 246.<br />
6\oKapT6(ji, 138.<br />
6\oKdpiroi}fj.a, 138.<br />
dAo/capTTcoins, 138.<br />
oKoKavroofxa, 138.<br />
dAoKadToxTis, 138.<br />
ofioKoyia, 249.<br />
/car' dj/ap, 253.<br />
/car' ovfipov, 253.<br />
g^o^a, 146 f., 196 f.<br />
rb ovofxa rh 'dyiov, 281.<br />
TO ovop-a ivrifiov Koi (po^ephv<br />
Koi fj.iya, 282 t.<br />
61S rb ovop-d rivos, 146 f.,<br />
197.<br />
ovoixa (ppiKrov, 288.<br />
Tci ovofxari rivos, 197 1.<br />
eV TO) OUOfidTl Tivos, 197 f.<br />
eir' oj'd/.taTOS, 197.<br />
dTrdrar/ with indie. , 202, 204.<br />
bpKiQw riva, 281.<br />
dtrioi 'louSaroi, 68.<br />
oToi' witli indie. ,<br />
Oup/Sai'ds, 283.<br />
202.
374 INDEX OF GEEEK WORDS AND PHRASES.<br />
-ods, 188.<br />
6
vlhs viro^vyiov, 162.<br />
viol [?] (paperpas, 164.<br />
ol vTTipavoo dfoi, 283 f.<br />
impevrvyxo-vco, 122.<br />
ol eV inrfpoxy ovTes, 255.<br />
vTToyeypaiVTai, 250.<br />
inro^vyiov, 160.<br />
u7ro7r($5ior, 223.<br />
yiroTi^oCffa, 193.<br />
(pavovT)\, 77.<br />
4>apaa)97js, 327.<br />
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 375<br />
4>ape0a)9T)F, 327.<br />
(piXavdpos Kal (piXoT^Kvos,<br />
255 f.<br />
(piXoTTpooT^vai, 198.<br />
(^I'Aos, 167 f.<br />
(pi\os dfov, 168.<br />
(pi\os Tov Kaicrapos, 168.<br />
(ppevaTrdrris, 198.<br />
tJ» aurb (ppoveiv, 256.<br />
(pv\aKT-i)pia, 352.<br />
(pvffis avOpwirivri, 368.<br />
6eia (pv, 251. ^<br />
T7)i/ Xf'P« eK:5i'5a)/ii, 251.<br />
Tas X6
376<br />
—<br />
Demons, in Tombs, 281.<br />
Believing <strong>and</strong> Trembling, 288.<br />
Diogenes, Epistle of, 42, 51.<br />
Diouysius of Halicarnassus, Epistles of, 31.<br />
Egyptian Church Fathers, 70.<br />
Egyptian Greek, 70 ff.<br />
Eisenmenger, J. A., Eutdecktes Juclenthum,<br />
288 f.<br />
Eldad, 336.<br />
El eon, 209.<br />
Eleutheria, Festival of, in Egypt [?], 343.<br />
Emperor's Day, 218 f.<br />
Epicurus, Letters, 9, 28.<br />
Epistles, 31.<br />
Epistle, 9, 20.<br />
Idea of, 9f., 31 f.<br />
<strong>and</strong> Letter, 9 If.<br />
Address, 12.<br />
Epistles<br />
Catholic, 38, 50 fi".<br />
Early Christian, 50 tf., 57.<br />
Egyptian, 17.<br />
Graeco-Roman<br />
'<br />
—<br />
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.<br />
Gastronomic, 33.<br />
Juristic, 33.<br />
Magic, -33.<br />
Medical, 33.<br />
Poetical, 33.<br />
Religious, 33.<br />
Jewish, 38 f.<br />
Aristeas, 42, 72, 34-3.<br />
Aristides, 32.<br />
Aristotle, 31.<br />
Cato, M. Porcius, -32.<br />
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 31.<br />
Epicurus, 31.<br />
Lysias, 31.<br />
Pliny, 32.<br />
Plutarch, 31.<br />
Seneca, 32.<br />
"Baruch," 42.<br />
"Diogenes," 42.<br />
"Esther <strong>and</strong> Mordecai," 41.<br />
"Heraclitus," 42.<br />
"Jeremiah," 41.<br />
Epistle to Hebrews, 49 f.<br />
Epistle of James, 52 f.<br />
Epistles at beginning of 2nd Maec,<br />
42.<br />
Pastoral Epistles, 54.<br />
First lOp. of Peter, 51 f.<br />
Second Ep. of Peter, 360 ff.<br />
Seven Epistles in Revelation, 54.<br />
Herder, 11 f.<br />
Epistles, Collections of, 12 ff.<br />
Unauthentic, 12 ff. , 33 f.<br />
Forged, 12.<br />
Epistolography, Pseudonymous, -33 f.<br />
Esau, 3.36.<br />
Esther <strong>and</strong> Mordecai, 41.<br />
Esther, Royal Letters subsequently added<br />
to, 41.<br />
Evangelium, 39.<br />
Forgery, Literary, 13 f.<br />
Forms, Literary, 37.<br />
I<br />
I<br />
Formulaic Expressions, 191, 195, 196,<br />
197 f., 204, 205 If., 213. 221, 228 f.,<br />
230, 248-256.<br />
Friend of God, 167 ff.<br />
Fruit, Sacritice of, 135 ff.<br />
Galatians, Letter to, 47, 346 ff.<br />
Genuineness, Literary, 13 f.<br />
Gnostic, 353.<br />
God, 79.<br />
of Abraham, Isaac <strong>and</strong> Jacob, in Magic<br />
Formulae, 282.<br />
Grace 73.<br />
Greek', "Biblical," 65 ff<br />
Egyptian, 70 ff.<br />
Spoken among Jews, 77.<br />
of Biblical Writings, 61 ff<br />
Translation of Semitic into, 74 ff.<br />
Biblical Writings originally in, 76 ff.<br />
Gregory VII., Letter of, 46.<br />
Grimm, W., 176, etc.<br />
Hebraisms of N.T., 177.<br />
Imperfect, 195.<br />
So-called, 67, 70, 161 ff, 165. 194-198,<br />
205 ff., 213, 248, 286, 289, 290, 295 ff.<br />
Hebrews, Epistle to, 49 f.<br />
Heliodorus, 303 ff<br />
Heloise, Letters, 46.<br />
Heraclitus, Epistles, 42.<br />
Herder, Epistles, 11 f.<br />
Homeromancy, 294.<br />
Homily, 53.<br />
Humanists, Letters, 16.<br />
Immortality, 293.<br />
Imperfect, 191.<br />
Inscriptions, 173 ff, 178 ff. , etc.<br />
Greek (<strong>from</strong> Asia Minor) <strong>and</strong> the N. T.<br />
80 ff.. 366 ff.<br />
(xreek (<strong>from</strong> Egypt) <strong>and</strong> the LXX, 72.<br />
Hebrew (outside Palestine), 77.<br />
Importance for Textual Criticism, 280.<br />
Imprecation-Tablets, see Tabulae Devo-<br />
tionis.<br />
Inspiration (verbal), 63, 81.<br />
Introduction to N. T., 55.<br />
Isocrates, Letters, 26 f.<br />
Ja, J a, 322.<br />
Jahava, 33-3.<br />
Jaho, 322.<br />
James the Less, 144 f.<br />
James, Epistle of, 52 f.<br />
Jaoth, -326 t.<br />
Jason of Cyrene, 304.<br />
Jeremiah, Letter of, 40 f.<br />
Epistle of, 41.<br />
Jesus, 58 f.<br />
Words of. Translated into Greek, 75.<br />
•Jesus Justus, 315.<br />
Jesus Sirach, Prologue, 69, 339 tl.<br />
Chronology, 339 ff<br />
Jews, 222 f., 232.<br />
Edict of Ptolemv IV. Philopitor a-aiust,<br />
341 f.<br />
In the Fayyum, 149.<br />
,
Jews (corUiniied)—<br />
Dissemination of Greek among, 77.<br />
on Coast of N. Africa, 280 f.<br />
(See also Claudius, Name, Trajan.)<br />
Jewish Greek, 68, 296 ff.<br />
Words <strong>and</strong> Constructions, 198 S.<br />
Jobel, 100 f.<br />
John the Divine, 231.<br />
John Mark, 317.<br />
John, "Letters" of, 49 f.<br />
Joseph Justus, 315.<br />
Josephus, Hebraisms in, 67, 70.<br />
The Jemsh War as a Translation, 67,<br />
75.<br />
Jubilee, Year of, 100 f.<br />
Juristic Expressions, 196 ff. , 200, 213, 221,<br />
227, 228 f., 229 f., 230, 231, 2-32 f., 233,<br />
238, 239 f., 242 ff., 247, 248 f., 249 f.,<br />
251 f., 253, 254 f., 257, 264 f., 266.<br />
Kapporeth, 124 IF.<br />
Kepler, Letters, 5.<br />
KoivT), the, 80.<br />
Late Greek, 173 f}'., 296.<br />
Legal Terms, etc., see Juristic.<br />
Letter, Conception of, 3 f., 6 f.<br />
Address, 50 f.<br />
addressed to more than one, 4, 18 f.<br />
<strong>and</strong> Epistle, 9 ff.<br />
<strong>and</strong> Literature, 6 f., 16, 21.<br />
Ancient Classifications, 35.<br />
Modern Classifications<br />
—<br />
Congregational, 19, 45.<br />
Doctrinal, 45 f.<br />
Family, 18 f.<br />
Otticial, 28.<br />
Pastoral, 46.<br />
Private, 19, 45.<br />
Subsequently Published, 8 ff., 20 f.<br />
True, 20.<br />
See also Atossa.<br />
Letters, Babylonian-Assyrian, 17.<br />
Early Christian, 42 ff.<br />
Greek, 21 tf.<br />
Jewish, 38 ff.<br />
Papyrus, 22 ff.<br />
Roman, 28 ff.<br />
Aristotle, 26.<br />
Abelard <strong>and</strong> Heloise, 46.<br />
Cicero, 29 tf.<br />
Epicurus, 9, 28.<br />
Gregory VIL, 46.<br />
I Socrates, 10, 26 f.<br />
Italian Humanists, 16.<br />
Jeremiah, 40 f.<br />
Kepler, 5.<br />
Luther, 28.<br />
Moltke, 5.<br />
Ninck, 19.<br />
Origen, 48.<br />
Paul, 42 ff.<br />
Roslinus, 5.<br />
Letters, Public Papers <strong>and</strong> Speeches, insertion<br />
of, in Historical Works, 28 f.,<br />
39, 41 f.<br />
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 377<br />
Letters <strong>and</strong> Epistles of the <strong>Bible</strong>, problem<br />
of Literary History, 34 ff.<br />
Literature of [Brlejlitteratm-], 17, 50.<br />
Collections of, 27 f.<br />
Letter- writing. Guides to, 35.<br />
"Letters," "Large," 348.<br />
Lexical <strong>and</strong> Syntactical Notes, see Vocabulary<br />
<strong>and</strong> Syntax.<br />
Litanei, 298.<br />
Literature, Character of, 6 f. , 13 f.<br />
Biblical, 36.<br />
History of Early Christian, 55 f.<br />
Jewish, its Inffiieuce on Early Chri.stiau<br />
Authors, 39.<br />
See also Letter, Christianity.<br />
Liturgy, 298.<br />
Logia, Translators of, 75.<br />
Longinus, 43.<br />
Lord's Day, 218 f.<br />
Love Spell, 279.<br />
Luke, Prologue to Gospel of, 76.<br />
Luther, Letter to his Son, 28.<br />
Luther's <strong>Bible</strong>, 73, 134 f.<br />
Lysias, Epistles of, 31.<br />
Maccabees, Books of, 179.<br />
Second, 42, 303 f.<br />
Third, 342.<br />
Fourth, 50.<br />
Magic Literature, Greek, 273 ff., 323,<br />
352 ff.<br />
Manaen, 310 ff.<br />
Mark of the Beast, in Revelation, 240 ff.<br />
Marks of Jesus 349 ff.<br />
Mercy-seat, 124 tf.<br />
Minatory Formulae, 356.<br />
Miracle at Red Sea in Magic Formulae,<br />
285.<br />
Moltke, Letter of, 5.<br />
Mons Olivarum, 211.<br />
Olive ti, 211.<br />
Mordecai, see Esther.<br />
Morphology, Notes on, 186-193.<br />
Mother's Name in Magic Formulae, 283.<br />
Mule, Infertility of, 285 f.<br />
Mysehi, 333.<br />
Name of God, Unutterable, 287 f.<br />
Names, in -rjc, 310 f.<br />
Double, of Jews, 314.<br />
Greek, of Similar Sound added to Barbaric,<br />
315 f.<br />
Greek, substituted for Hebrew, 315.<br />
Theophoric, 309 f.<br />
See also Proper.<br />
Nebo, 309 f.<br />
"New Testament" Greek, 173 flf.<br />
Words <strong>and</strong> Constructions, 198 ff.<br />
Ninck, Letter to his Congregation, 19.<br />
Nun, 308 f.<br />
Olives, Mount of, 208 tf.<br />
Origen, Letters, 48.<br />
Orthography, Notes on, 181-185.<br />
of N. T., 81.<br />
of Ptolemaic Papyri <strong>and</strong> LXX, 72.
—<br />
378 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.<br />
Osiris Myth, 356 f.<br />
Overbeck, F. , his Conception of the<br />
Beginnings of Christian Literature,<br />
37 f.<br />
tlieir Value as Sources, 57 f.<br />
to Corinthians, 47 f. ; (Second) 47 f., 54.<br />
to Galatians, 47, 346 ff.<br />
to Philemon, 45, 56.<br />
to Philippians, 45.<br />
to Romans, 48 f.<br />
Rom. xvi., 45, 283.<br />
See also Camerarius.<br />
Permutations of Vowels in Magic, 325, 329.<br />
Perfect, 192.<br />
Peter, First Epistle of, 51 f.. Second,<br />
360 ff.<br />
Peschito, 211.<br />
Philemon, Letter to, 45, 56.<br />
Philippians, Letter to, 45.<br />
Phrases <strong>and</strong> Formulse, see Formulaic.<br />
Pliny, Letters, .32.<br />
Plutarch, Letters, 31.<br />
Praecido, 152.<br />
Prayers, Form of, 297 f.<br />
Prepositions, 192, 195, 196, 197, 213, 216 f.,<br />
221, 227, 265 f.<br />
See also Greek Preps, in Index I.<br />
Presbyter, 154 ff. , 233 ff.<br />
Priests, 233 ff.<br />
Proper Names, 187 ft'., 301 ff'.<br />
Prophets, 235 ft'.<br />
Propitiatory Cover, 124 ff.<br />
Proseuche, 222 f.<br />
Protective Marks, 240 f., 350 ft'.<br />
Providentia Specialissima. 285.<br />
Pseudonymity, Idea of Literary, 13 ft'., 41.<br />
Ptolemaic Period<br />
Official Diction of, 343 ff.<br />
Greek Legal Terminology of, 104 f. , 344.<br />
Ptolemy IV. Philopator, Edict against<br />
Jews, 341 ft'.<br />
Quotation, Mode of Biblical, 76, 89, 295.<br />
in Synoptists, 102 ff. , 162 f.<br />
Religion of Book or Document, 59, 113.<br />
Religion, History of, 36, 58, 271 f.<br />
Religious ideas. Change of Meaning, 78 ft".<br />
Religious Diction of Asia Minor, 360 ft'.<br />
366 f.<br />
Religious Terms <strong>and</strong> Expressions, 195 f.,<br />
Palms <strong>and</strong> White Robes, 368 If.<br />
Papyri, 173 ff. , 179 f. , etc.<br />
196, 215 f. , 216 f., 222 f. , 224 f., 226 f.,<br />
their Value for LXX-study, 71 ff.<br />
230 f., 231 f., 232 f., 233 ff., 235 ff,<br />
Papyrus Letters, 21 ff.<br />
248, 250, 254, 258.<br />
Paradise, 148.<br />
Remissio, 99.<br />
Pastoral Epistles, 54.<br />
Revelation, see Apocalypse.<br />
Paul, his Name, 313 if.<br />
Ritschl's (A.) view of iKaariiptop, 133 f.<br />
Characteristics, 359.<br />
Romans, Letter to, 48 f.<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Galatians, 346 ff.<br />
Rom. xvi. , 45, 283.<br />
his Greek, 64, 76, 296 f.<br />
Roslinus, Letter, 5.<br />
Legal Terms used by, 107 f. (see also<br />
Juristic Expressions).<br />
Samaria in the Fayyum, 336.<br />
Opinion of Longinus, 43.<br />
Samaritan Pronunciation of Tetragramma-<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Religious Speech of Imperial ton, 334 ff<br />
Period, 366 f.<br />
Samaritans in the Fayyum, 335 f.<br />
was he an Epistolographer ? 42 if.<br />
Scholia, possible Value of, for Biblical<br />
Paul, Letters of<br />
Canonisation, 43.<br />
Philology, 200.<br />
Seal, Roman Imperial, 242 ft'.<br />
Collection <strong>and</strong> Publication, 56.<br />
Semitic Elements in Greek Inscriptions,<br />
False Conceptions regarding, 43.<br />
188 f.<br />
St<strong>and</strong>point of Criticism, 57 ff.<br />
Semitisms, see Hebraisms.<br />
St<strong>and</strong>point of Exegesis, 57.<br />
Seneca, Epistles, 32.<br />
Septuagint, 66 ff., 173, 179, 199, 202,<br />
205 ft'., 261 f., 271, 280, 294, 295 ff.,<br />
etc.<br />
Change of Meaning in terms of,<br />
124 f.<br />
Lexicon to, 73 f.<br />
Mode of Investigating, 124 ff.<br />
Quotations <strong>from</strong>, 76.<br />
Study of, X f.<br />
<strong>and</strong> Early Christian Writers, 77 ff.<br />
78 f.<br />
as a Monument of Egyptian Greek, 70 ff.<br />
Egyptianising "Tendency" of, 73.<br />
Influence of Hebrew Sounds on<br />
Greek Words, 99.<br />
its<br />
Relation to the Ptolemaic Papyri, 70 ff.<br />
Transcription<br />
Words, 99.<br />
of Unknown Hebrew<br />
Serapeum at Memphis, 140.<br />
Show bread, 157.<br />
Signs, Sacred, 349 ft".<br />
Son of God, 73.<br />
Spirit, 78.<br />
Stigma, Purpose of, 349 f.<br />
Superstition, 272 f., 297 f., 323, 352 ft'.<br />
Sunday, 218 f.<br />
Synagogue, 222 f.<br />
Synonymic of Religious Terms Of Early<br />
Christianity,<br />
Synoptists, 297.<br />
104.<br />
Linguistic Character of, 74 f.<br />
Semitic Sources of, 162 f.<br />
Syntax, Notes on, 194 ft'.<br />
Syth, 333.<br />
Tabulae Devotionis, 279.<br />
<strong>from</strong> Adrumetum, 273 ft'., 356.<br />
<strong>from</strong> Carthage, 274, 284, 289.<br />
Technical Expressions, 228-247, 254, 257,<br />
264 f., 266, 267.<br />
See also Formulaic Expressions.<br />
,
Tetragrammaton, 319 If.<br />
Thayer, J. H. , 176, etc.<br />
Thephillin, 353.<br />
Traditional Forms of Sem. Names in Greek<br />
Texts, 330.<br />
Trajan's Jewish War, Sources for, 68, 316.<br />
Transcriptions, Vocalic, of the Tetragram- ,<br />
maton, 330.<br />
INDEX OF TEXTS. 379<br />
White<br />
Verb, 189 tt.<br />
Vocabulary <strong>and</strong> Syntax, Notes on, 194-<br />
267.<br />
Vowels, Variation of, 180 fi.<br />
Vulgate, 211, 225.<br />
Robes <strong>and</strong> Palms, 368 S.<br />
Translations of Sem. Originals into Greek, Y, Phoenician = Heb. 6 (<strong>and</strong> 6) 333<br />
74 ff. Yth. 333.<br />
III.<br />
INDEX OF TEXTS.<br />
Ge STES IS. Leviticus<br />
11 284 2" 135 f.<br />
1^ . 286 4 18<br />
. 123<br />
116£. . 289 1341.42 117<br />
118<br />
.<br />
.<br />
289<br />
286<br />
• 4S<br />
1614<br />
.<br />
.<br />
88<br />
127<br />
192a<br />
. 151<br />
2Sff.<br />
6<br />
. 148 1927£. . . 351<br />
'6 [15] . 128 192s<br />
. 349<br />
141SI- 22<br />
. 284 19 36<br />
. 116<br />
1711<br />
1712<br />
181"<br />
. 153, 351<br />
. 152<br />
. 168<br />
214<br />
21 5 f.<br />
24<br />
. 106<br />
. 351<br />
16<br />
221- . 207 25<br />
. 288<br />
lu<br />
23*<br />
2311<br />
23<br />
. 149<br />
. 164<br />
2510-11 • 12 1». 15-<br />
2523<br />
101. 138<br />
. 100 f.<br />
106, 229<br />
1«<br />
. 260 25 «»<br />
2523 . 157 27 .<br />
. 106<br />
. 101<br />
32 lu<br />
. 120<br />
3429 . 160 Numbers<br />
36 «<br />
. 160 412-26<br />
. 141<br />
36 24<br />
4021<br />
411<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
160<br />
267<br />
258<br />
75<br />
1427<br />
14<br />
. .<br />
.<br />
141<br />
110<br />
28<br />
.<br />
4321 . 370 16 22<br />
205<br />
. 327<br />
45-1 . 258 2319 . 199<br />
4712 . 158 27 16<br />
47<br />
. 327<br />
18<br />
. 123 3150 . 150<br />
50 2 f.<br />
. 120 3327f. 36"<br />
.<br />
.<br />
189<br />
164<br />
Exodus.<br />
42B 152 Deuteronomy.<br />
5 6- 10- 14. 15- 19<br />
. 112 116 230<br />
15 18<br />
175<br />
20"<br />
2120<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
283<br />
120<br />
293<br />
120<br />
1016<br />
10"<br />
12:'<br />
12<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
151<br />
28.3<br />
310<br />
"2<br />
. 114<br />
2516P7] .125f. 14 If.<br />
. 351<br />
25 20 [21]<br />
25<br />
. 128 152 . 123<br />
so<br />
2634<br />
. .<br />
.<br />
157<br />
127<br />
252 . 165<br />
•2515 3028 . 125 2614<br />
. 116<br />
.136f.<br />
3110<br />
3522<br />
.<br />
.<br />
141<br />
150<br />
2726 . 248<br />
28-58 . 282<br />
376 125. 127 306 . 151<br />
38 5<br />
. 127<br />
391 . 141 Joshua.<br />
39 41 [19 I . . 141 512 . . 136<br />
Judges.<br />
5i« 160<br />
514 110.112<br />
191" 160<br />
1922 165-<br />
1 Samuel.<br />
42-3<br />
1612, 1742 .., _<br />
68-<br />
157<br />
1722<br />
17«<br />
158<br />
120<br />
2013 90'<br />
2031 165<br />
216 157<br />
282 98<br />
2 Samuel.<br />
27 165<br />
714 120<br />
125, 1328 165<br />
223 91<br />
2216 98<br />
2321 120<br />
1 Kings.<br />
4 27 [31] 292<br />
72-38 153<br />
1911 287<br />
2035 163<br />
2035fif. 351<br />
139-16.<br />
1415f.<br />
15<br />
_ .<br />
.<br />
351<br />
284<br />
l-'i<br />
412<br />
.<br />
.<br />
199<br />
114<br />
8<br />
. 285 726 . 310<br />
2 3-5-7<br />
15i6ff-<br />
2 Kings.<br />
163<br />
310<br />
1814 102<br />
24 18<br />
f, 2519. . . .llOf.<br />
258 310<br />
1 Chronicles.<br />
510 139<br />
926-33 150<br />
1123 120<br />
16 25 283<br />
18" 115<br />
282 158<br />
28» 190<br />
2811 127<br />
29 4 260, 262
380 INDEX OP TEXTS.<br />
2 Chronicles.<br />
4«, 613 127<br />
8- 18 10<br />
[19]<br />
29 [30' 6<br />
.<br />
.<br />
292<br />
95 312<br />
Isaiah.<br />
154<br />
917 260 32 [33 8 9<br />
. -291 3-20<br />
. . 150<br />
2» 308 32 [33 9<br />
1311 157 32 [33<br />
. 289 57 . . 220<br />
14 . 290 613 . . 1.59<br />
15« 308 33 [34^ 5<br />
. 150 10 2J<br />
. . 120<br />
221 145 38 [39] 13<br />
24" 141 46 [47]<br />
. 149 llH-7 . . ^291<br />
3<br />
. 283 13^' 26" 110,115 47 [48]<br />
. . 290<br />
1-5<br />
. 293 13 8<br />
288 164 .50 [51]<br />
. . 293<br />
12<br />
28' 115 .57 [58]<br />
. 290 1412 . . 164<br />
8<br />
3112 115 59 [60]<br />
. 1.51 192 . . 145<br />
^<br />
32S" 141 66 [67]<br />
. 290 •22 15<br />
. . 112<br />
8<br />
33" 141,288 71 [72]"<br />
. 291 26^ . . ^283<br />
73 [74] 13<br />
. -282 -2712<br />
. 284 30 '7<br />
. . 116<br />
. . 135<br />
33 18<br />
. . 112<br />
Ezra. 73 [74] 16 . 289 '<br />
(2 Ezra or Esdras.)<br />
75 [76]<br />
76[77]i»<br />
.<br />
.<br />
283<br />
-290<br />
3321<br />
3323<br />
41 165 77 [78] 15 . -287 362-i<br />
" 8<br />
. 116, 283<br />
. . 135<br />
. . 112<br />
61^<br />
62U<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
308<br />
139<br />
78'- .<br />
88 [89]<br />
.<br />
.<br />
162<br />
283<br />
3812<br />
40<br />
. . 135<br />
3<br />
. . 162<br />
8 2S . 150 88 [89] 23<br />
107-16. 165 88 [89]<br />
. 165 4011 . . 102<br />
-25<br />
. 109 4012 . . 291<br />
88 [89] 33<br />
. 120 40 28<br />
Nehemiah. 89 [90]<br />
. . 283<br />
6<br />
. 1.51 42 12<br />
15 283 95 [96]<br />
. 95, 96<br />
^ 2« . 148 96 [97]<br />
283, 284 43-21.20 f.<br />
. . 96<br />
10<br />
414 . 283 98 [99]<br />
. 293 44' . . 351<br />
3<br />
. -283 45 1«-<br />
612 _ 308 98 [99]<br />
. . 367<br />
8 10-3 . 157 102 [103]<br />
. 122<br />
. 290<br />
461<br />
46-'<br />
.<br />
.<br />
. 309<br />
. 102<br />
1034ff.<br />
.<br />
13 '-^8<br />
.<br />
113<br />
•290<br />
J2<br />
103 [104]<br />
104 [105]<br />
. 290 53^-11 . . 102<br />
•"<br />
. 287 53 12<br />
. . 89<br />
108 [109] 11<br />
. 154 562 . . 164<br />
Esther. 110[111]9 . 282 57 •><br />
13,<br />
. 163, 165<br />
21s 168 110 [111] i»<br />
221 .<br />
53-8 .<br />
98<br />
92<br />
10-1 1- 1<br />
117 [118]<br />
118 [119]<br />
.<br />
.<br />
292<br />
151<br />
595-6<br />
62"<br />
. . 135<br />
. . 162<br />
17"<br />
. 92 65 25<br />
. . ^291<br />
5 1-4<br />
153 125 [126] J<br />
. 98 6612 . . 102<br />
6«<br />
'.<br />
168 r27[r28]3 .220f.<br />
7 2f. . 92 143 [144] 12<br />
7« . 153<br />
.<br />
145 [146]<br />
220 Jeremiah.<br />
6<br />
9 20- 29<br />
102 .<br />
41<br />
114<br />
.<br />
Proverbs<br />
284 4^ 151<br />
4 -24<br />
. . . ^291<br />
10 5 . . . ,<br />
103 .<br />
Job<br />
2" . . . .<br />
J<br />
115<br />
. 123<br />
17 . .<br />
'.<br />
38 . .<br />
6 2 . . .<br />
8 29<br />
.<br />
292<br />
154<br />
123<br />
287<br />
103<br />
1116 , . . 1.52<br />
27[50]3» . . 292<br />
38[31]» . . 116<br />
10 38 [31] . . 226<br />
10. 13 123 8 "^ 142 .<br />
14« .<br />
21<br />
151<br />
220<br />
'.<br />
'.<br />
.<br />
9 1" . . .<br />
9 12 . . .<br />
283<br />
292<br />
1^23<br />
15. 44 20<br />
[37] . 110, 112<br />
,52-25 . . . . 110 f.<br />
3 . 102 216 .<br />
2132 .<br />
-J93<br />
283<br />
11 1 . .<br />
13 8<br />
.<br />
1511 . .<br />
116<br />
123<br />
164<br />
Lamentations.<br />
313 164<br />
3 ^7 2412 .<br />
26 3 .<br />
273 .<br />
123<br />
365<br />
205<br />
1623 _<br />
.<br />
22-1 . . .<br />
227 . . .<br />
1-23<br />
292<br />
1^23<br />
98 if.<br />
Ezekiel.<br />
6 3 3123 _<br />
3128 .<br />
•293<br />
365<br />
8- 27 15. . .<br />
27 21 . .<br />
123<br />
261<br />
291<br />
9 351<br />
10 w, 11 22 342-1 .<br />
38<br />
293 30 6 . , 114<br />
. . . 283, 284<br />
111" 290<br />
3» . •291<br />
31 5 . iKfi 16 ^ 38<br />
151<br />
ff, 391- i 4218 . .<br />
Psalms.<br />
285<br />
113 ECCLBSIASTES.<br />
2<br />
19 3-6 291<br />
2225 291<br />
275 1.35<br />
5 2»<br />
11 [12]<br />
120<br />
148 •27 16 99<br />
3327,34 8,356,36 5 . 205<br />
7 261 f. Canticles. 366 291<br />
17[18]8 290 413 . 148 3623 . . 283
Daniel.<br />
110 123<br />
3'« 363<br />
6^ 92<br />
Q^ 290,291<br />
8 5 141<br />
HOSEA.<br />
24 165<br />
221 f- 107<br />
412 120<br />
Joel.<br />
1-'- 107<br />
120 98<br />
2 30 290<br />
Amos.<br />
91 127<br />
MiCAH.<br />
51, 7" 120<br />
Nahum.<br />
1« 287<br />
311 158<br />
Habakkuk.<br />
3» 95<br />
Zephaniah.<br />
3I' 290<br />
Haggai.<br />
11,21 340<br />
Zechariah.<br />
11,17<br />
6"<br />
340<br />
95<br />
71<br />
99<br />
310<br />
... 160,162,164<br />
lie 248<br />
1113<br />
13 6 . . • ...<br />
262<br />
351<br />
144 211<br />
Malachi.<br />
31 162<br />
1 [3] ESDBAS.<br />
1*6 281<br />
3* 98<br />
452 136<br />
612 284<br />
84 92<br />
855 122<br />
INDEX OF TEXTS. 381<br />
3626 290<br />
4 ESDRAS.<br />
3819 205 7<br />
39 »<br />
120<br />
40^,4122<br />
4314.17-20<br />
153<br />
.... 126<br />
451" 116<br />
4519<br />
46"<br />
127<br />
101<br />
47- 99<br />
s:!, 8 52 Psalms of Solomon.<br />
148 158-10 .351<br />
212<br />
TOBIT.<br />
135 16<br />
1 Maccabees.<br />
310<br />
1010 160 247 165<br />
Judith.<br />
323-32<br />
542<br />
306<br />
112<br />
112 205 6<br />
227 226<br />
49 262<br />
911 91<br />
12^ 98<br />
58<br />
Wisdom of Solomon.<br />
1 15 293<br />
35 248<br />
619 107<br />
714 168<br />
72' 168,290<br />
8i-'-i' 293<br />
8 21 121<br />
15-' 293<br />
17» 292<br />
SiRACH.<br />
(ECCLESIASTICDS. )"<br />
Prologue .... 340 ft.<br />
115 123<br />
1212 -267<br />
135 293<br />
1322 91<br />
36 11 [33] « .... 284<br />
.36 la [14 or in?] ... 93<br />
37^ 117<br />
4329<br />
45 n<br />
283<br />
138<br />
51 9 [i-!] 293<br />
Bakuch.<br />
229 205<br />
4»5 281<br />
Epistle of Jeremiah.<br />
V. 9 117<br />
Song of the Three<br />
Children.<br />
V. " 136<br />
Susanna.<br />
V. •'s 283<br />
Bel <strong>and</strong> the Dragon.<br />
V.2-" 117<br />
V. 5 117,284<br />
V. 22 117<br />
V. 32 160<br />
Rest of Esther.<br />
51 293<br />
Prayer of JTanasses.<br />
V. 1-4 298<br />
251<br />
7 6- 12- 20 ff. _ 3J4<br />
820 . . ; ; ; ; 232<br />
954ff. 314<br />
102-5.45 86<br />
1139 321<br />
11.50-62-66 _ 251<br />
1342 . . ;<br />
.<br />
; 340<br />
1350 251<br />
142V .340<br />
2 Maccabees.<br />
1*^ 214<br />
112 290<br />
124£. 298<br />
3 303<br />
3139 293<br />
3v 306<br />
311 255<br />
48 121<br />
4 16 150-<br />
429-31 115<br />
4« 251<br />
447 200<br />
449 293<br />
5'^ 290<br />
735, 84 293<br />
811 160<br />
929 310<br />
103 157<br />
1011 306<br />
1116 232<br />
1119 2.53<br />
11 2B 2.M<br />
1134 232<br />
1211-12 2.51<br />
12 22 293<br />
1243 219<br />
132- -23 306<br />
1322 2.51<br />
143 314<br />
1419 251<br />
14 28 115<br />
1430 93<br />
14 38 262<br />
152 293<br />
157 92<br />
3 Maccabees.<br />
22ff- 298<br />
221 293<br />
229 349,351<br />
2 33 92<br />
37 255<br />
3iiff-28 . . . . 341 ff.<br />
420 342<br />
5-« 138<br />
62ff. 298<br />
6 40 121
382 INDEX OF TEXTS.<br />
6« 262<br />
71 306<br />
720 345<br />
4 Macoabees.<br />
426, 52, 8 5-8 . . . 139<br />
98 263<br />
1010 95<br />
131a. 17^ 1412, 15 5- IS,<br />
1624 139<br />
1722<br />
18"<br />
126<br />
138<br />
Matthew.<br />
120 212M9-22. , , 253<br />
5''i 86,182<br />
62- 5- 16 229<br />
611 214<br />
722 198<br />
812 162<br />
817 102f.<br />
915 162<br />
1025 332<br />
10«7f- 248<br />
llio-ia 163<br />
1112 258<br />
1243 281<br />
1335-38 162 f.<br />
15 37,1610 .... 158<br />
1832 221<br />
211 211<br />
215 160-2-4<br />
21 « 225<br />
2315 162<br />
243 211<br />
2431 248<br />
2530 68<br />
2630 211<br />
2719 253<br />
2732 86<br />
27B5f. 66^ 28" ... 68<br />
Mark.<br />
12f-, 219, 317 . . . 162<br />
322 76<br />
53-7 281<br />
59 209<br />
735 189<br />
88-20 158<br />
8i9f- 118<br />
9 38 198<br />
111 209f.<br />
12 19 190<br />
133 211<br />
1327 248<br />
1419 138,139<br />
1428 211<br />
1521 86,182<br />
1540 144<br />
168 293<br />
1620 109<br />
Luke.<br />
19 252<br />
110 232<br />
2« 252<br />
3*4 282 13 13 . 317<br />
5" 190 1321 . 316<br />
533 250 1427 . 190<br />
534 162 151 . 252<br />
624 229 15 12. 30 233<br />
648£. 123 1514 . ....<br />
315, 316<br />
7 27- 35 K . 3s 163 1539 . 317<br />
113 214 162 . 265<br />
1242<br />
12<br />
158 1633 . 227<br />
58 1.54 17" . 254<br />
1334 190 182 . 187<br />
1410 267 18 s<br />
. 253<br />
1429 123 18 21 . 252<br />
19 . . 360<br />
1512 230<br />
16 8 163 199 . 233<br />
16 1« 258 19" . 255<br />
1710 68 1913 _ 281<br />
19 2H 209 tf. 19 18- 19 323<br />
1937 212, 232 2026 . 196<br />
2018 . 225 2113 . 252<br />
2034-36 . 163 21 22 . 233<br />
2137, 2239 209 ff. 227-13. 316<br />
22 S3 . . 160 2212 . 265<br />
237 . 229 2335 . 230<br />
23 43<br />
. 148 2417 . 117 f.<br />
244 . 263 2427 . 258<br />
24 18 . 315 25 13 . 257<br />
2521 . 229<br />
John. 2523 . 64<br />
81 211 25 24 . 232<br />
89 . 138f. 26 14- 24 316<br />
12 B 257 267 . 262<br />
1236 163 2724 . 316<br />
1316£. 242 282 . 255<br />
1515 . 168 28 30 . 258<br />
1712 . 163<br />
1922 . 113 Romans.<br />
1925<br />
2015<br />
.<br />
.<br />
315<br />
102<br />
325<br />
4"<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.<br />
.129,266<br />
153, 351 f.<br />
218 . 1.53 4 16 109<br />
53-5 . 107<br />
Acts. 5 16- 18 264<br />
110 263 81 . 264 f.<br />
112 208 ff. 822 . 253<br />
lis 196 8 26 . 122<br />
123 315 8 27. 34 121<br />
125<br />
2S<br />
267<br />
232 f.<br />
98 .<br />
1014f- .<br />
163<br />
107<br />
325 163 Ill . 316<br />
43 267 112 . 121<br />
432 233 121 . 254<br />
4 36 163, 307 125 _ 138<br />
5 18 267 15 s . 119<br />
6 2 190, 233 158 . 109<br />
6 5 233 15 16 . 258<br />
757 191 1519 . 316<br />
810 3.36 1520 . 123<br />
9 4-17 316 15 26 . 118<br />
925 158 1528 . 238<br />
9 36-39 189 16 3 . 187<br />
1022 265 167 . 192<br />
1210 189 169 . 283<br />
13 360<br />
131 310tf. 1 Corinthians.<br />
13B-10 163 16-8 _ 109<br />
139 . 313 f. 421 .<br />
. . . 119 f., 358
61 233<br />
618 202<br />
72 124<br />
7'-><br />
192<br />
75<br />
710- 11.15<br />
204, 255<br />
.... 247<br />
106 224<br />
1010 110<br />
1218 252<br />
1228 92<br />
145, 152 118<br />
15 3 f.<br />
15 25fl.<br />
1538 .<br />
161 ,<br />
162 .<br />
163<br />
167<br />
2 Corinthians.<br />
16<br />
1»<br />
1"<br />
112<br />
121f.<br />
33<br />
410<br />
413<br />
55<br />
5 16<br />
71<br />
8i« .<br />
9 1. 13 .<br />
92 .<br />
9 5. 12 .<br />
10*<br />
10 5<br />
.<br />
.<br />
11 . .<br />
118 .<br />
1132<br />
122<br />
.<br />
.<br />
124<br />
12"<br />
.<br />
.<br />
. . 250<br />
. . 316<br />
. . 252<br />
118, 142 f.<br />
. 142 f.<br />
. . 316<br />
. . 252<br />
250<br />
109<br />
257<br />
122<br />
88<br />
109<br />
59<br />
360<br />
250<br />
109<br />
253<br />
216<br />
118<br />
261<br />
221<br />
118<br />
221<br />
144<br />
181<br />
73<br />
349<br />
266<br />
183<br />
190<br />
148<br />
252<br />
Galatians.<br />
29 251<br />
31 360<br />
310 248<br />
315 109,114<br />
425-26 .31g<br />
428 163<br />
520 360<br />
6" 346 ff.<br />
«".... 103, 346 ff.<br />
Ephesians.<br />
22 163<br />
23 88,164<br />
220 123<br />
56-8 163<br />
1*<br />
15<br />
Philippians.<br />
250<br />
253<br />
INDEX OF TEXTS. 383<br />
1^<br />
23<br />
223<br />
35<br />
43<br />
4 18<br />
110<br />
214<br />
38<br />
411<br />
1<br />
212<br />
417<br />
55<br />
510<br />
2 Thessalonians.<br />
23<br />
311<br />
21<br />
22<br />
36<br />
315<br />
45<br />
519<br />
6 IB<br />
619<br />
410<br />
4 18<br />
2'i<br />
2^<br />
28<br />
1"<br />
22.3<br />
217<br />
36<br />
4 16<br />
61<br />
63<br />
6"<br />
616<br />
71s<br />
725<br />
86<br />
914<br />
917<br />
COLOSSIANS<br />
'. '.<br />
'.<br />
'91',<br />
247<br />
Thessalonians.<br />
1 TiMOTHT<br />
2 Timothy<br />
Titus.<br />
Hebrews.<br />
108<br />
•?56<br />
108<br />
SI 6<br />
64 ,265<br />
229 ,258<br />
.<br />
224,248<br />
,252<br />
163<br />
315<br />
121<br />
. . . . 205-(<br />
107<br />
926 9<br />
928<br />
10 :«<br />
1113<br />
1222<br />
1228<br />
13 18 88<br />
248<br />
64<br />
163<br />
64<br />
163<br />
225<br />
,250<br />
255<br />
220<br />
88<br />
121<br />
118<br />
293<br />
123<br />
182<br />
363<br />
255<br />
254<br />
200<br />
141<br />
107<br />
225<br />
107<br />
135<br />
123<br />
252<br />
5-7-8<br />
229<br />
228<br />
121<br />
190<br />
216<br />
107<br />
28 f.<br />
89<br />
88<br />
149<br />
316<br />
363<br />
194<br />
Jambs.<br />
13 259<br />
131- 107<br />
28 250<br />
223 1Q8<br />
313 194<br />
510 198,263<br />
1 Peter.<br />
11 149<br />
l^" 259 f.<br />
11* 163<br />
1" 88<br />
118 266<br />
22 256<br />
25 258<br />
29 96<br />
2" 149<br />
212 194<br />
223 91<br />
224 88 f.<br />
45 252<br />
2 Peter.<br />
11 315<br />
13 97,362<br />
1 3 ff. .361 ff.<br />
1* 368<br />
110-19 109<br />
25 190<br />
213 365<br />
21-' 164<br />
216 160<br />
218 88<br />
1 John.<br />
310 163<br />
4 18 199<br />
3 John.<br />
v.* 144<br />
V. 5 202<br />
V. 6 248<br />
JUDE.<br />
V. 3 .364<br />
V. 6 267<br />
V. 12 365<br />
Revelation.<br />
27 148<br />
213 187<br />
34 196<br />
312 316<br />
43 267<br />
48 139<br />
6 11 .368 ff.<br />
72ff- 352<br />
7 9 ff- 368 ff.<br />
9* 3,52<br />
10 6 284<br />
1113 196<br />
1119 189<br />
1311-1' 240 ff.
384 INDEX OF TEXTS.<br />
13ifif-, 141, 149ff-<br />
155 ....<br />
162 ....<br />
18i:'<br />
. . . .<br />
192«, 20'» . .<br />
21 2- 1". . . .<br />
21 « ....<br />
21" ... .<br />
352<br />
189<br />
352<br />
160<br />
352<br />
316<br />
192<br />
163<br />
101, 172<br />
232 .<br />
2121<br />
221S1<br />
... . 139<br />
114<br />
341<br />
561<br />
651<br />
.<br />
.<br />
Clem. Rom.<br />
1 Corinthians.<br />
168<br />
292<br />
122<br />
121<br />
265<br />
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.<br />
Clem. Rom.<br />
2 Corinthians.<br />
51, 101 190<br />
DiDACHE.<br />
13- 236<br />
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THE NEW TESTAMENT.<br />
W. S<strong>and</strong>ay, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity, Oxford;<br />
<strong>and</strong> Kev. W. C. Allen, M.A., Exeter College, Oxford.<br />
Rev. Willoughby C. Allen, M.A., Chaplain, Fellow, <strong>and</strong> Lecturer in<br />
Theology <strong>and</strong> Hebrew, Exeter College, Oxford.<br />
Frederick H. Chase, D.D., Christ's College, Cambridge.<br />
Arch. Robertson, D.D., Principal of King's College, London.<br />
Rev. Ernest D. Burton, A.B., Professor of New Testament Literature,<br />
University of Chicago.<br />
Walter Lock, D.D., Dean Irel<strong>and</strong>'s Professor of Exegesis, Oxford.<br />
Rev. A. Nairne, M.A., Professor of Hebrew in King's College, London.<br />
Rev. James H. Ropes, A.B., Instructor in New Testament Criticism in<br />
Harvard University.<br />
S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Principal, <strong>and</strong> Professor of Systematic Theology,<br />
United Free Church College, Aberdeen.<br />
Robert H. Charles, D.D., Professor of Biblical Greek In the University<br />
of Dublin.<br />
Other engagements will he announced shortly.<br />
—
i6 T. <strong>and</strong> T. Clark's Publications.<br />
Cbe World's €pocl)=maker$<br />
Edited by OLIPHANT SMEATON.<br />
Messrs. T. & T. Clark have much pleasure in announcing that they have<br />
commenced the publication of an important new Series, under the above title.<br />
The following Volumes have now been issued:—<br />
Buddha <strong>and</strong> Buddhism. By Arthur<br />
LiLLIE, M.A.<br />
Luther <strong>and</strong> the German Reformation.<br />
By Professor T. M. Lindsay, D.D.<br />
Wesley <strong>and</strong> Methodism. By F. J.<br />
Snell, M.A.<br />
Cranmer <strong>and</strong> the English Reformation.<br />
By A. D. Innes, M.A.<br />
William Herschel <strong>and</strong> his Work.<br />
By James Sime, M.A.<br />
Francis <strong>and</strong> Dominic. By Professor<br />
J. Herkless, D.D.<br />
Savonarola. By G, M 'Hardy, D.D.<br />
Anselm <strong>and</strong> his Work. By Rev. A.<br />
C. Welch, B.D.<br />
The Medici <strong>and</strong> the Italian Renaissance.<br />
By Oliphaxt Smeatox,<br />
M.A., Edinburgh.<br />
Origen <strong>and</strong> Greek Patristic Theology.<br />
By Rev. W. Fairweather, M.A.<br />
Muhammad <strong>and</strong> his Power. By P. De Lacy Johnstone, M.A.(Oxon.).<br />
The following have also been arranged for<br />
Socrates. By Rev. J. T. Forbes,<br />
M.A., Glasgow.<br />
Plato. By Professor D. G. Ritchie,<br />
M.A., University of St. Andrews.<br />
Marcus Aurelius <strong>and</strong> the Later<br />
Stoics. By F. AV. Bussell, D.D.,<br />
Vice-Principal of Brasenose College,<br />
Oxford.<br />
Augustine <strong>and</strong> Latin Patristic Theology.<br />
By Professor B. B. Warfield,<br />
D.D., Princeton.<br />
Scotus Erigena <strong>and</strong> his Epoch. By<br />
Professor R. Latta, Ph.D., D.Sc.,<br />
University of Aberdeen.<br />
Wyclif <strong>and</strong> the Lollards. By Rev.<br />
J. C. Caerick, B.D.<br />
The Two Bacons <strong>and</strong> Experimental<br />
Science. By Rev. W. J. Couper,<br />
M.A.<br />
CalYin <strong>and</strong> the Reformed Theology.<br />
By Principal Salmond, D.D., U.F.C.<br />
College, Aberdeen.<br />
Pascal <strong>and</strong> the Port Royalists. By<br />
Professor W. Clark, LL.D., D.C.L.,<br />
Trinity College, Toronto.<br />
Published Price, THREE<br />
:<br />
—<br />
Descartes, Spinoza, <strong>and</strong> the New<br />
Philosophy. By Professor J. Iverach,<br />
D.D., U.F.C. College, Aberdeen.<br />
Lessing <strong>and</strong> the New Humanism.<br />
By Rev. A. P. Davidson, M.A.<br />
Hume <strong>and</strong> his Influence on Philosophy<br />
<strong>and</strong> Theology. By Professor<br />
J. Orr, D.D., Glasgow.<br />
Rousseau <strong>and</strong> Naturalism in Life<br />
<strong>and</strong> Thought. By Professor W. H.<br />
Hudson, M.A., Lel<strong>and</strong> Stanford<br />
Junior University, California.<br />
Kant <strong>and</strong> his Philosophical Revolution.<br />
By Professor R. M. Wenley,<br />
D.Sc., Ph.D., University of Michigan.<br />
Schleiermacher <strong>and</strong> the Rejuvenescence<br />
of Theology. By Professor<br />
A. Martin, D.D., New College,<br />
Edinburgh.<br />
Hegel <strong>and</strong> Hegelianism. By Pro-<br />
fessor R. Mackintosh, D.D., Lancashire<br />
Independent College, Man-<br />
chester.<br />
Newman <strong>and</strong> his Influence. By<br />
C. Sarolea, Ph.D., Litt. Doc,<br />
University of Edinburgh.<br />
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