Good Confucianism book (pdf) - Department of Physics

Confucius and Confucianism

Confucius& ConfucianismThe EssentialsLee Dian RaineyA John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication

For my mother and father,Phyllis MacGregor and William RaineyWhen you drink the water, remember its source.Chinese proverb

x ContentsThe Communist Party and the Communist Government 180New Confucians 181Confucianism as the Foundation of Chinese Culture 183Substance/Application 183The Confucian Core 184Confucianism as Religion 184Asian Values 186Governments: Taiwan, Singapore, and China 186Critics of New Confucianism 189New Confucianism’s Impact and Importance 190Summary 19113 Issues 192What is Confucianism? 192Democracy 193The Emphasis on the Economy 195Ritual 196Filial Piety 196Education 197Self-cultivation 198Does Confucianism Include Women? Can ConfucianismInclude Women? 198Critics 201Is Confucianism a Religion? A Philosophy? Something Else? 202Summary 204Notes 207Glossary of Names and Terms 241Suggestions for Further Reading 249Bibliography 253Index 258

List of Illustrations1.1 Traditional rendering of Confucius 121.2 Map of Warring States, China (with modern cities) 141.3 Confucius ’ tomb 212.1 The Apricot Pavilion where Confucius is said tohave taught 416.1 Statue of Mencius 888.1 Trigrams and hexagrams in the Book of Changes 1248.2 Wall where, it is said, the classics were hidden from theFirst Emperor 1309.1 Yin - yang symbol 13510.1 Main building in the Temple of Confucius in Qufu 15311.1 Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate 16312.1 Students studying at the Confucian Temple inTaichong, Taiwan 185

Preface: Why Confucius?Confucius was born over 2,500 years ago. Why would we want to knowwhat he said? How could someone from that long ago be of any importanceto us now?Confucius faced many of the same problems we do: governments tellinglies; an enthusiasm for military adventures; great social, economic, and technologicalchanges; a society that seemed to be losing any respect for educationand for moral behavior; growing sleaziness and ignorance. Confuciusoffers solutions to these problems. You will find that what he has to sayapplies to our dilemmas and to us today.Confucius said that we can become responsible, adult people who behaveproperly. If we can do that, we can change the world we live in. Unlikemany people today, when Confucius talks about morals and virtues, he doesnot do it to accuse others or to force his thinking on anyone. Confuciustells us that we should become educated, not to get a job, but to becomebetter people. He, and his followers, talk about cultivating the self, just asone grows a garden. Do that properly and you change your family, neighborhood,and country.Readers who are just beginning in this area should be aware that everysection of this text is debated and that the issues are far more complexthan a text of this sort can convey. They should bear in mind that this isan introductory text. References to arguments about issues and terms arein the endnotes, along with suggestions for further reading, and I wouldencourage readers to follow up with them.This book is based on the work of hundreds of scholars. Thestudy of Chinese philosophy in the West has, in the last 20years, become increasingly sophisticated and exciting. Scholars in thearea must also bear in mind that this book is an introduction andthat many complex ideas have often had to be conflated or relegated toendnotes.

Preface: Why Confucius? xiiiI can still remember my excitement when I first stumbled, quite byaccident, on classical Chinese thought. I hope to be able to convey someof that in this small volume and to give the reader a glimpse into a worldthat has so much to say to us.I would like to thank the anonymous readers of both the proposal andthe draft, who have been generous in their suggestions and corrections; Iam deeply grateful for their careful reading. Heartfelt thanks are also dueto the editors and the staff at Wiley - Blackwell. The enthusiasm, insight, andsupport from such outstanding professionals have made writing this booka pleasure. I would like to thank the marvelous librarians of the QueenElizabeth II library at Memorial University. Generations of students atMemorial University have helped me deepen my understanding, and their,somewhat unexpected, enthusiasm for Chinese philosophy has been a greatjoy. The never - ending kindness and hospitality of Su Xinghua and herfamily in Taiwan for over twenty years is a debt they have never allowedme to repay. I would also like to thank Professor Simon Wong and Dr.Terry Woo for their rennai , patience, in our ongoing, and sometimes contentious,discussions of Confucianism. I owe many, many debts to ProfessorTracy Su, who has been a shining example to me of the Confucian virtueof ren , humanity. Dr. Jean Snook freely brought her sharp editing skills tothis manuscript. It was her advice, encouragement, and support that madewriting this possible, all the while exemplifying the Confucian virtues ofcheng , sincerity, and yong , courage. Finally, I would like to thank Dr.Richard Teleky for his editing of the manuscript, but mostly for a friendshipthat spans half of our lives and for his yi , rightness, and zhi , wisdom,that guide it.

Book NotesThe Pinyin system of transliterating Chinese is used throughout, rather thanthe older Wade – Giles system. The Wade – Giles transliteration can be found,after the Pinyin, in the endnotes and the glossary of names and terms. Theexception to this is with authors ’ names and book titles, where Wade – Gileshas been used. The Pinyin is then in brackets in the endnotes.As the Pinyin system is problematic for many English speakers, anapproximate pronunciation of names or terms can be found in the Glossary.The translations here, with a few exceptions, are mine: I will cite thetext, and where possible a chapter title or the standard numbering system,and I will refer the reader to an alternate translation. Some texts, such asThe Book of History , have not been fully translated for many years and sothe alternate translation is an old one.This text is meant as a basic introduction. Suggestions for texts, standardtranslations, and other views can be found in “ Suggestions for FurtherReading. ”

Chronology16th to 11th century BCE: Shang dynasty11th century to 256 BCE: Zhou dynasty11th century to 771 BCE: Western Zhou dynasty771 – 256 BCE: Eastern Zhou dynasty722 – 481 BCE: Spring and Autumn era403 – 256 BCE: Warring States era221 – 207 BCE: Qin dynasty206 BCE – 220 CE: Han dynasty206 BCE – 25 CE: Western or Former Han25 – 220 CE: Eastern or Later Han220 – 80: Three Kingdoms period220 – 589: Period of Disunity581 – 618: Sui dynasty618 – 906: Tang dynasty907 – 960: Five Dynasties960 – 1125: Northern Song dynasty1127 – 1279: Southern Song dynasty1279 – 1368: Yuan (Mongol) dynasty1368 – 1644: Ming dynasty1644 – 1912: Qing (Manchu) dynastyestablished 1911: Republic of China1949: People ’ s Republic of China

1Confucius ’ World and His LifeConfucius say, “ Man who shoots off mouth, must expect to lose face. ” 1Who is this Confucius with his fractured English and trite sayings?In the West we tend to have a cartoon - like view of Confucius: as a manwho churned out dull maxims – the “ dictum coining sage, ” says the LonelyPlanet travel guide 2 – or as a conservative old fogy whose sayings show upin fortune cookies.In the Chinese city of Qufu, Confucius ’ birthplace, on any given day youwill see hundreds and hundreds of people, most in family groups or tourgroups. The majority of the three million visitors a year are from elsewherein China, or from Korea or Japan. They wend their way through the historicsites in the area – the temple of Confucius, the Apricot Pavilion whereConfucius taught his students, Confucius ’ grave, and Confucius ’ familyhome. Some burn incense and bow before the central statue of Confucius.Everyone takes pictures and listens to the tour guides ’ spiel. While not especiallyreverent, everyone seems attentive and interested. This is a UNESCOWorld Heritage Site. Throughout the city, hawkers will sell you Confuciusmedallions, key chains, books, pictures, statues, and even tea “ from theSage Confucius ’ land. ” There is no trace of a boring, trite Confucius here.It is not just the Western image of Confucius that is a problem. Inmodern China, if you talk about “ Confucius ” most people will not knowwho you are talking about. That is because Confucius ’ name is not actuallyConfucius. The name “ Confucius ” was coined by Catholic missionaries toChina in the sixteenth century. It is the Latin form of the Chinese “ KongFuzi, ” or Master Kong (the “ Fu ” is an honorary addition). In Chinesehe is “ Kongzi. ” 3 “ Kong ” is Confucius ’ family name and the “ zi ” means“ Master ” or “ Teacher ” ; in Chinese, titles come after the family name, notin front of it as in English. I will use the Western convention, “ Confucius, ”because it is most familiar to English speakers, but we should probablybegin by knowing his real name. 4

2 Confucius’ World and His LifeWesterners also tend to see China and things Chinese as very much theopposite of the West: for example, Western philosophy is rational whileChinese thought is mystical. As children many of us in North Americabelieved that if we dug a hole through the earth we would come out on the“ other ” side, in China. A “ Chinese fire drill ” is a messy and disorganizedevent; “ Chinese whisper ” is a children ’ s game where a sentence is whisperedfrom one to another, finally ending as nonsense. Is stereotyping one of thereasons why Confucius, central to Chinese culture, is solely a figure of fun,while our important religious and philosophical figures are not?Confucius ’ World: Looking Back to a Long,Unified CivilizationBy the time Confucius was born in 551 BCE, there had been a civilizationand a political structure in China for about 1,500 years, and possiblylonger than that. He and his contemporaries looked back to the reigns ofthe sage - kings who were said to have lived two to four thousand yearsearlier. These sage - kings were described as bringing the arts of civilizationand government to China, inventing everything from farming to floodcontrol. Modern scholars argue whether these sage - kings were early rulersaround whom fabulous supernatural stories were built or ancient gods whowere reinvented as historical rulers of a very ancient past. 5 For Confuciusand those of his time, the sage - kings represented the best of rulers and theheritage of Chinese civilization.Dynastic rule came with the Xia dynasty ( c .2183 – 1500 BCE) and theShang dynasty ( c .1500 – 1100 BCE). Their China was not the China we nowknow. The area they ruled was centered around the Yellow River basin;gradually political authority would stretch north, west, and south to takein the China of Confucius ’ time (see map), though even that China was notas large as contemporary China.The Zhou DynastyKing Wu, one of the founders of the Zhou dynasty, fell ill. His brother, theDuke of Zhou, was so distressed that he prayed to their ancestors, asking thathe might be taken instead of his brother. While King Wu recovered on thatoccasion, when the King did die, his son, King Cheng, was very young andthe Duke of Zhou ruled on his behalf as regent. The Duke rejected suggestionsfrom other nobles that he should kill the child and take the throne himself.The Duke ’ s rule was considered to be the model of good government. WhenKing Cheng was old enough, the Duke handed over the government to him

Confucius’ World and His Life 3and, so it is said, retired to write the hexagrams of the Book of Changes andritual texts. (See chapter 8 .) 6The Zhou dynasty defeated the Shang rulers in about 1027 BCE, bringingunder their rule what was then western and central China. The Zhou government,like the Shang before it, was a feudal state where the king claimedownership of all the land and then parceled territories out to lords whopledged allegiance to him. Government offices were hereditary among noblefamilies and it was birth, not merit, that determined one ’ s place in society.When we use the word “ feudal ” we should not think of a king and hisfew advisors sitting about in a castle. The Zhou government structure wascomplex. There was a prime minister, a minister of the household, a ministerof justice, and a director of public works whose job it was to build and repairdykes, bridges, irrigation channels, and water reservoirs. There was a ministerof war and ministers who were in charge of fortifications. The ministry ofreligion carried out divination, interpreted dreams and celestial phenomena,and saw to sacrificial offerings. Other departments dealt with everythingfrom entertaining foreign guests, directing the music conservatory, overseeingand storing the harvest, hunting, and crafts. Other officials advised theruler on the law, rewards for service to the crown, and proper conduct.By the time of Confucius, not only was there a complex government,but China had a sophisticated society and culture. By the time of the Zhoudynasty, there was a writing system that was already centuries old, books,histories, music, and poetry. Skill in metal work was so refined that greatsets of bells could be cast, each one playing more than one note when struck.The Chinese used the decimal system and a metallic form of money; theytraded with people outside the China of the time. There were large markettowns, roads, bridges, and irrigation systems using canals, bridges, anddams. By the time of Confucius, China is estimated to have had a populationof about 50 million people.The rulers and nobles were a warrior aristocracy whose prestige andpower was based on warfare, hunting, and sacrificial rituals to their ancestors.These things set nobles apart from commoners. Noble families weredefined by kinship ties and each great family had its own estate, temples,and military forces. Nobles lived on their own estates and on the wealththey produced there. Commoners and farmers were like serfs, working onthe estates and called on for military service by their local lord.When an elite is defined by prowess in war, manhood is defined bymilitary courage and honor is central. Nobles saw themselves as obliged totake vengeance on anyone who took liberties with their honor; any smallslight had to be avenged to preserve one ’ s honor. Courage, loyalty, honor,family name, and sacrifices to the ancestors who founded the lineage werecentral to the nobility ’ s understanding of who they were.

4 Confucius’ World and His LifeAncestors and SpiritsThe ancestors of those nobles were powerful. They were thought to controlsuccess in war, hunting, and agriculture. They were capable of punishing theliving for any neglect in the regular offerings that were made to them; theancestors might also appear to punish their enemies, and to cause troublefor the living.The ancestral halls of the nobles contained tablets representing the ancestors.Ceremonies were performed in which food and drink were offeredto ancestral spirits; descendents took on the role of the ancestors in theserituals. There was no clear line between the living and the dead as the livingnourished the ancestors and the ancestors cared for the family.It is not clear where these ancestors were. They are often referred to as“ ascending ” but we are not told where. The dead (that is, all the dead,not just the ancestors of noble families) were also said to go to the YellowSprings, a gloomy underworld where what was left of their life force graduallydisappeared.Ancestors who had become too remote to be known, the dead who hadno one to sacrifice to them, and the dead of other families were thoughtto be supernatural too. Often dangerous, these ghosts could bring disease,death, or calamity and had to be guarded against. Another range of supernaturalbeings, the spirits, included ancestors and what we would call gods.These were the gods of natural phenomena, of particular areas, and godswith specific responsibilities such as fire, childbirth, or rain. Later textswould refer to all of these kinds of beings as “ ghost - spirits ” 7 when talkingabout some sort of survival after death or supernatural beings. The beingsof the other world continued to be involved in this one, in both positiveand negative ways.Religious ceremonies for ancestors were performed by their nobledescendents. There were also religious professionals, like shamans, whotreated the sick with ritual and with herbal medicine; they exorcized evilspirits and opened up communication with the dead through divination.These shamans had a number of ways to foretell the future. They heldofficial positions at court and were mostly women.Heaven and the “ Choice of Heaven ”Central to Zhou dynasty religious thinking was the concept of Heaven.This is not a heaven as we might think of it, that is, a place where one goesafter death. Heaven may be a god, but not the creator God of the biblicaltraditions. This is a central deity or concept that was understood as the

Confucius’ World and His Life 5primary supernatural power. There are some ancient texts that talk aboutHeaven as a god, and a god with a personality, who is pleased or angeredby the actions of human beings and who then blesses or punishes based onHeaven ’ s standards. On the other hand, Heaven is sometimes described asbeing something closer to nature, an impersonal and automatic force notat all like human beings.Whether Heaven was understood as a god or as nature, we frequentlyfind Heaven closely allied to the interests of the common people: “ Heavenhears and sees as our people hear and see; Heaven approves of actions anddisplays its warnings, as our people approve of actions and hold things inawe: this is the connection between the upper and lower worlds. ” 8 Whilethere is a separation between the supernatural world and ours, these twoworlds were thought to hear, see, and approve of things, in the same ways.The Zhou dynasty made use of the idea of Heaven in what began as aneat bit of propaganda called the “ choice of Heaven ” (sometimes translatedas the “ mandate of Heaven ” ). The theory behind the choice of Heaven issimple: Heaven dislikes bad rulers and sends sign of displeasure – drought,earthquakes, or floods. If the bad ruler ignores these signs and does notreform, Heaven chooses an upstanding and moral man to replace thebad and corrupt ruler. With Heaven ’ s support, the upstanding man willoverthrow the corrupt ruler and become the new ruler. So, if you are theruler, you have the choice of Heaven; if you are overthrown, you have lostHeaven ’ s favor and the new ruler now has it.The reason the leaders of the Zhou dynasty used the choice of Heaventheory was that they had overthrown the Shang dynasty. They claimed thatit was the choice of Heaven that gave them the authority to do so; that theybecame the rulers shows that they did indeed possess the choice of Heaven.What began as an effort of self - justification by the early Zhou dynastyrulers continued on throughout Chinese imperial history where emperorswere thought to have the choice of Heaven by virtue of being emperor.Confucius and other thinkers will also use the concept of the choice ofHeaven to widen the concept and to demand accountability from rulers.The Decline of the Zhou Dynasty and the Rise of theWarring StatesFor almost three hundred years, the Zhou dynasty used the choice ofHeaven to justify their rule and ruled successfully over China. In 771, theZhou capital in the west was captured by non - Chinese enemies and theZhou king was killed. Some of the royal family escaped and establishedtheir new capital further to the east in the present - day city of Luoyang.This loss of the western territories, and, even more, the loss of prestige,

6 Confucius’ World and His Lifesignaled the beginning of the decline of the Zhou rulers ’ political power. Ifthe Zhou rulers could not even protect their own capital city, then they wereincompetent or weak – or both. Local lords took more and more control oftheir own estates and saw no reason for obedience to a weak Zhou ruler. 9As the Zhou ruler ’ s power declined, local lords set up their own governments,often mirroring those in the Zhou court; they took on royal rolesand titles and their estates became independent states. The power of a locallord came from his ability to call up men and assemble a strong army. Thebigger his territory, the more men a lord would have to call on. This gavelords a considerable incentive to try to annex their neighbors ’ land andincrease their territory.Local lords faced threats everywhere they looked. Family members couldbe plotting to assassinate them. Other noble families in their state couldbe planning to overthrow them. Neighboring states might be working outplans to invade them.One of the major problems facing these local lords was that they hadno political legitimacy. There was no reason for any particular lord to bethe ruler of that state. He did not have the choice of Heaven; if he did, hewould rule the entire kingdom. He might claim a right to rule on the basis ofhis relation to the Zhou ruler, or as the head of his noble family. But therewere other members of his own family – brothers, sons, uncles, nephews– who could make the same claim. Added to that, there were other noblefamilies in his own state who saw no reason why the present ruler ’ s familyshould be the ruling family. If his rule was based solely on the nobility ofhis family, any other noble family might be just as noble. This meant thatany ruler faced rebellion both from within his family and from other noblefamilies. As we move into the Warring States era (403 – 221 BCE) most ofthe original lords were overthrown by other noble families. Families thathad overthrown their rulers faced similar challenges from other noblefamilies and, increasingly, from newly rich families who had little claim tonobility but whose power lay in their wealth.Members of ruling families plotted against each other. For example, in696 BCE, in the state of Wei, the Duke of Wei had an affair with one ofhis dead father ’ s concubines and he favored the son born from that union.When this son grew up and married, the Duke liked his son ’ s bride verymuch indeed and had an affair with her from which two sons were born.The bride, confident of the support of her father - in - law, the Duke, plottedwith her sons to kill her husband, the Duke ’ s son. This would allow at leastone of her sons (the Duke ’ s illegitimate sons) to become ruler. The plot wasonly successful when the Duke came in on it. And so it was that the sonwas killed by his father, his wife, and his half - brothers. 10A prince might be supported by another of the state ’ s noble families inhis bid to overthrow his father. When the son was successful in killing his

Confucius’ World and His Life 7father and becoming ruler, he was indebted to the noble family that hadsupported him. If conspirators were unsuccessful, they were beheaded,drawn and quartered, their families were all killed, and their wealth wentto the ruler. So it was to the ruler ’ s financial advantage to charge his subjectswith treason.Life at the courts of these rulers could well be full of assassinations, poisonings,and plots. Sons rebelled against fathers, younger brothers againstolder brothers, families against families. Inter - family plotting was not theonly danger for a ruler, or his successor. 11 Externally, states threatened andattacked one other or made temporary alliances that shifted easily.As part of their duties as ruler of a state, rulers would travel, with greatpomp, to the courts of other rulers where they would be greeted with feasts,musical performances, and gifts. Treaties would be signed and terrible oathsof lifelong friendship and political alliance sworn. This would be followed,almost inevitably, by treachery and attack.Warfare was unending. By the 720s BCE, with the Zhou dynasty indecline, there were about 120 feudal states. Two hundred and fifty yearslater, by the time of the death of Confucius in 479 BCE, only 40 statessurvived. These 40 states continued to fight each other until, 250 years later,there were only seven states left.The rulers of these states answered to no one. If you are looking forexamples of despicable behavior, reading through the histories of the time,you will be spoiled for choice. Rulers were able to follow their own inclinations,and these inclinations were often greedy and immature. When DukeZhuang, the ruler of the state of Zhu, was not able to punish an officer whenhe wanted to, he flew into a violent rage and flung himself onto his bed withsuch force that he fell off into the embers of the fire and burned to death.Before dying he gave orders that five men be put to death to accompanyhim in the tomb along with five chariots. The history says, “ Duke Zhuangwas an excitable and ferocious man. ” 12Living in a state of war and threat did not mean that nobles and rulersin these small states lived frugally. They had enormous gardens, and greatorchestras and dancers providing music and entertainment at parties andfeasts. They dressed in the latest fashions and enjoyed pastimes like hunting.One ruler, Duke Ling of the state of Qin (608 BCE), amused himself byshooting a crossbow at ordinary people from his city walls. When his chefdid not prepare a dish properly, the duke had him killed and his bodystuffed in a basket and paraded through the palace as a warning to others. 13In 494 BCE King Fuchai of the state of Wu was described by his contemporariesas so self - indulgent that whenever he traveled, even if he was juststaying for one night, he would insist on towers and pavilions being builtfor him. Ladies and maids must be ready to serve him. Even when he wentout just for the day, all his games and pastimes had to accompany him. He

8 Confucius’ World and His Lifewas an avid collector of art and precious rarities and enjoyed spectaclesand grand musical performances. 14 The nobility and rulers of the time werefrequently corrupt, immoral, interested in extravagance and luxury, andoften not very bright.Shifting alliances and intrigues, both inside and outside the state, meantthat concepts like honesty and loyalty were considered hopelessly old -fashioned. Anyone trying to behave well was obviously not smart enoughto figure out the realpolitik of the day. There were good and responsiblerulers and loyal and honest government officials, but often they did notfare well. One official, Shi Qi, was captured by enemy forces. He refusedto disclose the whereabouts of his lord ’ s body, because he had taken anoath to keep the burial site secret. They threatened to kill him. Shi Qiresponded by saying, “ When it comes to this kind of thing, if I had won,I would have become a high official; as I ’ ve lost, I ’ m going to be boiledalive. That ’ s how it goes; I can hardly object. ” His torturers then boiledhim alive. 15In another story of courage, a noble, Cui Zhu, had killed his ruler andso took the title of prime minister, setting his son up as the new ruler. Thestate ’ s Grand Recorder, the historian who kept the records of the court,wrote in the record, “ Cui Zhu assassinated his ruler. ” Cui Zhu had himkilled. The Grand Recorder ’ s younger brother then took over the post andrecorded the same thing. He too was killed, as was yet another brotherwho succeeded to the position. When the fourth brother took over the joband made the same entry, Cui Zhu finally gave up. While all this was goingon, a minor historian who was living in the south of the city heard that theGreat Recorder had been killed. He gathered up his writing kit and headedto the court, only to turn back when he heard that the facts had indeedbeen recorded. 16 There were examples of loyalty and dutifulness, but theywere few and far between.The collapse of the feudal system headed by a dynastic ruler and thesocial breakdown that followed meant that there were also major social,cultural, and economic changes. Many of the older noble families fell onhard times financially or in the struggle for dominance in their state. Anew merchant class rose along with a money economy, replacing the feudalbonds that had traditionally kept relationships together.As the old nobility declined, their inherited government positions wereincreasingly filled by salaried appointed officials. These new bureaucratswere scholars, an intelligentsia who moved from one state to another asthey liked, or as they were offered jobs. Although they were members ofthe nobility, they were not necessarily tied by family or clan bonds to theruler or the state they served.As well, there were innovations in warfare: iron weapons were nowused, the crossbow had been invented, traditional chariot attacks by noble

Confucius’ World and His Life 9charioteers were replaced by massive infantry and cavalry formations andgenerals were chosen for their skill in tactics, not for their noble birth.There were innovations in farming too. Agriculture increased because ofbetter irrigation and the use of iron tools. With the breakdown of feudalism,farming was more and more in the hands of nuclear families. Citiesexpanded as political and trade centers. 17The breakdown of the Zhou dynasty ’ s rule led to major changes inChinese politics, society, and culture. A once unified China was dividedinto many warring, small states. War, and the pestilence that often followedit, brought death and suffering to ordinary people. Even without war, lifecould be hard with high taxes and the ever - present threat of conscriptioninto the army. Amongst the nobility, notions of loyalty and honor changedto calculating self - interest and a passion for money. A great deal of thismay sound familiar to us in our world. For Confucius, and many of thethinkers who came after him, all of these things were signs of the declineof society and the loss of civilization itself. The past centuries of Chinesecivilization were about to be lost.One of Confucius ’ students spent the night at Stone Gate. In the morning thegatekeeper asked him where he had come from. The student answered, “ FromConfucius ’ home. ” The gatekeeper replied, “ Confucius – isn ’ t he the one whoknows what he wants to do is impossible, but keeps trying anyway? ” 18The Life of ConfuciusConfucius was born in 551 BCE into the troubled times of war, intrigue,and great economic and social changes; his life and teachings need to beunderstood in light of them. When it comes to the facts of Confucius ’ lifeand teachings, we have a number of written sources. As we shall see, ancienttexts, and the versions of these texts, like all ancient texts, present problems.The next section is an introduction to some of these texts and some of theproblems around them. There are additional problems given that Confuciuswas so famous that it was only natural that all sorts of myths would be builtup around him. There is an extensive hagiography, pious stories that haveaccumulated over 2,000 years. In the final section we will see that scholarshave been able to put together a biography of Confucius that, while stillsketchy, is considerably more probable than the legends. While we have agood idea of what Confucius taught, just who Confucius was in terms ofthe events of his life, or his personality, are much more difficult matters. Wedo not even know what he looked like – though traditionally he was saidto have been tall and well built. Our sources do not always tell us thingswe might like to know.

10 Confucius’ World and His LifeSourcesWhen we try to piece together the life of Confucius we come across thesame problem that we have with the life of any figure from long ago. Whilewe have texts that give us a great deal of information, how trustworthyand accurate are they? Who wrote them? Why? Is the picture they give usaccurate?After the death of Confucius in 479 BCE, his students, and their studentsafter them, generated texts that claimed to set out, or elaborate on,his thought. We will look at these texts in more detail in chapter 8 . Wehave, for example, texts like the Analects ( Lun Yu ), a collection of thesayings of Confucius. The Analects is said to have been put together byhis students. For the last one thousand years, the Analects has been seenas the primary source of direct quotations from Confucius, though, as wewill see, the text presents its own problems. It does not contain a completebiography of Confucius. There are other texts that purport to give usinformation about Confucius ’ life, though they are considered less reliable:for example, the Kongzi Jia Yu , a record of sayings of Confucius and hisstudents; the Three Character Classic , a primer for boys; and the Classic forGirls . While they too give us information about Confucius ’ life and teachings,they are much later texts from the Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE).Generated by Confucius ’ followers, all of these texts claim that they arequoting Confucius, describing episodes in his life, and accurately reportinghis teachings. So there are a great number of sources. 19Versions of the TextsTo confuse the sources further, there are not only texts, but there wereversions of these texts. Texts evolved, first transmitted by students, thencopied by others. If we take the Analects as an example, we can see howthis works. The Analects , or sayings of Confucius, were traditionally understoodto be the notes taken by Confucius ’ students at the time or recollectionsthat his students gathered together later. The text presents quotationsfrom Confucius, or a conversation between Confucius and others, but oftenwithout a context, so that we do not know what question was asked, orwhy Confucius was prompted to say certain things. The text we now haveis divided into 20 chapters or parts; these are subdivided by numbering thesayings within each chapter. While scholars continue to debate which ofthese sayings are authentic, it is agreed that the text was written, or compiled,by a number of people over the course of about two hundred years.By the Han dynasty, two to three hundred years after Confucius ’ death,

Confucius’ World and His Life 11there seem to have been three versions of the Analects in circulation, andthe text we have now is likely a synthesis of all three. 20There are some sayings in the Analects that are quite clear and there areothers that are far more cryptic. An example of the former is a story aboutone of Confucius ’ students, Zai Wo, who was found having a nap duringthe day. Confucius commented that, as one cannot carve rotten wood, therewas no point in scolding Zai Wo. 21 Evidently Zai Wo ’ s lack of energy madehim “ rotten wood, ” so there was no point in Confucius correcting him.An example of a somewhat more cryptic saying is this one: “ One day thestables burned down. When Confucius returned from court, he asked, ‘ Wasanyone hurt? ’ He did not ask about the horses. ” 22 It is only when we knowmore about Confucius ’ teachings that we can understand his remark. It doesnot mean that Confucius did not care for animals. His first concern waswith the stable hands and whether any had been killed or injured. He wasconcerned with people first; the horses, expensive and prized possessions ofthe ruler, came second. So reading the Analects requires information fromthe text itself, from commentaries written about it, and information aboutConfucius ’ teachings from other Confucian texts.Modern scholars sift through classical Chinese texts like the Analectsusing modern tools such as linguistic and textual analysis to try to datethem, trace their transmission, and penetrate the layers of interpretation.The result is a consensus about many of the important parts of Confucius ’life and thought, while interpretations of them, and arguments about theseinterpretations, continue.Confucius is like other important figures from the past, Jesus and theBuddha, for example, in that complex traditions grew up around them.While scholars agree on many of the basics of their lives and teachings, therecan still be wide variations in interpretation. Within these limitations, wecan reconstruct the broad outline of Confucius ’ life and teachings.Hagiography, the Pious Stories of Confucius ’ LifeThe first attempt at a full biography of Confucius can be found in theHistorical Records ( Shi Ji ) written in the Han dynasty, 250 years afterConfucius ’ death. Unfortunately, this biography contains many of thelegends and fancies that had already gathered around the life of Confucius. 23These legends maintain that Confucius ’ ancestors were descended fromroyalty and moved to the state of Lu, modern Shandong province, fromthe state of Song. Confucius ’ father is traditionally identified as Kong ShuLianghe. The histories record that he used his terrific strength and courageto save his fellow soldiers. 24 While he may have been a great soldier, hewas less successful at being a civil servant. When he was 60, he married

12 Confucius’ World and His LifeFigure 1.1 Traditional rendering of ConfuciusConfucius ’ mother, Yan Zhizai, who was only 20. Either with her husband,or alone, Confucius ’ mother went to Mount Niqiu to pray for a son 25 andthere received the spirit of Heaven.Other stories tell us that shortly before Confucius ’ birth, a unicornappeared to Confucius ’ mother carrying a plaque that said that, with thedecline of the Zhou dynasty, the child would be the “ uncrowned king. ”After it left, Yan Zhizai gave birth to her son. Two dragons descended fromheaven, circling the house, and five gods descended to the courtyard. Hismother heard celestial music announcing the birth of a sage. At birth, thecrown of Confucius ’ head looked like the shape of Niqiu mountain and sohe was named “ Kong Qiu. ” 26When Confucius was three, his father died. As a very young child,Confucius could play music and practiced rituals (see chapter 2 for a discussionof these rituals). As a boy he attended a school set up by a primeminister. When he was 17, his mother died. Even as a teenager, he wasrecognized by some officials in the state of Lu as a descendent of sagesand as having a natural ability to understand and perform even the mostancient of rituals.

Confucius’ World and His Life 13When he was 20, Confucius began his career as minor official. When hisfirst son was born, the Duke of Lu sent the gift of a carp in honor of thebirth, and so the son was named Kong Li (Li, “ carp ” ).Tradition also has it that, at an early age, Confucius was appointed bythe rulers of Lu to the post of police commissioner, then to a higher levelas Minister of Public Works, moving on to become Minister of Justice, andfinally to the position of prime minister of Lu. 27In the histories Confucius is shown as using his knowledge of diplomaticprotocol to help the Duke of Lu set up an advantageous treaty with the stateof Qi. The envoys from Qi, aware of Confucius ’ intelligence and skill, triedto intimidate him by sending armed men to the negotiations. Confucius,however, handled the situation so that Lu got what it wanted in the treaty.A paragon of virtue, Confucius did not fold when faced by force; withoutswagger, Confucius was courageous enough to correct his lord and wiseenough to know the precedents.Confucius continued to study with the most renowned Music Mastersand Masters of Ritual. There are tales that say that, when a new rulertook over in the state of Lu, the state of Qi sent three beautiful women tothe new ruler; the women were successful in making the new ruler distrustConfucius. Offended, Confucius withdrew from government, and beganhis fourteen years of travel throughout China (497 – 484 BCE), giving wiseadvice to other rulers and teaching the students who gathered about him.Traditionally it was thought that he had 72 students who were close tohim and more than three thousand students altogether. These travels weresometimes dangerous with so many groups of armed men everywhere. Inthe state of Wei, Confucius and his students were attacked and beaten;on his way to the state of Chu, he and his followers were surrounded andbesieged by a group of undisciplined soldiers. Sometimes political intriguethreatened Confucius: in the state of Song there was an attempt to assassinatehim. During his travels he dealt with hunger and hardships. Still, hetaught his students and attempted to advise rulers.If Confucius was such an accomplished sage, why did rulers not takehis advice? Later texts tell us that despite consistently wise advice to therulers of the states of Wei and Lu, Confucius was ignored. The texts givethree reasons for this. First, in order to follow Confucius ’ advice, rulerswould have had to accept Confucius ’ criticism of their behavior and reformthemselves; they would then have been required to govern with care andrestraint. No ruler of that time was interested in doing any of these things.Second, other government officials were envious of Confucius and fearedhim; they did their best to thwart his plans. They slandered Confucius totheir rulers, undercut his authority, and encouraged their rulers to behavebadly in the hope that Confucius would become disgusted and leave. Thecorruption of the time meant that Confucius was not able to find a job in the

Yellow RiverYANBeijingQINSubdivided intoWei, Han, ZhaoZHOUZHENGQILUQufuSONGHuai RiverCHUWUShanghaiYangzi RiverYUEHongkong0 100 200 miles0 100 400 kmFigure 1.2 Map of Warring States, China (with modern cities)

Confucius’ World and His Life 15many states he traveled to. Third, people of the time were incapable of reallyunderstanding what Confucius was teaching. Had the rulers and officialsof the state of Lu, the inheritors of the Zhou tradition, really understoodand followed what Confucius advised, they would have attained the choiceof Heaven and become founders of a new dynasty that unified China. Thestories that accumulated around Confucius contain these justifications forhis lack of political success.The stories continue by saying that, when Confucius returned to the stateof Lu, he was not offered an office, so he spent his time teaching and writingor editing the ancient texts, The Book of History , The Book of Poetry ,the Spring and Autumn Annals , and the Book of Changes (see chapter 8 ).When he had completed the texts, he lived on a vegetarian diet and prayedto the spirit of the Pole Star; a red rainbow flashed down from the heavensand changed into an inscribed tablet of yellow jade. Other traditions holdthat Confucius himself was the Pole Star, representing the god of literature,who had come down to earth.As death neared, Confucius was such an accomplished sage that hecould often tell the future: predicting the outcome of natural events and thefutures of some of his students. We are told that, near the end of his life,some hunters in the state of Lu captured a beast and killed it. Confuciuswas the only person who could correctly identify the beast as a unicorn.He wept and asked aloud why the unicorn had appeared at this time. Theunicorn, a sign of a new dynasty, had been killed. This was taken to meanthat Confucius understood that the state of Lu would never rise to greatness.In another version of this story, hunters killed a beast they did notrecognize. When Confucius saw it, he knew it was a unicorn. He wept tosee it dead because a unicorn appears when morality and justice will prevail.The hunters had killed the unicorn, an omen of good government. This wasalso a portent of Confucius ’ impending death.After Confucius ’ death, some of his students kept a vigil at his grave.They brought trees from their native places to plant. This custom hascontinued and to this day one finds trees from all over in the Kong familygraveyard.Traditions around these stories and scenes are still recounted and cannow be found in books and at tourist sites. For example, in the city of Qufu,which claims to be the birthplace of Confucius, one can be shown the seatwhere Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn Annals , the pavilion whereConfucius taught his students, the well that belonged to Confucius ’ family,and other sites to match these stories.We can see a number of themes in these stories. First, as with manyimportant figures from the past, Confucius had a special birth, completewith supernatural figures and events. His birth and death are roundedby appearances of unicorns; Confucius ’ failure to reform the times is

16 Confucius’ World and His Liferepresented by a dead unicorn just before Confucius ’ own death. Throughouthis life, there are signs of Confucius ’ special status. As he matures, his sagelyabilities border on the supernatural. Second, Confucius ’ abilities, even at ayoung age, are noted by the wise men of his time. Third, it is clear to somethat Confucius is the greatest sage and he gathers around him thousandsof students eager to learn from him. Fourth, despite recognition by someof the people of his time, Confucius is not recognized for what he is byany of the rulers. He fails, not through any fault of his own, but becausethe authorities at the time could not understand his vision. Confucius isthe frustrated visionary who is always right, but never listened to. Hadhe been listened to, history would have been different. Confucius was the“ uncrowned king ” of the era. He was the Sage who attained the choice ofHeaven, but he was, tragically, never given the chance to rule.It is possible that some of these stories are true. But it is more likely thatthey were created to honor the Sage. They are charming, just as charmingas the story of the three wise men at Jesus ’ birth, but pious stories ofConfucius ’ life are not things we need to rely on.Scholarly Versions of Confucius ’ LifeIt is generally agreed that Confucius was born in the village of Zou or Zouyiin the state of Lu, near the modern city of Qufu in Shandong province,in 551 BCE. This would make him an approximate contemporary of theGreek thinker Pythagoras (585 – 497 BCE). He was named Kong Qiu. Aswas often the case, Confucius had a second given name, a “ style, ” ZhongNi. His father, Kong Shu Lianghe, was a well - known military figure in thearmy of Lu with a reputation for courage and loyalty. Of his mother, littleis known as Confucius did not refer to her directly. All we know for certainis that her family name was Yan. His parents may not have been marriedor it may be that Confucius ’ mother was a concubine. Confucius ’ fatherseems to have separated from his mother, and she died early.By the time Confucius was born, the state of Lu was besieged by itsneighbors and internally divided among three powerful noble families; thehereditary duke was a mere figurehead. One of the three great families, theJi family, took over the post of chief minister of Lu and from this positionof power carried on as if they were royals, even offering sacrifices at MountTai – a royal prerogative.Little is reliably known about Confucius ’ childhood, though Confuciushimself remarked: “ I was of lowly status when I was young. That is whyI am skilled in many things. ” 28 There is a long tradition that Confucius ’immediate family, while of noble lineage, were poor, and lived in genteelpoverty.

Confucius’ World and His Life 17It is likely that Confucius was a minor noble of a class called “ knights ”– the lowest rank of the noble class. 29 As a member of the nobility, a knightmight be able to get one of a number of jobs at court: historian or recordkeeper, secretary, the tutor of princes or the sons of nobility, the overseerof rituals and music, or the master of ceremonies. By the sixth century BCEknights were part of the groups of professionals who performed funeral,marriage, and sacrificial rituals; they might also find employment as tutorsor advisors. The usual translation of “ knights ” then becomes “ scholars ”or “ bureaucrats. ”These scholar/bureaucrats served as officials in various capacities at theroyal Zhou court and in the courts of the independent states. They formedan emerging professional group. To a large extent they blamed extravagantrulers who listened more to friends, family, and shamans than to officials,like them, who knew their job.One of the reasons we know Confucius was a member of the nobility wasthat he had an education, possibly in a local school, possibly in the companyof other noble boys at a noble house. We know that, because Confuciuswas skilled in what were called the “ six accomplishments. ” These were:rites, music, archery, charioteering, the study of history and literature, andthe study of mathematics. 30 They were noble accomplishments, things agentleman was expected to be conversant with. We can think of an Englishgentleman of the nineteenth century, for example, who would have knownsome Greek and Latin, been able to quote the Bible and Shakespeare, andknown how to ride well. Like them, Confucius had the skills and traininga man of his class would be expected to have.In his early adulthood, Confucius visited the neighboring state of Qi(to the northeast of Lu) and spoke to its ruler, Duke Jing. Presumably hewas looking for employment in that state. He returned home to Lu justas a noble began a rebellion against the Ji family. Confucius apparentlyconsidered joining this rebellion in the hope, he said, of gaining a positionof influence in the new government and returning the state of Lu to theglories of the old Zhou dynasty.The rebellion was unsuccessful and Confucius accepted some minorposts in the government of Lu, but then resigned them. Later commentatorssay that Confucius was disgusted by the improper behavior he saw inthe government.His resignation left Confucius unemployed and so, in his fifties, hetraveled to a number of states over the next dozen years, going first to Weiand then to Song, hoping for employment. As a scholar visiting the court ofone of these small states, Confucius would have been welcomed as a guestand given a place to stay and possibly something to cover living expensesfor a while. At some point in his stay, the ruler or his ministers would haveasked him about his opinion of current affairs or government. Depending

18 Confucius’ World and His Lifeon his advice, the ruler and senior ministers would decide about hiring him.Confucius seems to have been spectacularly unsuccessful in these interviews.Like many of his class, Confucius hoped that his ideas would be acceptedby one of the rulers and that he would be given an influential post in government.This did not happen.In 484 BCE, unable to find a job or to influence rulers, Confuciusreturned to Lu where he was given what was probably a merely ceremonialposition. On the one occasion that Confucius gave advice to the rulers ofLu, his advice was rejected.Confucius is often credited with establishing the first school – acceptingfees from his students in return for his teaching. Confucius taught his studentsthe classical learning that included the things that Confucius himselfhad learned as a boy and young man: poetry, history, literature, ritual, andmusic. While he taught traditional subjects, he always interpreted theseclassical studies in his own way. The education Confucius offered was notmerely rote learning nor was it aimed only at making his students employable.Confucius interpreted history, poetry, ritual, and music, teaching themas a foundation for moral behavior and good government, as we will seein chapters 2 and 3 .While Confucius might have been one of the first to make teachinghis sole occupation, there is no evidence that he established a formalschool. Rather, students, mostly people from the same class of knightsor nobility that Confucius belonged to, paid him for training. Confuciushimself says that he accepted even the poorest of these men as long astheir character and hard work made them good students. It is not clearjust where he taught his students. It may be that lessons took place inrooms or courtyards in his home, but there was no school building. Ratherthan the 3,000 students attributed to him, scholars have identified 110,and, though there may have been more, it is unlikely that there were thethousands the legends speak of.Confucius ’ students describe him as talking mainly about The Book ofPoetry , history, and ritual. In his discussion of poetry, Confucius said, “ TheBook of Poetry has three hundred poems that can be summed up in onesentence: ‘ Have no evil thoughts. ’ ” 31 Confucius ’ son reported that his fatherhad asked him if he had studied The Book of Poetry . Confucius said, “ Ifyou do not, you will be unable to speak. ” 32The kind of speech that Confucius was referring to was quite practical:Confucius argued that poetry had many applications; he said to hisstudents,My children, why do you not study The Book of Poetry ? For it inspiresthought, increases one ’ s scope, cultivates one ’ s ability to be sociable, andshows one how to express feelings of resentment. At home one learns the

Confucius’ World and His Life 19personal duty of serving one ’ s father, and in public the duty of serving one ’ slord. In addition, one learns the names of birds, beasts, and plants. 33The reason for Confucius ’ emphasis on poetry was that quotations frompoems were used in diplomatic etiquette, in documents, and in speeches. Acultivated gentleman quoted poems and understood quotations, just as,in earlier times in the West, people quoted the Bible or Shakespeare. Theinability to follow poetic references meant that one was low - class andignorant.Confucius taught history, but not just as the study of historical facts anddates. History was to be understood as a study in morality: students learnedthe events of earlier times so as to model themselves on the great foundersof the Zhou dynasty, for example.When Confucius taught his students ritual, he was teaching them therequirements of court ritual: proper greetings for guests, state marriages andfunerals, rituals of ancestral veneration. Again, all of this was to preparehis students for jobs in government.Not only did Confucius teach his students about music, he himself wasan avid musician. Throughout the Analects , Confucius is described assinging, playing, and talking about music. When Confucius was with aperson who was singing and who sang well, he would ask him to repeatthe song, while he joined in. 34 One of Confucius ’ students was playing azither when he replied to Confucius ’ question about what he had his heartset on. He put down the instrument to answer, “ In the third lunar monthof the late spring, dressed in our spring clothes, I would like to go with fiveor six grown men and six or seven boys to bathe in the river Yi. There,in the breeze, we would dance and come home singing. ” Confucius sighedand said, “ I agree. … ” 35 Confucius not only sang, but played as well. He isdescribed as playing the sounding chimes and the zither. Some music movedhim deeply: the Analects says that when Confucius was in the state of Qihe heard classical music called the Shao , and for three months after he wasso distracted thinking about it that he did not notice the taste of his food. 36There are some hints of Confucius ’ personality from the texts especiallythe Analects . His students were not always the sharpest pencilsin the box and he was sometimes impatient with them. He said that ifhe had pointed out one corner of the mat to a student, he expected thestudent to find the other three; one student was so lacking in understandingthat Confucius called him “ a boor. ” 37 Confucius said that he wasnot about to teach anyone who “ has not been driven crazy trying tounderstand a problem or has not gotten into a frenzy trying to put hisideas in words. ” 38 On the other hand, Confucius ’ heart was broken whenhis favorite student died young. And Confucius, described so often as anold fogy, said, “ We should look upon the younger generation with awe,

20 Confucius’ World and His Lifebecause how do we know that those who come after us will not surpassus now? ” 39Confucius ’ students describe him as never having the faults ofdogmatism, inflexibility, or egoism. 40 This seems to have been true.Confucius never claimed to be a sage or even more intelligent than others;he claimed only to love learning and to be quick in seeking out knowledge.This was matched by the eagerness he said he felt to teach what he hadlearned.He gave a description of his own inner journey by saying, “ At theage of fifteen, I set my mind on study. At the age of thirty, I establishedmyself; at forty, I had no doubts. At fifty I knew the choice of Heaven; atsixty, my ears were tuned to it; and, at seventy, I could follow the desiresof my heart without going beyond the bounds of proper behavior. ” 41 Hehad finally learned enough that he could match his desires completelyto what is proper. In case this sounds a bit pompous, Confucius neverstopped criticizing his own behavior and he did not think he was perfect.He once said that “ When I fail at cultivating virtue, when I do not putinto practice what I have learned, when I know what is right and stillcannot follow it, when I am not able to change what is not good withinme – these are the things that worry me. ” 42 Like all of us, Confucius mayhave known what was right, but that did not mean he was always ableto do it.Nor was Confucius someone who felt superior about his intelligenceor learning. He once said, “ Do I possess wisdom? Indeed I do not. Therewas a fellow who asked me a question and I was completely blank. So, wediscussed the issue from beginning to end until we finally sorted it out. ”Acknowledging that he did not know, Confucius then went on to figureout the answer to the problem.Confucius was not caught up in worrying about wealth and status –unlike some of his students. As we have seen, he was quite happy to goswimming with his friends and come home singing. He said, “ Eating plainfood, drinking water, and having one ’ s elbow as a pillow – there is joy inthis! Wealth and high position – when gotten improperly – as far as I amconcerned are nothing more than passing clouds. ” 43 When asked about hisambitions, Confucius answered, “ I would like to bring comfort to olderpeople, to inspire trust in my friends, and to be cherished by the young. ” 44Confucius described himself as a man who would forget to eat when tryingto solve a problem, was so joyful that he could forget his worries, and didnot notice old age creeping up on him. 45Confucius was married and had a son and a daughter, but he seems tohave spent little time with his family; from what we see of him in textslike the Analects , his attention and affections are aimed at his students andmale friends.

Confucius’ World and His Life 21Figure 1.3 Confucius ’ tombConfucius died in 479 BCE at the age of 72. There is a story that whenConfucius fell gravely ill, his students attended him as if he were a greatlord and they were his ministers – serving him with elaborate protocol.They did this because they believed Confucius to be a great sage and hislack of high rank was embarrassing to them. At one point, when Confuciusregained consciousness, he saw what they were doing and said, “ You ’ vebeen carrying out this make - believe for a while, haven ’ t you? I have nogovernment ministers, but you are acting as if I do. Who do you think Iam going to fool? Can I fool Heaven? Anyway, why wouldn ’ t I rather diein the arms of my students than in the arms of government ministers? Imay not have a grand funeral, but it ’ s not as if I ’ m going to die by myselfon the side of the road. ” 46 His students had no choice but to carry out hisfuneral according to his low rank. Confucius ’ affectionate reproach in thisstory gives it the ring of truth.One wonders what he thought about his life as it came to a close. Onthe one hand, he had never been able to put his ideas into practice becausehe had never been able to get a senior government position. Many of hisformer students who did achieve high government positions seem to have

22 Confucius’ World and His Lifeforgotten most of what he had taught them about proper behavior andgood government. He might have thought that his life was in vain and histeachings would be lost. On the other hand, he was a passionate man whobelieved that the standards he followed were timeless, so he may yet havehad hope for the future. The one thing that is certain is that he had no ideathat he would be seen as the most influential thinker in Chinese history andthat his name would be known in countries he had never imagined.

2Confucius ’ Teachings I: TheFoundation of a Good PersonWhile we may not know much about the details of Confucius ’ life, we areon firmer ground when it comes to his thought. Here people argue not somuch over what Confucius taught but what that means.As a teacher, Confucius taught traditional subjects like poetry andhistory. However, he taught these things by shaping them to fit his ownideas. His teachings were based on the terms and ideas of his time, but aswe shall see, Confucius often radically reshaped these terms and ideas tofit what he wanted to say.How do you fix a world that is falling apart? Confucius offered athorough - going plan that addressed what we, as individuals, have to doand then how we must change society. In the first section we will look athow we can become adult, proper, people and then in the next section goon to see how we can then change society and government.We will begin with the building blocks of an inner disposition – filialpiety, dutifulness, honesty, sincerity, rightness, wisdom, and courage – andsee how all of this comes together in the attitude of humanity.Filial PietyWhen grandfather discovered that his ten - year - old grandson was lazy in hisstudies, he had the boy flogged. The boy ’ s parents were worried that thesefloggings would one day kill the child. The boy ’ s father tried to intervene withhis father and beg for leniency. The grandfather insisted that the grandsonmust study, and so flogged him harder.One day, the grandfather discovered his grandson playing in the snowwhen he should have been studying. Grandfather had the boy stripped nakedand left him kneeling in the snow while he considered the punishment. Theboy ’ s father did not dare say anything, but just stripped himself naked andkneeled down in the snow beside his son.

24 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good PersonThe grandfather said to his son, “ Your son is about to be punished for hisfaults, but what are you doing kneeling in the snow beside him? ” The boy ’ sfather replied, “ You are freezing my son, so I am freezing yours! ”Filial piety is a phrase that has probably not been used in everyday speechfor over a hundred years, so we first need a definition. Filial piety meansrespect and reverence for one ’ s parents – this is then extended to one ’ steachers and elders. The reason that there is no modern word or phrase forit in English is that it is not a concept our society much discusses or caresabout. It is, however, central to Confucius ’ thought and to those who followedhim. It is not surprising that they emphasized filial piety, given that,in their time, sons were rebelling against fathers and family relations wereoften deadly – certainly in the families of rulers. Confucius saw filial pietyas an antidote to his times.A version of the concept of filial piety existed before Confucius. 1 It wasbased on the authority of the ancestors that, among the living, rested withthe head of the family. The family was organized according to the rites ofancestral veneration. That is, the rules that decided who, in one generation,was the head of the family were the same rules that were applied to thedirect line of inheritance and rank. So, while the practice of filial piety, asrespect for ancestors, elders, and parents, existed in the past, its implicationswere not developed.When asked about filial piety, Confucius answered tersely, “ Do notdisobey. ” When asked to explain, Confucius said that filial piety has threeparts: “ Parents, when alive, should be served with ritual; when dead,parents should be buried according to ritual; they should be sacrificed toaccording to ritual. ” 2 The living and the dead deserve the same respect andsincere behavior. We find service to the living and the dead always linkedtogether in descriptions of filial behavior. The Classic of Filial Piety says,Confucius says, “ A filial son serves his parents in the following ways: he offersthem the utmost respect when at home; he serves them so as to give themthe greatest joy; if they are ill, he feels the greatest anxiety; he is completelydevastated at their funerals; when he sacrifices to them (as ancestors), he iscompletely reverent. If he can do these five things, we can say that he is ableto serve his parents. ” 3These are the required ways to show filial piety: service and respect whileparents are alive, the provision of funerals, and the veneration of the dead.Filial piety, which had originally centered around ancestral rites andtemples, became a moral concept in Confucius ’ hands. Confucius did notemphasize filial piety as having to do primarily with ancestral rites. Hechanged the focus of the concept to talk more about service to the living.

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 25Confucius was very much concerned with the neglect of parents, especiallywhen they became older and were no longer influential and active in thefamily ’ s affairs. As part of emphasizing service to the living, he criticizedthose who carried out elaborate funerals but neglected their parents whenthey were alive.Confucians argue that the bond between parent and child is the mostfundamental of human relationships. Filial piety plays an important rolein philosophical discussions, but filial piety is not an intellectual abstraction.It is the natural love felt toward parents and it could be found ineveryone ’ s heart: small children naturally love their parents. The naturalties of affection that children have for their parents are based, the Classicof Filial Piety says, on gratitude for one ’ s life: “ It is parents who give life;what could be greater? ” 4 In the Analects Confucius makes the argumentthat the requirement of three years of mourning for parents is based on thethree years of complete helplessness through which parents nourish theirchildren. 5 The three years of mourning are a reflection of this debt. Weowe our parents for the gift of our life and nothing we can do could everrepay that. Parents care for us when we are helpless; as we grow older wemust repay that care.Did Confucius mean that filial piety should be absolute? Does it requirecomplete obedience? One of the passages in the Analects has been a focusfor this question. In it, someone told Confucius, with some pride, that in hispart of the country there are men so upright that, in one case, when a fatherstole a sheep, the son turned the father in to the authorities. Confuciusresponded, “ Where I come from, upright people are not like that. Fatherscover up for their sons and sons cover up for their fathers. Uprightness isfound in doing that. ” 6 Confucius is saying that the relationship betweenfather and son must trump all other considerations, even laws and justice.Does this mean that one is required to practice filial piety, no matter whatcriminal behavior one ’ s parents are involved in? Some later commentatorshave said that, if the practice of filial piety requires immoral behavior,like lying, this would be taking filial piety too far. Filial piety should notbe blind. Filial piety should be checked by moral propriety: parents andchildren should act properly and, if parents do not, children are not boundby filial piety. However, this was not the way the notion of filial piety wasunderstood in history and in practice. 7 In the classical texts, we never seeConfucius talking about any limits to filial piety.There are many times when what Confucius says seems reasonable andlogical. Then, there are times when what we read seems terribly foreignto us. Unconditional obedience based in filial piety is one of the ideas thatstrike most twenty - first - century Westerners as unreasonable, or, at best,quaint. Most of us think that we should grow up to become an individual,our own person. Filial piety is set in a different context. There the ideal is

26 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Personto become a person who works effectively in a context, in this case one ’ sfamily. Even knowing this, unconditional filial piety is one Confucian ideathat is difficult to accept.While Confucius did not talk about any limits to filial piety, he did talkabout the possibility of criticizing or suggesting alternatives – to “ remonstrate,” as it is often translated. So he says, “ When serving your father andmother, remonstrate gently. If they do not accept your criticisms, remainrespectful, do not act against their wishes, and follow their lead withoutresentment. ” 8 If he sees his parents doing something he disapproves of,or disagrees with, a son can point this out. But if his suggestions are notaccepted, the son has to go along with his parents, however much he maydisagree. In a much quoted passage from the Book of Rites , a son canremonstrate more often and even more forcefully than the Analects suggests.The result may not, however, be to the son ’ s liking:If a mother or father has a fault, the son should quietly, with a gentle voiceand a blank expression, point out the problem. If this has no effect, the sonshould increase his reverence and filial piety. Later, the son can repeat hispoint. If the parents are displeased, the son should strongly state his point,rather than let them do something wrong in the neighborhood or countryside.If they are even more angry and more displeased, and, even if the parents beatthe son till the blood flows, the son should not dare be angry or resentful,but instead should increase his reverence and filial piety. 9So, while one can disagree with one ’ s parents, and one can, respectfully,say so, a filial son must, in the end, go along with whatever the parents aredoing. This, says Confucius, should continue even after the death of one ’ sparents: “ Anyone who does not change his father ’ s way for three years afterhis father ’ s death can be called ‘ filial. ’ ” 10However, it is the moral duty of the son to intervene when his fatheris doing something not right, just as it is for a government minister whenhis ruler is acting badly. The Classic of Filial Piety says, “ So, when facingbehavior that is not right, a son has no option but to remonstrate with hisfather, just as a government minister has no choice but to remonstrate withhis ruler. Thus to remonstrate is the only response one can have to what isnot right. To just follow a father ’ s commands, how can this be seen as filialpiety? ” 11 On the one hand, a son must intervene when he sees something notright; on the other, should his father insist, a son, after remonstrating, mustfollow. This attitude may be difficult to accept, but one has to rememberthe behavior of many sons in the Warring States era.Serving one ’ s living parents was understood to be difficult. Confuciussays that doing things for one ’ s parents is not the problem; the main difficultyis controlling the expression on one ’ s face. 12 Later, in texts like the

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 27Book of Rites , the instructions for serving parents were made even moreminute and even more difficult:In order to serve their parents, as soon as the rooster crows in the morning,sons should wash their hands, rinse out their mouths, comb their hair …[and get dressed].Wives should serve their parents - in - law as they served their own parents.At the first sound of the rooster, they should wash their hands, rinse theirmouths, comb their hair … [and get dressed].Now that they are dressed, the son and his wife should go to their parentsand parents - in - law. When they arrive, they should ask in a quiet and gentlevoice if the parents ’ clothes are too warm or too cold, whether they are ill,have any pain, or any discomfort. If that be the case, the young people shouldthen reverently massage the place.The young people similarly should help and support their parents inleaving or entering rooms, either by going before them or by supportingthem. When they bring in the basin for them to wash, the younger will carrythe wash stand and the older the water. The children will ask to be allowedto pour out the water; when the parents have finished washing, the childrenwill hand them a towel. …They will ask if their parents want anything and bring it respectfully. Allof this must be done with a pleasant expression so that the parents will feelcomfortable.Both parents, at their regular morning and evening meals, must be encouragedto eat everything by the eldest son and his wife who will eat whatever isleft over. If the father is dead, and the mother still alive, the eldest son shouldwait upon her at her meals. …Whenever they are with their parents, the sons and their wives shouldimmediately answer any call and reverently proceed to do whatever they areasked. … They should be careful and serious; while going out or coming in,while bowing or walking, they should not presume to belch, sneeze, cough,yawn or stretch themselves. They are not to stand on one foot, to lean againstanything, or to look annoyed. They should not dare to spit, nor, if it is cold,to put on more clothes, nor, if they itch anywhere, to scratch. … 13The practice of filial piety is not for wimps. These kinds of rules wouldapply to upper - class households and are set out as an ideal. It is unlikelythat most people carried out this kind of non - stop display of filial piety. Butas ritual became understood more and more as sets of rules and regulations,this kind of behavior was expected.A lack of filial piety and respect for one ’ s elders does not bode well forone ’ s future. A young man once came to see Confucius and sat very casually,with his legs sprawled out, waiting. When Confucius saw the youngman, he said that it was clear that this fellow had no respect for his eldersand would have nothing to contribute to society as he grew up. Becoming

28 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Personan adult and then aging, he would be nothing but a burden to all thosearound him. Confucius then used his staff to rap the youth on the shin. 14The effects of filial piety are not just in the family. Filial piety in the homedevelops into the virtue of dutifulness or loyalty outside of the home. TheAnalects argues that if a young man is filial toward his parents and respectfulto his older brothers, he will rarely become the kind of man who willdefy his superiors or stir up rebellion. 15 The Confucian gentleman learnsloyalty to his ruler by learning filial piety at home.Much of the discussion is couched in terms of the relationship betweenfather and son. Daughters too were expected to practice filial piety towardtheir parents and, once married, toward their in - laws. We will look at thestatus of women in Confucian thought in chapters 3 and 13 , but here we cannote that not only were daughters expected to be filial, but sons owed filialduty to their mothers as well. Because of filial piety, women had authorityover sons and grandsons, but how much authority often depended on thetimes and the circumstances.Filial piety was understood as central to all the basic human relationships.Later Confucians posited five basic human relationships: father andson; elder brother and younger brother; husband and wife; ruler and governmentminister; friend and friend. 16 Any other human relationship couldbe seen as some variation of one of these five. Our roles are based on howwe relate to one another – as a father or as a younger brother. In each case,our behavior and our duty will be different, depending on what our roleis in that relationship.We should note a few things about the five relationships. First, it is clearthat the family is the centre of life and that the state is modeled on thefamily. Second, the relationship of father and son is primary and is a modelfor the others. Third, women play a role in only one of these relationships.Finally, Confucians argued that each of these relationships was reciprocal:a father cared for, and educated, his son; in return the son showed filialpiety and respect to the father. Each side of each relationship has mutualresponsibilities. The difficulty is that, in real life, the first side of each ofthe first four relationships is the one with the power. One ought not to besurprised that, given human nature, over time all the privileges flowed tothe first member of the relationships – father, older brother, husband, andruler – and responsibilities flowed to the second member – son, youngerbrother, wife, government minister.Ideally, the family is the first place we are taught how to behave and theplace where moral cultivation begins. By practicing filial piety we learn toput others ’ interests before our own. This is why Confucius says that filialpiety is the root of all the other virtues. 17 The family is not just the placewhere we are children; as we grow, deal with siblings and relatives, marry,have children, and care for aging parents, we have the chance to expand

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 29our moral abilities. Relations with our family teach us how to deal withother people and how to respect other people. Throughout the Confuciantradition the family plays a crucial role in the development of ethical virtues.Confucian discussions of filial piety took on a cosmic aspect in latertexts: “ A humane person does not overstep anything, nor does a filial son.When a humane person serves his parents, it is like serving heaven; when heserves heaven, it is like serving his parents. This, therefore, is the perfectionof a filial son. ” 18 The Classic of Filial Piety moves the concept of filial pietyinto a larger realm. Here we find the argument that there is nothing greaterthan filial piety and it is the basis of all teaching and virtue. Filial piety actsas a tie between heaven and earth, not only because when one serves one ’ sparents one serves heaven, but also because “ Filial piety is as the constantin heaven, as rightness on earth, and the path of human beings. ” 19 Thereis no moral behavior greater than filial piety.The concept of filial piety is central to Confucian thought and we will seehow it spread through the entire culture. Historians have pointed out thatfilial piety has shaped nearly every aspect of Chinese social life: attitudestoward authority, where and how people lived, concepts of self, marriagepractices, gender preferences, emotional life, religious worship, and socialrelations. During the imperial age, good behavior was defined in termsof whether or not one was a good son or daughter. Many scholars haveclaimed it is the basis of Chinese culture. 20Dutifulness or LoyaltyThe virtue of dutifulness or loyalty is implied in filial piety. A man ’ s firstduty is played out in his family. Reverence and respect, first for one ’ sfather and older brother, extend to other elder members of the family. ForConfucius, this should then extend to one ’ s superiors and one ’ s ruler. So wefind discussions of duty are usually linked to political relationships whereone is to do one ’ s duty to one ’ s superiors.Confucius described a government minister as “ dutiful ” because, whenthe minister was dismissed from his position three times, he showed noresentment and fully briefed his successor on the affairs of his office. 21 Bydoing so, the dutiful minister subordinated his own ambitions and desiresto the orders of the ruler – he did his duty.Edward Slingerland notes that there is debate about just what “ dutifulness” or “ loyalty ” means. Traditional Chinese commentators defined theChinese term zhong as “ doing one ’ s utmost. ” In the Analects it is used inpassages discussing attention to one ’ s ritual duties, especially in a politicalcontext, and so should be thought of as “ dutiful ” – fulfilling one ’ s obligationsand duties as set out in one ’ s hierarchical role. 22 As we shall see, the

30 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Personterm has come to mean “ loyalty, ” and often implies an expectation of blindloyalty rather than its original emphasis on doing one ’ s duty.Like filial piety, discussions of dutifulness were meant as antidotes topeople ’ s behavior at the time. The reverence and respect due to one ’ s feudallord, with the loyalty that implied, had broken down with the decline offeudal relations. The great lords of the time paid their followers in moneyor in land. Government ministers were paid a salary. In many cases, amonetary relationship had replaced duty.Dutifulness, like filial piety, was meant to teach people to put the interestsof their superior, whether father or ruler, before their own. Privateambitions must be subordinated to the loyalty one feels. Like filial piety,loyalty could include criticism. Confucius argued that it is one ’ s duty toobject if a ruler is wrong. He said that if one is really loyal, really doingone ’ s duty, “ how could you not instruct your ruler? ” 23 As we have seenwith filial piety above, criticism is permitted, if done reverently, though theresults may be hard on the son or government minister. In a later text, theBook of Ritual , it is noted that a filial son may speak up to criticize hisparents three times, but, if ignored, he is to follow their wishes. Similarly,it says, a government minister should speak to his ruler and offer adviceand criticism. If after three attempts the ruler continues to ignore the minister,the minister should resign. 24 The son cannot escape his relation to hisparents, but a government minister is not related by blood to the ruler andso is permitted to leave the relationship if his advice is not taken.Doing one ’ s duty in a serious and proper manner is an extension offilial piety and has to do more with relations outside the home, especiallypolitical relations.Honesty and SincerityOther virtues that Confucius emphasized are honesty and sincerity. Honestyis more than telling the truth, though that, of course, is required. Honestyis living up to what one says one will do. It means keeping your promises.This means not boasting or making sweeping promises. We should onlyspeak when we are capable of delivering what we say we will do.Sincerity, or integrity, 25 is closely allied to honesty. It means there shouldbe no distance between what we think, what we say, and what we do. Inmany situations we can find ourselves busy analyzing a situation and whatwe are looking for is how this situation will harm or benefit ourselves.While we are thinking of how to benefit ourselves, we may say things ordo things that do not reflect what we are really thinking. A sincere persondoes not have this split. Rather, they think, say, and do, the same thing,not calculating their own advantage.

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 31Rightness and KnowledgeTo be sincere, we need to know what is right. Rightness (in older textstranslated as “ righteousness ” ) is knowing what is proper, what is right,what is moral. This, like loyalty, is based on one ’ s duty in a situation andthat, of course, is based on one ’ s status. Rightness is what is appropriate.As we will see, Confucius did not teach rule - based behavior, so what isright is based on one ’ s status, one ’ s role, and the specifics of the situation.Rightness is the standard of moral behavior, dependent on the situation.This standard is not determined by our desires or fears in that situation, butstands above them. It is contrasted with self - interest, with profiting oneself,and with gain. 26 We can know whether we are really performing properly,or merely deceiving ourselves, by looking to the standard of rightness.Rightness, the standard of behavior, requires knowledge. Knowledge orwisdom is something that we may not be born with, but, for Confucius, it isalways something that we can work to achieve. “ People who are born withknowledge are the highest level; second are those who attain knowledge bystudying; third are people who continue to study even though they find itdifficult; at the bottom are those who find study difficult and do not eventry to learn. ” 27 Confucius often describes himself as being in the second orthird level, saying that he was not born with knowledge, but, because ofhis fondness for antiquity, was keen to learn; he says that he looked for thegood in what he studied and tried to retain it. 28Wisdom begins with learning about things; Confucius ’ students learnedabout history, poetry, and ritual. This learning should, over time, lead towisdom. What wisdom should bring us to is knowledge of ourselves andthe knowledge of how to deal with the people in the world around us. 29When asked to define wisdom, Confucius said, “ Know other people. ” 30Being a good judge of character is important in being morally effective. Ifyou understand the character of the people you are dealing with, you candeal with them properly.Knowing ourselves means being honest about ourselves: “ To say youknow when you do know, and to say that you do not know when you donot know – this is wisdom. ” 31 Knowledge then is related to honesty andsincerity: we should know that what we say is honest because it is somethingwe can do.CourageIt is all very well to have knowledge, practice filial piety, be loyal, dutiful,honest, and sincere, and know what is right, but in order to act on thesevirtues, we must have courage.

32 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good PersonCourage had been talked about a great deal in the early Zhou dynasty:the nobles were warriors and spent their time in hunting or war. The struttingwarriors of the time based their reputations on their physical courage.By the time of Confucius, war was waged more and more by big battalionsthan by battling heroes. The audacious warrior who disobeyed orders toshow his courage had become a problem, not an asset. Still, courage wasassociated generally with physical courage, bravado, and honor.Confucius took the concept of courage, made it a virtue, and put it inthe service of moral behavior. “ To see what is right, but not to do it, thisshows a lack of courage. ” 32 For Confucius, courage is moral courage, andit was as difficult to find in Confucius ’ time as it is in ours. People worryabout their status, their paycheck, their reputation, their family, and theirfuture, and this leads to moral cowardice, just as Confucius said it would.As a result, civil servants and government ministers do not argue withtheir ruler – prime minister or president – when it is clear that governmentpolicy is wrong or immoral. Executives of corporations do not blow thewhistle about wrongdoing in their companies; workers pour toxic wasteinto farmers ’ fields in the dead of night. These people, by and large, have theknowledge that what is going on is not right, but they are too self - interestedand too cowardly to do anything.Real moral behavior in the real world requires courage. But courage,when not guided by moral behavior, simply allows the wicked to be morewicked. Confucius said that a noble who is courageous, but who does notknow what is right, will create political trouble, while a lower - class manwho is courageous, but does not know what is right, will become a criminal.33 Courage by itself is no guarantee of moral behavior; courage in theservice of morality generates the energy to carry out that moral behavior.Understanding, Sympathy, CompassionThe virtues we have looked at so far are very much “ inner ” virtues. But,in Confucius ’ thought, virtues are not cultivated for our private amusementor heavenly salvation. Moral virtues are meant to act out into the world;morality is not merely a private achievement. The last virtue on our listmoves us outside of our private universe and has to do directly with dealingwith other people.Confucius startled his students one day by saying that all his teachingscould be hung together on a single thread. Zengzi, one of his brighterstudents, explained to the others that this thread consisted of two things:loyalty/dutifulness and understanding/sympathy/compassion. 34 In other passages,Confucius defines what he means by the term shu , which we translateas “ understanding, ” “ sympathy, ” or “ compassion. ” It means, Confucius

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 33says, “ not doing to others what one does not want done to oneself. ” 35This may sound familiar: it is often called the “ negative golden rule. ” Thepositive golden rule would be given by Jesus in another context about fivehundred years later as “ Do unto others as you would have them do untoyou. ” Scholars, naturally enough, have debated which version, the positiveor negative golden rule, is the most effective, but for our purposes we cansee that both of them mean that we should put ourselves in another ’ s shoes.For Confucius, the message is simple: treat the other person as youyourself would like to be treated. 36 With the knowledge of others that wehave cultivated, we can understand another person ’ s situation. Knowingthat, we imagine ourselves in their place and try to act as we would wantothers to act toward us. This is especially important for the times we arein positions of authority, as a teacher or employer, for example. We canremember how we were treated, and, if we were treated badly, we shouldnot do the same to those we now have power over.In other situations, sympathy is just imagining the other person ’ s situation:if the woman has three screaming kids in the car, give her the parkingspace. If someone drops all their papers on the floor, help them pick themup. If someone is passed out on the sidewalk, do something about it. Weshould imagine ourselves in another person ’ s shoes not because we hopethey will do the same for us, nor should we do it because it will be, insome way, to our advantage. Understanding or sympathy takes us outsideof ourselves and beyond our personal inclinations and greed.Sympathy works with all the other moral values. We can express filialpiety not just by following certain rules, but by putting ourselves in a parent’ s place and anticipating what they would like. Sympathy works withhonesty in tempering our honest response so that we do not hurt someone ’ sfeelings. Sympathy is often the catalyst that brings out the other moralvirtues.There can be too much of a good thing. Any virtue, taken to an extreme,can be dangerous. Courage can be excessive and, when it is, becomerecklessness. When someone asks how you like their new Hummer andyou respond that it is an ugly gas - guzzling vehicle displaying the owner ’ sself - indulgence, this may be honest, but certainly not polite. Too muchhonesty, without regard to the situation, can work against moral behavior.Too much loyalty, to the point where it is blind loyalty – my country, rightor wrong – may well mean that one is ignoring other responsibilities likewisdom and moral courage. Too much of a search for knowledge could leadto a bookishness that does not act out into the world. Too much insistenceon a standard of right and wrong, especially when these are not importantissues, can lead to inflexibility and officiousness. Ji Wenzi, a minister inthe state of Lu, was well known for his meticulous attention to his duty.When told that Ji Wenzi thought about things three times before he acted,

34 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good PersonConfucius sarcastically responded, “ Twice would be enough. ” 37 Too muchwisdom can be misused. Expressing too much sympathy, without goodjudgment, can lead to us being taken advantage of. All the virtues can betaken to extremes, and when they are they become not virtues, but faults.These virtues should be understood as dependent on one another andworking together. We have seen how filial piety leads to dutifulness orloyalty, a love of learning leads to wisdom, honesty and sincerity mirroreach other. Not only do we need all these virtues, but they work together.In introducing these virtues, I have arbitrarily separated them so we canlook at each one in turn, but Confucian texts rarely talk about one virtuewithout another and never in the kind of shopping list that we have here.Moral virtues of any kind are not something we develop instantly.Thinkers in classical China all talk about “ cultivation. ” Just as one plants aseed in the ground, waters, and weeds, in order to cultivate a plant, so toomoral behavior is built up over time. By studying the ancients and seeinggood and evil behavior, one can see more clearly how one ought to behave.HumanityWhat we have seen of moral virtues so far sounds a bit like the Scout law:be thrifty, clean, and helpful. Confucius tells us to be filial, honest, sincere,dutiful, wise, courageous, sympathetic, and so on, but there seems nothingexceptional in this: many traditions say much the same. But for Confuciusall of these virtues are just the building blocks to bring us to a moral attitude.This is ren . The word ren was originally used to mean something like“ handsome, ” “ manly, ” or a “ man ’ s man, ” and had nothing to do withmorality. 38 Confucius reshaped the word to mean a moral, rather thanmacho, strength. The development of virtues and learning was meant tolead to this overarching attitude.I have so far tried to avoid using Chinese terms, because they can bedifficult for introductions: they can be found in the Glossary. A preciseEnglish translation of ren , however, is not easy. Ren has been translated as“ benevolence, ” “ humanity, ” “ co - humanity, ” “ love, ” “ altruism, ” “ goodness,” “ the Good, ” “ authoritative person, ” and “ self. ” 39 The choice of oneof these English words as a translation will often depend on the interpretationthe translator makes. I will use “ humanity ” as the translation for renbecause it is the most common one and comes closest to expressing whatwe mean here.Humanity is a moral attitude. Humanity is the umbrella that includes allthe virtues – being honest, sincere, wise, courageous, practicing filial piety,and sympathy toward others. All of these moral building blocks bring usto the attitude of humanity. “ Working your shopping list, ” as one of my

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 35students said, is how one develops the overarching attitude of humanity.Humanity is the pervasive moral attitude that we bring to the world welive in.Having humanity requires that we overcome the greed and egocentricityof the self. Humanity is defined as the opposite of self - interest, profit,and looking for possessions. 40 Confucius said that if we could restrain ourselfishness and return to practicing rituals, we would attain humanity. If wecould manage to do it for an entire day, we could lead the whole world backto humanity. 41 This is not an easy thing to do, for, as Confucius says, hehas yet to find a man who loves virtue as much as he loves female beauty. 42How do we become good people? “ Focus your mind/heart solely onhumanity and you will be entirely without evil, ” says Confucius. 43 If ouraim in life is the cultivation of the building blocks of moral behavior so asto act out into the world with humanity, we will not be considering ourself - interest nor putting greed for possessions or power first. No matterwhat is happening in our life, the attitude of humanity allows us to endurebad times and to be careful and generous in good times. An ideal personlives in a state of humanity.Confucius ’ description of the building blocks of morality and the overarchingattitude of morality allows us to see how he defined evil. Althoughhe does not discuss evil as a concept, we can see what he meant by it bylooking at the opposite of what Confucius defined as good. Evil is beingrude; being careless; it is pride; it is the lack of self - reflection, self - awareness,and self - knowledge. Evil is deceit. Evil is greed for money, possessions,and power. Evil is a desperate need to be famous and to indulge in sensualpleasure. Confucius lived over 2,500 years ago and yet his relevance to theevils of our times is uncannily accurate.The moral virtues and their culmination, humanity, are within us. Butthey must be practiced in social and political situations in the world. ForConfucius, these inner moral values are expressed in ritual, and that is whatwe will look at next.RitualNowadays when we use the word “ ritual, ” we use it in three ways. First, wetalk about religious ritual – baptism or funeral rituals, for example. Second,we often use the word “ ritual ” in place of the word “ habit ” : so it is mymorning ritual to first drink a cup of coffee before I do anything else. Hereit is a habit, something I do every morning. No prayer or incense need beinvolved. Finally, we often say something is just “ empty ritual, ” meaningthat the form has no content. For example, when someone asks how weare, we ritually respond and say that we are fine. We may not be fine at

36 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Personall, but we will, nevertheless, make the ritual response. Most of us tend tothink that this kind of empty ritual is insincere and has no real meaning.As Confucius will show us, we are wrong to think that.In the stories about Confucius ’ life, we have seen that he closely associatedwith ritual. As a child he was said to have played with ritual utensilsand, as he grew, he studied with the masters of ritual. These rituals were oftwo kinds: first the religious rituals of the time, such as ancestral veneration,and, second, the rituals of noble etiquette and proper behavior.There were many rituals involving supernatural powers carried out inWarring States China. The rituals of ancestral veneration, for example, aredescribed at length in ancient texts, like The Book of Poetry . The ancestors,present in their ancestral tablets, were offered food in proper bowlsand cups; jade discs and scepters were also placed on the altar. The textsdescribe the laying out of grain and wine, the invitations to the ancestors,and the impersonator of the dead. The impersonator of the dead, a descendentof the ancestor, took the place of the deceased and was thought to bepossessed by the ancestor ’ s spirit. The impersonator announced when thespirits had drunk their fill and when the spirits returned to their place.Ritual specialists would need to know the proper utensils, their placement,the times to make offerings, when to bow, and who stood where.These were all things Confucius studied and taught. His students mightthen have gotten jobs as ritual specialists at court, managing the ancestralrituals, noble marriages, and funerals.Confucius would also have taught all the proper forms of noble etiquette:that a lord enters a room before a duke; proper salutations from one rankto another; how to carry on diplomatic negotiations with another state,and so on. 44These were the two forms of ritual that Confucius grew up with.Confucius combined these two senses of ritual, religious ritual and nobleetiquette, and then expanded on them for his definition of ritual. He notedthat carrying out rituals requires reverence, for the ancestors, for example,and respect, for a duke or lord, and then expanded this to explain ritual asreverence and respect for all the people one deals with in social situations.Confucius concluded that ritual is a moral action that ensures a proper,civilized society.This definition may be surprising, but when we think about it, it shouldnot be. Let us look at some everyday examples. You meet a friend, you say,“ Hi, how are you? ” and the friend replies, “ Fine. And you? ” or words tothat effect. Your first question, “ How are you? ” is not really a questionabout your friend ’ s health. If the response you get is something like, “ Oh,last night I couldn ’ t sleep because I had a headache, but by this morningit was gone, though I ’ m still experiencing back pains from the pickup basketballgame, ” then you know that your friend didn ’ t really understand the

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 37question. Your “ Hi, how are you? ” is an acknowledgement of the otherperson and offers respect.We notice this more when the ritual breaks down. If our friend ignoresour question or refuses to answer, we will be hurt or insulted because, bynot participating in the ritual, the friend is saying that he or she does notrespect or value us. If, as commonly happens now, the friend responds onlyby saying “ I ’ m fine, ” but not asking you how you are, the ritual is unbalancedand your friend has clearly been rude.Meeting someone and offering to shake their hand works in the sameway. If a hand is not offered in response to yours, the person has been rudeand you feel like an idiot standing there with your hand in the air.We practice rituals all the time, mostly not noticing them until theybreak down. The next time you feel annoyed at someone ’ s behavior, tryto think what your expectations were. The person who butts into line, forexample, is ignoring ritual and disrespecting everyone else in the line. Weare annoyed by this because this person has not followed the proper ritual.When we were young, our parents spent a lot of time and effort to teachus the very basic rituals of “ please ” (what ’ s the magic word?) and “ thankyou. ” We were taught to wait our turn, to share our toys, and not havea tantrum when we did not get our way. While it is true that today manypeople seem not to have been taught these basic rituals, our society is stillbased on the expectation that people will follow them.We perform rituals all the time, whenever we interact with others.Because we do so many rituals every day, we tend not to notice them atall. Take the example of going to a lecture. We are going into a roomwhere the chances are that we know no one there, yet, generally, we donot go in fear of our life. That is because people come in and take theirplaces. They are relatively quiet and they set out paper and pens – allproper ritual indicating that they too have come for the lecture and not afight. People do not usually dance on the desks, mug someone, or pull outa submachine gun. If they did, you would feel uncomfortable, or, in thelatter cases, you would flee. The lecturer appears and, when it looks likethe lecturer is ready to begin, people stop talking to each other and looktoward the lecturer. If some people continue to talk to each other, eventhough the lecture has begun, the lecturer has to stop and say somethingto them. This is embarrassing to most of the people in the room – thoughoften not to those who want to continue their conversation – because weshould not have to be reminded of the proper ritual. The fact that we cango to theaters, classrooms, or meetings full of strangers and not be afraid isbecause everyone practices ritual when they come into the room and duringthe show, class, or meeting.In times of war, or in places where ritual has broken down, we cannottrust strangers to behave in predictable and courteous ways and so become

38 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Personafraid. Ritual is essential for a civilized society and it is a moral action whereone party shows respect for the other, whether this is saying hello, standingin line, or bowing to the Queen.There are a few things to note when it comes to ritual. First, rituals arealmost always balanced: even when one person is superior, they are requiredto play some part in the ritual for it to work. If one is introduced to theQueen, one bows or curtseys, and the Queen acknowledges the introductionin some way.Second, ritual is learned. Our parents spent time teaching us the ritualsof our culture; we were not born knowing them. This also means thatritual will vary from culture to culture: some shaking hands when meeting,others bowing.Third, ritual teaches us proper behavior: for Confucius, rituals have lessto do with the power of the spirits than with forms that instruct us in morality.In other countries and in other times in history, people have understoodrituals as something that dealt with supernatural powers and that had tobe acted out with each word spoken correctly, down to the most minuteaction and pronunciation. Confucius does not look at ritual like that: hesees rituals as the ways in which we practice civilized behavior. 45Finally, rituals are actions outside of us. We can carry on a ritual evenwhen we do not like the ritual, do not like the person we are being politeto, and desperately wish we were somewhere else and not visiting great -uncle Henry. Ritual is an exterior action and does not, in itself, require anyinternal commitment. Confucius argues that ritual should not be morallyempty; ritual should be an external expression of an inward morality. Inturn, ritual should teach us how to cultivate internal ethical attitudes.Later Confucians will also argue that ritual functions as a way to restrainour selfishness and channel our emotions. Even though we may be tiredfrom a long day, ritual tells us not to be selfish: give up your seat on thebus to someone who needs it.Ritual channels our emotions too. Funeral rituals are ways we expressgrief. They allow our grief a channel, a socially acceptable way to beexpressed. At the same time, they limit our emotional expression so thatwe do not, for example, throw ourselves into the grave during the burial.When we learn rituals and perform them properly, with inner moralintent, we become better people. The respect expressed in the ritual becomesthe outer form of an inner moral world. So Confucius wanted the practiceof ritual to be a constant in our lives. He said, “ Do not look at anythingcontrary to ritual; do not listen to anything contrary to ritual; do not sayanything contrary to ritual; do not move in any way contrary to ritual. ” 46Everything we do must be an expression of ritual, not because it allows usjust to play an empty socially acceptable role, but because ritual is a moralaction that ensures a proper, civilized society.

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 39Confucius demanded ritual behavior, first, because it is the basis of tradition;that tradition had, in the past, led to good behavior, good government,and a unified China. We inherit rituals from the past and the people in thepast had good reasons for setting them up. Second, ritual is the web of socialand political relationships. So, when ritual is practiced with moral intentions,individuals and society benefit. If we all treat each other with respectby performing the proper rituals, it is not just the individuals involved whobenefit, but, in a ripple effect, all of society. We will see how ritual worksinto moral behavior, society, and government as we go on.With his reinterpretation of ritual, we see once again that Confuciushas taken a traditional term and redefined it to suit his own ideas. Hereshaped the traditional usage of the word ritual to refer to religious ritualand noble etiquette into a broader definition of ritual as a moral actionexpressing respect for others. The practice of proper ritual will lead to acivilized society.For Confucius, ritual is the external expression of an inner morality.Ritual gives us socially acceptable ways of behaving well. But ritual is notperformed just for ritual ’ s sake: there must be an inner moral component.The inner moral world must meet the exterior ritual world. Carrying outrituals requires reverence, for the ancestors, for example, but expands tothe requirements to respect and be humane to the people one meets. Doinga ritual properly teaches a person to cultivate the attitude of humanity.Ritual acts as the exterior guide for humanity. In turn, carrying out theproper ritual with the proper attitude reinforces both. Moral actions meshwith ritual.For example, your friend is in hospital; proper humanity tells you thathe or she is in pain and worried – you can imagine yourself in such a situation.The proper ritual is to visit and offer comfort. Humanity and ritualwork together.Both external action – ritual – and internal attitude – humanity – arerequired. If you just express your humanity, thinking about your poorfriend, how ill and worried he or she may be – putting yourself in theirplace – you have been successful in humanity. If you do nothing further,you are not a moral person because humanity has to be expressed. All thesympathy in the world does not make you a good person if you do nothingabout it. You may have good intentions, meaning to phone your aunt wholives alone, but it you do not actually do it, you have failed to act morally.On the other hand, if you go to visit your friend in the hospital, you aredoing the proper ritual. But if you spend your visit complaining about yourhealth or talking about how busy you are, you are also not a moral person.You have not been sincere and you have not expressed humanity. To do theritual without any real meaning behind it is hypocritical. You expect to beapplauded for good behavior, but you did not have any moral intention.

40 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good PersonThe moral attitude of humanity works together with ritual, but we needto make sure that people are not hurt by the mechanical application ofeither a moral rule or a ritual rule. Again, this is why we want to treat theother person as we ourselves would like to be treated.There is a wonderful, though probably apocryphal, story about QueenVictoria (r. 1837 – 1901) – a stickler for proper ritual if there ever was one.One night her dinner guests were ordinary people, not the upper - classpeople who were usually invited to dine with the Queen. When the footmenbrought around the fingerbowls, these guests, not knowing any better, liftedthe bowls and drank from them. The Queen could have followed properritual and rinsed her fingers with the water, but she followed humanityand, not wanting to embarrass her guests, she too drank from her fingerbowl.Had the Queen insisted on following proper ritual, she would haveembarrassed her guests. Adjusting her behavior to the situation and puttingherself in their place, she ignored the proper ritual. Ritual and humanitywork together, but must deal with each situation as it arises.Ritual directs our expression of humanity; the expression of humanityanimates ritual. This reciprocal relationship can be seen with humanity andritual, but applies to all the other virtues and ritual as well. Confucius saidthat too much respectfulness without ritual expression leads to a ditheringperson who is simply exasperating; too much carefulness without properritual leads to a timid person; too much courage without proper ritual leadsto an obnoxious person; too much rightness without proper ritual expressionmakes us inflexible. 47 So all the internal virtues must be tempered andexpressed through ritual. On the other hand, ritual with no moral foundationis empty and hypocritical.Confucius never gives us a set of rules such as the Ten Commandmentsor the Buddhist Five Precepts. The rule “ do not kill ” is a very good rule.But there are situations where we may have to break the rule. A child isbeing abducted; you are armed and are the only thing standing betweenthe abductor and the child. Can you shoot him? If you have to obey themoral rule “ do not kill ” at all times, you cannot. This is why Confuciusdid not deal in rules.Each situation we encounter will be different; the people in that situationwill be different. Moral behavior in one situation may be disastrousin another. Applying rules mechanically does not take into account whatConfucius called “ timeliness. ” Times, places, people, and circumstancesall change, sometimes dramatically. Behavior must accord with timeliness,not a set of rules.However, Confucius is not talking about some sloppy, “ go with theflow ” situational morality where we just do what we feel like.Each situation and each person is different and we must use our knowledgeof others and our knowledge of ourselves to lead us to a decision about

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 41Figure 2.1 The Apricot Pavilion where Confucius is said to have taughtwhat to do. Added to that is our sense of sympathy or understanding –putting ourselves in their shoes. This leads to flexibility in the situation. Onthe other hand, there is no flexibility when it comes to the ethical demandson us. We need to be honest and to act with moral courage. We need to doour duty and act according to the standard of right and wrong. There areritual rules. So, moral behavior is not just how you happen to feel at thetime. While we may be flexible in a situation, we cannot be flexible aboutthe standard of moral behavior that we are required to practice.Life is difficult. This is especially true when we have to make decisions.Often we do not have all the information we would want and often wemust make decisions quickly and may not have a lot of time to think. Thisis when the process of cultivation is most helpful. If we have practiced sincerityor honesty or moral courage in small things and, at all times, workedon the cultivation of humanity, we are more likely to act properly whensomething major happens. Humanity is cultivated over a lifetime. Confuciusbelieved that, just like any habit, if we put virtues into practice and expressthem through rituals, over time they become stronger and more automatic.No one can do this perfectly the first time – moral cultivation, just like

42 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Persongrowing a plant, takes work and time. The proper behavior of a morallytrained adult is not based on tastes or on our feelings at the moment: themoral attitude – humanity – cultivated properly, is based on a standard ofright and wrong.The insights Confucius had about humanity and ritual put him in thetop ranks of moral philosophers, but Confucius is not finished yet. He stillhas much more to say about the ideal we must try to live up to and howthat will affect society and government.The GentlemanQu Yuan (c.340 – 278 BCE) was a poet and statesman. He advised his ruler,the king of the state of Chu, against an alliance with the state of Qin. Hewas accused of treason and banished. When Qin captured the capital cityof Chu, Qu Yuan was in such despair that he committed suicide, drowninghimself in the Miluo River.The Dragon Boat Festival, held on the fifth day of the fifth month, includesmaking “ zongzi, ” rice wrapped around a filling, to feed the fish lest they eatQu Yuan ’ s body, and also the dragon boat races as a symbolic attempt tosave this most loyal and honest official. 48A person who can practice both humanity and ritual is called a “ gentleman.” 49 Originally this was a title of nobility referring to the youngersons of a lord. They would have been part of the noble, warring, class.“ Gentleman ” was a title based on birth, not merit.Confucius, however, redefined the word “ gentleman ” to make it a goalone wants to reach. A gentleman is someone with ethical and ritual trainingand a good education, and is an example of moral behavior. A gentlemanis what one should be; he is the paradigm, the model or standard, of whatwe should become. 50 To unify China and bring back the peace and goodgovernment of the early Zhou dynasty, government needed to be led bygentlemen, chosen for their moral character, not their noble birth.With Confucius ’ redefinition, the status of gentleman is not achievedby birth. To become a gentleman one must be trained and educated, andpractice morality.The gentleman is usually described in opposition to the small or pettyman. The small man concentrates on possessions; the gentleman concentrateson virtue. 51 The gentleman helps others build up their good points;the petty man encourages the bad in others. 52 The gentleman corrects hisruler; the petty man agrees with whatever the ruler says. 53 The gentleman ishard to please – things must accord with morality; the petty man is easy toplease because he does not care if things are done morally; the gentlemanis easy to serve because he understands people ’ s abilities; the petty man is

Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Person 43difficult to serve because he demands things beyond people ’ s abilities. 54 Thegentleman is grand, but never arrogant; the petty man is arrogant, but nevergrand. 55 The gentleman understands higher things; the petty man does not. 56A gentleman never does things for his own benefit, but only does thingsthat are right. A gentleman is not afraid, but ready to give his own life.A gentleman never forgets his promises. 57 In sum, the gentleman works atovercoming his own selfishness and at helping others become better people;the petty man is motivated by his own greed and desires.Once we set our minds to becoming gentlemen, we are told not toworry if we are not recognized as gentlemen, but to worry only that wedo not have the ability of gentlemen. 58 Being poor, having shabby clothes,or being hungry is not what a gentleman worries about: “ The gentlemanis not interested in a full stomach or comfortable housing. He is careful inhis actions and his words, seeking out those who know the Way and beingput straight by them. This is what it means to be eager to learn. ” 59 Gettinga good job with a high salary is not the goal.If a gentleman does become wealthy and famous, and achieves an importantposition in government, he accepts these things only when they accordwith humanity and ritual. The moment they do not, a gentleman has enoughself - respect to simply give them up.One can learn to become a gentleman just as one learns moral behaviorand ritual – through education. One is to become reverent and respectfulwhen dealing with others. 60 Confucius says a gentleman cultivates himselfto become respectful, to bring peace to others, and finally to bring peaceto everyone – something even the sage - kings could not do. 61 By studyinghistory, we can see how moral and immoral behavior had an impact on theworld; by studying literature we learn the great aspirations of the ancients;by learning ritual we learn how to behave properly. Education is not meantto teach particular things, but to prepare us to deal with any situation. Theaim of this education is not professional accreditation; the aim of educationis to teach us to develop humanity and to act in the world. We are toldthat a gentleman never abandons humanity even for as long as it takes toeat a meal and is never in such a state of distress or trouble that he letsgo of humanity. 62 Humanity gives the gentleman a sense of tranquility, nomatter what his troubles.Cultivating the self means growing the virtues within. It also means that,if there is a problem, we are to look within ourselves first to see if there isa fault in us that has brought this on. If we look within and find no fault,then the gentleman is neither anxious nor afraid. 63Confucius expected the gentleman to do two things. First, to serve ingovernment, providing moral advice and education to the ruler. A gentlemanas a government official should lead rulers to practice proper moralbehavior and to rule well. Becoming involved in politics is the way the

44 Teachings I: The Foundation of a Good Persongentleman expresses his personal cultivation. 64 A gentleman who cultivateshimself does not do so as a private exercise, looking for some kind of innerenlightenment, but rather to make the world a better place to live in.While it is possible that a gentleman might achieve high office, it wasnot necessarily the case that virtue would be rewarded. Perhaps the gentleman,like Confucius himself, would not be able to find a job; it could bethat, as a government bureaucrat, his ruler might not listen to his advice.Confucius expected that a gentleman in such circumstances should retirefrom government and become a teacher, educating the younger generation– much as Confucius had done.Whether one becomes a government minister or a teacher, being a gentlemanis a life - long process of cultivating virtues, examining oneself forfaults, and acting in the world.Along with the “ gentleman, ” another exemplary person is the “ sage. ”Confucian texts refer to the sage - kings of ancient times and to heroes likethe founders of the early Zhou dynasty, Kings Wen and Wu, and the Dukeof Zhou. A perfectly moral person would be a sage. While Confucius mentionsthe idea of a sage, he does so only in the negative, saying, modestly,that he has never met a sage and that he could never dare claim to be eithera sage or to have humanity; rather, all that could be said of him is that heworked tirelessly and encouraged others to do so. 65Over time we can learn about virtues and practice them, building upthe moral attitude of humanity and putting ourselves in another person ’ sshoes. We can learn rituals and see how they allow us to respect othersand maintain a civilized society. Doing these things makes us gentlemen.Gentlemen are not necessarily perfect in every situation, but do work hardat both humanity and ritual. This allows the gentleman to act in the world,either improving government or as a teacher. How we can improve oursociety and our government is what we will look at next.

3Confucius ’ Teachings II : TheFoundation of a Good Societyand Other TopicsIf the Dao, the Way, is being followed in the world then show yourself;if it is not, then retire in seclusion. In a state that has the Way,to be poor and of low status is a reason for you to be ashamed; in astate that does not follow the Way, to be rich and famous is equallya cause for being ashamed of yourself. 1One consistent thing we have seen so far is that, despite his reputationas a conservative old fogy, Confucius radically restructured many of theterms current in his time to fit with his own ideas. He himself said that hetransmitted the wisdom of the past and did not create anything new. Thisis an odd thing for him to say, given that, as we have seen, he has redefinedritual, filial piety, courage, humanity, and the role of the gentleman. Hemay have been giving himself some cover for his innovative ideas by sayingthat these things all existed in the past.To recap, there are many moral virtues we need to cultivate: filialpiety, dutifulness, honesty, sincerity, rightness, wisdom, moral courage,and understanding or compassion. Cultivating these virtues leads us to ageneral attitude of humanity. Confucius redefined ritual to include religiousrituals, and noble etiquette to mean ritual as moral actions that lead to aproper and civilized society. Ritual is the way we act in a web of social andpolitical relationships; ritual, when practiced with moral intentions, benefitsindividuals and society. Working on the basis of moral virtues, with theattitude of humanity, and practicing rituals, can make us gentlemen – or, ifwe become perfected in them, a sage. Cultivating moral virtues requires aneducation, not just in learning facts, but in understanding moral behavior.This cultivation and education is a life - long process.When Confucius explained this to the rulers of his time, there wasnothing much that they would have objected to. Even if they had no intentionof carrying out any of this cultivation, and even if they were the most

46 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societydepraved of characters, it is likely that they would have gone along withthis, if only to make themselves look good. So why could Confucius notget an important government job? Why, if we are to believe tradition, wasthere an attempt to assassinate him?The reason Confucius could not get a government job in any of thestates of his time was not because of what he had to say about moralityand ritual. It was because of his political ideas. Confucius had a subversiveidea, distasteful to rulers then as it is now: Confucius believed that governmentexists for the benefit of the people.Setting Words RightGovernment needed to be reformed, or not just reformed, but overhauledfrom top to bottom. But before any reforms to government could be made,there was something that needed to be done first.One of Confucius ’ students, Zilu, asked Confucius what he would dofirst if he was offered a job in government. Confucius replied that his firstpriority would be “ to set words right. ” 2 Zilu was, as the reader may be,unimpressed. Zilu wondered aloud how Confucius could be so far off themark as to want to start with a trivial thing like setting words right.Confucius means two related things when he talks about setting wordsright. First, we must all name things by their proper names; we must alluse the correct word when we discuss something. So, “ downsizing ” is nota proper word; it is merely bafflegab. It means “ firing people. ” “ Collateraldamage ” is not the proper phrase for what is happening; “ killing civilians ”is the proper phrase. Similarly, “ enhanced interrogation ” sounds innocent,but it is still “ torture. ” The person on the phone in the call center is nota “ customer satisfaction specialist ” until they satisfy their customer – andeven then they may or may not be a specialist. 3This jargon, buzzword, or bafflegab is not merely annoying. It is a lie.When government departments refer to me as a “ client ” or a “ customer, ”they are lying about our real relationship. I am not a client or a customer,I am a citizen. If they can convince me that the relationship is a consumerrelationship, then they are simply offering a product and I can choose tobuy or not. But our real relationship is that I pay taxes that support thegovernment and I can vote to keep or get rid of that government. That isnot the same relationship I have with Wal - Mart.Telling lies by using the wrong word allows for bigger lies. Phone a“ customer support centre ” and you will be told, by a recorded message, that“ Your call is important to us. ” That is clearly not true; if it was, they wouldanswer the phone. Labeling people as “ terrorists ” who possess weaponsof mass destruction leads to war and the death of tens of thousands. In

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 47terms of “ putting words right, ” there is no difference between these twoexamples. Misusing words leads to lies, whether it is our cable company orour governments. When words have been debased, big lies are even easier.The difficulty in dealing with this phenomenon is that you have to goback to the basics and call things by their proper names and use accuratewords before you can even get to the issues involved. Governments in particularare happy to keep the waters as muddied as possible.This sort of thing was happening in Confucius ’ time too. Rulers of smallstates were calling themselves kings, though they had no right to the title.A noble family in Confucius ’ own state of Lu offered sacrifices at MountTai, something only the emperor was meant to do. Bafflegab, misdirection,and lies were as prevalent in his time as in ours. It is not easy to decide ifthat is comforting or distressing.Confucius meant a second, and related, thing by “ setting words right. ”If we need a table, that table can be made of wood, plastic, steel, or anyother material; it can have four legs, two legs, or a single pedestal leg; it canbe of any color. The only expectation we have around the word “ table ” isthat it will have some sort of flat surface.This is not how other words work: some words come with expectationsabout behavior. If someone is a father or mother, then we expect behaviorthat cares for children. If someone is a teacher, we expect teaching.Words like “ father, ” “ mother, ” and “ teacher ” come with expectationsabout behavior.If parents neglect or abuse their children, they are not acting according tothe expectations we have for “ parents. ” If teachers do not bother to teachtheir students, they are not living up to the behavior we expect from theirtitle. Using the principle of setting words right, if these people do not actas fathers, mothers, or teachers, then, says Confucius, they do not deservethese titles and should not be called by those names. People have to actvirtuously and responsibly before they can properly be called parents orteachers – the words must correspond to real behavior.We can apply the principle to parents and teachers, but “ setting wordsright ” applies to rulers as well. If a ruler does not rule virtuously, then heis not a proper ruler and does not deserve the title. This idea has seriouspolitical consequences: if a ruler is not a proper ruler, can he be disobeyed?Can he be overthrown?It is not clear that Confucius wanted to go that far. He used the idea of“ setting words right ” as a judgment rather than a call for revolution. AfterConfucius, Mencius (see chapter 6 ) will argue that, if an unworthy manbecomes ruler and is overthrown, it is not a ruler who is overthrown, butmerely an unworthy man.The idea of “ setting words right ” demands that people live up to theexpectations we have when we give them particular titles. When Duke Jing

48 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societyof the state of Qi asked Confucius about the principles of government,Confucius said, “ Let the ruler be a ruler, the minister a minister, the fathera father, the son a son. ” 4 This cryptic saying is perfectly understandable inlight of “ setting words right ” : a proper ruler should rule as a proper rulerin order to have the title; a proper minister should be loyal and dedicatedin order to be a minister; a father should raise, educate, and care for hisson; and a son should have filial piety in order to be a proper son.When Confucius ’ student, Zilu, complained that “ setting words right ”was a trivial way to begin to govern, Confucius corrected him and said, “ Ifwords are not set straight and names do not match reality, then nothingcan be done successfully [ … and] the common people will not know whatto do or how to behave. ” 5 Confucius wanted to begin any reform of governmentwith “ setting words right ” for the simple reason that, without it,we cannot talk to each other honestly and we cannot perform our rolesproperly.When we, and our governments, use the proper word to describe something,we can speak honestly and accurately about it. When people fulfillthe expectations that their roles have, whether as parents or rulers, we arebehaving properly and honestly. We will know what to do and how tobehave.For the Benefit of the PeopleConfucius maintained that government exists for the benefit of the people.The first, and necessary, step in good government is to put words straightso that everyone knows what is going on and how to behave.Caring for the common people meant ensuring that basic needs, likefood and clothing, were met. It is crucial that the economy allow peopleto make a decent living. Taxes should not be punishing. When a rulercomplained that the harvest had been a poor one and the tax money hegot that year was hardly sufficient to cover his expenses, he was told that,instead of taxing at the 20% rate, he should reduce his tax to 10%. Afterall, if times were tough, taxes should be lowered so that the people wouldhave enough to live on. Once the people have enough to live on, the rulershould be happy with that. 6When asked about government, Confucius said that the ruler shouldmake sure that there was enough food and enough weapons, and that theruler had the trust of the common people. If a ruler had to do withoutone of these three, he could give up the weapons. If he then had to choosebetween enough food and the trust of the common people, he should giveup the food. This is because a government cannot stand once it has lostthe people ’ s trust. 7

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 49When people see themselves as part of a common whole, sharing goodtimes and bad times with their ruler, they are more likely to trust theirruler. If people believe in their government, they will put up with all sortsof hardships. It is the ruler ’ s job to build that trust. He does that by cultivatinghis virtues and being a gentleman. As the people see his behavior,they will model themselves on it. The ideal situation would be a ruler whowas actually a sage – a perfectly moral human being. Confucius thinks thatthis is why the sage - kings of the past were so successful: they combinedhumanity and ritual in such a way that ordinary people followed themwillingly.Even if a ruler is not a sage, he can appoint wise ministers, Confuciangentlemen, who will give him good advice and serve him loyally. For theirpart, cultivated gentlemen should take office in states where they have achance of influencing the ruler for the good or in states where the ruler wasalready good. To accept a salary from a bad ruler is a shameful thing 8 andgentlemen were to stay away from states that were so badly ruled that theywere about to collapse. Real power should be given to educated, trainedgentlemen who would be government ministers. They would care for thecommon people and advise the ruler wisely. They are the ones who willguide ordinary people and establish good government.Ordinary people cannot manage on their own. We have already seenConfucius say that common people can be led so as to follow a path, butnot so that they understand it. 9 Care and guidance must be given by governmentto bring people into the right path, and that is why the gentleman asgovernment minister is so important. When Confucius talked about governmentfor the benefit of the people, he was not talking about democracy. Hisview of government is a paternal kind of government: the government actstoward the common people as a father acts toward his children, guiding,caring, and disciplining. As far as Confucius is concerned, only the educatedelite really understand the moral, social, and political objectives involved– they are “ inner - directed ” ; that is, they are able to maintain their moralstance in good times or bad. Ordinary people, on the other hand, need agood environment, with good models and a good economy, before theycan act properly; they are “ outer - directed, ” changing according to goodor bad times.LawsIt is also important that these gentlemen - ministers are models of virtueso that ordinary people can follow them. Simply enacting laws does notprovide that kind of guidance. Laws may be necessary for those who, nomatter what kind of government is in place, will never behave. But laws and

50 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societypunishments do not teach people virtue. Instead, Confucius says, laws andpunishments only make people learn how to avoid being caught. Confuciusbelieved that if only laws and punishments are applied, people may followthe laws or find ways of evading them, but they will never develop a senseof shame. 10That is because we may obey a law only because we fear getting caughtand punished. However, the law teaches us nothing in moral terms: it issimply a barrier. If, on the other hand, virtue and ritual are taught to people,then people will develop an inner sense of shame and behave themselves. 11The difference here is the difference between driving over the speed limitand being caught with child pornography. In the first case, the law sets aspeed limit on a highway and, if I see no police cars, I may speed anyway.If I get caught, I have simply lost a cat and mouse game with the police,but I ’ m unlikely to be ashamed of speeding, possibly just embarrassed atbeing caught. In the second case, not only is possessing child pornographyagainst the law, but it is considered shameful in our society. We have setup standards of virtuous conduct that exclude this behavior, so if one iscaught, one is ashamed. 12 The speed limit law is external to me; the disgustat child pornography has become an internal moral judgment. This is whyConfucius argued that ritual is better than law. You will always have tohave laws to deal with the incorrigible, but ritual and virtue help developpeople ’ s inner moral sense. Once you have done that, a government doesnot need a policeman on every corner.ModelsThis view of law and government is based on an insight Confucius hadabout “ models. ” With a law, people obey for fear of being caught; oncethey follow ritual and a moral ruler, they obey out of inclination. Confuciusbelieved strongly that models change people ’ s behavior, and that oncepeople saw moral gentlemen in the government, they too would tendtoward moral behavior.Think about our times, our models – the people we talk about and seeon the news and in the magazines. They are politicians, actors, entertainers,and sports celebrities. Is it any surprise that, if ordinary people see badbehavior from these models, they feel free to do the same?Only a handful of people today would know the name of Dr. PaulFarmer, who founded Partners in Health, establishing no - fee hospitals inHaiti, Rwanda, Peru, and other poor countries, but most people know whoTom Cruise is and about his domestic squabbles. There are good peoplearound us, but we choose not to talk about them. The models we haveoften confirm, and encourage, our worst behavior.

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 51On the other hand, sit back for a moment and imagine the following.Imagine that you live in a place where the people working in all levels ofgovernment are good people. They are trying very hard to solve problems.They are honest and conscientious, and they work hard. They answer theirown phones. They may not always be successful, but they continue to tryto deal with people carefully and respectfully. Would you feel differentlyin a society like that? Would you mind paying taxes? Would people led bythat kind of government value education and government service? Wouldthey be more moral? more polite?Confucius is convinced that government officials act as models for thepeople. If people saw their sincere and honest hard work, ordinary peoplewould become sincere, honest, and hard - working. He says, “ The virtue ofthe gentleman is like the wind and the virtue of the common people is likethe grass: when the wind moves, the grass is sure to bend. ” 13 Ordinarypeople will move in the direction that the gentleman leads them. This alsoapplies to bad behavior. If the ruler and government ministers are corrupt,so will the people be. When a government official in the state of Lu complainedto Confucius about the rising number of robbers, Confucius toldhim that if he got rid of his own desires for luxury, ordinary people wouldnot steal, even if they were paid to do it. 14 By desiring the finer things inlife, the official has shown his people that these things are valuable and sothey steal them. If the official was honest and hard - working, the peoplewould be too.Confucius ’ ideal government is a government that rules through moralexample and moral power rather than through laws, punishments, andcoercion. This is government by morality, not government by force.Good government can earn the trust and support of the commonpeople. Should war come, ordinary people would be willing to fight forit. Given that Confucius lived in a time of war, we would expect thathe would talk about it. Instead, we are told that when Duke Ling of thestate of Wei asked Confucius about military matters, Confucius said thatwhile he knew about ritual matters, he knew nothing of military ones.Confucius left the state the next day. 15 Confucius does say that it is theresponsibility of the government to train the common people as soldiersand not just throw them into battle. This training, even under the governmentof gentlemen, could take a number of years. 16 But Confucius doesnot offer advice about military matters in his discussions of government.He believed that it was good government, not success in war, that wouldbring success to a ruler.A state, run on moral lines, caring for the people, would be so attractivethat people would flock to it, just as they ran from evil governments. Thereis a traditional story that, on his travels, he met a poor woman and herchildren who lived in an area infested with tigers. When Confucius asked

52 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societyher why she did not take her children and move, she said that the tigers werenot as dangerous as life under the corrupt ruler of the neighboring state.Just as people naturally avoid evil rulers, so too they would be anxious tolive in the state of a good ruler.Confucius criticized the leaders of his time. They were interested onlyin themselves, in the latest luxuries, in displaying wealth and status. Theirgreedy ambitions led them to act only in their own self - interest and, as aconsequence, to wage war. All of this was paid for, in one way or another,by ordinary people. They were heavily taxed and dragged into army serviceto fight wars that had nothing to do with them.The ideal government that Confucius proposed would not work like that.If gentlemen staffed the government, they would not be looking out fortheir own self - interest. They would not be interested in luxury or display.They would not have ambitions to conquer others. The lives of ordinarypeople would improve, in the first instance, simply because the governmentwould get off their backs.Confucius ’ ideal government and society are based on ritual and morality.17 A person cultivates moral virtues and learns ritual, first in the family,and then through education. Families, ideally, both teach proper behaviorand are the primary place where proper behavior is expressed. A gentlemanis educated in the lessons and arts of the past and this enables him tocultivate himself, learn ritual, and learn the standard of right and wrong.It is the gentleman ’ s responsibility to take action in the world, especially,if possible, in government.A ruler, ideally a sage or gentleman, should surround himself with otherConfucian gentlemen in government who will not only relieve the burdenson the people, but provide a state where people can make a decent livingand gradually internalize the morality that the gentleman models. Thegovernment would work hard at benefiting the people; and the people,in turn, would trust the government. That is the ideal picture, but in lifethings are rarely so easy or clear - cut. Confucius had opportunities to servein government and found himself caught between his great desire to serveand help reform the state and his dread of not being effective and, in theend, abetting a corrupt ruler.In one conversation reported in the Analects , Yang Huo, the steward tothe Ji family in Lu, tempted Confucius. The Ji family was the great powerin Lu, the power behind the nominal duke, and the Ji family carried on asif they were royalty. Confucius criticized their arrogant behavior a numberof times. Yang Huo offered Confucius an office in the government of Lu.Yang Huo asked Confucius why he continued to keep his talent hiddenaway. He asked further if a man could be defined as wise when he repeatedlymissed opportunities to serve. Finally, Yang Huo pointed out thattime was passing and Confucius was getting old without having taken the

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 53chance and taken political office. Clearly Confucius is a wise man andwould be an asset to any government, yet he has continually refused governmentpositions. How long could Confucius take the moral high road,claiming to be able to reform government and yet always refusing a placein it? 18In the end, Confucius refused the offer. Throughout the Analects we seeConfucius desperate to act, but then withdrawing, remaining loyal to hisideals. This raises the question of when we should act. If there is a chanceto benefit society, when should Confucius, or a gentleman, or any of us,lower our standards to take the position? How much corruption shouldwe put up with? Can one serve even bad rulers, if there is a chance ofinfluencing them? If no state is following the Way, how can we ever find agovernment to serve in? A gentleman should “ speak truth to power, ” butwhat happens when he is ignored or, given the Warring States era, killedfor doing so?If we take a position in a government or support a government in someway, are we simply becoming part of the corruption we oppose? On theother hand, standing on the sidelines and not getting our hands dirty maymake us morally superior, but hardly effective. Ideally we should haveenough knowledge to be able to judge the timeliness of acting or not acting,but life was messy for Confucius as it is for us.Another problem in Confucius ’ ideal of government has to do with thechoice of Heaven. No state in the Warring States era could claim to havethe choice of Heaven: if they had had it, they would have conquered allthe others. Confucius opposes government by force, but the idea of thechoice of Heaven implies the use of force to overthrow the old dynasty.This leaves Confucius in a quandary about his loyalty to the old Zhoudynasty and the choice of Heaven that would require one of the states tooverthrow it. Later Confucians in the Warring States period will withdrawtheir loyalty to the old dynasty and opt for the idea that the choice ofHeaven will come to whichever state becomes a moral proper state andso overthrows the Zhou.There are those who say that Confucius ’ ideas would work only in thesmall states of his time and cannot be applied to the large nation - statesof today. It is true that the government structure Confucius envisions isthe structure he was used to seeing: a ruler, his noble ministers, and thecommon people. Confucius did not contemplate anything like a modernstate or a democracy. But some of his ideas about politics could be applied.It might be interesting, and certainly refreshing, to see what a moral governmentwould look like.To summarize, Confucius ’ political ideas are based on the notion thatgovernment exists for the benefit of the people. A government run byConfucian gentlemen or sages would begin by putting words right. They

54 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societywould care for the people by providing a good economy, not overtaxing thepeople, and not throwing their lives away in battle. The people would trustsuch a government and, as the government provided models for behavior,the government would educate people in ritual and morality. Governmentsshould rule through moral power and moral example, not through laws,punishments, and force. Moral cultivation in the individual must havesocial and political expression. Whether in our family, among our friendsand co - workers, or in government, the moral virtues we cultivate will leadto a better society and a better government. Confucius, the “ conservativeold fogy, ” calls for a thoroughgoing reformation of the individual and ofthe state. We are to become educated, moral, and politically active. Thestate is to provide good government that will, in turn, promote morality.“ Putting words right ” and government by moral gentlemen, guiding thepeople, providing for them, and acting as models, all make society andgovernment better.Much of what we have looked at so far is interpreted by differentscholars in different ways. For example, you may find different understandingsof humanity and of ritual in other texts and other translations.The next sections describe some of the more contentious areasof Confucius ’ thought. First, we will look at his ideas of education.Education, in itself, is not the problem; the problem is who it is thatConfucius thought could, or should, be educated, and that brings us toConfucius ’ attitude toward women. Second, we will look at Confucius ’attitude toward the supernatural – the gods, the spirits of the dead,Heaven, and the idea of fate.Education without DistinctionIf you go to the Confucian temple in Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, inthe main section you will see an enormous plaque with a quotation fromConfucius that says, “ Education without distinction. ” People will tell youthat this means that education is open to everyone and that Confucius wasthe first to offer education to all.It is not actually that clear that this is what the passage means. We findthis saying in the Analects where Confucius says, “ In education there are nodifferent kinds. ” 19 There are problems around what is meant by “ differentkinds. ” Some argue that this has nothing to do with public education, butis simply Confucius saying that, no matter if one is a bit slow or almost asage, we must all start out to be educated in the same way.Others read this passage as saying that there are no different kinds ofpeople when it comes to who can be taught. Confucius was open to teachingeveryone, no matter who they were in terms of social class or wealth.

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 55Confucius often talks about how poor some of his students were, especiallyhis favorite student, Yan Hui (or Yan Yuan). Confucius was not impressedby rich students arriving in their carriages and offering substantial schoolfees, saying that even if a student came on foot and offered only a packageof dried meat, he should be taught.What we know about Confucius ’ students, however, is that they wereall upper - class: some of them, like Confucius and Yan Hui, were relativelypoor, but we do not know of any of Confucius ’ students who were fromthe common people. It would be surprising to find commoners amongConfucius ’ students. At that time, ordinary men had only a very limitedopportunity to become literate. Without basic literacy, it would have beenimpossible to study any texts that Confucius taught, like The Book ofPoetry . As well, we find Confucius saying things like: while one can leadthe common people in the right direction, it is not possible to make themunderstand it. 20 So it is not clear that Confucius believed education shouldbe extended to all classes.WomenNor is it evident that he wanted education to be extended to women.Confucius rarely had anything to say about women in the Analects , andthat may be just as well. The one time he says anything about women, hesays, “ It is always difficult to deal with women and servants: if you aretoo close to them, they become insolent; if you keep them at too great adistance, they complain. ” 21 Confucius also said that he had yet to meet aman who is as fond of virtue as he is of beautiful women, and Confucius ’students were warned to guard themselves against female beauty whenyoung.The only woman named in the Analects is Nanzi. She was the wife of theDuke of Wei and, according to the sources, both politically powerful andpromiscuous. Confucius is said to have met and spoken with her, somethinghis students disapproved of. Confucius had to defend himself against theircriticisms, saying he had done nothing wrong. 22 Like many passages in theAnalects , there is no context here to tell us what Nanzi or Confucius saidin the conversation or why he was talking to her.All Confucius ’ students were male. Confucius ’ concerns are male concerns:getting a post in government, being a filial son, and so on. Womenalso do not figure in what we know about the lives and conversations ofConfucius ’ students. 23Texts from Confucius ’ time and later Confucian texts were especiallycritical of women in positions of power. Wives and concubines were seenas the source of political troubles. The Book of Poetry says,

56 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good SocietyA clever man builds city walls,A clever woman overthrows them …Women with long tonguesAre just cruel and violent.Chaos is not sent down from Heaven.It originates in women …Women should have nothing to do with public affairs,But keep to spinning their silk. 24These characterizations of women as bringing disaster to governments andfamilies can be found throughout the histories of the time.We saw an example of this in chapter 1 in the story of the Duke of Weiwho had two sons with his daughter - in - law and was part of her evil plotto kill her husband. In the histories especially we find a number of storiesmodeled in the same ways. In them, the evil, sexually attractive woman, thewife or concubine of the ruler, seduces him into making fatal mistakes ingovernment. The loyal minister warns the ruler of the terrible consequencesbut the minister is not listened to, is fired, or is even executed. The ruler, inhis besotted state of mind, rules badly and the state is conquered by another.During the Warring States period, the status of women continued todecline. While some upper - class women were wealthy and politically powerful,inheritance had become almost entirely patrilineal. This meant thatmany women were less in charge of their own wealth and did not inheritequally with their brothers. The secondary status of women is seen mostclearly in a passage from The Book of Poetry :When a boy is born,He is laid on a bed,Robed in a gown …Lords or princes come from this family.When a girl is born,She is laid on the floor,Robed in rags …She will do nothing bad,Nor anything good either.All she does is to carry wine and plates of food,And is no trouble to her father and mother. 25This attitude can be found echoed in later Confucian texts. Confucian ritualtexts contain regulations for men and women: they are not to sit on thesame mat, or to use the same rack for clothes, or to touch when handingone another something. 26 This lack of direct contact was meant to lessenthe possibility of sexual arousal. To further this aim, the ritual texts alsocontain rules for the separation of the sexes: “ Ritual begins with the correct

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 57relations between man and wife. … In the home, there is a division betweenoutside and inside; the man lives in the outer, the woman in the inner ” ;and “ men should not speak about what belongs to the inside of the house,nor women to what is outside. ” 27Women were to provide a harmonious household, while the man ’ s rolewas outside the home. Men dealt with the public issues and everythingoutside of the household, while women were to deal with the domesticand the private. 28Rules for domestic rituals, such as ancestral veneration, included women.When a woman married, she left her parents ’ house and went to live withher husband ’ s family. In the ancestral veneration ceremonies, the first wifeof the primary descendent of the ancestors (the eldest son) led the otherwomen of the household, just as her husband led the other men. Bothparticipated in the rituals. This has led some commentators to argue thatwomen and men had complementary responsibilities. They point out thatwomen are not labeled as the source of all evil, as they are in other traditions.They quote from the Book of Rites to argue that women were asvalued as men: “ The emperor and empress are necessary to one another,and through their interdependence they are able to complete all things. ” 29Others point out that however balanced the ritual of ancestral venerationmay be between the actions of men and women, the ancestors beingvenerated are the man ’ s ancestors and the children who carry on the familyare his sons. 30Given this background and later Confucian texts, it is not at all clearthat Confucius meant to extend education to women or to lower - classmen. While the scope of his beliefs about education is not clear, it is clearthat he believed that one should be educated, and not just educated to geta good job. Education was important because it had moral, social, andpolitical goals.The Gods, the Spirits of the Dead, and the AfterlifeThe Annals of the Warring States tells the story of the widow of the Dukeof Qin who wanted her lover, a man from Wei, to be buried alive with herwhen she died. Her lover argued against her plan, pointing out to her thatshe did not believe in an afterlife and so his accompanying her to the gravewould do her no good. If, however, it should turn out to be true that thereis an afterlife, the Duke, her husband, would not be at all pleased with herarriving with her lover. 31Most of what we hear from Confucius is teachings about morality, socialand political behavior, and the reform of both the individual and the

58 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societygovernment. Confucius never refers to gods, like the gods of rain, thunder,the earth, and so on. He is never described as praying to them. Given histimes, this is remarkable. Most of the people of his day would have believedin the power of the gods, the spirits, and the ancestors; they would havetried various methods to find lucky days to do things; they lived in a worldsaturated with the supernatural. There was a wide belief in the power ofghosts – spirits of the dead who received no sacrifices – to do harm to theliving, causing misfortune and bad luck. Supernatural powers were creditedwith causing everything from droughts to illness.When Confucius does talk about the gods, it is not always clear what hemeans. For example, when Confucius was very ill, Zilu, one of his students,asked permission to pray, quoting a text that says, “ We pray for you aboveand below to the gods of heaven and the gods of earth. ” Confucius replied,“ In that case, I have been praying for a long time. ” What are we to makeof this? Does it mean that Confucius has been praying to the gods all hislife? Commentators have generally interpreted this passage as meaning thatConfucius ’ whole life has been a prayer and so he did not need to prayto the gods. They base this interpretation on other things Confucius saidabout the supernatural. As well, his students tell us that Confucius nevertalked about strange prodigies, feats of strength, disorder, or the gods. 32Nor does he seem to have been very interested in talking about the spiritsof the dead.Confucius would, of course, have been well versed in the rituals of ancestralveneration and taught the rituals to his students. The culture at largebelieved in the power of ancestors to bless and punish the living. However,Confucius rarely refers to the spirits of the dead, and when he does so, he isnot willing to discuss or describe them at length. He says, “ To work hardto ensure rightness among the people, and, while respecting the spirits, tokeep away from them, this may be called wisdom. ” 33 So we should showthe spirits respect, but not get close to them. In another comment Confuciusmakes, the emphasis is on a reverent attitude, not the spirits themselves.He says, “ Sacrifice to the spirits as if they were present. ” 34 This seems tomean that, whether the spirits exist or not, one should be reverent in performingritual.As to whether or not there is an afterlife, Confucius ’ only comment inthe Analects shows him as unwilling to discuss that either: when a studentasked about the spirits of the dead, Confucius said, “ You are still notable to do your duty to people, how can you do your duty to the ghostsand spirits? ” and when the student asked further about death, Confuciusreplied, “ You do not understand life, how can you understand death? ” 35While these statements do not dismiss a belief in an afterlife, or the existenceof the dead in another place, or the existence of the gods, they do show usthat Confucius did not consider these issues useful topics for his teachings.

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 59Even though Confucius had little to say about the supernatural or anafterlife, later commentators would interpret what little he does say inradically different ways (see chapters 12 and 13 ). Whether these commentsshow Confucius as a religious person, a person with a spiritual nature, ora skeptic remains a subject of debate.The Choice of Heaven and HeavenThe idea of the choice of Heaven or the command of Heaven developedin the early Zhou dynasty (see chapter 1 ) to explain why the Zhoudynasty had conquered the Shang. A virtuous ruler was chosen by Heavento be the ruler of a unified China. The choice of Heaven continued to beused as a tool to make political power legitimate, but by the time of theWarring States, it was clear that no one had been chosen by Heaven to bethe sole ruler of China. The idea of the choice of Heaven, by Confucius ’time, had been broadened to apply to individuals who were chosen,or ordered, by Heaven to live up to what Heaven required of them.Confucius uses the term “ choice of Heaven ” in that way, saying that“ at the age of 50, I understood the choice of Heaven. ” 36 After decadesof study and self - cultivation, he was able to understand what it was thatHeaven wanted him to do. This was a serious responsibility and one thatshould be carried out with reverence and with all the energy one has: thechoice of Heaven is one of the few things, Confucius says, that a gentlemanstands in awe of. 37In one passage where Confucius refers to Heaven, he says, “ Does Heavenspeak? Yet the four seasons move in their cycle and all things receive lifefrom Heaven. Does Heaven say anything? ” 38 Here Confucius refers toHeaven as nature, neither knowing nor caring what human beings do.Confucius ’ students said that Confucius never talked about the Way ofHeaven. 39In other places, Heaven is obviously understood as acting in thisworld. When his favorite student, Yan Hui died, Confucius cried out ingrief, “ It is Heaven that has taken him! It is Heaven! ” 40 This seems to fitwith other references Confucius makes to a Heaven that has given him amission. When threatened with death by Huan Tui in the state of Song,Confucius said, “ It is Heaven that has given birth to the virtue that is inme. What can Huan Tui do to me? ” 41 As long as he had the commandsof Heaven, no human being would be able to stop him. During histravels, he was again threatened with death in Kuang. Confucius refers toKing Wen, a hero to Confucius, and founder of the Zhou dynasty. “ KingWen is long dead; does not our culture rest in me? If Heaven wantedour culture to die, why would those of us after King Wen have it? If

60 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good SocietyHeaven does not want our culture to die, what can the men of Kuangdo to me? ” 42 Confucius understood himself as having a commission fromHeaven. An official once offered an explanation to Confucius ’ students asto why Confucius had not been able to obtain an important governmentoffice, saying, “ Why should you students be worried about Confuciusnot having government office? The world has not followed the Way (seebelow) for a very long time and Heaven plans on using Confucius likethe wooden clapper of a bell. ” 43 That the world does not follow the Wayis fate; that Confucius will be used by Heaven to wake the world up isHeaven ’ s command.This command from Heaven may imply a close relationship betweenHeaven and Confucius. When Confucius complained that no one knewhim, he says, “ I do not grumble at Heaven nor blame human beings. Istudy what is around me so as to follow what is above. It is only Heaventhat knows me. ” 44 And, while it is not clear that he prayed to the gods,he says, “ A man who offends against Heaven has nowhere to pray. ” 45Heaven has given Confucius a mission and it is only Heaven who trulyknows him. But Confucius does not discuss what kind of Heaven this isnor how it works.FateConfucius also uses the term ming – “ choice, ” “ mandate, ” or “ fate ” – byitself. Originally, ming referred to the length of one ’ s life. We find it withthat meaning in The Book of History and The Book of Poetry : “ Heaveninspects those below and its standard is rightness. Heaven sends down along life or not. Thus, it is not heaven that makes people die young, it ispeople who sever their life ( ming ). ” 46 The length of one ’ s life depends onethical behavior that is rewarded by heaven. In Western Zhou bronzes,ming is used in the senses of “ life span ” and, as well, “ endowment fromheaven. ” 47Meaning “ fate, ” ming has the sense of all the things that could happento us. There are things over which we have no control: they are chosen orfated by Heaven. So we cannot control our life span, our health, or thetimes we are born into. If the society we are born into is corrupt, if it doesnot follow the Way, we can try to fix it, but may not succeed; this is fate.Similarly, if the ruler, who the gentleman serves, refuses good advice, thegentleman can do nothing other than continue to offer good advice. Thereason Confucius was unable to achieve real political influence in his timewas fate. Fate is decided by Heaven and, if Heaven wills a world in whichthe right Way prevails, that is what will happen; if Heaven does not willit, the world will be without the Way. 48

Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Society 61The WaySome people are surprised to find Confucius using the term “ Dao, ” the“ Way, ” assuming that is a word only used by the Daoist school. The termwas widely used by all sorts of people throughout the period. However,when people used the word “ Way, ” they did not always mean the samething by it. When Confucius talks about the Way, he does not mean thenatural and spontaneous Dao of the Daoist school (see chapter 5 ); he meansa Dao that is an ethical, political, and civilized order. He says, “ I set myheart on the Way, base myself on virtue, lean on humanity. ” 49The Way that Confucius has set his heart on is the natural inclinationof human beings toward civilization, and that is what Confucius is talkingabout when he says, “ A man has not wasted his life who, on the day hedies, learns about the Dao. ” 50 The natural human tendency toward civilizationwas expressed in the past by the sage - kings and the early rulers of theZhou dynasty. It is also a moral Way, commanded by Heaven, that rulers,governments, and individuals must come to understand and to follow. Wecan learn the workings of the Way by being educated; we practice the Waythrough ritual, moral behavior, and good government. It is interesting thatConfucius says that it is human beings who expand the Way, not the Waythat expands human beings. 51 There has been considerable debate over whathe means here, but it may be that it is the responsibility of human beingsto develop a moral and civilized Way rather than the Way ’ s responsibilityto command us.The references in the Analects to the spirits of the dead, the gods, anafterlife, and even Heaven are relatively few, especially when compared toConfucius ’ favorite topics, humanity, the gentleman, and ritual. Many ofthese references are cryptic as well, so it is not always clear what Confuciusmeant. There is little in other Confucian texts to help us either.When we think about the word “ religion ” we usually think of it asfocused on our relationship to the supernatural, be that gods, the spiritsof the dead, or some ultimate principle or being, like Heaven or God.Confucius sometimes implies that sort of relationship. He did not seehimself living in an empty universe that had no relation to human beings. 52However, most of Confucius ’ attention is focused on self - cultivation, morality,and the ways to build a proper society.Given what we have from Confucius, almost everything he says aboutthe supernatural can be interpreted in different ways. For example, take hisremark about his student not knowing how to serve the living and so notbeing able to learn about serving the dead. Does this mean that the studentwould have to work harder before he learned how to serve the spirits ofthe dead? Does it mean that while the spirits of the dead exist, it is more

62 Teachings II: The Foundation of a Good Societyimportant to serve the living? Does it mean that Confucius did not believein an afterlife and wanted his students to move away from the topic?Similarly, some scholars have understood what Confucius says aboutritual as ritual that must be understood in a more religious context. Evenwhen rituals are between people, they are religious acts performed with thesame reverence. 53 Others have read what Confucius said about ritual andthe supernatural and concluded that Confucius was an agnostic and not atall interested in the religious side of life.The continuing debate as to whether Confucianism is a philosophyor a religion often includes interpretations of Confucius ’ remarks aboutHeaven and the Dao (see chapters 12 and 13 ). Here we should note thethings Confucius does not talk about. There is no creator - god: this is truethroughout early Chinese culture as well as in the thought of Confucius.Whatever Heaven may be, it is not credited with a conscious creation ofthe universe. We find no speculation about how the universe came to beand very little comment on how it is constituted. Second, Heaven is nota place. Confucius does not talk about an afterlife, nor does he offer agood afterlife as a reward for a good life. Third, there are no sanctionsin Confucius ’ thought. We are to be good people because we should, notbecause we expect a reward in an afterlife or to be condemned in the nextworld. There are no hells, no devils, and no Devil. For Confucius, selfishnessand self - interest are enough to explain evil; there is no need to resortto the supernatural.Debate continues over just what Confucius meant about the scope ofeducation, about his attitude toward women, and about his religious views– or lack of them. We will see how the Confucian tradition develops aswe go along and how people today talk about these issues. We do knowthat Confucius provided a complete prescription for the reform of theindividual, society, and the state. As individuals, we encourage our moralvirtues through education and self - cultivation, striving for the attitude ofhumanity. This has social and political implications. Individuals, gentlemen,with humanity, can lead us to a society that is more polite and where peopleare respected. This involves a state where government officials use languageproperly and work hard to care for the people.

4Terms, and MoziProblems with “ Schools ” and “ - isms ”While we could not describe Confucius ’ life as easy, he did have an easiertime of it than his followers in one respect: he did not have to deal withmany opponents. After Confucius ’ death, his followers would have todebate other thinkers who had their own strategies to reform the timeand who attacked the kinds of things Confucius had proposed. To a largeextent, Confucius was spared this.The Warring States era lasted from 403 to 221 BCE and ended when thestate of Qin succeeded in conquering all the other states and unifying China.This dynasty did not last long and was succeeded by the Han dynasty, amuch longer one, ruling from 206 BCE to 220 CE, approximately the samelength of time as the Roman empire.It was during the Han dynasty, about a hundred years or more after thethinkers of the Warring States era, that scholars looked back and began tocategorize the thinkers and the texts of the Warring States into schools ofthought. 1 They set up strict lines among various schools of thought in theWarring States period and classified thinkers as belonging to Confucian,Mohist, Daoist, Logician, or Strategist schools.The difficulty is that the thinkers of the Warring States era did not, inmany cases, see themselves as belonging to a school at all. Many of thesethinkers, and their texts, include ideas from various sources and do not fitneatly into one school or another.So, who were these people if they were not, in many cases, members ofa “ school ” ? One of the Chinese phrases to describe the many thinkers ofthe Warring States is the “ hundred schools of thought. ” While there werenot really a hundred schools, the phrase is meant to show the wide varietyand the various voices of the time. The thinkers of the Warring States erawere scholars and would - be bureaucrats, like Confucius. Like Confucius,

64 Terms, and Mozithey tried to get a government position where they could influence rulersand bring into practice their own ideas about statecraft and reform. Thevast majority of the texts from the Warring States period were addressedto rulers, and talk about how to rule well, according to the viewpoint ofthe author.As the numbers of these scholar - bureaucrats 2 grew after the death ofConfucius and throughout the Warring States period, it became commonfor rulers to have these scholars as guests, listen to their advice, engage themin debate, and listen to them debate each other. For some, having scholarson the payroll became a sign of the rulers ’ wealth, status, and high culture.For example, in the state of Qi, the Tian family had overthrown originalrulers of state, and were known as a bloodthirsty lot. They wanted toestablish themselves as proper rulers and enhance their reputation. Fromthe 400s to the 300s BCE, they became patrons of scholars, setting up theJixia Academy and inviting scholars from across China. The scholars werepaid well, given pleasant living quarters, servants, and suitable lecture halls.These scholars were not necessarily meant to be part of the government,but they were invited there to discuss various theories and there was a realexchange of ideas. Many of the big names in scholarship visited, or livedin, the Jixia Academy. 3 This academy is the most famous one, but therewere others as well.The scholar - bureaucrats traveled from state to state to these academies,many with their cartloads of books, trying very hard to make their voicesheard, to defeat their opponents in debate, and to reform the governmentof the time. Some of them did indeed get government jobs. They sharedthe same concerns Confucius had: the breakdown in central governmentmight well lead to a loss of civilization itself; the times were dangerous andgovernments corrupt; the common people were in serious trouble while theupper classes and the rich lived in luxury. What they did not agree on washow to solve these problems.When we look back at this period, we see an exciting and interestingtime with people debating everything from the very nature of human beingsto how a good government should work. For scholars of the time, thesevery debates were a sign of how bad things were. If the brightest minds ofthe country could not agree on how to fix things, how would China eversurvive?The scholar - bureaucrats were almost entirely upper - class men – thoughsome, like Confucius, may not have been wealthy. They were educated,as Confucius ’ students had been, in the texts of the time, texts like TheBook of History and The Book of Poetry . As the Warring States era progressed,more and more of these scholars would be taught by other scholar -bureaucrats and would study the books of that particular teacher, or theteacher of their teacher. Some students stayed with one teacher, defending

Terms, and Mozi 65and passing on those teachings; others were less committed, studying withvarious teachers. People were identified by, and identified themselves with,this teaching lineage. This student – teacher relationship is at the core ofwhat, in some cases, will develop into identifiable groups.Problems with the Term “ Confucianism ”When the Chinese words jia , “ school, ” and jiao , “ teaching, ” are translatedinto English as “ ism, ” as in “ Confucianism, ” this leads to some bigproblems.When we use “ - ism ” in a word, like “ Buddhism ” or “ communism, ”we assume a number of things. We assume that there is a shared creed orshared set of ideas. There may be, as in the case of Buddhism, an initiationwhere the believer proclaims his or her membership in the group. Buddhistsshare the same goals, many of the same texts, basic principles, and methods.Even when Buddhism splits into sub - groups these basics are still there.“ Communism ” works in much the same way: despite differences in interpretation,there is a shared goal, some shared texts, and basic principles.Looking at the word “ Confucianism ” we tend to make the same assumptionsabout it. This is when we run into trouble. Confucianism does nothave a creed or an initiation. There is no membership card – in fact, thereis no organization to be a member of. Actually, there is no such thing as“ Confucianism. ”Five hundred years ago, when Roman Catholic missionaries first went toChina, they found an important person and tradition being talked about,especially by the upper classes and government officials. First they Latinizedthe name “ Kongfuzi ” to “ Confucius. ” Then they assumed that Confuciuswas the founder of the tradition. They further assumed that all traditionsare based on a founder, and so they called the tradition “ Confucianism. ”The assumptions they made were based on their own religion: Christianitytakes its name from its founder, Jesus Christ. All traditions, it was assumed,had a founder and a name that reflected that founder. 4“ Confucianism ” does not. In Chinese, the term is “ Ru ” or “ Ru jia ”(the Ru school) or “ Ru jiao ” ( Ru - ist teachings) and there is no referenceto Confucius, or even Kongzi, in the term. “ Ru ” assumes a long tradition,even before Confucius, going back to the sage - kings and the most ancientof texts. 5 However, we do not just have problems with the English word“ Confucianism ” ; there are also problems with the Chinese term “ Ru . ”An opponent of Confucius, the philosopher Mozi ( c .480 BCE, see thesection “ Mozi and Mohism ” below) is the first to identify people as “ Ru , ”but he does not say where the name came from. 6 This means that the firstuse of the term to describe a certain loosely organized group is in the latter

66 Terms, and Mozipart of the Spring and Autumn period, probably shortly after Confucius ’death.While Xunzi ( c .310 – 210 BCE, see chapter 7 ) was the first Ru to identifyhimself as a Ru , and while he distinguished various groups of Ru as false,base, or proper, he too gives no history of the name. 7 The Han dynastyhistorian, Ban Gu, claimed that the word “ Ru ” came from the office of educatorswhose job included assisting the ruler in understanding the changesof the yin and yang and in teaching the people. This would place the use ofthe term back into the early Zhou, prior to Confucius, and that is unlikely. 8There are two traditions about the origin of the word “ Ru . ” In the first,it is said that the Ru were descendents of the Shang dynasty who had beenoverthrown by the Zhou. They taught that one should be pliable and theywere experts in classical ritual. Confucius was said to have been a descendentof the Shang royal house. The second tradition claims that the Ru wereminor members of the Zhou royal family who lost their positions in thebreakdown of 770 BCE, and so had no choice but to make their living fromtheir specialized knowledge of ancient texts and rituals. Neither of thesetraditions is verifiable. 9Attempts to trace the history of the word Ru by analyzing the characterhave not been successful either. In the 1920s, Hu Shi argued that Ru isrelated to rou , “ pliable, ” and represented the resigned attitude of the Shangpeople who had been conquered by the Zhou; however, many other scholarsdisagree. 10 John Knoblock and others also understand the term Ru asrelated to “ pliable ” but say it was used to mean “ weakling, ” or somethingclose to our modern “ nerd. ” 11 So the Chinese term “ Ru ” was likely firstused by people shortly after Confucius ’ death, but we do not know theorigin of the term or why it was used.While it might be more accurate to use the terms Ru , Ru jia , and Ru - ist ,they are awkward and difficult for non - Sinologists. 12 I will continue to usethe terms “ Confucian ” and “ Confucianism, ” but we must keep in mindthat the Ru tradition refers to a time before Kongzi (Confucius) and, whileConfucius is the sage par excellence of the tradition, he is not consideredto be its founder.The next problems are: was there a Confucian school? were therepeople who considered themselves Confucians ( Ru )? how did they identifythemselves?The Mozi (see the section “ Mozi and Mohism ” below), written after thedeath of Confucius, has a chapter, “ A Condemnation of Confucians. ” Mozidescribes Confucians as a group with certain shared occupations and views;he says that they were associated with mourning rituals. He accuses themof not believing in an afterlife, yet carrying out funerals as if they did. Hecriticizes Confucians for believing in fate. He says Confucians promotedelaborate rituals and music and that they believed that a gentleman must

Terms, and Mozi 67wear the clothes of the past and speak with the speech of the past in orderto be considered a proper gentleman. He complains that the rituals theypracticed were so minute and complicated that one could spend a lifetimestudying them and never know all of them; as well, one could have a fortuneand still not be able to pay for the performance of all of their music. Hesays that they were fond of music and used it to corrupt people; Confuciansattracted followers with the sounds of singing, drums, and dancing. 13These descriptions of Confucians come from an opponent: Mozi andhis followers frequently debated the followers of Confucius and there wasno love lost between them, so Mozi ’ s criticisms of Confucian behavior andthought should not be taken at face value. However, at least in his descriptionsof Confucian ideas and occupations, Mozi seems to be accurate. 14To take some of Mozi ’ s descriptions one at a time, one way Confucianswere identified was by their relation to a number of texts. These are textslike The Book of History and The Book of Poetry that we have seen beforeand that Confucians believed Confucius himself had either written or edited(see chapter 8 ). These texts were known to be earlier than Confucius andpart of the heritage of the Zhou dynasty. The texts would, in the Handynasty, become part of the Five Classics. A Warring State text describes thescholars associated with the state of Lu, Confucius ’ state, and the classicsof Confucianism. It says that the laws and traditions of ancient times havebeen handed down and can be found in The Book of History , The Bookof Poetry , the Book of Rites, and the Classic of Music . The scholars of thestate of Lu, with their large sashes and writing tablets, are known for theirunderstanding of these texts. 15Using these texts, Confucians discussed the virtue of filial piety, respectfor and service to one ’ s parents, elder brother, teacher, and ruler. Theyalso discussed concepts like humanity, the gentleman, and good governmentthat benefited the people. According to a number of their adversaries,Confucians believed in fate, and said that one ’ s life was decided at birth.This charge has caused some difficulty because it is not a clear position inany of the Confucian texts. It may be that only some Confucians held thisposition and that their arguments were not included in the later Confuciancanon (see chapter 8 ).Confucians looked to the past, to the early sage - kings and cultural heroeslike the Duke of Zhou, for patterns of behavior. We have seen Confuciusdo this and his followers continued the tradition. The past provides a modelof what government and society should do in the present. 16Confucians had expert knowledge of ritual and music. As for funeralritual, it may be that many Confucians earned their living performingfuneral rituals for the nobility. They may also have had government jobsas Music Masters. Confucians were closely associated with both musicalperformance and music theory and this brought them into conflict with

68 Terms, and Mozithose who argued that music was useless and should be banned (see thesection “ Mozi and Mohism ” below).Confucians were also identified by their clothes and their way of talking.They are described as wearing clothes from ancient times – an antique hat,ornamented shoes, a large sash – and they carried tablets used by officialsin court ceremonies. 17 To match their antique dress, they were said to havespoken in an antiquated manner. This was to indicate their allegiance tothe past, and it would certainly have made them stand out, much as peoplewould today if they wore doublets and hose from Elizabethan times andspoke the English of Shakespeare. It may be that only some Confuciansdressed and spoke this way, but it was one of the ways they made themselvesdistinct.Confucians were distinct in terms of texts, ideas, teachers, dress, andspeech. While their enemies might make fun of them, Confucians had aview of themselves as an elite, as gentlemen or superior men. Their status,they believed, was based not solely on birth but on their professional andmoral abilities. Along with this view of themselves came the tradition that,even though they might have the knowledge and ability to advise the ruler,the ruler did not often listen to them. The counsel that Confucian officialsgave their lords was, according to the Confucians, often overlooked infavor of short - term gain or extravagance. Rulers might not even recognizeworthy officials and might not bring them to their court. Confucians oftenportray themselves as neglected advisors, and, in the Confucian classics,again and again rulers find themselves facing disaster for not followingConfucian advice.Confucius ’ students wanted to become government officials: they werealready qualified on the basis of birth, and they worked for the secondqualification – education. We are told that Confucius had three thousandstudents; but those who knew the “ six accomplishments ” numbered only72. His students scattered after his death: some did attain office, becomingadvisors and high officials in governments in Lu and in other states, whileothers became teachers. 18The students of these teachers taught others in turn until, by 300 BCE,there were from five to eight different groups of Confucians. Han Feizi saysthat by his time, about 250 BCE, there were eight groups of Confuciansand each claimed to have the traditional teaching of Confucius. While theremight have been differences among these groups, they all understood themselvesto be Confucians – though some considered their Ru tradition betterthan others. Xunzi, a Confucian, for example, criticized those Confucianshe described as “ vulgar. ” He described these “ lesser ” Confucians as claimingloyalty to the early kings, Confucius, and a Confucian lineage, but,he said, they were not “ proper ” : they followed Confucius ’ teachings in apartial or distorted way. 19

Terms, and Mozi 69It may be that the term “ Confucian ” was applied to a large number ofpeople, and meant something more general like “ literati. ” Of these literati,only some were strict followers of Confucius and stayed closely associatedwith his teachings. Others may have studied with “ Confucian ” teachers,but went their own way. 20To sum up, the term “ Confucianism ” can indeed be misleading if itis understood as an organized group with a structured ideology that all“ Confucians ” were required to follow. Confucians, or Ru , belonged neitherto an organized party that had a required party line nor to an organizedreligion with a set creed and an initiation. They did, though, follow teachinglineages that drew their authority from Confucius and the ancientsage - kings.In terms of identifying Confucians prior to the Han dynasty, it is clearthat there was a basic core of shared ideas and teaching lineages that doprovide some basis for an “ - ism. ” There was also, however, a fluidityto interpretations and practices. These sub - schools of Confucianism mayhave dressed and spoken in much the same antique style. They handledthe same lore of antiquity, though probably different versions of it, andeducated their students in particular interpretations that were tied to teachinglineages.Though loosely formed, the Confucians were a group identified as “ Ru ”by their enemies. They also used the term “ Ru ” to describe themselves. Wehave seen that Confucians were identified by their allegiance to the past,to the ideals of humanity, good government, rituals, and music, and alsoidentifiable by their dress and manner. No matter how fierce the infightingmay have been among Confucian groups, they all seem to have agreed ona basic set of ideas and practices.Mozi and MohismConfucians established their complex rituals and music to delude people.With their false grief at their long funerals, they fool the family. They saythat all is fated and ignore the poverty around them. They are exceedinglyarrogant and proud. They ignore what is essential and enjoy being lazy andoverbearing. They love their food, but are too lazy to work. 21We have already seen one of the opponents of Confucians, the philosopherMozi. Traditionally, he was said to have lived from 479 to 301 BCE.There is a long tradition that Mozi was from the lower classes, possibly acraftsman. He was assumed to be a contemporary of Confucius, and, likeConfucius ’ family, according to tradition, from the state of Song. Mozi ’ sdedication can be seen in the story that, in order to try to prevent a war,

70 Terms, and Mozihe walked from one end of the China of the time to the other, arriving withhis feet bloody and swollen.Modern scholarship rejects these traditions and says that he was bornabout 480 BCE, just after the death of Confucius, which would make Mozia contemporary of the Greek philosopher Socrates (469 – 399 BCE). LikeConfucius, Mozi was probably also a minor noble and clearly identifiedhimself with the scholar - bureaucrats of the upper classes. There is a booknamed after him, the Mozi , and, even though most of it was written after histime, it still accurately describes Mozi ’ s thought, because we find it repeatedboth by his enemies and in the later works of his followers. 22Mozi is a fine example of the passion that the problems of the era produced,and he conveys a real sense of urgency in his thought. To provide thebasics of life for everyone, everyone ’ s energies must immediately be put towork simply to provide food, shelter, clothing, and peace. There is no timeto waste, especially if it is being wasted in frivolous, useless things. Mozi ’ sthinking is straightforward: we must do useful things that will profit us; weshould practice self - interest; we should obey our superiors completely; and,if we do this, Heaven and the gods will bless us. Mozi is important too forhis contributions to argumentation in the Warring States era. He beginsthe discussion of how logic and rational argument work, the necessity ofestablishing definitions, and how to argue properly.Mozi uses two main terms: profit and usefulness. 23 He argues that ifsomething is useful then it is profitable or benefits us. In its simplest terms:what is profitable is useful; what is useful is profitable. So how do wedefine “ profit ” for the people? If something helps to build up the wealth ofthe state or increase the population of the state, it is profitable. So usefuland profitable things include food, clothing, shelter, enriching the state,increasing the population, ending conflict among people, preventing war,and getting blessings from the gods.Unprofitable and useless things include anything that wastes money,that wastes time, that does not benefit most people, that does not increasethe population, and that may lead to war. Elaborate funerals, for example,keep people from doing their jobs, waste time, and waste money. Musicis useless, transitory, wastes time, and wastes money. War is unprofitableand useless. Money is wasted on armaments; people ’ s lives are wasted inbattles. If the state wins, it has destroyed the territory it invaded; if it loses,it loses everything. However, Mozi allowed for defensive wars because thestate needs to be able to defend itself. His followers ’ texts include chapterson military technology, focusing on defensive engineering and tactics.Mozi sees the world in black and white. Useful, profitable things aregood things; useless, wasteful things are bad things. Most of the things thatMozi classifies as useful are either basic necessities, like food and shelter,or quantifiable in terms of money, like enriching the state.

Terms, and Mozi 71Mozi also argued that we naturally love ourselves and what motivatesus is self - interest. Self - interest should lead us to want to profit ourselves.The way to profit ourselves the most is to have a society where the greatesthappiness of the greatest number is established. So, we should practiceuniversal love. 24Do not get too excited by the phrase “ universal love. ” Mozi does notmean anything emotional or spiritual by it. Universal love is based on self -interest and reciprocity: you love me, I love you back. This love is not anemotion, but a way to bring one ’ s own self - interest together with the self -interest of others. If we help out our neighbor, we do it because we wantour neighbor to help us out. Friendship does not enter into it: helping yourneighbor is based on our own self - interest. Universal love is a means to getus what we want.A major problem of the time was conflict among people as individualsand as groups, whether classes or states. If everyone loved one another – followedtheir real self - interest – then people would feed, clothe, and care forone another. Large states would not attack small ones and the rich wouldnot take advantage of the poor. Mozi argued that universal love existed inthe past, under the sage - kings, but now that civilization has collapsed wecan see only fragments of it, in love of family, for example.Before civilization was established, Mozi says, everything was chaosand no one could agree on anything. Then people chose a ruler who hadthe choice of Heaven, ultimate control, and decided on right and wrong.The emperor is the only one who can speak with Heaven, and, as the onlychannel of communication, the emperor alone judges right and wrong.Heaven ’ s will and the ruler ’ s are the same. Things will go well only whenthe ruler respects Heaven and the gods and spirits. The power of the choiceof Heaven flows downward from the emperor to his ministers and to thecommon people.From the emperor down, superiors are always right and should beobeyed. When inferiors do something right, they should be rewarded; ifthey do something wrong, then they should be punished. Mozi called this“ agreement with the superior. ” Social and political peace is only possiblewhen this agreement is maintained. Agreement and obedience are theresponsibilities of the inferior who must always obey his or her superior.Agreeing with one ’ s superior would put an end to the infinite number ofopinions coming from everyone. It is these opinions that lead to arguments,fights, and wars. Agreeing with one ’ s superior means that there is only oneopinion in the world. 25Religious arguments in Mozi are very cool: there is no religious fervoror devotional language. Mozi simply says that Heaven, the gods, and thespirits bless and reward those who practice universal love and punishthose who do not. He uses examples from antiquity to show how some

72 Terms, and Mozisage - kings were blessed, while tyrants, who were overthrown, were not.If we are successful, it is because we have practiced universal love andenlightened self - interest, and done useful and profitable things. This is notfate; we are responsible for what happens to us. There is no discussionof where Heaven comes from, the nature of the gods and spirits, or theirorigins and powers.If we do all the Mozi recommends – practice universal love, and pursuewhat is useful and beneficial – we can return to the great civilization ofthe past. 26As you can imagine, with a point of view like this, Mozi was enraged byConfucians. As we have seen, one chapter in the Mozi is the “ Condemnationof Confucians. ” Almost everything Confucians do and believe is wrong,Mozi says.Confucians are arrogant and pompous and so they are not suitable to teachother people. They adore music and use it to corrupt others. They cannot betrusted to teach others to manage government. They think everything is fatedso they see no reason to work. They emphasize funerals and long periods ofgrief and so cannot teach others how to take care of the people. … Confuciushad an imposing appearance and was knowledgeable, but he used this todelude people … all of his wide learning did nothing to help; his complexthought did not help the people. 27Confucians, for Mozi, were a wasteful and useless bunch who encourageduseless things like funerals and music. Confucians talked about filial pietyand love in the family, running counter to universal love. They insisted onlong periods of mourning for family members, wasting time and productivity.28 As ritual masters, they organized wasteful funerals. Rulers were buriedwith gold, jewelry, fine clothes, and expensive utensils. The waste horrifiedMozi. To make it worse, while wasting money on funerals, Confuciansseemed not to believe in a life after death or the spirits of the dead. It isnot clear where Mozi gets this idea about Confucians, as nothing in theConfucian classics indicates a lack of belief in an afterlife (little confirmssuch a belief either), but there must have been some Confucians of Mozi ’ stime who argued against an afterlife.Similarly, Mozi says that Confucians believe that everything in life isfated, but we do not find that in the Confucian texts – even though it wasclearly a belief of some Confucians who Mozi encountered. 29 Mozi saysthat it was not fate that kept Confucius from receiving Heaven ’ s choice andfounding a new dynasty: Confucius was not successful because Confuciuswas wrong.The Mozi also contains a chapter condemning music. Mozi says that thethree things people want are food, clothes, and rest: playing music gives no

Terms, and Mozi 73one the money to get these things. Musical performances are only for theamusement of the upper classes, who waste their time instead of governing,and music gives nothing at all to ordinary people. Music, as it was often performedfor the wealthy of his time, wasted money. Musicians, orchestras,dancers, and musical instruments had to be brought together and paid for.All of this expense gave only a transitory pleasure. Mozi says that music, initself, is pleasant enough, but not worth the time and money wasted on it.Music is a private pleasure, enjoyed by the few at the expense of the many.He says that the ancient sages established government, palaces, clothes,and so on that were sufficient and economical; only later were luxuries likemusic invented. Mozi equates music and luxury. 30As Music Masters in some of the courts and as scholars trained in musicas part of their education, Confucians then had to defend music againstMozi and his followers.The Mohist 31 school became the largest school of the Warring Statesperiod. Like Confucians, they would have stood out because of their dress,but in the case of the Mohists, their clothing was simple and inexpensive.Unlike some other schools, the Mohists were indeed an organized group.The Mohists were not only organized, but clearly hierarchical: the leaderof the Mohists, beginning with Mozi, was called a Supreme Master (therewere three after Mozi). The Supreme Master had the power to executeanyone in the group who violated Mohist rules. There were many rulesand regulations for the members and total obedience was demanded. Thiswas based on Mozi ’ s “ agreement with the superior ” ideas. The school wasorganized as a quasi - military group. Despite this, or perhaps because of it,over time the Mohist school split into three sub - groups.Even though they made up the largest school of the Warring States era,the Mohists never achieved their aims. Their ideas were too radical for anupper class that enjoyed its luxury. Their religious sanctions did not scarerulers or the upper class. The great achievement of the Mohists was theway in which they changed the rules of debate, discussing the nature oflanguage, setting up rules of logic, and making all other thinkers argue fortheir positions.Mozi and his followers talked a lot about disputation or argumentationas a way to arrive at the truth. This is the beginning of not only rationalargumentation, but also the self - conscious notion that one is arguing andthat there are proper ways to do it. Argument became a mode of combatused to convince rulers of the right way to act and to defeat one ’ s intellectualenemies. Later Mohists would continue to pursue these issues andwould influence the form of argumentation to come.After the death of Confucius we see a number of scholars or would - bebureaucrats, each with their own approach to solving the problems of thetime. The followers of Confucius formed groups based on teachers and

74 Terms, and Mozicontinued to support Confucius ’ teachings. They were described as distinctivebecause of their allegiance to Confucius and association with certaintexts.Mozi had his own ideas of how to solve the problems of the WarringStates era. Work on practical things, he said, things like food, clothes, andshelter. End war, luxury, and waste. If we all want to act in our own self -interest, we should practice universal love. Heaven and the gods will blessus. Mozi condemned Confucius for being wrong about almost everything.More criticism from other thinkers was aimed at Confucius and that iswhat we will look at next.

5OpponentsWhen Confucius arrived Lao Lai - tzu [Lao Laizi] said to him, “ Get ridof your proud bearing and that knowing look on your face and youcan become a gentleman. … You can ’ t bear to watch the sufferings ofone age and so you go make trouble for ten thousand ages to come!Are you just naturally a boor? ” 1DaoismConfucians were attacked by Mozi and his followers for practicing uselessthings like ritual and music, for spending time talking about morality, formaking money from useless, elaborate funerals, and for not paying attentionto the real things in life, like the bottom line. Deep as this disagreementwas, the most profound attack against Confucius came from another direction.This attack is found both in a text called the Laozi or the Dao De Jingand from a thinker named Zhuangzi ( c .399 – 285 BCE, a contemporary ofthe Greek philosopher Plato) and the text named after him, the Zhuangzi .Later, in the Han dynasty, these two texts and thinkers, along with someothers, were categorized as the Daoist school, though none of these peopleunderstood themselves as belonging to a school and, as we will see, organizingDaoists would be as difficult as herding cats.The first text, the Laozi , was traditionally thought to have been writtenby a philosopher, Laozi, who was a contemporary of Confucius. Thereare some problems with this. First, Laozi is not a person ’ s name. The “ zi ”means “ teacher ” or “ master, ” as we have seen with Mozi, for example,but the “ Lao ” of Laozi in this case is not a family name. 2 “ Lao ” means“ old ” or “ venerable. ” So “ Laozi ” means the “ venerable teacher. ” Second,modern scholarship has shown that there is no one author of the text, butthere are multiple authors, probably from different times. 3

76 OpponentsThe second text, the Zhuangzi , seems to have been written after theLaozi as it refers to the Laozi . We know little about its author, Zhuangzi.He may have been called Zhuang Zhou 4 and had an official post. There arestories about Zhuang Zhou in the Zhuangzi but, like most of the storiesin the text, they are too humorous in intent to be useful in a biography.As you might guess, the Daoists talk about the Dao. But their view ofthe Dao is quite different from Confucius ’ . The Dao pointed to in the Laoziis natural and spontaneous. We cannot hear, see, or touch it.Language is not capable of accurately describing the Dao, so the authorsof the Laozi can only point to it, suggest images for it, and describe itthrough analogy. One of the reasons that the text is so terse and difficultis that the authors are trying to talk about something that cannot, in theend, be talked about. The word “ Dao, ” meaning “ Way ” or “ road, ” is onlya shorthand reference for something language cannot really adequately talkabout.The ambiguous language and phrases in the text, plus the idea thathuman language is not able to adequately talk about the Dao, has ledmany readers to see the text as “ mystical. ” This view is reinforced by thetext ’ s identification of the Dao with non - being. Daoists see the workings ofthe Dao as the interaction of being and non - being, and given that humanlanguage, and indeed human thought, are inadequate to capture the Dao,Daoists prefer to talk about the Dao in negative terms. This does not necessarilymake the text “ mystical. ” 5The Dao gives birth to all the things in the universe. While these thingspass in and out of existence, the Dao is eternal. The Dao itself is not athing – it is a process, a process of birth, death, movement, and stillness.The Dao is described as weak, non - contending, not acting, and withoutan ego. The Dao will not argue with you, it does not have rules, it doesnot have plans. It acts naturally and spontaneously. But, if you are foolishenough to decide to row across an ocean with no experience, no equipment,and no regard for the weather, the Dao will kill you. That will happen,not because the Dao hates you – the Dao has no emotions – but just fromthe natural course of events. Everything that goes against the Dao dies. Acreature who plans to work against the natural actions of the Dao will notbe successful – or at least not successful in the long term.One of the images the Laozi uses to describe the Dao is the image ofwater. Water is weak: you can easily put your hand under cool waterflowing from a tap and not be harmed. Water flows naturally to the lowestplace: like the Dao, it does not show off. Water, however, in the rightcircumstances, can drown people, smash roads and bridges, and obliteratewhole cities. Water does not plan on doing any of these things; it does sonaturally and spontaneously. We can die from disregarding the power ofwater.

Opponents 77The Dao is also compared to a baby who is supple, because the childis still natural, and a baby, unlike adults, can cry all day and not becomehoarse. Another image is that of a woman who is quiet, passive, and non -contending – apparently the authors of the Laozi had never actually meta woman. 6The Laozi often says that the Dao does not act; 7 what it means is thatthe Dao does not ego - act. Natural and spontaneous action is not directedby an ego; an ego sets up plans and lists, fighting for what it wants andimposing its will. The Dao does not do that. Human beings, if we want tobehave properly and successfully, should behave like the Dao. Our aggressiveand assertive behavior and our desires keep us fighting each other andthe Dao. A fight with the Dao is one we cannot ever win.Instead of being like the Dao, human society and human behavior arededicated to asserting our will over nature. Civilization is an artificialimposition of our will on the world. We spend a lot of our time fightingthe erosion of our plans. Much of home ownership, for example, involvesthe maintenance of the house against the forces of the Dao – gravity, water,and weather. We keep having to repave roads, rebuild bridges and sidewalksand, not having learned our lesson, then we pave more roads andbuild more sidewalks.We spend a lot of time doing things that are artificial, like education.Zhuangzi points out that there are two ways of knowing things. We canlearn how to ride a bicycle or to swim. Even if we have not ridden a bicyclefor years, we will still know how. We learn it and it becomes a part of us.On the other hand, we can take a first year psychology course and, if testedon the course ten years later, we will discover that we remember next tonothing. That is because this sort of learning is artificial – that is why it isso hard to learn and so easy to forget. Education of this kind is artificialand unnatural.Forgetting, says Zhuangzi, is something we should do more of. Weshould forget all the artificial knowledge that has been pumped into us sincewe were children. He says, “ You forget your feet, when shoes are comfortable.You forget your waist when your belt is comfortable. Understandingforgets right and wrong when the mind is comfortable. ” 8 We forget whenthings are not an irritant, when they do not catch our attention, when weare not filling our minds with artificial things. All the ritual and all theeducation we have learned have simply taught us to be unnatural and weshould forget them.Like the Confucians, Daoists talk about the sage, but given the widerange of authors it is not surprising that we find a wide range of picturesof what a Daoist sage would look like.Chapters in the Laozi describe a control sage. He is a ruler who is said tobe “ not kind ” and “ treats the people like straw dogs, ” 9 that is, as something

78 Opponentsthat can be thrown away. Because this sage is one with the Dao, he attractsand controls other people. He gets rid of any cause of desires among thepeople, “ strengthening their bones and weakening their wills. ” 10 In doingso he returns everyone to a simpler and less ego - driven time. This pictureof the sage, however, has seemed to some readers to be too active and ego -driven to be a Daoist sage.A sage might also be immortal. He has no “ place of death in him ” 11 byvirtue of being one with the Dao. There are portraits of a Perfect Man inthe Zhuangzi that show the sage as being able to ascend to the heavens andride dragons. How much of this is exaggeration and how much should betaken seriously is still debated. 12Another description of the Daoist sage is of a person who is simple andunknown. He has no desires, does not ego - act, is not aggressive or proud.Should this kind of sage be a ruler, the people will become one with theDao but will not notice how it happened.A sage may also be a hermit or recluse. This is a picture of someone whohas withdrawn from politics and society and cares nothing for the honors ofnobility and riches. He may live in a cave or do the work of a commoner.He lives on very little and is unknown even to the people around him. Theaim of this sage is not immortality, but survival. As the Laozi says, “ He wholives out his days has lived a long life. ” 13 Because this sage has no desires,he does not get entangled in things; because he does not care about hishonor, he does not die in duels or battles. He lives out his natural life span.The Laozi , like almost all the other texts from the Warring States era,is written as advice to the ruler. The Laozi criticizes the upper class of thetime:Those at court are corrupt:While the fields are full of weeds,And the granaries are empty;Still they are dressed in fine clothes,Equipped with swords at their sides,Stuffed with food and drink,And with far too much money.This is called being the leading robbers,And has nothing at all to do with the Dao. 14Like Mozi, the authors of the Laozi were repulsed by the extravagance andcorruption of the rich.The Laozi ’ s advice to rulers begins by explaining that their rigid andviolent policies do not work. The more they try to impose their will ontheir subjects, the more the people will learn to evade the laws; the morethey try to be aggressive toward their neighboring states, the more theyare unbalanced. Governing a state, says the Laozi , is like “ cooking small

Opponents 79fish. ” 15 To cook them best, one should leave them alone. Be like the Daoand rule by doing nothing that comes from one ’ s ego.In the past, when things were better, there was nothing we think of as“ civilization. ” That does not mean there was no society – Daoists are notproposing we go back to living in trees – but society was quite different.The Zhuangzi says:Long ago … [in the times of the sage - kings], the people knotted cords andused them. They relished their food, admired their clothing, enjoyed theircustoms and were content with their houses. Though neighboring states werewithin sight of each other, and could hear the cries of each other ’ s dogs andchickens, the people grew old and died without ever traveling beyond theirown borders. At a time such as this, there was nothing but the most perfectorder. 16In this golden age there are no big governments, no bureaucrats, no wars.The past, and recommended future age, is perfectly ordered: the state issmall; there is little in the way of technology; records are kept by knots onropes rather than by writing; and, most importantly, the people have no,or few, desires. Human beings lived this way successfully, the Daoists say,until disaster struck. Then the sage came along withthe crouchings and bendings of the rites and music, which were intendedto reform the bodies of the world; with the reaching - for - a - dangled - prize ofbenevolence [humanity] and righteousness [rightness], which was intendedto comfort the hearts of the world. Then for the first time people learned tostand on tiptoe and covet knowledge, to fight to the death over profit, andthere was no stopping them. This in the end was the fault of the sage. 17The Daoists say that when Confucius came along, standing on tiptoe, hesearched for right and wrong and caused an uproar. It was Confucius whodisturbed a harmonious society and caused others to have desires. Then,when the Dao began to be lost, Confucius began to talk about humanity,rightness, and filial piety – all of which had been practiced perfectly beforewithout discussion – but now that they were lost, people had to talk aboutthem.Zhuangzi is alone, however, in not being interested in politics or in givingadvice to the ruler. The Zhuangzi is not written as advice for a ruler, butis a text full of stories and jokes that takes much of what is in the Laoziand develops it further.One of Zhuangzi ’ s major criticisms of Confucians is that they insist thereis a definable right and wrong. Zhuangzi argues that right and wrong aresimply a matter of point of view: what is right for you develops from your

80 Opponentspoint of view, which I may or may not share. Definitions of right, wrong,proper, improper, good, bad, ugly, and beautiful are a matter of taste, andConfucians are wrong to think otherwise. Confucians, like the rest of us,use their egos and try to impose their wills. Confucians, and most of the restof us, think they can define right and wrong. Confucians teach artificialityand unnatural behavior, like ritual and education. They are convinced thatthey know what they are doing and that everyone should follow them.Zhuangzi saw the Confucians as marvelous targets for jokes and stories.He made up all sorts of stories about Confucius, Confucians, and thingsthat they did. One of the stories in the Zhuangzi shows Confucians robbinggraves, while using all the proper ritual to do so. “ The big Confucianannounces to his underlings: ‘ The east grows light. How is the matter proceeding?’ The little Confucians say, ‘ We haven ’ t got the graveclothes off himyet, but there ’ s a pearl in his mouth! ’ ” They go on to quote ancient textsuntil they finally manage to steal all the treasures in the coffin. 18 Zhuangzi ’ smore serious point is that Confucian notions of ritual and proper behaviorcan be used to justify all sorts of bad behavior in the hands of those withno conscience.One of the axioms of Confucianism is that human beings are socialcreatures and that we will naturally tend toward the building of civilization.Daoists argue that we have had dozens of civilizations and, whetherthey were kingships, theocracies, autocracies, or democracies, the one thingwe know about all of them is that all of them fail. This is because, Daoistsargue, civilization cannot succeed. It is an artificial and unnatural thing.Everything that goes against the Dao dies. Civilization cannot be fixed, asthe Confucians believe. Civilization is the problem.Confucians are wrong on two important counts: there is no standardof right and wrong, and civilization cannot be fixed – it is doomed bydefinition.The StrategistsWhile Mohists may have constituted the largest group in the Warring Statesera, followed by Confucians, neither were the most popular. In a time ofconstant warfare, it is no wonder that the most popular thinkers and textshad to do with the military. One military text that has survived is the SunziBingfa , known in the West as The Art of War . 19 This was one of a largenumber of military texts written during the Warring States period and thesetexts were the most widely read and the most talked about.Later Chinese scholars looked down on things military and so thesetexts were not included in the later categories as a school of thought.However, during the Warring States era, as one might imagine, they were

Opponents 81extremely important to an upper class trained in both literary and militaryaccomplishments.Sunzi ’ s Art of War is thought to be a combination of other military andstrategic texts. Like all the Strategists, Sunzi argues that any method, moralor immoral, can be used to win. Lately in the West it has been read, predictablyenough, as a way for corporations to win out over their competition.For Warring States rulers, war was a serious business: either one wona war or one was wiped out. So the text begins its advice to a ruler longbefore a war is underway. Warfare, for Sunzi, includes diplomacy, economicmeasures, and the use of spies. For the Strategists, the point is notonly to use these methods, but to do so with methodical planning.Sunzi talks a lot about planning in order to manipulate a situation untilit is to your advantage. One needs to begin with information, which is whyspies are so important. Then one must go on to weigh the situation andto make plans.The use of spies and deceit to deal with one ’ s enemy was essential. “ Thereason that a farsighted ruler and his commander are able to conquer anenemy is that they know things first. This does not come from consultingthe gods or the ancestors, but from spies who learn the enemy ’ s situation. ” 20Sunzi devotes a chapter to the effective use of spies of all sorts. Using theinformation a ruler can get from spies, a ruler might be able to sow dissensionin another state, to encourage sons to rebel against their father, orto finance a noble family ’ s bid to oust the ruling family.The best victories have nothing to do with winning a battle and killing allyour enemies. The best victory is to win a war without going to war at all. Ifyou can bring about the downfall of the enemy state without a battle, thenyou have not only not risked your own state, but you have won another.If you must go to war, you are already on shaky ground. In that case,Sunzi ’ s advice is to never enter a battle that one might lose. The ruler mustbe certain of victory before committing his forces. Again, using spies andencouraging deserters from the other side will allow the ruler, or his general,to calculate when to fight and when to retreat. Sunzi says,Warfare is the Way of dishonesty. So, when you are able to act, make itlook like you cannot. When you are ready to attack, make it look like youare not ready. When you are near your enemy, make it seem like you are faraway; when you are far away, make it look like you are nearby … if yourenemy is united, sow disharmony among them. Attack only when they arenot prepared. Be where they will not expect you. 21The Way that a successful ruler must follow is the Way of dishonesty.Strategists were not interested in morality, ritual, or argument. Success, byany means, was all that mattered.

82 OpponentsThe Logicians 22The Logicians were certainly not a unified group; in fact, aside from laterMohists, they were not a group at all. The label “ Logician ” was appliedto a number of people in the Warring States era who tended to focus onissues of argument, logic, and language. They were despised by Confucians,Daoists, and ordinary people who sat through their mind - numbing argumentsabout logic and language. Unlike many other thinkers of the time,Logicians were not interested in looking to the past to discover what wasright and wrong – they ignored the sage - kings – instead they used argumentto decide things.Some Logicians were perfectly happy to argue any side of a questionand to teach others to do the same. These men were much like the GreekSophists, arguing for pay or entertainment, with no commitment to right orwrong, just like a modern lawyer who will defend anyone if paid enough.To their credit, Logicians insisted on logic, even if they did not believe whatthey were saying.Others, like the later Mohists, examined how one could make argumentsand what was logical and what was not. The Mohists were also interestedin looking at how one comes to know anything. They talked about howsense information is transformed into abstract thought. Abstract thought isa higher form of knowing things and does not always depend on sense information.Knowing time, past, present, future, for example, is not dependenton the senses. This means that when we know something we are doing morethan just experiencing it. Later Mohists looked at how this works and howwe come to think about things. Logical thought is possible, they concluded,and gradually this leads us to the knowledge of right and wrong. 23One Logician, Hui Shi, 24 is someone we know about only from referencesto him in other texts like the Zhuangzi , where he seems to have been a goodfriend of Zhuangzi ’ s. We have few of Hui Shi ’ s arguments, but what wehave are set out in a series of paradoxes. They seem to depend on point ofview: for example, “ the heavens are as low as the earth and the mountainsonly as high as the marshes, ” depending on where one is standing at thetime. Other paradoxes depend on definitions and point of view: “ the sun atnoon is declining ” : the sun can reach no higher point than it does at noon.“ A creature born is a creature dying ” : once a mortal creature is born it canonly die. 25 There is nothing in these paradoxes to make us think that HuiShi or other Logicians, aside from the Mohists, had any notion that therewas a basic truth or a standard of right and wrong. They were interestedonly in how logical arguments work.Other Logicians worked more with issues around language. What is therelationship between the thing and the name or word we have for it? Is

Opponents 83“ t - a - b - l - e ” a table? If not, what is it? The most well - known of theseLogicians was Gongsun Long. 26 He said that there are names/words forparticular, concrete, things and for abstract things, but they do not work inthe same way. His most famous statement is “ a white horse is not a horse ” :The name/word “ horse ” points to a certain shape, while the name/word“ white ” points to a color. … When a horse is needed, yellow and black oneswill do, but when one needs a white horse, yellow or black horses will notdo … therefore yellow and black horses are separate kinds and can respondto the call for a horse, but not to the call for a white horse. … A white horseis “ horse ” plus “ white. ” “ Horse ” plus “ white ” is not “ horse. ” Thus, a whitehorse is not a horse. 27Words/names like “ white ” are abstract, 28 what Gongsun Long calls an“ idea, ” a “ universal. ” You can show me white paint, white paper, whitewalls, but you cannot show me “ white. ” “ White ” cannot exist by itself,but only as an abstract term that, when paired with another word, like“ paper, ” becomes the concrete particular “ white paper. ”Concrete, particular things exist in time and space and we have wordsfor them. Abstract words/names do not exist in time and space. “ Horse ” isanother abstract word. It defines a certain genus and species, but does notrefer to a particular horse. A white horse is a concrete, particular thing. Aconcrete white horse is not an abstract, so it is not a “ horse. ” Thus a whitehorse is not a horse. 29Strategists like Sunzi, the Sophists, and Logicians like Hui Shi andGongsun Long were not interested in talking about morality. They couldargue about all sorts of things, but none of them were interested in committingthemselves to moral behavior. Some, like Hui Shi, may have arguedthat morality was just a matter of taste, just as his friend Zhuangzi did.LegalismAs the Warring States era drew to a close, a number of thinkers began totalk about government in a particular way. Again, this was a very diversegroup and the label “ Legalism ” was applied by later Han organizers.Most of the thinkers we will look at here assume a pain – pleasure modelof human nature and, like Mozi, the idea that human nature is basicallyself - interested. Human beings want to maximize pleasure and minimizepain. Politically, this means that a government can use rewards and penaltiesto motivate people. Like the Mohists, Legalists present their ideas asutilitarian and logical, claiming that the result for rulers will be wealth andpower. Because of this, they are sometimes, astonishingly, called “ realists. ”

84 OpponentsShang Yang or Lord Shang (d.338 BCE) was a senior advisor to the rulerof the state of Qin and is said to have written a text called the Book ofLord Shang . To centralize power, he advocated a taxation system where alltaxes are paid directly to the ruler. Military service should be required fromall men and the military should use extreme penalties as punishments sothat soldiers will find it less frightening to face the enemy than to face thepunishments for running away. Like military service, the law should applyto all, no matter what their rank in society. Rank should be a reward eitherfor military service or for service to the state. Erroneous learning and uselessoccupations should be banned. Whether in the military or in civil society,the ruler should use rewards and penalties because, as Shang Yang says,human beings will naturally tend to pursue self - interest. In short, the rulershould be in control of a society where people are anxious to serve him. 30Shen Buhai (d.337 BCE), an approximate contemporary of Aristotle(384 – 322), was a chancellor in the state of Han and interested in how governmentbureaucracy should work. 31 He discussed techniques of statecraft,bureaucracy, and government organization. He focused on how a rulercould control his officials. This was a problem, given that the ruler wasrelated to many of his government officials, many rulers were easily flattered,and many were often not well educated. Shen Buhai says that one wayto limit the power of officials is to encourage them to spy on one another.As well, if there are job descriptions, we can know if a job is being doneor not, and promotion can be objectively decided. Shen Buhai was trying tosolve practical problems in governing. His ideas and those of Shang Yangwere picked up by later thinkers and woven into a new approach.Han Feizi ( c .280 – 233 BCE) studied with the Confucian teacher Xunzi(see chapter 7 ) and read both Shang Yang and Shen Buhai. He understoodthem as talking about the same sorts of things: government and law shouldapply to all, government and law should be impersonal, and governmentcan control human behavior through rewards and punishments.Han Feizi built on these ideas. He argued that power and authoritymust be centered in the hands of the ruler. Not only should the ruler runeverything, but he should do so, ideally, in an automatic, unfeeling way sothat not even the ruler ’ s personality should be involved. From Daoist texts,Han Feizi borrowed the idea that the ruler should be hidden and mysterious.People should not know his likes or dislikes, so that they will obey hisorders exactly and not try to do other things to curry favor.Using fierce punishments, the ruler should ensure that people obey, notout of love or duty, but because they fear the ruler. Doting mothers producespoiled sons; so, too, merciful rulers produce rebellious subjects. Eventhough there are good men in every state who do not need to be controlled,a ruler must control everyone and not base his rule on these exceptions.Everyone must come to fear the ruler. 32

Opponents 85Looking to the past does not help us, because the sage - kings lived indifferent times. Now we need strong government to end the chaos of thetime. One of the causes of this chaos is scholars and texts with differentopinions. Scholars just waste food, says Han Feizi, and should get a realjob. Han Feizi says, “ In a state with a wise ruler there are no books – onlythe laws provide teachings. ” 33 Books are not useful and just confuse peopleby proposing different ideas.The first of Han Feizi ’ s principles of government was to centralize controlin the hands of the ruler; the second principle is law. Law must apply to alland the punishment for breaking the law must be fierce. When this was putinto practice, people could have their hands cut off for dumping ashes inthe street. If the punishment for breaking small laws was so awful, peoplewould not break any laws at all. The law must be strict; the law must beenforced. Law is an instrument that controls people.The third principle of Han Feizi ’ s thinking is power. Power is used tomake others obey and is far more important than virtue or wisdom. Powermust be centered in the hands of the ruler alone. The ruler chooses ministerson merit, offering them rewards and punishing them severely if theystep out of line. Ministers have no power themselves; only the ruler does. 34Confucians argued that those in government ought to be models forpeople. If the law is the model, then why have governors? If laws are justformulae, then people will simply get smarter at getting around them;people will not learn to act morally. Confucians continued to argue withLegalists that making people fear does not work in the long run and thatone has to make people internalize morality for society to work. Han Feizibelieved that systems of behavior could be forced on people, and that wouldmake them do what is best for society.OthersThe Mohists, the Daoists, the Logicians, and the Legalists were not the onlypeople Confucians had to contend with. Although we do not have any ofhis writings, we hear about Yang Zhu ( c .440 – 360 BCE), who advocated a“ selfish love. ” If everyone simply followed self - interest, he seems to havesaid, society would benefit. He was also accused of hedonism and it wascommonly reported that he said, “ even if all the world would benefit, hewould not pull a single hair from his leg. ” 35 That is, he argued that oneshould not harm oneself even if it meant saving everyone else. Yang Zhuseemed to have argued that it was every man for himself.There were other voices too. Some argued that if everyone, includingthe ruler, went back to being a farmer, society would immediately becomemore equitable and peaceful. Others were fascinated with finding ways to

86 Opponentsbecome immortal. Some advocated breathing exercises, others special diets;others looked for chemical compounds that, when eaten or drunk, wouldmake one immortal.All of these views, some more systematic than others, made up thecacophony of the Warring States era. Confucius ’ followers were promotingonly one view among many. A number of thinkers, like the ones we haveseen in this chapter, argued that morality is simply a matter of point ofview. Others said morality was irrelevant: people act from their own self -interest and nothing more. Attacks from other thinkers and the increasingdemand for logical argumentation shaped the interpretations of Confucius ’thought as the era went on.

6MenciusSo, when Heaven is about to send down great responsibilities on you,it will first send sufferings to test your will and hard work to test yourflesh and bones. It will have you suffer from hunger and poverty.It will frustrate all your plans. In this way it will move your mind,toughen your nature, and make up for anything you lack. 1The first great interpreter of Confucius ’ thought is Mencius (371 – 289 BCE).Mencius was considered to be the best interpreter of Confucius from the1100s on. When the Catholic missionaries arrived in China, they found thatMencius was honored above all other followers of Confucius and so he toogot a Latin name. In Chinese, his name is Mengzi, Master Meng. 2 Mencius ’title is the “ Second Sage, ” second only to the premier sage, Confucius.Many stories have been told about Mencius ’ childhood and about hisremarkable mother, Mother Meng. When her husband died while Menciuswas still young, she worked very hard to provide her son with the besteducation and taught him the ancient classics. She saw that his behaviorwas being influenced by the neighborhood they lived in: when they livedbeside a store, he played at buying, selling, and making a profit. She moveda number of times until she finally found a neighborhood where Menciuscould pursue his studies. She could not afford school fees, so little Menciussat outside the school ’ s window, soaking up knowledge. Finally the teacherrecognized Mencius ’ love of learning and admitted him. Mencius foundschool too easy and he began to cut classes. Mother Meng saw him playingtruant one day and, when Mencius returned home, she asked him what hehad done in school that day. In the eternal manner of all children whenasked that by their parents, Mencius replied, “ Nothing. ” Mother Mengpicked up a knife and sliced the cloth on the loom right across. She saidthat she had spent months weaving this cloth to support Mencius, but nowit was ruined. So too, breaking off from study ruins the student. Mencius

88 MenciusFigure 6.1 Statue of Menciusreformed himself. These are charming stories meant to show Mencius ’promise, even as a child. But, like the stories around Confucius, we shouldprobably take them with a grain of salt. 3The later Han dynasty history, the Records of the Historian , contains abiography of Mencius, saying he was born in the small state of Zou, on theborder of the state of Lu, near Confucius ’ home. He is said to have studiedunder Confucius ’ grandson, Zi Si. This tradition about studying with Zi Siis meant to indicate a direct teaching lineage from Confucius, to his son,to the grandson, and to Mencius. Like Confucius, Mencius wanted a governmentposition and traveled about China trying to get a job. The laterhistories say that he attempted to advise the rulers of the states of Liangand Qi and may have held a position in the state of Qi, but Mencius wasnot able to persuade the ruler to follow his advice and retired to become ateacher and “ transmit the teachings of Confucius. ” He may have had someminor positions, but Mencius, like Confucius, mostly taught. We have abook, the Mencius , parts of which might have been written by Mencius.

Mencius 89The bulk of the text, however, was written by his students, who based iton Mencius ’ teachings and conversations.Mencius held Confucius in the highest esteem, saying, “ Ever since humanbeings came into this world, there has never been anyone like Confucius! ”Mencius ’ only wish was to follow the example of Confucius. In his lateryears, Mencius saw himself as the sole transmitter of Confucius ’ teachings,“ Heaven does not yet want the world to have peace and order. If it wantedpeace and order, who is there these days, except for me, who could bringit about? ” 4 Mencius was aware that he had to transmit Confucius ’ teachingsnot as something people would just accept at face value, but that hewas required to argue and convince people that what Confucius had taughtwas correct. After spending his whole life making arguments in defenseof Confucius, Mencius makes a funny remark by saying, “ It is not that Ienjoy arguing, it is just that I have had no choice. ” 5 Even though Menciuspretended that he was pushed into arguments, he clearly understood thethreats he faced and was able to come up with a good defense of Confucius ’teachings.In the hundred years since Confucius ’ death, society had begun to change.The old feudal system was shattered. Rulers were centralizing power moreand more. War among states had increased. More rulers were influenced byideas of rewards and punishments, based on the notion that human beingsare merely self - interested.Human Nature is GoodBy Mencius ’ time, Confucius ’ teachings were just one of many competingteachings. Mencius revered Confucius and much of Mencius ’ thought canbe understood as a replica of Confucius ’ – with an important difference.Mencius faced problems Confucius never had and was up against opponentsConfucius never faced. The Mohists, the Daoists, the Logicians, theStrategists, and most of the other thinkers we have just looked at werein full cry by Mencius ’ time. They raised issues Confucius never had toface: What is the usefulness of rites and music? Is success more importantthan morality? What is the definition of goodness? Are human beings bestunderstood as merely self - interested? Are right and wrong just words weapply to things depending on our point of view?Mencius had to defend Confucius. For Mencius, the most profoundattack came from the Daoists, and these were the criticisms that moralbehavior is just a matter of taste; right and wrong merely depend on ourpoint of view; and ethics is only something that we learn, but has nointrinsic reality. If moral behavior is just a matter of point of view, if it is“ different strokes for different folks, ” then Confucius ’ teachings are one

90 Menciuspoint of view. There is no reason to become educated in morality, to be agentleman, or to practice humanity.Mencius responded to all of this by saying that human nature is good. 6Be careful with this statement. Mencius was not a fool; he lived in theworld as we do, and he knew that there were many nasty people out there.What he is saying is that human nature is good, not that human beings aregood. He says that human nature has within it the potential to grow intogoodness, just as a fruit tree has the potential to grow fruit.It is all very well to say that human nature is good, but, by Mencius ’time, one would have to do more than just say it: Mencius had to prove it.Mencius uses a form of argument, common in his time, called analogicalreasoning: using an analogy to make his point. As we shall see, he takesA, describes how it works, and compares it to B, arguing that B works inthe same way.Mencius backs up his claim that human nature is good by approachingthe issue in five ways. First he talks about the four “ sprouts ” or beginnings.Human nature contains within it four sprouts. We are born with them.Everyone has a mind/heart that contains within it compassion, shame, respect,and the knowledge of right and wrong. A mind/heart with the sprout ofcompassion leads to humanity. A mind/heart with the sprout of shame leadsto rightness. A mind/heart with the sprout of reverence and respect leads toritual. A mind/heart with the sprout of right and wrong leads to wisdom.Humanity, rightness, ritual, and knowledge are not strapped on to us fromthe outside; we most certainly have them already. 7These sprouts or beginnings are: compassion, shame/dislike, modesty, and asense of right and wrong. These sprouts are things we are born with and arepart of our emotional reactions to the world. If we cultivate these sprouts,like a farmer growing a crop, they will develop into moral qualities. Thefirst, compassion, is a natural sympathy towards others. If we nurture that,it will grow into the virtue of humanity – putting ourselves in the shoes ofothers. The second sprout or tendency is shame. When we do somethingwrong, we are ashamed of ourselves. If we nurture that, it will grow intorightness: knowing what is proper, what is right, and what is moral. Weare born with a sprout of modesty that, if cultivated, becomes knowingwhat is proper, knowing ritual. Finally we are born with a sense of rightand wrong and that, if tended, will become wisdom. These sprouts are thebeginning of goodness.Is Mencius right? Do we have these sprouts? Certainly small childrendo, at various stages, show a sense of compassion toward others. As well,we have all heard the child ’ s cry, “ It ’ s not fair! ” that presumes some senseof right and wrong. Modesty may be more culturally learned and it is dif-

Mencius 91ficult to decide about how much is learned and how much may be naturalin a sense of shame. Sarah Blaffer Hrdy argues that during the evolutionof human beings we adapted by developing ways to share food and involveourselves in the care of children who are not our own. This was new anddifferent. It was based, she argues, on the development of powers of engagementand sympathy with others. This is why even before the developmentof language, we know that babies recognize, interpret, and imitate expressionsof people around them. In modern humans it has been shown that thepleasure centers of the brain are stimulated when we help others. 8Whether Mencius is right or wrong on the particulars, his argument isthat, when we are born, we naturally contain within us certain tendenciesthat, if nourished by proper adult role models and by education, can leadus to moral behavior.Mencius ’ definition of human nature is different from the commonunderstanding of human nature. Most thinkers of Mencius ’ time sawhuman nature as made up of emotions and desires. 9 Mencius never arguesagainst this, but says that our human natures also include natural tendenciestoward goodness.The second approach Mencius takes is to argue that we are all, basically,the same. The great sages of the past, and Confucius himself, were notfreaks of nature, but were human beings just like us. There is no differencebetween us and a sage, except that a sage has cultivated the sproutswithin. If sages are capable of cultivating their sprouts, so are we all. And,if sages are great moral examples, it is because they have the sprouts withinthem, and so do we all. Mencius uses the analogy of growing barley, acereal grain.When it comes to growing barley, the seeds are sown and covered in soil.The soil is the same and the time when the seeds are planted is also the same.They grow rapidly, and soon are all ripened. If there are differences from onebarley plant to another, these are because of the differences in the richness ofthe soil, the unevenness of the rain and differences in farming. So, things ofthe same kind are all similar. Why would we think that this did not apply tohuman beings alone? Sages and the rest of us are of the same kind. 10The analogy here is between the barley crop and human beings. Any differencesamong the barley are caused by external circumstances. In the sameway, human beings are the same, just like the barley seeds: any differencesamong us are due to circumstances. Mencius goes on to argue that we havesimilar tastes in recognizing food and music and, while we may prefer somethings over others, we all know what food is and we all know what soundsconstitute music. Why then, he says, should we think that our minds ’ tasteswould be that very different?

92 MenciusIf we all begin with the same nature, if we all have within us the potentialfor humanity, rightness, ritual, and wisdom, why then do some of usbecome sages while others do not? Mencius says that we simply do notconcentrate on the goodness within and cultivate it. Human beings arealike: we are all born with the same capacities and, if those capacities reachtheir potential, we can all become sages.We can see this natural potential within us when we are surprised andact without thinking about our self - interest. In his third approach, Menciussays,Everyone has a mind/heart that is aware of the sufferings of others. …Even in these days, if a man saw a young child about to fall into awell, he, like everyone else, would feel alarm and compassion as his firstreaction. He would feel like this, not because he wanted to get in goodwith the child ’ s parents, nor because he wanted to be famous amongtheir neighbors and friends, nor because he hated the sounds of the child ’ scries.From this we can see that, if one does not have a mind/heart of compassion,then one is not a human being. Similarly, if one does not have a mind/heart that feels shame, one is not a human being. If one does not have a mind/heart that feels modesty, one is not a human being. If one does not have amind/heart that knows right and wrong, one is not a human being. 11Humanity can be seen to be naturally present within us because, just aswhen seeing a child about to fall into the well, even the worst of us will,if surprised, feel a sense of alarm. When we have time to think about asituation, we will often begin to figure out how this might work to ouradvantage. We calculate the long - term implications; we remember pastslights. It is then that we behave badly. But, when surprised or in anemergency, we are more like to behave well because all that is operatingis natural to us.The fourth approach is to defend his theory that human nature is goodfrom those who point out that there are clearly evil people in the world.Mencius says that, with the proper cultivation, the basic sprouts in humannature develop into goodness in one ’ s mind/heart. Without this, we loseany connection to what is within us. He says,The trees of Ox Mountain were once beautiful. But because it bordered on alarge city, people attacked the mountain with hatchets and axes. How couldit remain beautiful? The trees were not attacked every day and did get somerest at night. And there was rain and dew, so it was not that there were nosprouts at all growing there. But then cattle and sheep were sent out to grazeon the mountain and, after that, it was as if it were totally bald. People, seeing

Mencius 93it bald, believed that there had never been any trees on Ox Mountain. Wasthis really the nature of the mountain?When we consider what is in people, could they really not have the mind/hearts of humanity and rightness? The way a person throws away their goodmind/heart is just like the axes and the trees. With the mind/heart beingattacked every day, how can it remain beautiful? With the rest it gets during thenight and at times during the day, a person ’ s likes and dislikes are sometimesclose to those of others. But then what they do during the day once again attacksthe mind/heart. If the attacks are constantly repeated, then even a night ’ s rest isnot enough to preserve the mind/heart. The result is a person not very differentfrom a beast. When other people see his resemblance to a beast, they thinkthat he never had any moral capacity. Is this really the nature of the man? 12We can lose our innate goodness to the point where it looks like we neverhad any to begin with, just as, in Mencius ’ analogy, the mountain has lostall its trees. This does not mean that our original goodness is not there; itmeans that we have cut and hacked at it to the point where it cannot be seen.We can see Mencius ’ fifth approach in two related passages. The first isin his conversation with another thinker, Gaozi. 13 Gaozi used analogy inhis argument too and argued that human nature is like water. Water willflow either east or west, whichever is more natural to it. So too, humannature is neutral: it does not know good or bad except as it may be movedin one direction or another.Mencius replied that, while it is true that water may be made to floweast or west, depending on what is open to it, the nature of water isalways to flow downwards. Like water that will always flow downhill, so,too, human nature will tend toward the good. And, just as water may bemanipulated by the use of dams and dikes to flow in certain directions,so, too, human nature can be manipulated and people may behave badly.The nature of water is to flow downhill; the nature of human beings is totend toward the good.We can see this natural standard of goodness within us when we lookat our attitudes toward life and death. Mencius says that, much as he loveshis life, he would not do anything at all to stay alive. Similarly, death issomething he hates, but he would not do anything at all to avoid death. Thedesire to live is basic to us all, but we will not use any means to stay alive.There are simply some things that are so horrible to us that we would notdo them, even if it would save our lives. If faced with the choice of savingtheir own lives or the lives of their children, most parents would give uptheir lives. This means, he argues, that we have within us moral standardsthat are more important to us than even our life. 14Human nature is not just self - interest. There are points in life when wechoose to do things, or not to do things, on an ethical basis. Human nature

94 Menciusmay be shaped by the family we grow up in or by external events to floweast or west, but it will always tend toward the good and we can see thatwhen we look at decisions we make about life and death.Mencius argues for his position that human nature is good by takingthese five approaches to it. First, that human nature contains certain sproutsor tendencies that, if cultivated, can grow into moral qualities. The seeds inour human nature are what make human nature different from the natureof other animals. Second, he says that human beings are all alike in havingthese sprouts. The sages are not special in their morality; we are just likethem. Sages are special because of their cultivation of the sprouts. Theonly reason we are not all sages is that we have not fully cultivated thetendencies to morality within us. Third, we can see signs of these sproutswhenever we are surprised and act naturally from them. Only when we havea chance to think about profiting ourselves do we behave badly. Fourth, ifhuman nature is good, how can we explain evil people? Evil people exist,says Mencius. Their natural tendencies toward the good have been hackeddown and covered over to such an extent that it is hard to believe that theyever had any goodness within them. Fifth, there are some things that wecannot bear to do. That is because there is a tendency toward the good:human nature flows toward the good as water flows downward. Menciusis arguing that our human nature cannot just be reduced to self - interest.There is a lot more in us that also provides motivations for our actions. 15So the foundation of moral behavior is internal. It is not welded ontous from the outside. Moral behavior is natural to human beings. Menciussays that human beings differ from other animals in very little and thatdifference is in the human potential for moral growth. We all love all theparts of ourselves, says Mencius. Those who nurture the goodness withinare greater than those who emphasize their senses. The latter lose their“ original mind/heart. ”“ Losing one ’ s original mind/heart ” 16 means we can lose our sense ofmorality when we let self - interest and greed guide us: a gentleman maintainshis mind/heart by cultivating the goodness within and so is always inaccord with humanity and ritual. 17 It is the mind/heart that thinks, decides,and focuses; we can lose it when we are ensnared by things outside us. Themind/heart works something like a rational faculty for Mencius, and it isdeeply connected to our inner moral being and to our human nature. Themind/heart does not work like the ears or the eyes; the mind/heart can thinkabout things and, unlike the senses, cannot be fooled as easily. However,if the mind/heart does not think about things, it can be fooled and leftwithout understanding. Mencius says, “ To completely develop one ’ s mind/heart is to understand one ’ s own nature; to know one ’ s own nature is toknow Heaven. ” 18 Our rationality, our inner moral tendencies, and Heavenare closely connected.

Mencius 95What makes a gentleman different from other people is that a gentlemanpreserves his mind/heart and does so through practicing humanity andritual. Mencius said, “ The difference between human beings and animals isvery small. Ordinary people frequently give up this difference; a gentlemanpreserves it ” 19 and “ A great man does not lose his child - like mind/heart. ” 20Preserving our original mind/heart depends on self - cultivation. This is asteady, daily growing of moral qualities within us. We do not suddenlybecome good people through enlightenment or salvation. Instead we needto be careful and thoughtful at all times, gradually becoming better in ouractions. We need to reflect on the situation and on what we are doing. Self -interest conflicts with moral behavior and self - interest must be overcome.But, this growth must not be forced.Mencius says that we must not be like the man from Song who wastroubled because his plants were not growing and so pulled at them. “ Whenhe returned home he said to his family, ‘ I am tired today because I havebeen helping the crops to grow. ’ His son hurried to look and found thatthe seedlings were dead. There are some who do not ‘ help their crop togrow ’ ; seeing no benefit in it, they do not weed their crop. Others ‘ help theircrop to grow ’ by pulling at it. This is not only of no benefit, but actuallyharmful. ” 21 Expecting perfect results in all our actions, “ helping the plantsto grow, ” will lead to failure. And when we fail, we will give up.Human Nature and HeavenMencius says that Heaven gives us humanity, dutifulness, conscientiousness,truthfulness to one ’ s word, and unending delight in what is good. Allthat people can give us are honors like titles and high position. 22 Menciuscarried his argument further by saying that our basic human nature containsthe potential for good because of its relation to Heaven. Only human beingscan reflect the goodness of Heaven. Heaven, for Mencius, is the metaphysicalbasis of morality. We already know Heaven is an ethical entity fromthe idea of the “ choice of Heaven. ” Heaven bases its choices on moralconsiderations, choosing, for example, a moral man to be the ruler andrejecting the immoral one.We will look more closely at what Mencius says about the relationshipbetween Heaven and human beings below, but here we can see that he hasargued for two, related, things. First, that morality is innate and unique tohuman beings. Second, Mencius has given morality a metaphysical basis.By arguing that human nature reflects the goodness of Heaven, Menciusputs morality on a foundation. Heaven itself is moral; human beings reflectthat morality. So moral behavior is not a matter of taste or point of view,it is natural to human beings and is based in Heaven itself.

96 MenciusGovernmentMencius understood himself as elaborating on Confucius ’ ideas. He believedthat Confucius had taught that human nature is good. Mencius saw himselfas fleshing out the implications of that. Mencius follows Confucius in hisarguments about government as well. The bulk of the Mencius is devoted todiscussions between Mencius and rulers, with Mencius advising the ruler onmoral government or discussing ancient and Warring States politics. Whenwe read descriptions of Mencius ’ conversations with rulers, it is perfectlyclear why Mencius was so rarely employed:Mencius spoke to King Xuan of Qi, saying, “ Imagine that one of your ministersentrusted his wife and children to his friend and traveled to the state ofChu. When he returned, he found that his friend had let his wife and childrenbecome cold and hungry – what should he do? ”The King said, “ Get rid of the friend. ”Mencius asked, “ If the Chief Guard is not able to keep order among theguards, what should be done? ”The King said, “ Fire him. ”Mencius said, “ If the whole state from border to border is not well governed,what should be done? ” The King turned toward his servants and talkedabout something else. 23If Mencius talked to rulers like this, it is no wonder that they did not hire him.Like Confucius, Mencius says that government exists for the benefit ofthe people. The ruler ’ s job is to care for the people and so, says Mencius, aruler is not actually very important: “ The people are the most valuable partof a country; the spirits of the land and of the grain are second; the ruleris the least. ” 24 It is the ruler ’ s job to look after the people, to put peoplefirst and himself last. Of course this did not go down well with rulers ofthe warring states.As a model for the people and as someone who cares for the people, theideal ruler is not authoritarian. Mencius defined a ruler who uses force torule as a dictator; a real king rules so as to care for the people.A ruler is placed in his position by Heaven, says Mencius. If a ruler doesnot care for the people, he is, according to the principle of “ putting wordsright, ” not a ruler. If he is killed, it is not a ruler who has been killed:Someone who violates humanity is called a violator; someone who destroysrightness is called a criminal. A violator and a criminal is someone we call alow - class lout. I have heard that a low - class lout called Zhou [the last rulerof the Shang dynasty] was killed, but I have not heard of a ruler who wasassassinated. 25

Mencius 97While he may call himself “ ruler, ” if his behavior is not proper, he is not areal ruler. He is just some “ lout. ” Similarly, and even more radically, justbecause a ruler has a son, there is no reason why that son should inheritthe position. Rulers should be chosen on the basis of their conduct, not onthe basis of their father ’ s. “ If Heaven wishes to appoint a worthy man, theworthy man is appointed; if Heaven wishes to appoint the son, the son isappointed. ” 26 The choice of Heaven should produce a good ruler, not justthe son of a ruler.Does this mean that one can justifiably overthrow a bad ruler? If theruler is not a real ruler, according to the principle of putting words right,is it permissible to rebel against him? Mencius does not go that far, but wecan speculate that this could have been his conclusion. Instead, Menciususes his arguments about government to evaluate rulers, not to suggestuprisings against them. 27Throughout the Mencius we can see the need for putting words right asMencius visited the “ king ” of the state of Qi and the “ king ” of the state ofLiang. Both were using a title that was not proper to who they were. WhenMencius went to see one of these “ kings, ” King Hui of the state of Liang,the king remarked that it was an honor that Mencius would come so far to“ profit ” his state. Mencius responded by seizing on the word “ profit ” andargued that, when the king thought of nothing but profit, so too would hisgovernment ministers. Seeing how his government ministers behaved, thecommon people too would only think about profit. Once “ profit ” was allanyone thought about, the only sure outcome would be competition amongthem all for their own self - interest. 28As we have seen in Confucius ’ thought, Mencius says that the rulershould act as a model for everyone in the state: “ Treat the elderly in yourfamily properly as elderly people should be treated and extend this toelderly people in other families; treat young people in your family properlyas young people should be treated and extend this to young people inother families. If you do this, the empire will fit in your hand. ” 29 As themodel for everyone in every station, it was up to the ruler to always behaveproperly. The ruler ’ s example would be seen, and copied, by everyone. ForMencius, the ruler has an awesome responsibility in caring for the people.People should know that they had an upright ruler and develop confidencein his government. With the confidence of the people, a ruler will be successful.The ruler acts toward the people as a father does to his children.This is a paternal view of government, patterned on what we have seen inConfucius ’ thought.Mencius says that we must all be given a chance to cultivate the goodnesswithin. If we are raised by bad models and if we are never taught how tocultivate our goodness, we are unlikely to be able to cultivate goodness. Abad environment is one reason that many people do not develop what is

98 Menciuswithin them. A bad economy is the second reason. Mencius said, “ In yearsof plenty, most young men are quiet; in years of poverty, most young menare violent; it is not that the potential that Heaven has sent down to themchanges. They become violent because of what traps and drowns their mind/hearts. ” 30 Mencius thought that we cannot expect people not to steal if theyare starving. If people are forced to live in poverty they cannot be expectedto develop moral behavior.Mencius spent a lot of time talking about the economy. Poverty is thesource of all moral and social evil; poverty among the people is the faultof selfish rulers. The ideal state should provide economic well - being for itspeople. This will allow everyone to share in the wealth and allow everyoneto cultivate their inherent goodness. The government must not overtax thepeople. People must be allowed to provide for themselves and rulers shouldnot be taking tax money from them so as to enjoy a luxury that the peoplecannot dream of.Mencius proposed a new tax system where all the fields would be dividedinto nine sections. Individuals would farm their own fields and the cropsfrom the center field, the ninth, would be given to the ruler in taxes. 31 Thisway a year of bad harvests would affect the ruler as much as the people.Mencius was also the first to call for environmental awareness, the preservationof forests and fishing, and for diversified farming as ways to protectand enhance people ’ s livelihoods:If you want to put a government of humanity into effect, then simply returnto the basics. Plant mulberry trees in every household of five fields; thatway, fifty - year - olds can wear silk. If chickens, pigs, and dogs are raised, thenseventy - year - olds can eat meat. If you do not disturb the work of plantingand harvesting in each of one hundred fields, even a household that haseight mouths to feed will not go hungry. If you are careful about education,explaining the rightness of filial piety and respect for brothers, then the elderlywill not be carrying loads on the roads. It has always been that, when theelderly are able to wear silk and eat meat, and when the Chinese people arenot hungry nor cold, their ruler has become the emperor. 32A ruler who concentrates on enriching his people, improving the economy,and educating them in morality is well on his way to ruling all of China.Mencius says that the government should respect all classes; the governmentshould be loved and revered and provide models of good behavior.Governments should not be feared: the four evils of government are cruelty,oppression, injury, and meanness. The ruler must care for the people andbe a model to the people. Any ruler who does not rule properly does notdeserve the title “ ruler. ” The ruler ’ s primary concern must be the economybecause ordinary people cannot be expected to behave well in bad times.

Mencius 99Mencius on Confucian ThemesNow that we have seen Mencius ’ theory of human nature and his ideasabout society and government, we can look at how these ideas play outwhen Mencius develops other ideas from Confucius.When King Xuan of Qi confessed that he felt sorry for an ox that wasabout to be slaughtered at a sacrifice, Mencius used the occasion to pointout that the king was capable of kindness and compassion, but chose notto act that way when he ruled his people. The king ’ s fault was not that helacked the ability to rule well, but that he refused to rule well. 33 The compassionthat the king felt should be developed into the virtue of humanityand extended to his people. The king was clearly capable of ruling well,but chose not to.Mencius told the king to use humanity in governing his state. The resultwould be that he would attract talented ministers, ordinary people whowould farm, and merchants who would want to do business. The kingwould be a model and his government would be successful. Mencius wenton to say,To not have a constant means of income, but to be able to maintain a constantmind/heart – only a scholar is able to do that. As for the common people, ifthey do not have a constant means of income, they will not be able to maintaina constant mind/heart. Without a constant mind/heart, they will fall intosleaziness and evil. Once they have sunk into crime, to punish them is just totrap the people. How could a man of humanity entrap people?So an intelligent ruler regulates the people ’ s livelihood to make sure thatthey have enough both to serve their father and mother and to manage fortheir wives and children. This way the people will have enough food whentimes are good and still not starve even when times are bad. This way theywill quickly move toward goodness and follow it easily. 34Like Confucius, Mencius believed that ordinary people could only followthe example of their superiors. Only a gentleman can preserve his mind/heart in good times and bad. As for the people, they are like children whomust be provided for and led to goodness.In conclusion, Mencius tells the king that, should he rule morally, goodadvisors would be drawn to his government, farmers would be anxiousto farm in his state, merchants would flock to his markets, and he wouldattract people from other states who cannot bear their rulers.Mencius faced another issue that Confucius had also faced: should onetake a job in a corrupt government? Mencius argues that one should notbe blinded by money to either the way we are offered jobs nor the kindsof jobs we are offered:

100 MenciusA basket of food and a bowl of soup. If you get them, then you will live; ifyou do not get them, then you will die. But, if they are given to you withcontempt, then even a homeless person will not take them. And if they aretrampled in the dirt, then even a beggar won ’ t take them.But, when it comes to a high salary, then you think you can overlook ritualand rightness and accept them. What does a big salary add to me? Am I goingto take it for the sake of living in a beautiful mansion? For the enjoyment ofa wife and concubines? To have my poorer friends feel indebted to me? Inthe first case, even for the sake of one ’ s own life, one could not accept whatwas offered. In the second case, for the sake of a beautiful mansion one doesaccept. … this kind of thinking is called “ losing one ’ s original mind/heart. ” 35Accepting money and not paying any attention to the moral consequencesof one ’ s position is to “ lose one ’ s original mind/heart. ” Mencius refused totake government positions merely for power and money.Talking to King Hui of Liang, Mencius criticized rulers who interruptfarmers in their busiest seasons by sending them to war. This resulted infamilies starving and scattering in their search for food. “ These rulers, ” saysMencius, “ push their people into pits and into water. ” 36 Like Confucius,Mencius did not discuss military matters, but he did say that the state mustalso protect people from invasion, so there needs to be an army, but thefocus should not be on the army and the ruler should not invade otherstates. The people should not be bothered by military service in busy seasonsof planting and harvest and they should not be sent to war untrained.Anyone advocating war or teaching the skills of warfare – Strategists presumably– Mencius viewed as evil, delighting in piling up corpses. Menciussaid, “ There are people who say ‘ I am good at military formations. I amgood at waging war. ’ This is a great crime. ” “ Death is not enough of apunishment for them. ” 37Morality can be found in ourselves and we should look to ourselves fora moral compass. Mencius articulates that admirable Confucian quality– examining oneself first in any situation. He says that if someone is nastyto you, first look to see if you have been practicing humanity and properritual. If you have, and the other person is still obnoxious, then look to seeif you have been doing your duty. “ If he examines himself and finds that hehas done his duty, but the other person is still nasty, a gentleman says, ‘ Thisperson is simply hopeless! There is no difference between a person like thisand an animal. You cannot expect an animal to know how to behave. ’ ” 38In the same vein, Mencius said, “ If you love others, but they do notrespond, then look inwardly at your own humanity. If you govern others,but they do not obey, then look inwardly at your own wisdom. If you areritually polite and others do not return your courtesy, look inwardly at yourown respect. Whenever you do not get a proper response, look for the solutionfirst within yourself. ” 39 When we have problems, particularly with other

Mencius 101people, we are to stop first and look at our own behavior, examining ourselvesbefore blaming others. This is an excellent, if difficult, habit of mind.Like Confucius, Mencius saw filial piety as the basis for learning morality.Like Confucius too, Mencius had to defend the three - year mourningperiod for parents. When King Xuan of Qi wanted to cut the mourningperiod down to one year, one of Mencius ’ students asked him if this wassuch a bad thing. At least the king would be observing a year of mourning,which was better than none at all. Mencius responded, “ This is the same assaying to someone who is twisting their elder brother ’ s arm – ‘ Do it gently. ’The king must be taught filial piety. ” 40Mencius was also sensitive to the problems surrounding the practiceof filial piety. When asked if a father should teach his own sons, Menciusadvised against it. After all, he said, a teacher must correct his studentsand, if the student still does not learn, he may lose his temper. This endsup hurting both father and son, as the son, in revenge, may say, “ Youcorrect me, but you do not behave correctly yourself. ” Father and son, hesays, should not demand goodness from each other, for, if they do, theymay become estranged. 41During the time of Mencius, followers of Confucius were gradually developingdiscussions of ritual in two directions: first, there was an increase inspecific regulations dealing with everything from the proper wood allowedfor a casket depending on the rank of the deceased to regulations abouthow one should eat (see chapter 8 ). Second, we find a stronger set of rulesdealing with the separation of men and women. Separation included separateliving quarters in the home, separate spheres of activity, and detailedregulations concerning the interaction of men and women, as we have seenin chapter 3 . This seems to have been widely discussed among Confuciansat this time and was the point of many debates. Mencius did not, so far aswe can tell, get involved in these arguments. But he did think that ritualsevolved from the expression of one ’ s inner nature. He says thatIn ancient times, people did not bury their parents. When the parents died,they were thrown into the ditch. But, as the sons passed by them one day,they could see that the corpses were eaten by foxes and flies buzzed around.The sweat broke out on the sons ’ foreheads and they could not bear to look.Their sweat was not a show for others, but an expression of their inner hearts.Then, they went home for shovels and baskets and buried the bodies. 42Not throwing the bodies in a ditch is an expression of the mind/heart ’ sfeeling of compassion and shame.A rival thinker tried to trip Mencius up by asking about a Confucianrule about ritual. This is the one we saw in chapter 3 that says that menand women are not allowed to touch each other. If men and women are notallowed to touch, what should you do when your sister - in - law is drowning?

102 MenciusMencius immediately dismisses the ritual rule, saying that anyone who followedit when their sister - in - law was drowning would be a beast. Clearlythis is an emergency and touching the woman is the proper response. 43The state must provide education, and, again, this would allow peopleto cultivate their inner morality. Like Confucius, Mencius was not specificabout whether or not this would include lower - class men and women. Theeducation Mencius talked about, however, is, like Confucius ’ idea of education,not just learning facts, but an education in morality. As it was forConfucius, education was crucial to Mencius. Education is the way in whichone cultivates the goodness within. Mencius advocated learning the ways ofantiquity, the sage - kings, the rulers of the early Zhou dynasty, and, of course,the teachings of Confucius. Education should lead to moral cultivation.Like Confucius, Mencius had little to say about women, and that maybe just as well. Mencius said, “ When a daughter marries, her mother givesher advice. Sending her daughter off at the gate, the mother cautions her,‘ When you go to your new family, you must be respectful, and you mustbe careful. Do not disobey your husband. ’ To be obedient is proper to theWay of a wife. ” 44 He agrees with Confucius and the Confucians of his timethat women should be respectful and obedient.Finally we come to about half a dozen passages in the Mencius that will beemphasized by later Confucians. We have seen that Mencius, like Confucius,believed that Heaven had endowed him with a mission. Mencius goesfurther in his statements about a connection to the cosmos. Mencius says,“ Wherever the great gentleman passes there is transformation. Wherever hestays there is a spiritual influence flowing above and below with Heaven andEarth. ” 45 A great gentleman is part of the dynamic workings of “ Heaven andEarth, ” a phrase often used to refer to the universe. Mencius also describesthis in a passage where he talks about his “ vast overflowing qi . ” When hewas asked what his strong points were, Mencius said,I know words. I am good at nourishing my vast and overflowing qi . … Thisqi is, in the highest degree, unlimited and unmoving. If it is nourished withintegrity and is not harmed, it will fill the space between heaven and earth.This qi unites with rightness and the Way; without rightness and the Way,the qi will starve. This qi is born from accumulated rightness and not anoccasional show of rightness. Action that is below the standard set in one ’ smind/heart will starve the qi . 46We will look more closely at the various meanings of the term qi in chapter9 , but here Mencius uses the term to mean the basic part of a person, theenergy that animates us. It is like human nature and, like human nature,tends to the good if cultivated over time. This, Mencius says, is closelyconnected to rightness, the standard of good, and to the Confucian Way ofmorality and civilization. 47 The basics in human beings can unite with the

Mencius 103universe – but only when we practice morality. Mencius makes the samesort of point when he says,Anyone who completely knows their own mind/heart, then, knows theirhuman nature. When you know your human nature, you know Heaven. Tokeep your original mind/heart and nourish your nature, you serve Heaven.Neither an early death nor a long life should cause you any worry; insteadyou should cultivate your self and establish your own destiny. 48The connection between human beings and Heaven can be experienced ifwe practice morality and come to know ourselves. Finding, and keeping,our original mind/heart means behaving properly over time. We have seenMencius say that the gentleman does not lose his original mind/heart andpreserves the mind/heart as it was when he was a child. In this way, saysMencius, we can come to know Heaven.Mencius also links human beings and Heaven together through thevirtue of sincerity. Sincerity, as we have seen, means to think, act, andspeak without any self - interest or “ double - mindedness. ” Mencius uses achain argument to talk about sincerity. He begins with the first link, whichis understanding goodness. If a man can do this, then he is true to himself.This allows him to please his parents. If he can please his parents, his friendswill trust him. If his friends trust him, his superiors will have confidence inhim and he will be able to govern the people. Mencius concludes, “ So, sincerityis the Way of Heaven; to think about sincerity the Way of man. ” 49 Bybeing a truly ethical person, being sincere, we can share in Heaven ’ s ethicalcharacter. This leads us to one of Mencius ’ most famous statements: “ Allthings are complete within me. If one examines oneself and finds sincerity,there is no greater joy. ” 50 When Mencius says “ all things ” he means allthe things of the universe. They find completion within us when we sharein the universe ’ s virtue of sincerity.Just what Mencius meant by these kinds of statements is much debated.It looks like he believed that a properly cultivated person could, in someway, join together with the universe itself in its moral purposes. The difficultyis knowing just what to make of Mencius ’ statements. This is becausewhat is missing is any description of Heaven or the moral universe, how itis constituted, how, exactly, it works, and all the other more “ theological ”points we would expect to find.SummaryLike Confucius, Mencius begins with the individual. We have within usthe potential for moral behavior. Moral behavior always has a social

104 Menciusdimension: it must be acted out in our family, society, and state. Mencius ’defense of Confucius ’ teachings grounds morality in human nature and inHeaven. He develops these new ideas of human nature and our relationshipto Heaven in the context of Confucius ’ teachings. He also builds on, andamplifies, political ideas we saw in Confucius. Over a thousand years afterhis death, Mencius ’ ideas about our relationship to the universe were pickedup and his reputation vaulted over all other Confucians to make Menciusthe “ Second Sage. ” Mencius was the first great interpreter of Confucius inthe Warring States era, but he was not the only one.

7XunziLow - class Confucians loosely follow the ways of the ancient kings– just enough to cause confusion in our time. … their methods are inerror and they pick up knowledge from anywhere. … their theoriesdo not really differ from Mozi ’ s. … they use antiquity to cheat stupidpeople and make money from them. 1The second great interpreter of Confucius is Xunzi. 2 Born about 310 BCE,almost two hundred years after the death of Confucius, Xunzi would havebeen in his teens or early twenties when Mencius died. While the date of hisdeath is not known, there is a long tradition that Xunzi lived to be almost ahundred years old. This would mean he died somewhere around 210 BCE.Xunzi, Master Xun, does not have a Latinized name. This is because,while Xunzi ’ s interpretation of Confucius was the dominant one from histime to the 1100s CE, after that Mencius was taken as the correct interpreterof Confucius (see chapter 6 ), and to this day, Mencius is still accepted as theproper successor to Confucius. As a result, when the Catholic missionariescame to China, they heard little about Xunzi, but a lot about Mencius, soXunzi does not have a Latin name. Xunzi ’ s lesser status continues and canbe seen, for example, in the Confucian Museum and Research Center inQufu. Mencius is portrayed there as a great Confucian worthy and honoredwith a bust, while Xunzi is merely represented by a picture of his portraitin a collage of pictures of texts and temples.Though a native of the state of Zhao, in his mid - teens Xunzi traveled tothe Jixia Academy in the state of Qi and was such an impressive scholarthat he may well have become the head of the Jixia Academy in his 40s.Two of Xunzi ’ s students, Han Fei and Li Si, went on to define the Legalistschool. 3 Xunzi did not spend all of his time at the academy, but traveledto many other states, like other scholars, looking for a job. One firm datein Xunzi ’ s life is 255 BCE when he was appointed to be the magistrate of

106 XunziLanling in the state of Chu. He was dismissed from that post and went tohis native state of Zhao where he was given the rank of a senior minister.The government of Chu reconsidered and invited Xunzi back to Lanlingwhere he remained a magistrate until the assassination of his governmentpatron in 238. He never again took a government position and it is likelythat he lived long enough to see the triumph of the Legalist state of Qin.We have a text, predictably called the Xunzi , much of which is thoughtto have been written by Xunzi himself. This text, however, did not makeit into later canons of Confucian classics. But the Book of Rites is part ofthe Confucian canon (see chapter 8 ), and parts of the Xunzi are repeated inthe Book of Rites . 4 We can see the pervasive influence of the Mohists andLogicians in the text. While a strict Confucian, Xunzi felt obliged to supplydefinitions and logical arguments to back up his positions.Xunzi was very serious in his reverence for Confucius and his thought.He says,Confucius possessed humanity, was wise, and was not blind. This is why hisstudy of government was so great that he was the equal of the early kings.His teachings included all the ways of the Zhou dynasty and could be putinto practice without any blindness to any point. Therefore his virtue wasequal to the Duke of Zhou; his fame was on a par with that of the foundersof the three dynasties. This was the blessing of being free from blindness. 5Xunzi describes blindness as obsession and a lack of clarity. Confucius wasable to see the truth; unlike so many others, Confucius saw clearly andcompletely. As a result, Xunzi says, Confucius was able to teach the waysof the sage - kings and was so sincere that he was able to bring together differentkinds of people and attract men of talent. Like Mencius, Xunzi sawConfucius as the ultimate teacher and Xunzi wanted nothing more than todefend the true thought of Confucius from all its enemies, both inside andoutside the Confucian tradition. While Mencius had complained that therewere thinkers he had to argue with, Xunzi was positively besieged not onlyby the Mohists and Daoists of Mencius ’ time, but by Logicians, Strategists,Legalists, and all the other Confucian groups with whom he disagreed. Hewas most irate at the pernicious teachings of Mencius.Human Nature is EvilXunzi says that, as an interpreter of Confucius ’ thought, Mencius gotalmost everything wrong. Mencius ’ errors began with his views on humannature. It is clear, Xunzi claims, that human nature is evil and is basedentirely on selfishness. 6 This is what Confucius really meant.

Xunzi 107As with Mencius ’ claim that human nature is good, we have to be verycareful with Xunzi ’ s claim that human nature is evil. When we think of“ evil, ” we may think of devils or the Devil, and that is not at all in Xunzi ’ suse of the word. We may also think of ideas like the Christian idea of theFall from grace; again, this is not what Xunzi has in mind. “ Evil ” is relatedto “ ugly ” and used to describe things that evoke a feeling of revulsion. 7When he says that human nature is evil, Xunzi means that we are incapableof living in a civilized way with other human beings if we just follow whatis natural to our human nature. He says,Mencius said that human nature is good. I say that this is not correct. Fromantiquity to the present day, what the world has called good is what is correct,ordered, peaceful, and well governed. What has been called evil is what isbiased, disordered, perverse, and chaotic. This is the difference between goodand evil. 8Goodness is the ability to live in a peaceful and well - ordered society and tobehave correctly according to morality and ritual. Evil is self - interest, bias,disloyalty, and immorality.Xunzi also carefully defines what he means by human nature: “ Humannature is what is produced by nature; it is what is not learned; it is whatneeds no effort to be able to do. ” 9 As an example, he says, we are bornable to hear and we do not need to be taught how to do it. Mencius, hesays, did not carefully define human nature and this was one of the reasonsMencius did not know what he was talking about.Human nature includes the emotions and desires, which are stirred bythe senses. Xunzi lists as the emotions liking and disliking, happiness andanger, and sorrow and joy. These emotions are natural to us and, when weact on them, we will act badly.Now, the nature of man is that he is born with a love of profiting himself.Following this nature will cause aggression and greed to grow, while courtesyand deference are lost. Human beings are born with feelings of hate and envy.Following these causes violence and crime, while loyalty and trustworthinessare lost.Desires develop when the senses tell us about things we want:Man is born with the desires of the ears and eyes so that we love soundsand colors. If we follow them, then sleaziness and chaos result, while ritual,rightness, civilization, and order are lost. Because of this, when we followour human nature and our emotions, then we must develop aggression andgreed, we must overturn social divisions, and bring chaos to order – all ofthis will end in violence. 10

108 XunziWhen emotions and desires rule our actions, we are led to evil. Simplyfollowing our nature will lead us to evil: envy, hatred, violence, crime,selfishness, disloyalty, and greed. Throughout his chapter “ Human Natureis Evil ” Xunzi lists the attributes of human nature as a love of profit, theemotions of envy and hate, the desire for what we see and hear, desires forfood, warmth, and rest, prejudice or bias in our favor, and self - interest.If we all act from our human nature, chaos results. No one would respector consider anyone else; society would be impossible. We would all spendour time fighting each other for the many things we desire. From birth on,Xunzi says, we naturally love ourselves, follow our desires, and look to ourown interests. If we follow these natural tendencies, we will grab everythingwe can. What is basic to all human beings is a nature that drives us tosatisfy all of our desires. Human nature is indeed natural and spontaneous,as Daoists argued, but this means it is greedy, selfish, and evil.The desires and emotions, says Xunzi, are the materials of human natureand react to external stimulation in a natural, if evil, way. The mind,Xunzi says, sits among the emotions and desires and chooses. When themind chooses among our emotions and desires, we think. This Xunzi calls“ conscious exertion. ” It is this alone that can save us from the rampagingemotions and desires based in our natures. When the mind makes decisions,this is thought. Desires and emotions cannot be eliminated, but they canbe kept in check by the mind. When the mind thinks and acts properly, itdevelops “ artificiality. ” 11 Artificiality is what is acquired; it is not naturalto us. When artificiality, based on thought and training, is built up, wecan control desires and emotions. If it is continually practiced, artificialitybecomes “ second nature. ” An acquired or artificial nature can be developedthrough education, teachers, models, and a great deal of effort.Xunzi points out that we all want to eat, to be warm, and to rest. But welearn not to eat before our elders; we help our elders out with work whenwe would rather rest. We are courteous to them and we subordinate ourneeds to theirs. These actions run contrary to our inborn nature and we canonly learn to do them through conscious effort and acquiring artificiality.Xunzi concludes by saying thatto follow human nature and our true emotions means that we would notbe courteous or deferent to others. To be courteous and deferent to othersruns against our feelings and human nature. We can see from this that it isclear that human nature is evil and any good in human beings comes fromconscious effort. 12Only conscious exertion, where the natural inclinations we have are heldin check, allows us to act properly. This is “ artificiality. ”Building artificiality is something all human beings are capable of. LikeMencius, Xunzi argues that everyone can become a sage. A sage can follow

Xunzi 109humanity, morality, and rightness. We can too if we “ engage in study, focusthe mind/heart on this aim, unify our intentions, think about principles …and accumulate goodness without slacking off. ” 13 Sagehood is within ourgrasp, if we build up the artificial shell of morality. We can all become sagesif we work hard enough at it.Morality is ArtificialMencius had argued that morality is basic to us, found in the sprouts of ourhuman nature and given to us by a moral Heaven. Xunzi says that moralityis not natural: it is an artificial construction. For Xunzi, morality is morelike traffic laws. We decide to drive on the right side of the street or the leftside of the street; we decide that red lights mean stop and green lights meango. It does not matter if we drive on the left or right hand side of the street;what matters is that we all do it. Traffic laws are arbitrary, but, once agreedon, work for everyone. Similarly, for Xunzi, morality is a product of thehuman mind, set up by the sage - kings and crafted so that people could livetogether. When morality is applied to our evil human nature, we can change.We are changed by education as we learn artificiality. We learn ritual, welearn new habits and so morality becomes our second nature. Morality isthe artificial product of culture and education. Xunzi happily accepts Laozi ’ scriticism that morality is artificial. Of course morality is artificial, he says,and that is a good thing because what is natural to human beings is evil.One of the first objections that comes to mind about all of this is to ask, ifhuman beings have natures that are evil and spend their time satisfying theirdesires, where did morality come from in the first place? Xunzi ’ s answer isthat the sage - kings of the past created morality so as to bring order. But,where did the sage - kings get their morality? According to Xunzi, moralityis not innate, so how did the sage - kings create it?Someone may ask, “ If man ’ s nature is evil, then how were rituals and rightnesscreated? ” I can say to them that ritual and rightness came from the sage - kings ’artificiality. Ritual and rightness did not come from anything inherent in thesage - kings ’ nature. So too, when a potter shapes the clay to create the pot, thepot is the creation of the artificial and acquired nature of the potter and notthe product of anything inherent in his nature. … The sage - kings accumulatedthoughts and ideas; they practiced artificiality. That is how they developedritual and rightness and raised the standard of government. Ritual and rightnesswere born from their artificiality, not the sage - kings ’ human nature. 14Xunzi argued that just because something is produced, like a pot, the potwas not innate in the potter who produced it. Similarly morality did notneed to be innate in the sage - kings for them to produce moral rules.

110 XunziThe sage - kings realized the horror of human life in its natural state of“ war of all against all. ” They wisely set up limits and rules to govern humanbehavior. They saw the social chaos that following our natures produced. Inorder to control it, they instituted ritual and moral rules, much like trafficlaws. This is the foundation of civilization.One of Xunzi ’ s arguments against Mencius has to do with the sage - kings.Why would we have needed sage - kings, Xunzi asks, if human nature wasgood? Why would we need ritual and morality? Why we would need tolearn anything? It can only be that human nature is evil. That is why wehad to invent ritual and morality.Now this is an unfair reading of Mencius who argued only that humannature contains sprouts of goodness that need to be cultivated, but Xunziis convinced that civilized values are necessary only because human natureis evil. Xunzi had read the Daoists and agreed with them that civilization isartificial and unnatural. But, for Xunzi, the great achievement of civilizationis precisely its artificiality.Learning an artificially imposed morality will dramatically change us.Xunzi likens us to a warped piece of wood that has to be steamed, put ina press, and forced to bend its shape before it can be straight. Teachersmust be obeyed and models must be studied:So it is that a warped piece of wood must first be pressed in a frame and thensteamed in order to soften it. This allows its shape to be bent before it canbecome straight. A dull piece of metal must first be whetted on a grindstonebefore it can be made sharp.Now, human nature is evil. It must receive the instructions of a teacherand follow models and only then can it be put right. We must learn ritualsand rightness before we can be orderly. These days, men have no teachers ormodels, so they are biased, wicked, and not properly behaved. Because theydo not have rituals and rightness, they are wicked, rebellious, and disorderly. 15Teachers are absolutely essential and the Xunzi says that formal educationunder a master is a necessity. Education is the enormous task of controllingthe desires of our nature and this can be done only by taking on board allof the culture of the past. Like all Confucians, Xunzi sees the process ofbecoming a better person as a process of self - cultivation that is possibleonly through education.RitualFor Xunzi, we live in a world of scarcity – there is just not enough togo around. Whether it is food or fame or power, there is not enough for

Xunzi 111everyone to have everything they want. If everyone vies for the same things,violence will result. Ritual was invented to control desires and to deal withthe problem of scarcity. When we follow social rituals, we all get some ofour desires met. Xunzi says that “ Rituals trim what is too long and extendwhat is too short; rituals use up surplus and make up for what is lacking;rituals extend the civility of love and reverence; rituals gradually bring us tothe beauty of rightness. ” 16 Ritual allows for the establishment, and acceptance,of institutions. We agree to live in a society where some get morethan others. We respect social institutions, like a monarch, for example.The ruler gets more money and power than the rest of us, but we learnto respect this social division. When we respect the ways in which societyworks, we can live in an ordered way. Without rituals, desires would ruleand there would be no division of resources or of labor.Ritual also restrains, channels, and refines human emotions. Instead oflosing our minds at the death of a loved one, ritual gives us somethingto do and ways of expressing our grief. It teaches us how to express thatgrief so that we are not excessive, but are able to express grief in sociallyacceptable ways. Ritual tempers our grief and allows us an appropriateway of expressing it. Similarly, wedding rituals allow us to express joy andaffection and give us ritual ways to do so.Rituals divide up scarce resources. They can control the ways we expressour desires. Rituals teach us how to practice morality by showing us howto act. Rituals allow us to properly express our emotions. Rituals allow usto refine and decorate our actions.One odd thing with Xunzi ’ s arguments about ritual is that they seem,to some degree, to be trying to prove that ritual is useful. Xunzi says thatritual has both social and personal uses, negotiating scarce resources andchanneling one ’ s emotions. While Xunzi is still firmly in the Confuciantradition, it looks like he is trying to justify Confucian teachings on thegrounds of their usefulness.GovernmentLike Confucius and Mencius, Xunzi lays the blame for the current stateof affairs solely on corrupt rulers. In his usual acerbic way, he is not shyabout criticizing them:Rulers double the taxes on necessities like knives and spades in order tosteal money from the common people; they double the taxes on the fieldsand meadows in order to steal food from the common people; they chargecustom at border stations and taxes in marketplaces in order to make lifedifficult for people.

112 XunziIn their greed for money, rulers taxed people unmercifully. These taxeswere not just on farmers ’ produce but on basic necessities. Rulers alsointerfered with trade and commerce by charging custom duties on goodsas they came to the borders and by charging sales tax in markets. This wasnot the only problem:This was not enough for rulers. They also promoted spying and underhandedplots to get more power and begin rebellions in other states. By this they triedto overthrow other noble families, all of which leads to ruin and destruction.The Chinese people know perfectly clearly about the wickedness, violence,and anarchy of these kinds of rulers and they know that rulers like this willlead to dangers and ruin.Because of rulers like this, government ministers will assassinate theirlords, subordinates will murder their superiors. Government officials will selltheir own cities, turn their backs on principles, will not do their duty if thatduty may be life - threatening. This whole thing has no other cause than theruler, who has brought it about. 17Like other Confucians, Xunzi sees the ruler as acting as a model, and whenthe ruler plots, is violent, lives in luxury at the expense of the poor, andin general exhibits no moral principles, the rest of society will follow. Theresult is a societywhere the strong bully the weak and the clever intimidate the stupid, wherethe lower classes disobey their betters, and where young people insult theirelders. Because morality is not the foundation of government, the old andweak grieve at having no means of support, while the stronger in societycomplain about division and conflict. 18This is a description of society that may sound familiar to us: the use ofrudeness and bullying in social interactions, the lack of respect for others,the elderly living in poverty, and, in general, a contentious society.Xunzi argues that class divisions are a necessary thing in order for thereto be a division of labor and for rituals to work. Not everyone can be aruler. In addition, there has to be a division of labor so that people can beskilled in one skill and do not need to learn how to do everything.Xunzi is a Confucian and believes that the ruler is responsible for caringfor the people, no matter what their class. The ruler must be a good model.The ruler must choose moral and upright ministers who will also be rolemodels for the people. Government must not overtax the people. It shouldprovide some education and defend the state from invasion. Many of thepolitical ideas we have seen in Mencius we find in Xunzi as well.Given his views, it is not surprising to find Xunzi arguing that buildinga good society based on ritual and morality will be a long - term project.

Xunzi 113We are working against evil human natures. When we first start, we willneed to reinforce ritual and morality with rewards and punishments. 19 Asincentives, rewards and punishments will lead people toward a true practiceof ritual and an understanding of morality.When Xunzi visited the state of Qin, he reported on the governmentof Shang Yang (see chapter 5 ). He was horrified to see an orderly andprosperous state where people obeyed and feared their government andwhere there were no factions and no corruption. The government of Qinhad accomplished this even though they had not promoted scholarship norused Confucian methods. While he admired much of what he saw, he saidthat this kind of state had no moral base and predicted that it would notlast long – especially, he said, as it had no Confucians in it. 20Xunzi did not immediately dismiss a dictatorial form of government asMencius had. 21 Even dictators, ruling by force, were able to impose orderand provide their people with a basic standard of living. 22 They unified theirstates and set up clear rules for government and laws. Their failure wastheir inability to win the hearts of the people. For Xunzi, these dictatorswere preferable to many of the rulers of his time who cared only for wealth,plotted against their subjects and their allies, and behaved treacherouslyto everyone. A dictator, though, is no equal to a true ruler who acts frommorality, cares for the people, and follows Confucius ’ ideals.LanguageWhen it came to dealing with the various Logicians and their discussions oflanguage, Xunzi maintained Confucius ’ principle of “ putting words right. ”He had a practical view of language, arguing that the names of things areconstructed by human beings for our convenience. 23 This way we know whatthe other person is referring to. Names for things are agreed upon and becomecustom. We come to know things by receiving sense information. The mind/heart sorts this information into categories of similar and dissimilar, givingthings names and developing ideas. All human beings work this same wayand so language is a reflection of a human understanding that we all share. 24Xunzi compares language to weights and measures, saying words mustbe the same for everyone or chaos will follow. The confusion about themeanings of words has extended to the words “ right ” and “ wrong. ” Peopleknow what “ right ” means as a word, but no longer know what actions areright. If we put words right, then people will know what the word meansand to what it applies. To obscure the meanings of words or use them indifferent and confusing ways will bring chaos to society. Xunzi wantedanyone who confused words, Logicians presumably, to be punished, justlike those who cheat on weights and measures. 25

114 XunziHeavenIn the early Zhou dynasty and in some of Confucius ’ comments, we haveseen Heaven referred to both as a moral entity and as nature. Xunzi uses theword “ Heaven ” to mean nature: Heaven is nature and Heaven is amoral.Xunzi ’ s view of Heaven is close to the Daoists ’ view of the Dao. Heavendoes not give us a good human nature. Heaven does not care about humanbehavior at all. He says that the actions of Heaven are natural and do notrespond to the virtues of one ruler nor to the corruption of another ruler.Good fortune is the result of good government, wise planning, and moderatespending. This will make for a successful government and does notdepend on any decision by Heaven. Heaven deals with all people equally,whether they are the greatest sage - king or the worst of rulers.If you answer nature ’ s regular course with good government, you will havegood fortune; if you respond to it with bad government, you will have misfortune.If you strengthen the basic things you need to do and regulate theways you do things, nature cannot make you poor. If you plant and raisethings properly and your actions are in harmony with the seasons, thennature cannot afflict you with anything bad. If you follow the Way and actrightly, then nature cannot bring you calamities. If you do this, then floodsand droughts cannot cause famine, extremes of cold and heat cannot causeillness, and unlucky and freak events cannot cause misfortune. 26We should use the abundance nature gives and build up supplies of foodand increase the wealth of the state.Xunzi says that nature does not stop winter just because human beingsdislike the cold. 27 Nature is impartial. Our concern is to respond intelligentlyto what nature does and this will give us successful economiesand governments. So, Xunzi says, instead of singing hymns and glorifyingHeaven, we should spend our time understanding how to farm accordingto the seasons.In Xunzi ’ s biography in the Records of the Historian it says that Xunzihated evil rulers who focused on magic and prayers, believing in omensand luck. Instead of governing well, or even rationally, most rulers ofXunzi ’ s time followed superstitious advice about lucky and unlucky daysand planned according to them. They also used natural events, like stormsand comets, as signs of good or bad luck. Xunzi argued that Heaven doesnot send omens to regulate human behavior:When there are comets or trees groan, everyone in the state is terrified. Theyask what the cause of such things could be. I say, so what? When there is achange in the movements of Heaven and Earth or a change in the yin and

Xunzi 115yang, there may be unusual events. It is all right to marvel at them, but notalright to fear them. Sometimes there are solar and lunar eclipses, sometimesthe wind and rain are unseasonable, sometimes a new star suddenly appears– there has been no time when these kinds of things have not happened.It is natural for all sorts of strange phenomena to occur. This is just nature,it is not a sign to us nor does it have any significance for us. Every age hasexperienced this kind of thing and none of these phenomena have had anymeaning in terms of human activities. There are omens of a declining societyand these, Xunzi goes on to say, are very easy to see:What we should be afraid of are man - made horrors. Plowing that is so badthat the harvest is lost; weeding so badly done that the crop is lost; governmentrules that are so bad the people are lost; fields that are so overgrownwith weeds that the grain is lost; grain that is so expensive that the peoplestarve; bodies of the dead scattered along the sides of the roads – these arecalled man - made horrors. 28There is no meaning in eclipses, great storms, falling stars, and other phenomenathat we do not understand. The real omens are plain to see: badgovernment and starving people. These are omens that truly portend theend of a state. Heaven does not send us messages in response to humanactivity. There is no link between Heaven and human beings.Prayer to the gods is all very well for the ignorant who think that itworks, but an educated gentleman should see this as an occasion for apleasant ceremony. Xunzi says,You prayed for rain and it rained – what do I think about that? I say, sowhat? If you had not prayed for rain, it would have rained anyway. Whenthere is a solar or lunar eclipse, it is the custom for people to beat drums andmake noise to save themselves; when there is a drought, we pray for rain;before we start any important project, we hold a ceremony to tell the futurewith bones and yarrow stalks [used in the Book of Changes ]. We do not dothese things because we think that they will produce the results we want, butbecause we want to decorate the occasions with ceremony. So, the gentlemanthinks of these things as decorations, while ordinary people think they aresupernatural. To think of them as decorations is what really brings luck; tothink of them as supernatural is what really is unlucky. 29Xunzi is firmly in the skeptics ’ camp when it comes to ideas of omens,prayer, and what he would call “ superstitions. ” Heaven is amoral and thereis no union between human beings and Heaven: Heaven does what it does;human beings do what we do.Xunzi was also a skeptic when it came to common superstitions of thetime, like ghosts. He says,

116 XunziAlways when people see ghosts, it is only at times when they are startled andexcited; their sense is confused and blinded. So they claim that what does notexist, actually does exist and what does exist, does not. And then they believethey have settled the matter. 30It is all very well for the irrational and deluded to believe these things, buta wise person does not.Xunzi also argued against a common practice of his time: physiognomy.This is the practice of telling a person ’ s character and predicting their futureby signs on a person ’ s face, lines on the hand, or the appearance of thebody. Xunzi argues that appearance tells us nothing about the inner moralqualities of a person and there is no way we can predict a person ’ s futurefrom their face.Finally, Xunzi was especially critical of the various sub - groups ofConfucians in his time. He describes some of them as ignorant Confucians,some as interested only at playing with ritual. Others, he said, believedweird things. For Mencius and his followers Xunzi reserved a specialvenom. Confucians, says Xunzi, should dress properly, have a proper teachinglineage, and agree with Xunzi.Xunzi on Confucian ThemesXunzi uses all the Confucian terms and ideas we have seen before. Xunziargues for a morality based on filial piety, humanity, sincerity, and so on,just as all Confucians do. But, for Xunzi, this morality is arbitrary and artificial.It was made up in the past as a way to control the desires and emotionsof our human nature. It is not given by Heaven, as Mencius argued.Education is crucial for Xunzi. This is how we take on board all themorality and ritual we need in order to develop our artificial second natureand become civilized people. That is why education is difficult and whystudents must have a teacher and must be obedient to that teacher. Withouteducation, we have no chance of overcoming what is natural to us.Xunzi talks about becoming a gentleman and, as we have seen othersdo, contrasts the gentleman with the small or petty man. In line with otherConfucian thinkers, Xunzi says that gentlemen must be educated, havehumanity, know ritual, and look within themselves to cultivate goodness.Like Mencius, Xunzi argues that sages, the great models of moral behavior,do not differ in any essential way from the rest of us. All of us, by establishingour artificial moral nature, are capable of becoming sages.Like all Confucians, Xunzi recognizes the importance of ritual. ForXunzi, ritual refines and directs our raw impulses. Ritual controls ourdesires and allows us to express our emotions in a balanced and sociallyacceptable way. Ritual also has the social and political function of appor-

Xunzi 117tioning scarce resources so that we can all live with some of us gettingmore than others.It is when he discusses government that Xunzi is most like Mencius. Theyboth argue that rulers must care for the people, be a model to the people,provide education, and not overtax the people in order to live in luxury.Xunzi uses Confucius ’ idea of putting words right and extends it to dealnot just with governments, but with the debates over language. Words existfor our convenience. They must mean the same for all of us or else theybecome lies. Xunzi had little patience with those who played with words,whether they were corrupt rulers or Logicians.When Xunzi talks about Heaven, we can see how different he is fromMencius. Mencius thought of Heaven as some sort of moral entity and hebelieved that human beings reflect or receive moral abilities from Heaven.Mencius also talked about human beings forming a relationship withHeaven.Xunzi refuses all of what Mencius says about Heaven. He argues thatHeaven is amoral, neither moral nor immoral, but indifferent. Xunzi ’ s viewof Heaven is like the Daoist view of the Dao: Heaven is natural, spontaneous,and has no intentions, one way or the other, toward us. We cannotform a relationship with Heaven. Heaven sends us no omens or signs.Xunzi is still in the Confucian tradition with this position: we have seenConfucius refer to Heaven as nature as well. Xunzi ’ s defense of Confuciuscomes from a different direction.Like other Confucians, Xunzi attacked competing schools of thought.When Mozi argued that we should love everyone without distinction, Xunziresponded by saying that any society must have social distinctions for it towork. Mozi argued that everyone should live as frugally as possible. Finefoods and embroidered silks were wasteful, merely decorative, and did notcontribute to profiting the people or the state. Xunzi responded by sayingthat, while this might be true in times of famine or a poor economy, thereare usually enough things in the world for us to enjoy. Moderation inspending is sufficient to avoid waste.Xunzi also argued against Mozi ’ s contention that music was useless andshould be abolished. Music brings harmony to people. And, Xunzi says, ifwe gave up producing and doing all the things that Mozi defined as useless,the economy would collapse. If we had no distinctions among occupationsand classes and no differences between ruler and subject, society wouldcollapse. Nature provides us with what we need. Moderation and planningare required for a rich and successful country. 31Xunzi says that Mozi was obsessed, or blinded by, the idea of usefulnessand so he did not understand proper human behavior. His theories wouldresult in everyone being interested only in profiting themselves and fightingeach other for their own self - interest.

118 XunziXunzi saw other thinkers as obsessed too. Logicians, he says, becameobsessed with logical propositions and ignored the realities of life. TheDaoists became obsessed with nature and forgot all about human beings.All these other thinkers were blinded by being obsessed with one, and onlyone, point. 32SummaryMencius was completely wrong: human nature is not good. Human natureis evil and selfish. Left to our own devices, we will be envious, greedy,and violent. Because of this the sage - kings instituted morality, an artificialconstruction, and imposed it on society. To change our naturally evilnature to a moral nature, we need a long education, teachers, and models.We can learn rituals that offer respect to others, as Confucius taught.Rituals also channel and refine the emotions and help us deal with scarcity.Government must provide models of moral behavior, provide education,and, in general, care for the people. Part of government is, as Confuciussaid, putting words right and all the fancy discussion about language isuseless: words mean what we decide they mean, and they allow us to communicate.The Confucian enterprise of leading people to morality througheducation, government models, and the practice of ritual is not based, asMencius argued, on a moral Heaven. Heaven is nature and does not carewhat human beings do.Xunzi and Mencius agree on many basics: the importance of education,morality, and ritual. They agree that government exists for the benefit ofthe people. But they explain the underlying reasons for Confucius ’ teachingsin radically different ways.Some of the acidity of Xunzi ’ s arguments stems from a sense he seems tohave had that all was lost. Confucians had broken up into small groups. Thenotion that human beings were merely self - interested and could be controlledby rewards and punishments had won the day. The rulers of the centralstates were especially incompetent and corrupt and the specter of the stateof Qin haunted them. Xunzi may have lived long enough to see the triumphof the state of Qin and of his student, Li Si, as the prime minister of Qin.Mencius and Xunzi were not the only Confucians of the Warring Statesera: we know that there were other groups of Confucians. We will look atwhat we know about those other Confucian groups and about Confuciantexts in the next chapter.

8Confucians, “ Confucian ”Texts, and the Qin DynastyConfucius said, “ Do you think that advice from wise men will necessarilybe used? Is it not true that Prince Bi Gan had his heart cutout? Do you think that men who are loyal will keep their jobs? GongLongfeng was punished. Do you think that men who criticize theirrulers are listened to? Didn ’ t they cut up Wu Zixu ’ s body and put itoutside the Gusu gate? So we can see that there are many men whohad no luck with their times. I am not the only one. ” 1Other Confucian GroupsAs the Warring States era went on, we know that Confucians dividedinto sub - groups. Xunzi talks about various groups of Confucians andwe have seen Xunzi ’ s student, Han Feizi, say that by his time, about 250BCE, there were eight groups of Confucians and each claimed to have thetraditional teaching of Confucius. 2 While there was conflict among someof these groups, they all understood themselves to be Confucians – thoughsome, like Xunzi, considered their Confucian tradition to be better thanothers.In the later Han dynasty, we find a description of Confucian groupings.The Han Shu , the Han history, 3 looked back at various states of theWarring States period and said that Confucians in the state of Qi “ lovedthe classics and the accomplishments ” and of those in the state of Lu that“ they honored ritual and rightness. ” Qi Confucians discussed politics andgovernment and argued that only the worthy should govern. Mencius wassaid to have been influenced by the Confucians of Qi and we have seen thatMencius does not much discuss rites and music. It is also said that the Qischool based much of its thinking on the yin - yang and five phases theories(see chapter 9 ) along with belief in omens.

120 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin DynastyThe Confucians of Confucius ’ home state of Lu were said to have takenthe study of ritual as their core; they were not as much interested in governmentas in rites and music. The Lu school was said to be less systematic inmethod, but was interested in morality, and later Confucian metaphysicswas based on their thinking; they were somewhat more involved in methodsof self - cultivation. It is not clear now what the differences were exactly, butdebate between Confucians of Qi and of Lu was vigorous, probably overthe interpretation of the classical tradition.Xunzi did not describe groups geographically, associated with states. Helisted groups of Confucians whom he described as “ vulgar. ” He describedlesser Confucians as claiming loyalty to the early kings, Confucius, and aConfucian lineage, but, he said, they were not “ proper ” Confucians: theyfollowed the teachings in a partial or distorted way. 4According to the Xunzi , among these lesser Confucians were followers ofConfucius ’ student, Zi Zhang. 5 Another group was made up of those whofollowed Zi Xia. He was a student of Confucius, a minister to the MarquisWen of Wei, and well known for his teaching. 6 A third group that Xunzidescribes are the followers of Confucius ’ student Zi You. Zi You held officein the time of Confucius; Confucius is said to have known that the areawas well governed by the sound of its music. Zi You often appears in theAnalects where he identified the Way with music and rites. The fourth groupof Confucians whom Xunzi disliked were those who claimed to follow ZiSi, the grandson of Confucius; Mencius was Zi Si ’ s student. 7Xunzi did approve of one of Confucius ’ students, Zigong, saying hetransmitted the Confucian teachings of Confucius and the Duke of Zhou. 8Other students of Confucius who were mentioned as the founding teachersof Confucian groups include Yan Hui from Lu; Yan Hui, as we haveseen, was praised and mourned by Confucius. His group is said to haveemphasized poetry. Another was Qi Diao. The Han Shu “ Yi Wen Zhi ” listsa book under his name, which is no longer extant. The Han Feizi says hisgroup emphasized ritual. Zhong Liang, also from the state of Lu, is seen inthe Book of Rites “ Tang Gong ” chapter discussing funeral ritual; his groupwas said to have emphasized music. 9It is not easy to trace all the Confucian groups or the points of debateamong them and I must ask the reader ’ s pardon for these partial descriptions.The difficulty of assigning the texts and traditions to any one of thegroups listed in the Xunzi , the Han Feizi , and elsewhere should by nowbe clear.Confucians, even though divided, were recognizable throughout theWarring States era. They were defined, and defined themselves, as loyalto Confucius ’ teachings. They followed Confucius, the ancient sage - kings,and their heroes, the early founders of the Zhou dynasty. They read andtaught versions of certain texts. They talked about morality, ritual, being

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 121a gentleman, and government for the benefit of the people – even if theydisagreed about the basis for these ideas.Scholars in recent times have held very different opinions about the waysin which Confucians of the Warring States era operated. For example,Mark Csikszentmihalyi argues that Confucians were involved in independenttraditions that each took their authority from Confucius. The outlookof each group significantly differed from all the rest and these differenceswere more than just differences in interpretation of a single teacher. 10 Nylanunderstands the term “ Ru ” to have referred not just to strict followers ofConfucius, saying that the term applied to a number of professional “ classicists” who had studied Confucius, but used that education to further theirown ambitions or those of their state. This is in contrast to the smallergroups of “ self - identified ethical followers of Confucius. ” 11There are wide differences in opinion. Some see Confucian groups ashaving similar concerns and vocabulary, but emphasizing one part ofConfucius ’ teaching and drawing their authority from a teaching lineage.Others see Confucian groups as far more distinct from each other. Still others,like Nylan, argue that many of the figures we have called “ Confucian ” werescholars who were not necessarily committed to Confucius ’ teachings.While the two great interpreters of Confucius ’ thought in the classicalperiod are clearly Mencius and Xunzi, there were other Confucians withother points of view. There seem to have been some Confucians whobelieved everything in life was ordained by fate and others who deniedthe existence of an afterlife. Their enemies describe Confucians with theseviews, though no trace of them can be found in what would become theConfucian canon. Were their enemies wrong or exaggerating? Have theirviews been edited out of the texts? We can find some hints in the classics,particularly in the discussions of music, of Confucians who thought thathuman nature was neither basically good nor evil, but just natural. Thiswould seem to be yet another Confucian interpretation.The divisions we see among classical Confucians continued on throughChinese history as one thinker or another reinterpreted Confucius and cameto an interpretation he thought was the correct one.Confucius and “ Confucian ” TextsOne of the markers of following Confucius was the study of, and allegianceto, certain texts. The Zhuangzi says that Confucius went to the Zhou courtto deposit his books. When he was asked to sum them up, Confucius saidthey rested on humanity and rightness. Zhuangzi ’ s stories are made up, butthey show the perception that Confucius and certain books were connected.These texts were tied to Confucius ’ thought and contained his teachings.

122 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin DynastyThe Zhuangzi names six texts in another discussion where Confucius sayshe has studied six classics: the books of Poetry and History, the Spring andAutumn Annals , the Book of Changes, the Book of Rites , and the Classicof Music . 12When it comes to understanding these texts – how they are made up, andwhat they were – we need to be very careful. The problems around thesetexts are similar to problems around most early texts: what constituted atext? who wrote it and when? which version of, for example, The Book ofHistory was Confucius, Mencius, or Xunzi referring to?One of the problems in discussing these books is the way in which thebooks themselves were put together. The texts themselves were fluid in twosenses. First, they were not “ books, ” but a collection of chapters that couldbe combined in different ways. Second, many of the older texts, like TheBook of History , were used by schools of both Confucians and Mohists, forexample, but there were different versions. The Book of History is thoughtto have become a standardized text only by the time of Xunzi. 13Another problem involves the term “ classic. ” In the Analects , Confuciusdoes not refer to “ classics. ” He says that texts are important, but it is laterConfucians who describe them as essential. We have seen Confucius saythat one should study The Book of Poetry and that it is important to doso, but only because it was useful, not because it was a classic.Mencius talks about classics as the essential teaching of Confucius andthe sage - kings. By the time of Xunzi, the texts were beginning to be recognizedas a set. Many of these texts, like The Book of Poetry , were originallypart of a common tradition. Confucians appropriated that tradition andclaimed to speak for it. The reason Confucians appropriated these traditionaltexts was that they believed that Confucius had written, edited, orexpurgated them.The oldest texts are The Book of Poetry and The Book of History . TheBook of Poetry is a collection of 305 poems and songs. 14 Parts may dateback to early Zhou, while some poems may be as late as the Spring andAutumn period, that is from the tenth to the seventh centuries BCE. Thepoems include everything from praise of the early Zhou rulers to romanticlove poems. Some of the poems are thought to be criticisms of rulers,couched in folk poetry. The text was meant to be read aloud, “ chanted ”as Mencius says. It was memorized by upper - class men who used poeticalreferences from it when they spoke as a sign of their good breeding. Thesepoems were shared by the culture at large. Confucius taught this poetry andhis followers came to believe that the text was associated with his teaching.They believed that Confucius had selected each poem out of three thousandoriginal poems and that The Book of Poetry had been edited by him.The Book of History contains speeches and stories that claim to describethe history of events from the times of the sage - kings to the 600s BCE. 15

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 123The text ’ s descriptions of early periods are considered quite unreliable.Even Mencius doubted their truthfulness and said, “ It would be better ifthere had been no Book of History than to believe everything it says. ” 16While most of the early material it covers is considered unreliable, reliabilityimproves as it goes along. The Book of History does not just recounthistory, but describes a history that it understands as made up of morallessons. Like The Book of Poetry , there were a number of versions of TheBook of History circulating during the Warring States period. Confuciuswas said to have taught this text to his students, and it was believed thathe had written or edited it.During the Warring States period, each state kept its own annals. Thesewere histories of the activities and events in the state, set out by ruler andsubdivided into seasons. The Spring and Autumn Annals is a chronicle ofthe history of the state of Lu. Its full title is the Spring – Summer – Autumn –Winter Annals. In the city of Qufu, in the Confucian temple area, thereis a bench said to be the one on which Confucius wrote this text. TheSpring and Autumn Annals has traditionally received a great deal of attentionas Confucius is reputed to have said, “ If I am to gain recognitionit is because of my work on the Annals , if I am to be condemned it isbecause of my work on the Annals . ” Mencius confirms the importanceof the text by saying that when Confucius completed it, the Spring andAutumn Annals “ struck terror into the hearts of rebellious subjects andsons who did not do their duty. ” 17The difficulty with this is that there is very little in the way of moralteachings in the text and often it is, frankly, boring. For example, theentry describing the 22nd year of the rule of Duke Zhuang says, “ In histwenty - second year, in the spring, the Duke proclaimed a great amnesty.Our duchess Wen Jiang was buried in Guichou. The people of Chen killedtheir duke ’ s son, Yu Kou. It was summer, the fifth month. In the seventhmonth, autumn, in Bing Shen, the duke made a treaty with Gao Hou ofZe in Fang. In the winter, the Duke went to Ze with offerings of silk fora marriage contract. ” 18 Most of the text is like this. Not only do we notfind discussions of humanity and ritual, but the references the text makesto events and figures in other states are incomplete.For this reason the Spring and Autumn Annals is usually read with itscommentary, the Zuo Zhuan . A commentary is a book that explains, or inthe case of the Zuo Zhuan , expands on, another book. The Zuo Zhuan isa much more lively account of what was happening to various states andtheir leaders. For the passage from the Spring and Autumn Annals above,the Zuo Zhuan tells us that the reason the duke proclaimed a great amnestywas to atone for the very bad behavior of his mother before her burial. Italso tells us that it was not the people who killed Yu Kou, but a plot setup by Yu Kou ’ s father. The duke ’ s offer of a marriage contract, so soon

124 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin DynastyTrigrams above, hexagram belowFigure 8.1 Trigrams and hexagrams in the Book of Changesafter the death of his mother, was considered scandalous and the lady hebecame engaged to had as bad a reputation as his late mother. The ZuoZhuan commentary has been dated to the fourth century BCE and is thework of a number of authors.The Book of Changes or Yi Jing is a book of divination. You may bemore familiar with the title in the Wade – Giles version, the I Ching . 19 Yimeans “ change, ” and the text is meant to be a description of the processof change. One learns how to avoid misfortune and how to take advantageof opportunities in that process of change. Divination is based on twolines, solid ______ and broken ___ ___. These lines are arranged in groupsof three, trigrams, beginning with the two basic trigrams, one of which isthree solid lines, the other three broken lines. The solid and broken linescan be interchanged to make a total of eight trigrams. These eight trigramsare then multiplied by themselves to make up the final 64 hexagrams orsix - line symbols (see figure 8.1 ). Each of the 64 hexagrams is meant torepresent some point in a constant, regular, cycle of change or progressionin both the universe and human activity. 20

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 125The system of the basic eight trigrams was believed to have been inventedby the sage - king Fu Xi. The hexagram system was said to have been set upby King Wen, the Confucian hero and founder of the Zhou dynasty. The“ Ten Wings ” and commentaries and explanations of the text were said tohave been written by Confucius himself, but modern scholarship dates themto the early Han dynasty.These explanations contain a great deal of moral advice and discussion,so this may be why Confucius was associated with them. The Bookof Changes later became the basis for feng shui , the art of placement. It isstill widely used today in divination, where one ’ s situation in the process isdescribed and advice given about love, business, and the future.These texts existed in some form before Confucius, but, as you cansee, all of them were believed to have been connected to him. Confucius ’students, and those who followed them, believed that Confucius ’ thoughtcould be seen in the moral lessons in the historical, poetical, and divinationtexts that he had handled and taught. Modern scholarship has debunkedthese beliefs and rejects the traditional association of Confucius and thesetexts.Confucius taught his students the classical learning that included thethings that Confucius himself had learned as a boy and young man: poetry,history, literature, ritual, and music. It is after Confucius that these areasof learning become associated with texts, like The Book of History andThe Book of Poetry .There are two more texts mentioned in Zhuangzi ’ s description ofConfucius ’ “ classics. ” These are the Book of Rites and the Classic of Music .While Confucius certainly talked about ritual, the Book of Rites that wenow have is not a text he used. It was written after Confucius. 21 The textcontains everything from instructions for royal ceremonies to descriptionsof rules about the kind of wood that can be used in coffins, depending onone ’ s rank, to the ways in which wedding gifts should be exchanged. Sothere are parts that are more like manuals of rituals or instructions. Otherparts of the text have philosophical discussions and this is where we find agreat deal of material we can also find in the Xunzi . Two chapters of theBook of Rites would later go on to have a life of their own.The first of these chapters is The Great Learning , 22 a work traditionallyattributed to Confucius ’ grandson, Zi Si. It is a compact r é sum é ofConfucian ethical and political philosophy. The Great Learning presentsits arguments in “ chain arguments. ” Once it establishes one link, it leadsto another:Once things are investigated, knowledge is complete. Once knowledge iscomplete, thought is sincere. Once thought is sincere, the mind/heart is putstraight. When the mind/heart is put straight, the self is cultivated. When

126 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynastythe self is cultivated, families can be regulated. When families are regulated,the country is governed well. Once the country is governed well, the wholeworld is at peace.The basic idea is that we must begin with moral self - cultivation. We dothat by investigating things, extending knowledge, being sincere in ourthoughts, and rectifying the mind. Self - cultivation is the basis for a well -ordered family, a well - governed state and a harmonious world. The textsolidly links ethics and politics. Later Confucians would give this chaptersingular prominence (see chapter 11 ).The second chapter from the Book of Rites that will later gain prominenceis the Doctrine of the Mean . 23 It too was traditionally attributed toConfucius ’ grandson, Zi Si. It discusses the mean, the middle course. Thismean, or balance, is also the harmony of the universe, so the text is one ofthe few texts that deal with the transcendent.To have no emotions of pleasure and anger, sorrow or joy surging up is calledbeing in a state of balance/mean. To have these emotions surging up but allin due time is called being in a state of harmony. The state of balance is thesupreme foundation of the world and the state of harmony is its universalpath. Once balance and harmony are achieved, Heaven and Earth maintaintheir proper positions and all things are nourished.Balance is found in going beyond the emotions; harmony in controllingthe emotions. The human state of balance or harmony resonates with theuniverse.We also find a discussion of the virtue of sincerity, which is brought tothe forefront in the Doctrine of the Mean . This virtue has been describedas having no distinction between what is internal to oneself and what onedoes. In this way we are completely without self - interest. Here sincerity isexpanded to mean that one loses the distinction between what is oneselfand what is other:Sincerity is the Way of Heaven, to become sincere is the Way of human beings.To be sincere is to hit the balance without effort, to possess it without theprocesses of thought, and to be centered in the Way with a natural ease – thisis to be a sage. To be sincere is to choose the good and hold to it.The Doctrine of the Mean will be used by later Confucians to give a transcendentelement to their interpretation of Confucius ’ thought.What is missing is the Yue Jing , the Classic of Music . There are referencesto it in Warring States texts like the Xunzi and the Zhuangzi . There was aYue Jing , a Classic of Music , in the Han dynasty and this was understoodby later Confucians to be the Classic of Music . However, this text cannot be

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 127the Classic of Music referred to in the Warring States period. In 136 BCE,the Han emperor Wu set up five seats of learning in the imperial academyfor the study of the classics, but these did not include a seat for music. Therewas no Yue Jing until the reign of Wang Mang (8 – 23 CE) who had a YueJing written. As a usurper of the throne, his aim was to legitimize his ruleand, like the Duke of Zhou, “ establish the rites and set up music. ” So thetext from the Han is not the real Classic of Music .We do, however, have chapters in various texts that are devoted tophilosophical discussions of music. The first is the Yue Lun , the Discussionof Music , a chapter found in the Xunzi . Much of the Discussion of Musicfrom the Xunzi is quoted verbatim in the Yue Ji , the Record of Music , nowa chapter in the Book of Rites . The third source is found in the Shi Ji andis the Yue Ben , the Book of Music . It repeats the Record of Music . Thefinal source is sections on music in the Lu Shi Chun Qiu compiled about240 BCE. A pre - Qin encyclopedic work, it is traditionally said to havebeen written by scholars of the Confucian, Mohist, and Daoist schools forLu Buwei (d.235 BCE). 24 What remains unknown is whether any of thesechapters were what was referred to as the Classic of Music in the WarringStates period, or if that Warring States text has vanished.During the Warring States era, various Confucian groups studied thegroup of texts, many of which, as we shall see, would come to form theConfucian canon. They also wrote texts. After the death of Confucius, wehave the Analects ; after the death of Mencius, we have the Mencius ; whileXunzi may have written much of the Xunzi , it was compiled in its presentform after his death. Confucians also wrote the Classic of Filial Piety ,which describes the central Confucian virtue of filial piety (see chapter 2 ).It is a very short work that shows Confucius in conversation with one ofhis students on the topic of filial piety. The text is thought to be linked toa chapter in the Book of Rites , and may have been composed before 239BCE because passages from it appear in the Lu Shi Chunqiu, a text fromthat date. 25 Confucians also wrote the Book of Rites and included muchof Xunzi ’ s thought. Others extended and commented on other texts likethe Zuo Zhuan commentary for the Spring and Autumn Annals . Somecommentary from various groups may have been incorporated into textslike The Book of History along with their interpretations of Confucius ’teachings.Throughout history, some of these texts, and the pictures that theypresent of Confucius, have been preferred to others. From the WarringStates era on, various scholars have, at various times, emphasized certaintexts as representative of Confucius and his thought. The Han dynastyestablished what are called the “ Five Classics, ” The Book of History , TheBook of Poetry , the Spring and Autumn Annals , the Book of Rites , andthe Book of Changes . In the Middle Ages, Confucians chose “ The Four

128 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin DynastyBooks ” – the Analects , the Mencius , the Great Learning , and the Doctrineof the Mean – as the most representative of Confucius ’ teachings. Textshave been preferred or neglected depending on how Confucius ’ thoughthas been interpreted.The First Emperor and the Reunification of ChinaIn the past the empire was fragmented and in confusion. … Now your Majestyhas unified all under heaven … yet these adherents of private theories bandtogether to criticize the laws and directives … each one proceeds to discuss itin light of his private theories. At court they disapprove in their hearts; outsidethey debate on the street. They hold it a mark of fame to criticize the ruler,regard it as lofty to take a dissenting stance. … I request that all writings,The Book of Poetry , The Book of History , and all the sayings of the hundredschools of philosophy be discarded and done away with. 26The state of Qin, located in the west of Warring States China, had alwaysbeen considered semi - barbaric, backward, and uncouth by people in thecentral states. In 361 BCE, the duke of the state of Qin hired Shang Yang,who put into practice his ideas about government (see chapter 5 ). The resultwas a strong, centralized government where noble families had little power.In a change that ended the old feudal system, taxes were paid directly tothe ruler. Government was based on the military model and military leadershad, in many cases, risen through the ranks – following Shang Yang ’ s ideaof rewarding meritorious service. While the army was strong, taxes werehigh to maintain it. In Legalist fashion, people were encouraged to spy onone another, a legal code was established, and the laws were harsh andstrictly enforced. Families were divided into groups of five or ten and eachgroup was responsible for the behavior of the individuals in it: if one brokethe law, they were all punished. 27One difficulty that Legalists found with Legalist thought, when put intopractice, was that it made life uncertain for everyone, but especially forthose at the top. People were concerned only with power and their ownself - interest, intrigue and plots were common, and many of Qin ’ s top officials,or those who wanted to be, died early and often gruesomely. Whenthe Duke of Qin, who had hired Shang Yang, died, Shang Yang was killedby assassins employed by the new duke. Li Si, one of Xunzi ’ s students, tookover as prime minister and was likely the source of the orders to kill hisfellow student, Han Feizi, when he visited Qin in 233 BCE. 28In the decade from 230 to 221 BCE, Qin conquered the last of itsenemies, the states of Han, Zhao, Wei, Chu, Yan, and Qi. Some of thestates in the central region had belatedly formed an alliance against Qinand sent assassins to try to kill the ruler of Qin. Following the Strategists ’

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 129advice, Qin used bribery, assassins, and terror: they are reported to haveonce butchered an enemy army of, so it is said, 100,000 men who hadsurrendered. The aim was to terrify any enemy soldiers facing them in thenext battle. The state of Qin finally conquered all of the China of the timein 221 BCE.The ruler of the state of Qin was now the ruler of all of China and calledhimself “ The First Emperor. ” 29 The same rules and Legalist philosophy ofgovernment that had governed Qin now governed all of China. Li Si continuedas prime minister and devoted himself to centralizing government ashe had in Qin. The old system where the nobility were given land in returnfor loyalty was rejected. Instead the territory was divided and governed byofficials appointed by the central government. Civil and military authoritywere divided and both were controlled by the emperor. This system laidthe foundation for the imperial period to come.Now that one government ruled a unified country, weights and measures,which had been different in each small state, were made uniform. Similarlythe writing system, which had many regional variants, was standardized.Even the size of carts was made uniform so that the tracks in mud roadswould be the same for all.Weapons were gathered from all over the country and wealthy, noblefamilies were moved to the neighborhood of the capital so that the governmentcould keep an eye on them. Spying and denunciation were encouraged.The First Emperor joined together the many walls along the borders ofnorthern states to begin what would become the Great Wall of China. 30He also had a number of palaces built, along with an enormous tomb.Westerners know the First Emperor best through the discovery in 1974 ofthe thousands of terracotta soldiers that guard this tomb. The rows androws of infantry, cavalry, archers, and generals, all made of clay, are consideredone of the greatest archaeological finds of the twentieth century.All of this was expensive. Taxes were high and the walls and the palaceswere built with forced labor. As the First Emperor expanded his territory,people were deported to these new areas.Han dynasty historians hated the First Emperor and accused him ofexecuting anyone who criticized him or his government. They also saidthat in 213 BCE the First Emperor ordered that all books, except those onmedicine, divination, and agriculture, should be burned. Han Feizi was ofthe opinion that books are not good for the state because they encourageopinions; Li Si ’ s rejected texts might glorify the past and use that past tocriticize the present. Given this, the order to destroy books is not out ofline with the First Emperor ’ s thought. There are wonderful stories of bravescholars facing death rather than giving up their books and families thathid their texts in walls and roof thatch. 31 Over 400 scholars approached theemperor and appealed to him to save the books. It has always been thought

130 Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin DynastyFigure 8.2 Wall where, it is said, the classics were hidden from the First Emperorthat most of these scholars would have been Confucians, as they were mostclosely tied to the texts. The First Emperor had the scholars buried alivein a pit and has been known ever since, in the Chinese phrase, as the onewho “ burned the books and buried the scholars. ”This is a tremendous story, pitting the forces of culture and knowledgeagainst the despotic power of ignorance. However, it is likely just a story.We now know that there were scholars of the classics appointed to theFirst Emperor ’ s court as experts in The Book of Poetry and The Book ofHistory . None of the texts used at court were subject to this ban. The realdamage to the transmission of texts was when the Qin capital fell and theimperial library was burned. 32The First Emperor had reason to fear for his life: there were a numberof assassination attempts. Because of this, and in line with the Legalistnotion that the emperor should be unknown and mysterious, he was forcedto travel secretly and to take a number of security precautions. The FirstEmperor did tour the country, ensuring that his orders were being carriedout, and to search for immortality. He was convinced, as were many of histime, that by finding special foods or drinks he could become immortal. In

Confucians, “Confucian” Texts, the Qin Dynasty 131the 11th year of his rule, while following up a report of a marvelous seacreature whose flesh could ensure immortality, the First Emperor died at theage of 49. Far away from the capital, his death was kept a secret by fillinghis carriage with salted fish so that the smell from his decaying body couldnot be identified. So it was that the First Emperor of China returned to hiscapital to be buried just outside of the present - day city of Xian. Li Si, stillprime minister, engineered a coup against the First Emperor ’ s oldest sonand had another son crowned as his father ’ s successor. This son, in turn,had Li Si executed. 33 Three years of civil war followed with the enemies ofthe Qin rulers breaking into the First Emperor ’ s tomb and stealing weaponsfrom the terracotta warrior statues that were meant to protect the FirstEmperor in the afterlife.The Qin dynasty, which the First Emperor had proclaimed would lastfor ten thousand years, ended with the establishment of the Han dynasty in207 BCE, a mere 14 years after it had been established. The Qin dynasty ’ slasting success was in setting up many of the institutions that were used forthe next two thousand years in imperial China.

9The Han Dynasty,206 BCE – 220 CE 1History and DevelopmentThere were a number of rebellions against the Qin dynasty after the death ofthe First Emperor. Liu Bang, who began as a farmer, was one of the rebels,and he led forces that captured the Qin capital, Xianyang, in 206 BCE.During the civil war, when Liu Bang was fighting against Xiang Yu forcontrol of China, Liu Bang ’ s armies encircled the capital of the old stateof Lu. In the city, Confucians, many of whom had supported Xiang Yu,carried on discussions, chanted poetry, and performed music. In a showof courage and defiance, they ignored the imminent attack from the leaderthey had not supported and “ the sounds of their playing and singing didnot cease. ” 2 Liu Bang went on to establish the Han dynasty as its firstemperor, Gaozu.The Han dynasty lasted for four hundred years and was roughly contemporarywith the Roman Empire in the West. It was, in general, a verysuccessful dynasty, expanding its territory both north and south to includemuch of what we think of as China today. Iron tools and weapons weremass - produced in factories. Han military successes were aided by the useof the crossbow, not seen in Europe till the 900s. The government encouragedsettlement in the newly opened north and northwest by tax breaksand grants. Improvements in food production, 3 which had begun duringthe Warring States era, meant that there was a surplus of food produced byfarmers who often owned their own land. The government sponsored irrigationprojects and the building of roads, bridges, and dams. The result wasa strong internal economy. Foreign trade boomed too: by the first centuryBCE, silk and other goods were being sold along the “ Silk Road ” to thewest, to India, to what is now the Middle East, and beyond, as far as Rome.There were other technological advances. Horse harnesses were changedto put the pressure on the horse ’ s chest, not its windpipe, to make it

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 133easier for a horse to pull greater loads. The wheelbarrow was invented.Astronomers calculated the orbits of the sun, moon, and planets, the pathof meteors, and the occurrence of eclipses. The Han dynasty had accuratewater clocks, used paper, and calculated the value of pi . 4Liu Bang, the Gaozu Emperor, had no reason to admire Confucians,but he did have a government to run. He imitated the Qin bureaucracyand set up a system like the Qin dynasty ’ s, with senior and junior ministerseach having his own ministry and clear responsibilities. An edict in196 BCE to bring “ men of merit ” into the government is often marked asthe beginning of Confucian influence in government. Fifty years later, thegovernment prohibited men who had studied Legalist texts from takingoffice. In 136 BCE, the government established five seats of learning forexperts in five texts: the books of Poetry , History , Ritual , and Changes ,and the Spring and Autumn Annals . By 124, Emperor Wu had establishedan academy where students could study the classics and were examinedon them; if the student passed the examination, he would be eligible forgovernment employment. The numbers of students at this academy grewdramatically: it began with 50 and by 144 CE had, it is said, 30,000students. 5 This did not immediately end hereditary posts held by nobles,but it began the process.Traditionally, it has been thought that the establishment of seats of learningfor each classic in the government - sponsored academy was the “ triumphof Confucianism. ” Those trained in the Confucian classics became, byvirtue of this training, the political elite, bringing philosophy and moralityto the institutions of government. Instead of being merely one voice amongmany in the Warring States era, from the Han dynasty on Confucianismbecomes the single dominant voice, and this continues throughout Chinesehistory up to the 1900s.Things are, unfortunately, never this clear - cut. Throughout the Han,thinkers educated in the classics were mostly ignored and occasionallythreatened with execution. Among the Confucians, there was littleagreement about what constituted a Confucian orthodoxy or the correctway to interpret the classics, as we shall see shortly. Finally, scholarswere not, by any means, all Confucians. Despite their one year ’ s studyat the imperial academy, many thinkers were advocating everything fromLegalism to immortality techniques. Confucianism does not seem to havehad much impact on either government or society until very late in theHan dynasty.While the Han dynasty cannot be seen as an obvious triumph forConfucianism, still, the establishment of the academy and the elevationof the Five Classics did allow for the Confucian appropriation of the classicsand for vigorous activity among scholars that laid the foundations fordevelopments in the Confucian tradition throughout the imperial period. 6

134 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEThe Classics in the HanWhatever the truth about the First Emperor ’ s orders to destroy books, bythe time of the Han scholars believed that the textual tradition had beenbroken. They thought that the texts they had were incomplete and so theirfocus was on restoring, preserving, and interpreting these texts. Sima Tan(d.110 BCE) and his son, Sima Qian (145 – c .86 BCE), wrote the Shi Ji , theRecords of the Historian , a history meant to restore what had been lost inthe Qin. Liu Xiang (79 – 78 BCE) and his son, Liu Xin (46 BCE – 23 CE),imperial librarians, rewrote the texts in the imperial library into the standardcharacters of the time. They took the material they had and divided itinto books, further subdividing these books into chapters. They also deletedsome material. The result was the form of the texts that we use today. 7Confucians of the Han dynasty should be seen less as a school than asscholars of the classics. They saw themselves as interpreters of the FiveClassics, and these five classics were problematic. The Spring and AutumnAnnals is a prime example of their problems. Confucius had said that hisreputation stood on the text. But, as we have seen, the text consists of tersenotes of events in the state of Lu. During the Warring States period theZuo Zhuan was written as a commentary on it. By the time of the Han,Confucian scholars were left with a cryptic classic, the Annals , and itscommentary, the Zuo Zhuan , neither of which seemed to reflect Confucius ’teachings very much. How could this be?The New Text SchoolIn the Han dynasty, Confucians disagreed about what versions of the classicsto use and how to understand them. The dominant group is called the“ New Text ” School. Their name is based on their use of the new style ofwriting begun in the Qin and used by the Han. Their versions of the classicswere written in that style, they used the yin - yang and five phases theoriesto interpret the classics, and they understood Confucius to be a very specialkind of person. The New Text School ’ s was the dominant interpretation ofthe five classics in the Han dynasty.The most well known of the New Text scholars is Dong Zhongshu( c .179 – 104 BCE). His thought is systematized in the marvelously named textThe Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals . 8 Dong Zhongshu ’ sinterpretation was based on two theories that we find throughout the NewText School: the yin - yang theory and the five phases theory. These theorieswere used by the New Text School to find the hidden meanings in the classics,especially in the more obscure texts like the Spring and Autumn Annals .

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 135Figure 9.1 Yin - yang symbolThe Yin - Yang TheoryReferences to yin and yang can be found in the Warring States era. 9 “ Yin ”originally meant “ shade ” as in the shady side of a hill; “ yang ” originallymeant “ sunshine, ” as in the sunny side of a hill. These meanings wereextended to include ideas like cold and dark, hot and light. The yin - yangtheory began as an observation about the seasons and yin or yang wasassigned to them. So in the spring, yang begins to grow, while yin declines;yang grows until it reaches its height in the longest, hottest days of summer.Then yang begins to decline in the autumn, while yin grows and the daysbecome shorter, the weather cooler. Yin continues to increase until thecoldest, shortest, darkest days of winter. Yin reaches its height and thenbegins its decline as yang begins to grow, moving us again to spring. Yinand yang work in a continuing cycle.The yin - yang system can also be applied to the cycle of day and night:yang reaches its height at midday with the highest point of the sun andbegins its decline as yin increases. Yin reaches its high point with the darkesttime of the night, then begins its decline, and so on. Westerners are usuallyfamiliar with the yin - yang symbol (figure 9.1 ). 10As neither yin nor yang dominates the other, but ebbs and flows inconcert with it, the yin - yang system has been seen as “ complementary. ”This means that, unlike a dualist system of opposites, where good fightsevil, for example, yin and yang may be opposites, but they complementeach other rather than conflict with one another.

136 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEHan dynasty scholars were very much taken by the yin - yang theory. Withit, and the five phases theory, which we will look at next, they believedthey had found the secret to the ways in which everything in the universeworked. As a result we have a number of texts describing the yin - yangtheory and categorizing everything as yin or as yang. The rule of categorizationwas “ likeness. ” This means that yang is hot, so is the sun, so the sun isalso yang. Similarly, yin is cool, so is snow, so snow is yin. Elaborate listswere developed dividing all sorts of things into the categories of yin or yang.Yangheavenrounddaybig statesrulersuperiors/abovemanfatherolder brothernoblebroad - mindedgivingactivehotstraightbirthfullYinearthsquarenightsmall statesministerinferiors/belowwomansonyounger brotherbasenarrow - mindedreceivingpassivecoldcurveddeathemptyBy understanding which item is yin and which is yang, it should be possibleto figure out how things work and how they work together. Humanbeings can either follow the proper order and measure of yin and yangor run counter to them. If we act against the cycle of yin and yang anddisrupt its balance, we can, for example, become ill. Illness is the imbalanceof yin and yang in the body. The idea that we must all move with theuniversal actions of yin and yang is the reason that many of the yin - yangtexts are concerned about the actions of the ruler, the representative ofall human beings, whose actions, emotions, rituals, dress, and food mustfollow the proper measure appropriate to the movements of yin and yang.For example, rulers who go to war and bring death during the season ofyang, life and growth, are running contrary to the natural balance of thingsand will pay the price. Should the ruler not follow yin and yang properly,the seasons could be disrupted, the harvests fail, or the state be lost. Theyin - yang theorists often argued that it was extravagance and imbalance that

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 137ruined states and that the ruler should restrain himself and act accordingto the universal yin and yang.Yin - yang theorists believed they had discovered a universal system thatexplained how all things worked and provided a blueprint for the bestactions of the individual and the state. Following this blueprint would leadto balance, harmony, and success; working against it would lead to illness,famine, social chaos, and the loss of civilization.The yin - yang theory has some serious problems, of course. First itassumes that “ like moves like ” and so the reason we feel sleepy on arainy day is that the yin in the rain evokes the yin in us. It is true thatwe often feel sleepy on a rainy day, but it is not because of the yin inthe weather evoking yin feelings of sleepiness in us; going to war in thesummer takes farmers away from their work and tramples crops and so itmay be unsuccessful, quite aside from anything to do with the workingsof yin and yang. Second, many of the pairs of opposites in the yin - yangsystem do not work in the same way that yin as winter and yang assummer work. So, for example, a government minister does not increaseto his height and then decline in relation to a ruler who also increasesand declines. Many of the pairs of opposites are not opposites in the samecyclical way that summer and winter are. Third, as you can see from thelist there is a preference for yang, something the yin - yang texts openlyadmit. Things that are more affirmative or appreciated have ended up inthe yang column: broad - minded, noble, active, and birth for example.Finally, assigning gender in the way that the yin - yang texts do is problematic.Male is yang: “ Spring [plays the role of] father and gives birthto things; summer [plays the role of] son and nurtures them. ” 11 In theyin - yang system, if nowhere else, the statement “ yang is male and givesbirth ” makes sense. Yang is heaven, heaven gives birth to things in theyang seasons; yang grows in spring and reaches its height in summer, cropsgrow in spring and reach their height in summer. 12QiThe yin - yang texts talk a great deal about “ qi , ” saying things like, it is theyang qi that grows in the spring. There is no good English equivalent forthe Chinese word qi . It has been translated in many ways, as “ air, ” “ vitalspirit, ” “ energy, ” “ ether, ” and so on. You will find today many Westernersusing the word, often incorrectly, with no clear idea of what it means. 13Early in Chinese texts, qi was used to describe a person ’ s character, todescribe emotions, or to describe the atmosphere of a place, and it is stillused that way in words in modern Chinese. Later theories about qi becamemore elaborate. It was argued that qi makes up all things and comes in

138 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEvarious forms. Scholars called it “ heavy ” or “ light ” qi . In its lighter forms,qi can be air, light, electricity, or energy; qi in its heavier forms makes upthings like the earth, a desk, or objects perceivable by the senses. An object,like a desk, may look inert, but it is qi , just qi moving very slowly. Humanbeings are made up of qi in many forms: heavy qi forms the bones, slightlyless heavy qi is the flesh, qi in its liquid state is the blood and fluids of thebody, qi is the character and emotions of a person, and qi as sheer energyanimates us as a living person.The New Text scholars argued that, given that qi is found in the universeand in human beings, it is what connects everything. Human government,human life, and human health are all based on the same processes thateverything else in the universe is based on. So when the yin of a rainy dayevokes the yin in a person to cause sleepiness, it is the yin qi of the universereacting with the yin qi of the human being that makes this happen.Taking this further, Dong Zhongshu argues that the qi , the energy andemotions found in human beings, are also found in Heaven, the workingsof the universe itself. Human emotions are influenced by the actions ofHeaven, and Heaven, in turn, is influenced by human actions and emotions.All things share the same qi and this is the way the microcosm – humanbeings – and the macrocosm – Heaven – interact.The New Text scholars see Heaven as both anthropomorphic, actinglike a human being, and as a natural process, but do not discuss how thisworks. 14 They do, however, talk about Heaven and Earth (nature, theuniverse) and human beings as forming a triad. In this triad, the actions ofone part affect the actions of another. They say,Heaven, earth, and human beings are the origin of all things. Heaven givesbirth to everything; earth nourishes everything and human beings perfectthem. Heaven gives birth by providing filial piety and respect for elders; earthnourishes by providing clothing and food; human beings perfect everythingthrough ritual and music. These three are like hands and feet that cometogether to form a body – no one part can be dispensed with. 15In this cosmic triangle, human beings, Heaven, and earth all work together.Matched with Heaven and Earth, human beings hold an exalted place increation. The Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals says,The essence of Heaven and Earth gives birth to all things and none is morenoble than human beings. Human beings receive the choice of Heaven andthis is what elevates human beings above all creatures. Other creatures areincapable of practicing humanity and rightness, only human beings can. Othercreatures are incapable of matching themselves with Heaven and Earth, onlyhuman beings can.

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 139The passage continues with some fantastical comparisons of the humanbody to the sun and moon and other natural phenomena and concludes bysaying that human beings have a “ mind/heart that expresses sadness, happiness,joy, and anger – the same class of feelings as the spirit - like feelingsof Heaven. ” 16It is the responsibility of human beings, in particular of the ruler, tomake sure that actions and emotions match the cycles of Heaven andearth. The ruler has the choice of Heaven and is the Son of Heaven. As therepresentative of human beings, the ruler ’ s moods and actions are reflectedin the moods and actions of Heaven. So, for example, the ruler must notbe angry or carry out executions in the spring as this works against thegrowing yang of Heaven. If the ruler runs counter to the cycles of Heaven,Heaven will send signs and omens like floods, famines, or three - headedcalves to show its displeasure.The Five Phases 17The New Text school used a second theory in concert with the yin - yangtheory to map the movements of human beings and the universe. This is thefive phases theory, which is based on five basic elements that move fromone phase to another. These are wood, fire, metal, water, and earth. Eachpresides over a season, changing, as yin and yang do, from growth to decayin the cycle of a year. They fit with the movements of yin and yang. Woodovercomes earth, metal overcomes wood, fire overcomes metal, water overcomesfire. Like the yin and the yang, the five phases move through a cycle:wood east green growing yangfire south red full yangmetal west white growing yinwater north black full yinearth center yellow 18The five phases correspond to five colors, the five notes of the pentatonicscale, five organs of the human body (liver, heart, spleen, kidneys, andlungs), five tastes (sweet, salty, bitter, spicy, and sour), and so on. Lookingback in history, each dynasty was assigned one of the phases, along witha color, direction, and so on. As one dynasty fell to another, this wasexplained by the movement from one phase to another.Just as the ruler had to reflect the movements of yin and yang, so toowas he required to align himself with the movements of the five phases.The colors of the clothes he wore, the food that he ate, the direction of thepalace rooms he lived in were all set out according to yin, yang, and the

140 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEfive phases. If the ruler did not follow these minute directions, the forcesof nature would be confounded; famine, floods, and the loss of the statewould follow. The yin - yang and five phases theories could be applied tomany things: government, history, or medicine. They also provided the keyto unlocking the real meaning of texts like the Spring and Autumn Annals .The Status of ConfuciusDuring the Han dynasty, Confucius came to be seen as something more thanjust an ordinary person who tried to work out solutions to the problemsof his time. Confucius began to be called the “ uncrowned king. ” 19 Thethinking behind this title was that Confucius did indeed possess the choiceof Heaven, even though he did not unify China and become its sole ruler.The jealous machinations of those who envied and feared him, along withthe simple stupidity of those who did not understand him, kept Confuciusfrom achieving his political goals.Confucius ’ biography was expanded. In the Records of the HistorianConfucius is no longer just a minor bureaucrat and little - known teacher.According to Sima Qian, Confucius held positions in the state of Lu, beginningas the police commissioner and moving up to the senior minister levels,first as the Minister of Public Works and then as the Minister of Justice,finally becoming the Chief Minister of the state of Lu. 20During the Han dynasty many of the pious stories about Confuciusappeared, which included his miraculous birth and his supernatural powers.Even descriptions of his appearance were magnified to make him look morelike the typical sage - king. 21Confucius did not exactly become a god, but certainly he was understoodas someone with more power and a higher status than ordinary people.The Old Text SchoolCountering the scholars of the New Text School were those of the, predictablynamed, Old Text School. The first difference between them was thetexts that they used. The Old Text scholars used texts that were supposedlyconcealed during Qin and had been rediscovered; these texts were written inthe older form of writing. The more general grounds of disagreement werethe use of the yin - yang and five phases theories, the growing dependenceon divination texts, and the view that Confucius was a semi - divine person.While there are still disputes about whether the New or Old Text versionsare the “ real ” texts, gradually the Old Text versions won out. By the 900sthey were in general use, and they are the ones we read today. However,

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 141the issue was never as much about the texts themselves as about the commentaries,the interpretations of the texts. Scholars knew what Confuciushad taught, the debates were over what that meant.The leading scholar of the Old Text school is Wang Chong (27 – 97). 22 Herejected what he saw as the “ superstition ” of the New Text School, arguingagainst most of the popular scholarship and beliefs of his time.Wang Chong says that qi is natural and spontaneous; it has no purposeand no emotions. Qi , like the Dao of the philosophical Daoists, doesnot intend anything towards us. While it is certainly true that humanbeings are made from the same qi as the universe, all that this meansis that we are alike; it does not mean we are connected. Dong Zhongshuhad written thatSpring has the qi of happiness and thus gives birth; fall has the qi of anger,and thus things die off; summer has the qi of joy, and thus nourishes things;winter has the qi of sadness, and thus things are hidden. The four seasonsare in the same unity as are heaven and human beings. 23This connection between the workings of Heaven and human beings isrejected by Wang Chong. He replies,The way of heaven is to not have any intention. Therefore, spring does notgive birth to things; summer does not grow them; autumn does not ripenthem; winter does not hide them away. The yang qi comes out spontaneouslyand things are born and mature; the yin qi rises spontaneously and things areripened and hidden away. 24The world works as it works. It does not act for our benefit. We can takeadvantage of spring planting and autumn harvest, but they are not purposefullyprovided for us. Heaven, the universe, and qi act naturally andspontaneously, and have no aim. There is no special unity among Heaven,earth, and human beings. The world is here for us to use. It is not herebecause it wants to help us:Heaven gives birth to all creatures everywhere. Some creatures are hungryfor grain and, feeling the cold, need clothing; therefore, people eat grain andwear clothes. Heaven did not produce the five grains and silk and hemp justso people could eat them or wear them, nor are calamities sent down topunish people. Things are spontaneously produced and people wear themor eat them. 25The reason that human beings cannot affect what Heaven does by ourmoods or behavior is that Heaven, the universe, is simply the natural workingsof qi . Criticizing the New Text scholars, Wang Chong says,

142 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEWhen discussing heat and cold, people say that when the ruler is happy, thereis warmth, and when he is angry, there is cold. How is this supposed to work?Happiness and anger, they say, develop inside the ruler and are expressed onthe outside in the form of rewards and punishments. With these widespreadexpressions of happiness, anger, reward and punishments, they can, in theextreme, cause things to wither and do harm to people. …The Way of Heaven is spontaneity and spontaneity means it does not actwith any ego or intention. It may be that, when people perform divination,this matches with human events, but this is only by chance. To see thesethings as heaven responding to the actions of human beings is to deny thespontaneity of heaven. 26As Heaven just flows on its course, no behavior, good or bad, from rulersor any human being has any effect on what it does. Heaven does not sendus omens to warn us about our behavior; it does not care. If there arefloods and famines, they are natural events; they are not meant to warn usof faults in individual or government behavior. The New Text School iswrong in its application of yin - yang and five phases theories. It does notmatter what color clothing the emperor wears, what palace rooms he livesin, what he eats, and when he orders executions. What matters is that hegovern properly.Human beings have no special place in the universe. Like other animalsor like plants, we are made of qi , we live in a world of qi , but we haveno special status in a triad of Heaven, earth, and human beings. Humanbeings have no way to influence Heaven. Wang Chong argues that a fleamay live under a jacket. However, that flea cannot influence the thoughtsand activities of the person wearing the jacket. So, too, human beingscannot influence the workings of the universe. To think that human beingshold such an exalted status is to not understand how the world works. 27The New Text scholars are wrong in thinking that Heaven and earth givebirth to human beings on purpose: human beings are born just as all othercreatures are born. There is nothing special about us.Another fad of the time, the search for immortality, also came underWang Chong ’ s fire. He attacked the whole idea of immortality, saying thatit is natural for human beings to die. Animals all die; what would makehuman beings so special that they could somehow avoid death? When weare born, our qi comes together; when we die, our qi comes apart. Thisis a natural process that cannot be avoided. Similarly, the idea of ghostsmakes no sense. Many, many people have died, Wang Chong said, so whydo we not see millions of ghosts? Why do we not see ghost birds, ghostants, and ghost fish? What makes human beings so special that there arehuman ghosts and not mouse ghosts? Finally, ghosts are always reportedto be clothed. Where do their clothes come from? Can they buy them inghost stores?

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 143For Wang Chong we live in a world of nature that is like us; we arepart of it, but nature does not concern itself with human beings. Humanbeings have no elevated status in the universe; we are just like all the otheranimals. Wang Chong did not argue against the yin - yang and five phasestheories in themselves; they had become part of the fabric of the culture. Hedid reject the New Text School ’ s use of these theories to elevate the statusof human beings, to think that we live in a universe that cares about us,and to create a system that they thought explained everything.Other Confucian Texts in the Han DynastyIn addition to the commentaries and texts generated by the New andOld Text Schools, other scholars were writing other kinds of texts. One,the Biographies of Women , was a tribute to extraordinary women, likeMencius ’ mother, written by Liu Xiang ( c .80 – 7 BCE). 28 The women LiuXiang chose were almost always women who respected their parents andtheir husbands while caring for the children and the family as a whole.One theme that began in these biographies that we will see more of is theidea that, once widowed, a virtuous woman will not remarry. She shouldremain loyal to her husband ’ s memory and to her husband ’ s family thatshe has married into. In the biographies, virtuous women who were forcedinto remarriage committed suicide rather than compromising their loyalty.The same sorts of themes can be found in Admonitions for Women by BanZhao ( c .45 – 51 — c .114 – 20 CE). Sister to a famous historian, Ban Zhao wasa well - educated woman who completed her brother ’ s history. She arguedthat in order to be virtuous, women must be chaste in all ways and obedientto their parents and husbands. However, women should be encouraged todevelop as moral beings and be educated in order to cultivate this morality.This would allow women to nurture their children and provide a goodmodel for them.The second kind of book that became very popular and influential bythe end of the Han dynasty and far beyond was collections of stories aboutsons and daughters who were fine examples of filial piety.For much of the Han dynasty, families were small, usually consistingof four or five people related in the sort of nuclear family we are used tonow. As the Han dynasty began to decline, families that could afford to doso banded together for protection and economic strength. The families ofthe elite became extended families, including brothers and their wives andchildren. The tensions in these large families were usually between brotherswho wanted to go their own way outside of the control of their father, andwho wanted their share of the family fortune to do so. The senior malesin these large families needed some way to maintain their control of the

144 The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CEfamily. To do this, they found the ideas of filial piety very useful. Just as aminister is loyal to a ruler, so, too, a child must be loyal to parents; just asa servant must be obedient to a master, so, too, a child must be obedient toparents. The ideas of filial piety coming out of the Confucian tradition andthe yin - yang theory ’ s paired opposites fit into this very well. Loyalty andobedience on the part of children were as natural as the movement fromspring to summer and just as ordained by Heaven. 29 A common motif inthese stories was the filial child, who, when his parent was very ill, wouldslice off a part of his flesh in order to make a medicine to cure them. It wasconsidered a sovereign remedy.An example of these filial piety stories is one about Han Boyu, whowould grow up to become one of Confucius ’ students.Han Boyu made a mistake. His mother beat him. When he began weeping,she said, “ On other days I have beaten you, you have never wept. Why doyou weep today? ” He answered, “ On other days when I have committed anerror, your beating always hurt, but today, because of your failing strength,you are no longer able to cause me pain. This is the reason I weep. ”Therefore it is said, “ The highest form of conduct is that, when yourparents become angry, resentment does not even register in your thoughts,nor does it show in your appearance. Also you deeply accept your guilt to theextent that it causes your parents to feel sorry for you. The medium form ofconduct is that, when your parents become angry, resentment does not evenregister in your thoughts, nor does it show in your appearance. The lowestform of conduct is that, when your parents become angry, resentment registersin your thoughts and shows in your appearance. ” 30As Keith Knapp points out, Confucian notions of filial piety allowedthe primary male to have authority over the children, no matter what age,and Confucian rituals made for a formalized relationship between parentand child in which the parent held the authority. The result was a familyhierarchy based on generation, age, and gender. The Confucian traditiondid not invent large patriarchal families; instead, large patriarchal familiesneeded certain Confucian ideas to be able to function. 31SummaryThe political and economic success of the Han dynasty meant that Chinawas a stable and unified country. The status of Confucian texts and ideasbegan to rise with the establishment of five seats of learning in the fiveConfucian classics and an academy for the study of these classics.Dong Zhongshu of the New Text School believed he had found thekey to understanding Confucius ’ thought and texts in the yin - yang and

The Han Dynasty, 206 BCE–220 CE 145five phases theories. Both of these theories reflect a dependable cycle thatworks with everything from the universe to human beings. Basic to NewText School thought is the idea that qi is shared by the universe and humanbeings. Heaven ’ s moods and actions are reflected in human beings; humanactions and moods are reflected in Heaven because we all share the sameqi . The ruler represents all human beings and so is subject to minute regulationsin order to ensure that he will at all times follow the yin - yang and fivephases cycles. In the view of the New Text School, Confucius has a specialstatus beyond that of all other people. Confucius was the “ uncrowned king ”of his time. It is during the Han that we find more supernatural storiesabout Confucius ’ life.The opponents of the New Text School, the Old Text School, held thatthe overuse of yin - yang and five phases theories had led to “ superstition. ”Wang Chong argued that, while all things in the universe do indeed sharethe same qi , this qi is natural and spontaneous and does not pay any attentionto the wishes and actions of human beings. We live in a natural worldand we cannot influence it through our actions or our emotions.During the Han we see the beginnings of biographies of virtuous women– something we will see more of as we go on. By the end of the Han wealso see the beginning of the popularity of stories about filial piety. It isthese tales of filial piety, not scholarly debates, that will bring Confucianismthrough to the Middle Ages.

10From the Han to the TangDynasties, 220 – 907 CEAfter the fall of the Han dynasty in 220 CE China was torn apart byrival kingdoms and invasions by peoples from the north and northwest.For almost four hundred years, there was no unifying Chinese dynastythat lasted for very long and fitful peace was all that anyone could hopefor. Finally, in 589, the Sui dynasty unified China under Han Chineserule and was replaced in 618 by the great Tang dynasty (618 – 907) thatstabilized the country and is famous for its art, governance, and internationalrelations. 1Buddhism and Its DevelopmentIt was during this period that Buddhism, which had come from India,grew and prospered, adapting to Chinese culture and becoming both aspiritual and a political force. Buddhism attracted people from every socialrank and built great temples, monasteries, and convents; some Buddhistmonks became tutors of the ruler ’ s children and trusted officials in variousgovernments.Buddhism, unlike the Confucian tradition, offered a system where onecould expect reward for good deeds – a good rebirth. There was justice forthose who did evil because they would have a bad rebirth or go throughlifetimes of hells. For those who aimed higher, Buddhism offered enlightenmentthrough study and meditation, freeing them from the chains ofrebirth. All of this was open to everyone, or at least all men, no mattertheir class, and was presented in beautiful temples, carvings, art, and manytexts.Formed in India, Buddhism brought with it Indian habits of thought andpractice. Monks and nuns left their families and were celibate, not carryingon the family line; they shaved their heads and wore odd clothes. While they

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 147claimed to be holy people, they shocked Chinese people at first by beggingon the streets for their food. Over the centuries, as Chinese people practicedBuddhism, Buddhism, not surprisingly, adapted to Chinese culture. Monksand nuns stopped begging for food and accepted donations instead. Theyargued that becoming a monk was a filial act of the highest kind as a holymonk prayed first for his parents and, should he become an enlightenedbodhisattva , would save his parents first. Buddhist temples began to holdservices for the dead and for ancestors, as they do today.Objections to Buddhism continued throughout imperial China, especiallycriticism of institutional Buddhism for having too much political and economicinfluence. Even today, some people still criticize Buddhism for being“ superstitious ” and, even worse, “ foreign ” – this even though Buddhismhas been practiced in China for almost two thousand years.The form of Buddhism that became most popular in China was Mahayanaand its schools. The most popular school is the Pure Land school. Throughfaith in Amitabha Buddha, one can be reborn in the Pure Land and therehave the time, intelligence, and teachers to study Buddhism and becomeenlightened. Another popular, and essentially Chinese, form of Buddhismis Chan, more commonly known in the West by its Japanese name, Zen.This is the meditation school.However, during the Tang and early Song dynasties, the schools thataroused the most interest were philosophical schools. Bizarrely enough,even today, you can still find texts, written by Westerners and even someChinese authors, that say that the Chinese are not interested in philosophyor not philosophically inclined. If you have gotten this far in this book, youalready know that is not true. Further proof, if needed, can be seen in thegreat discussions that took place over issues in the philosophical schools ofBuddhism that formed in China.Many of these schools based themselves on thinking from Indian philosophicalschools like the Yogacharin school. 2 In the early Tang dynasty,a Chinese monk, Fazang (643 – 712), began a philosophical school ofBuddhism called Hua Yan. Fazang used terms and ideas from earlierChinese philosophy and began to argue that there are two things goingon in all things. The first is “ principle. ” This is what makes the thing thatthing: a tree is a tree, not a book, because the principle of “ tree - ness ”is “ within ” it. The second is “ phenomenon ” : this is the physical realityof that tree, its roots, trunk, branches, and leaves as they exist in thisworld, right now. Principle and phenomenon exist together in order forthere to be a tree we can look at. Fazang and his Hua Yan school, alongwith other Buddhist schools like Tiantai, developed these ideas to dealwith issues in Buddhism that do not concern us here, but the ideas ofthe Hua Yan school had a great impact on the Confucianism that woulddevelop later. 3

148 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEConfucianism from the Han to the Tang DynastiesWith the fall of the Han dynasty, scholars of the classics busied themselveswith writing commentaries, commentaries on commentaries, studying thedevelopment and meaning of ancient Chinese characters, and other dustypursuits. As historians of philosophy describe it, Confucianism fell intoa long sleep. There were no new Confucian interpretations and no newinsights. This does not mean, though, that the Confucian tradition disappeared.Instead it went in another direction.We have seen the popularity of filial piety stories in the later Handynasty. This popularity increased at an even greater pace during theperiod of disunity after the Han. Not only were there more and moretexts describing the great feats of filial children, but imperial historiesbegan to include examples of those who served their parents in extraordinaryways, and tombs were decorated with scenes from famous storiesof filial behavior. 4 The reasons behind this were the same ones we sawin the later Han: elite families found that maintaining a large extendedfamily gave them protection, economic power, and political influence.To keep this extended family in order, hierarchy was needed and, tokeep the hierarchy functioning, children had to be raised with tales offilial behavior. Even as adults, sons and daughters were taught to seetheir parents ’ interests as primary; they too would be rewarded with a“ proper ” family and, in the future, children who would respect them inthe same way. 5The second major influence on the Confucian tradition began duringthe early 600s, in the Sui dynasty. The Sui instituted the beginnings of thecivil service examination system organized by the Board of Civil Office.Examinations were held every three years: candidates were required to showtheir knowledge of a classic, and awarded three levels of degrees. Successfulcandidates were offered a job in government. This developed into an evenmore elaborate system in later dynasties.Civil Service Examinations and the Imperial Civil ServiceChen Shimei left for the capital to sit in the civil service examinations. Hisfamily heard nothing from him for three years, during which time his parentsdied and his wife and children began to starve. His wife, Qin Xianglian, tookher children and went to the capital to search for her husband. She discoveredthat he had attained first place in the examinations and had married theemperor ’ s daughter. She went to their mansion, but her husband pretendednot to know her and had her thrown out. He refused all further attemptsfrom her for a reconciliation and finally hired one of his followers to kill her

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 149and the children. The follower could not go through with it and Qin suedher husband at court for desertion and attempted murder.The judge was Bao Zhang (999 – 1062) who was well known for his disgustat corruption and for upholding the highest standards of justice. As an investigatingofficer, he had scores of officials demoted or fired for their corruption.Despite interventions from the palace, Bao Zhang tried Chen Shimei, foundhim guilty, and executed him.Over time, Bao Zhang became celebrated as Bao Gong, the god of justice,and is prayed to, especially in his main temple in Kaifeng, even today. He isalso represented as the black - faced official in Chinese opera.The reason for establishing an examination system was to provide a methodof recruiting people to the civil service based on something other thannoble birth. While the Chinese examination system changed and adaptedover its 1300 - year history, its general form remained much the same. Theexamination system lasted up to 1904, when the last examinations of thiskind were held. The Chinese system influenced Western governments: civilservice examination began in the 1870s in the UK and in 1883 in the US.Even today, in many countries around the world, tests are required foranyone wanting a civil service job.Study for these exams began at anywhere from five to eight years ofage. Both boys and girls were taught easy texts like the Three ThousandCharacter Classic . Boys went on, under the guidance of a tutor, to memorizeall the Confucian classics and then their commentaries. What constituted aclassic and whose commentaries a student read changed over time.Once a young man had memorized the classics and the commentarieson them, he would attempt his first level of exams. The examinations wereopen to all men except those in prohibited occupations, like actors, whowere considered too low - class. The examinations were held at district,provincial, and national levels. At each examination, the candidate wouldbe given a phrase from one of the classics and would have to write out theentire passage the phrase came from. There were also questions on philosophy,history, government theory, and the theory of poetry. Questionsbecame more difficult with each level.The first level, the district examination, was generally taken at aboutthe age of fifteen. If the candidate passed, he was then allowed to take theprefectural examination in the biggest city of the area (a province usuallyhad ten to twelve prefectures). If he passed that one, he was given thequalifying examination by an authority from the provincial government.Success at this level gave the candidate a title, “ licentiate, ” and the successfulcandidates were taken to the temple of Confucius where they swore tobecome followers of Confucius. 6With their distinctive clothing and caps, students who reached this levelhad no official government post, but were respected as if they did. With

150 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEfurther study, often by their late twenties or early thirties, candidates wenton to the provincial, metropolitan, and palace examinations. All of theseexaminations were held in special enclosed examination areas. Inside awalled area were lanes containing rows of small cells, about six feet or twometers wide. In each cell there was nothing but three boards that, whenplaced across the cell, became a shelf, a desk, and a seat. Candidates atthe provincial level spent three days and two nights in these cells, bringingwith them inkstones, ink, brushes, pots, food, and bedding. The exampapers were brought to the candidates, who spent their days and nightsanswering them. 7Great efforts were made to eliminate cheating: candidates were strip -searched before the exams and their clothing searched for crib notes; beforethey took their places, a guarantor had to authenticate their identity; candidateswere assigned a number so that their names would remain secretthroughout the testing and marking; their answer sheets were recopied sothat their handwriting could not be recognized by the examiners. Publicinterest in the outcome of these examinations was intense, and if the examinerswere thought to have fiddled with the outcome there was a greatoutcry, often leading to imperial investigations. It was said that to passthe exams, the candidate needed “ the spiritual strength of a dragon, thephysique of a donkey, the insensitivity of a wood louse, and the enduranceof a camel. ” 8As the examination system took hold, Confucianism ’ s central place inChinese culture was solidified. The examinations were based on knowledgeof Confucian classics and their commentaries and the result was acivil service well versed in Confucianism and governments that talkedlike Confucians – even if they often did not act like Confucians. As theConfucian tradition became central to the government and to the rich andpowerful, it trickled down into the general culture. As well, it was theseeducated Confucian civil servants and scholars who wrote books on properrituals for family occasions, like funerals and weddings, and, by theirexplanations of these rituals, helped spread Confucian ideas throughoutthe culture.These examinations were, in theory, open to all men of any class.However, the rich were the only families who could afford the books andtutors, and to have their young men spend their early lives in study. Therewere occasional students from poorer backgrounds who were sponsoredby a town or guild, but, by and large, the examination system was a wayin which the rich and powerful maintained their riches and power. Becauseinheritance was divided among the sons, a family ’ s wealth could disappearwithin two or three generations. Having sons who did well in the examinationsystem meant that the extended family rose with them as these sonsreached the higher levels of the civil service. It was the responsibility of

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 151each generation to further the family ’ s influence and wealth by enteringthe civil service.The Civil ServiceThe government was divided into national, provincial, and local levels.The civil service consisted of a relatively small number of bureaucrats fora country as large and populous as imperial China. Estimates are that inthe Tang dynasty there were 13,500 officials for 50 million people; by theQing dynasty, with a population of about 425 million people, there wasone magistrate for every 300,000 people. 9The foundation of the civil service was the local magistrate. Most successfulcandidates in the examination system began at this bottom rung.The “ law of avoidance ” meant that magistrates were not allowed to servein their native areas. The new magistrate arrived as a stranger and oftencould not speak the local dialect, so he would usually speak to the localgentry who would be fluent in “ Mandarin ” or “ official ” dialect. To helphim with his duties he had a staff of about a dozen subordinates. A magistrate,as pretty much the sole representative of the imperial government,had enormous duties to perform. He had to investigate and prosecutecrimes, judge civil disputes, collect taxes, impose corv é e, and raise a localmilitia if needed. He acted as the judge, police, and prosecutor at trials.He was required to know all the laws and the punishments that went withthem: punishments varied from ten blows to execution, mitigated in somecircumstances if the person was old or mentally ill. His court proceedingswere public and his sentences and decisions were subject to the people ’ sapproval. His legal duties also included acting as a mediator, especially incivil cases. 10If a magistrate was competent, he would be promoted to the provincialand then national levels. Given the small world of the civil service and itsenormous powers, this was the route to power and wealth. Although paidsmall salaries, civil servants made up for this by accepting “ gifts ” for theconsideration of assistance or to hear civil cases. 11 This was only consideredto be a problem if, for example, a magistrate let himself be so influenced bythe bribes he had received that it caused unrest in his district.The Status of Confucius in Imperial ChinaWith the dominance of Confucianism in the civil service and its examinationsystem and Confucian ideas filtering down through society, what didpeople think about Confucius himself?

152 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEIn 57 CE, the imperial college began sacrifices to Confucius; in 492,the emperor bestowed the title “ Accomplished Sage ” on Confucius. Titlescontinued to be bestowed until, in 1530, the emperor stripped Confuciusof previous titles such as duke (1 CE), king (739 CE), and emperor (1106)and gave Confucius the title “ Greatest Sage and Ancient Teacher ” sothat Confucius was unique. 12 This title was expanded in 1645 to “ ClassicTeacher, Accomplished, Illustrious, and Perfect Sage. ” Titles were not justawarded to Confucius: the Kong family was ennobled, and financially supported,by the Chinese government up until the 1940s.Confucian TemplesYou can apply for a ticket to the government office of the Council ofCultural Affairs in Taipei for admission to the celebration of Confucius ’birthday, also called “ Teachers ’ Day, ” on September 28th. And, if you arewilling to get up before four in the morning, you can attend the celebrationof Confucius ’ birthday that begins just before daybreak in the Confuciantemple in Taipei. Delegations of municipal and governmental dignitaries,foreign visitors, and a sizeable crowd follow an ancient liturgy. Youngboys dressed in Zhou dynasty costume perform ancient dances and playancient musical instruments – pipes, zithers, bells, and drums. 13 Offeringsare made. Similar ceremonies are held at the older Confucian temple inTainan.These ceremonies are sponsored by the government and by a local committeethat oversees the Confucian temple. From Taiwan to Indonesia,China, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan you will find Confucian temples. Someare still used; others are museums or tourist sites. 14 The Confucian templein Beijing, built in 1302, was renovated in 1981. When I last visited itin the mid - 1990s, it was still run down and looking for donations to itsbuilding fund. It is called the “ Capital Museum ” and is open to the publicfor a small fee. The general sprucing - up of Beijing for the 2008 Olympicscompleted the renovations. The Shanghai Confucius temple is also a touristdraw along with its Sunday second - hand book fair.Many of the Confucian temples in China decayed through long neglectfrom the 1920s to the 1940s. With the establishment of the Communistgovernment in 1949, some were used for other purposes and some weredemolished. Signs of destruction caused by the Cultural Revolution (1966 –76) can still be seen today in patched - together pieces of inscriptions. Incontrast, one can also see renovation in, for example, the brand new statueof Confucius in the main temple in Qufu built in 1984.Veneration of Confucius officially began in 195 CE, when the Handynasty emperor venerated Confucius in Qufu at Confucius ’ tomb. Later

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 153Figure 10.1 Main building in the Temple of Confucius in Qufuin the Han, scholars at the imperial academy offered sacrifices to Confuciusand his favorite student Yan Hui. In the 450s, the imperial government builtthe first Confucian temple, and during imperial China any city of respectablesize had a temple to Confucius.Imperial governments throughout Chinese history built and managedConfucian temples and celebrated the spring equinox, the birthday ofConfucius, and the successful candidates of the civil service examinationswith public rituals in these temples. The ceremonies were complex and followedan officially mandated liturgy.In 1530, after much government debate, it was decided that there shouldbe no statues in a Confucian temple. It was thought that having statues andportraits of Confucius and his followers smacked too much of Buddhist andReligious Daoist temples. Instead, Confucius and his followers were representedby memorial tablets inscribed with their names and titles. The onlyexception was, as it is today, in the temple of the Kong family in Qufu. 15Throughout imperial China there was also considerable argument as towhich scholars deserved to be enshrined in a Confucian temple. In theorythe scholars should have played a significant part in the transmission of

154 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEthe Confucian Way, but the list of the men to whom that applied changed,reflecting the orthodoxy of the time. 16Imperial governments also supported the Hanlin Academy. Founded inthe Tang dynasty, it was staffed by the elite of scholars who performedlibrary duties for the court, including interpreting the Confucian classics.Confucius as a GodWe will look at the question of Confucianism ’ s status as a religion below(chapter 13 ), but this is a good time to stop and ask if Confucius is a god.There are those who say that Confucius is indeed a god, particularly whenone looks at imperial China. Confucius has been, at many times, prayed to,and the worshippers expected to receive happiness or help from him. Otherssay that Confucius was respected and venerated as a guide for behavior. 17How can there be such different views?As with many things in the study of Chinese religions and traditions,much depends on who you talk to and what expectations you have whenyou look at things. So, for example, you can today go to the Confuciantemple in Taipei, and you will see a temple dedicated to Confucius. You seepeople burning incense and bowing to the memorial tablet of Confucius.When you ask them what they are doing, they tell you they are askingfor Confucius ’ favor in something like the upcoming national universityentrance examinations. You can also see students studying quietly in thestudy halls or in the garden courtyards. Ask them why they are studyingthere and they will tell you that it is a quiet place, and some will say thatthe influence of Confucius will help them in their studies.Are these people in modern day Taipei, just like people in imperial China,seeing Confucius as a god? Possibly. From conversations I have had, it isclear that some people see Confucius as possessing supernatural powers,able to help those who pray to him, especially in petitions concerning schooland examinations. However, when I talk to other people, they say thatburning incense and studying at the Confucian temple is a way to showrespect to the first teacher, to concentrate the mind, and to build motivation.Confucius is someone to whom one should show respect and that iswhy people go to the Confucian temple and bow to his memorial tablet.So, is Confucius a god? Sometimes.What we can say with more confidence is that, throughout most of imperialChina, Confucianism was the state cult. Do not panic at the word “ cult. ”While the media uses the word “ cult ” to describe some scary group thatbrainwashes its followers, the word itself simply means “ following. ” A statecult, or a state ideology, is the religion that the state uses or the way the governmenttalks. Most governments have something like this. Remembrance

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 155Day or Memorial Day ceremonies are often set up, and paid for, by governments.Fallen soldiers are prayed for using the liturgy and terms of whateverthe dominant religion is, or has been, in that country. In imperial China,the emperor followed Confucian rituals in matters of marriage and funerals,and in the sacrifices he alone carried out to Heaven and to Earth. The governmentbuilt and maintained Confucian temples; the government decidedon titles for Confucius and his followers. Imperial governments talked likeConfucians – no surprise, given the bureaucrats had all been trained in theclassics. For example, they referred to neighboring Korea as a “ youngerbrother. ” Throughout their laws and decrees, imperial Chinese governmentsacknowledged their responsibility to care for the people.Confucianism outside of ChinaKoreaAs early as the fourth century CE, Koreans began to study Confucianclassics and establish academies for their study, but Confucianism did nothave a huge impact on government and culture until the Choson dynasty(1396 – 1910). Early in the Choson dynasty, Confucianism became the statecult. 18 This was specifically the Confucianism of Zhu Xi (see chapter 11 ).Korean scholars worked on, refined, and developed the School of Principle.During the 1500s, Korean scholars took part in famous debates over howone might interpret the ancient Confucian texts in light of Zhu Xi ’ s thought.Throughout all of these debates and the development of schools of Zhu Xi ’ sthought, there was a common call for reform: reform of society and theeconomy so that Korea might become more like a Confucian ideal state. 19Throughout the 1400s and 1500s Korean scholars refined and developedNeo - Confucian thought (see chapter 11 ) in more sophisticated ways thancould be found elsewhere. The Koreans used a civil service examinationsystem, but as Korean society differed from China ’ s only the sons of certainlineages from elite families could sit for these examinations. When the Mingdynasty in China fell to the Manchus in 1644, the Koreans proclaimedthemselves, with some justification, the only state in East Asia that followedorthodox Confucianism.Imperial patronage of the Confucian tradition ended with the fall of theChoson dynasty in 1910 as Korea was swallowed by Japan. In moderntimes, there are still venerable institutions, such as the College of ConfucianStudies, part of Songgyun - gwan University, where the Confucian traditionis still studied. When members of the Korean National Classical MusicInstitute visited Taiwan in 1967, their renditions and understanding ofclassical music were of such antiquity and of such a high standard that

156 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEthe Confucian temples in Taiwan changed the music they had used in thecelebration of Confucius ’ birth. 20While Confucianism no longer has a place in modern Korean government,the Confucian influence on Korean society is deep and the attitudesof Koreans, whether towards their family, teachers, or international affairs,are still couched in Confucian terms. 21JapanStarting in the 600s, the Japanese upper class went through a great fad for“ chinoiserie. ” They imported Chinese clothing, architecture, the writingsystem, and everything Chinese. All of these things, including Confucianismand Buddhism, were brought to Japan by Koreans. Confucianism becamepart of the education of the upper class. 22 Confucianism was taught inBuddhist schools and monasteries, which may sound odd, but Buddhistteachers saw Confucianism as a moral teaching for this life, and Buddhism asa teaching for the next life and for enlightenment. This was a Confucianismfor the upper class; for much of Japanese history it did not percolate downto ordinary people.It was also a Confucianism adapted to the needs of Japanese society andculture. The emperor of Japan was understood to be a kami , a being witha supernatural status based on his divine descent. This status was passeddown to the emperor ’ s heir in an unbroken line. Confucian ideas aroundthe “ choice of Heaven ” would not work in Japan where the emperor waschosen on grounds other than the choice of Heaven. So Confucianism hadto adapt. There were no meaningful civil service examinations in Japaneither, as clan loyalty and family relationships were the way to governmentpositions.There was an imperial academy, and over time rich and powerful familiesset up their own academies. Competition among these families wasreflected in competition and factionalism among the Confucian scholarsat their academies during the ninth and tenth centuries. The Confucianvirtues promoted were loyalty and filial piety – a filial piety that extendedrespect to elders and leaders so that one ’ s own aims and ambitions weresubordinated to one ’ s parents or lord.Loyalty to one ’ s lord was of interest in teaching samurai warriors and,along with self - control and faithfulness, Confucian loyalty and filial pietybecame part of bushido , the code of the samurai. The status of women,which had begun its long slide downward since the 600s, was furtherdebased by bushido and its contempt for emotions, love, and women, andits admiration for manly values and the military.It was during the Tokugawa shogunate (1603 – 1868) that Confucianismcame into its own in Japan. A shogun was a military ruler, and, while

From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CE 157there was still an emperor, it was the shogun who had real power. TheTokugawa family, headed by the shogun, the military ruler, was interestedin keeping order – and power – and so set up a virtual caste system: societywas rigidly controlled. The Tokugawa used Confucianism, focusing on theidea of loyalty, as part of their way of enforcing order. The Tokugawaproclaimed an orthodox Confucianism, and in 1790 they banned all schoolsof Confucianism considered to be not following that orthodoxy. 23 Not allConfucian scholars followed the Tokugawa: they were divided betweenthose who supported the continued feudal rule of a shogun and those whoadvocated nationalism and a return to the real rule of the emperor.As a result, Japanese scholarship took up issues and ideas from Chinaand Korea; this scholarship was stimulated by the business elite familieswho set up Confucian academies for their sons. The production of children’ s books on Confucian lines and their dissemination among the populationat large finally brought Confucian ideas to ordinary people.Confucian scholarship continues today in Japan. Confucianism, understoodas teaching moral virtues, focused on loyalty and filial piety, continuedthroughout the 20th century and can still be found today being taughtin Japanese schools.VietnamVietnam was influenced by Confucianism, but that influence was less thanin Japan. While an examination system existed by the eleventh century,candidates were not tested just on Confucian topics, but on Buddhismand Religious Daoism as well. The Ming dynasty Chinese occupation ofVietnam in the early 1400s led to a significant use of Confucianism in thefollowing Nguyen dynasty (1428 – 1883). Confucianism may have beenaccepted by the ruling elites, but does not seem to have percolated throughsociety. This Confucianism was confined to the court and to some of theupper classes as the court began a more bureaucratic style of governing,but there was no system of academies or widespread publication of texts.As in Japan, the Confucian ideas that found most favor with governmentand society were the ideas of loyalty and filial piety. However, the impactof Confucianism on everyday life, on government, and on scholarshipwas not deep. By the nineteenth century, rulers used Confucianism andestablished a bureaucracy based on it. It was then that most Vietnamesebecame familiar with Confucian ideas and terms, but by the mid - twentiethcentury Confucianism as a system faded. What remains are the ideas ofloyalty and filial piety, commonly recognized and practiced. More modernVietnamese scholars have often interpreted their past as a Confucian past,but this may be only either to decry the fall of standards or to criticize astifling and closed history. The Confucian tradition made much less of an

158 From the Han to the Tang Dynasties, 220–907 CEimpact on Vietnamese history and culture than the impact we find in Koreaand Japan. 24SummaryWhile vigorous intellectual debate in Confucianism disappeared from theHan to the Tang dynasties, Confucianism did not. Filial piety, so closelyassociated with Confucian teachings, became an even more popular idea,celebrated in texts, art, and histories. The development of the civil serviceexamination system, in which candidates were tested on their knowledge ofConfucian texts, led to Confucianism ’ s continuing close relationship withgovernment. Confucianism became the state cult or state ideology of imperialgovernments, naturally reflecting the training of the members of thecivil service. The status of Confucius continued to rise as he was awardedtitle after title and Confucian temples could be found in cities and townsacross the country.Confucianism spread to Korea where it had a deep impact on both governmentand people; this impact on Korean culture can still be seen today.The Japanese adapted Confucianism to their own culture, emphasizingloyalty, filial piety, and hierarchy; the impression of Confucian thoughtcan also still be seen in Japan. Vietnam was also, but to a lesser extent,influenced by the Confucian tradition.The popularity of Buddhism in China posed real problems to Confuciansin imperial China. Not only was Buddhism politically powerful and edginginto what Confucians saw as their proper sphere of influence, but Buddhistideas circulated through the culture. Confucian scholars were both influencedby Buddhist ideas and keen to reject them, as we shall see in thenext chapter.

11Neo - ConfucianismNeo - Confucianism fully developed during the Southern Song (1127 – 1279),after the humiliating defeat and loss of northern China at the handsof non - Han Chinese invaders. The name “ Neo - Confucianism, ” a newConfucianism, was invented by those same Jesuit missionaries who gaveus the names “ Confucius ” and “ Mencius. ” In Chinese, Neo - Confucianismis called Daoxue Jia , the school, or study, of the Dao, and this is furtherdivided into Lixue , the school, or study, of principle, and Xinxue , theschool, or study, of the mind/heart. Neo - Confucianism was a reaction tothe rote learning of the examination system, the intellectual and politicalpower of Buddhism, and the loss of Chinese territories to non - Chineseinvaders. Neo - Confucian thinkers saw themselves as returning to the originalConfucianism, sweeping away all the inaccurate interpretations that hadgone before, and developing a new interpretation that really explained theConfucian tradition.In this section we will look briefly at the changing times of the Songdynasty, the ideas of early Neo - Confucian thinkers, the great system makerZhu Xi, who brought their ideas together, opposition to Zhu Xi, particularlythe thought of Wang Yangming, and the impact all of this had onChinese culture and the Confucian tradition.The Northern and Southern Song DynastiesThe Song dynasty is divided into two parts. In the Northern Song, from960 – 1125, Chinese emperors held much of the north of China and thecapital was in Kaifeng, near the Yellow River. In the Southern Song,1127 – 1279, Han Chinese rule was pushed south, back to just north of theYangzi River, and the capital moved to Hangzhou.

160 Neo-ConfucianismEven with the loss of the north to non - Han Chinese invaders, the Songcapital in Hangzhou was the biggest city in the world at that time, with apopulation of two million by 1200. 1 International trade boomed. Muslimsmoved to port cities like Guangzhou (Canton), helping to spread tradefrom the East Indies to India and to East Africa. This sea trade made useof the world ’ s first compartmented ships, rudders for steering, charts, andcompasses. The economy also grew with the widespread use of paper currency,something that had begun in the Tang dynasty.The technological invention that had the greatest impact on the literatiwas the invention of the printing of books. Paper had been used in theHan dynasty, but the widespread availability of books, printed first inwoodblock and then, by 1000 CE, with moveable type in both China andKorea, meant that the Northern Song was the first society in the worldwith printed books.Western mythology holds that the first printed book was the Bible,printed by Gutenberg in 1455. Certainly this was the first book printed inEurope, but the Diamond Sutra, a Buddhist text in Chinese, is the oldestprinted book in the world, printed in 868 CE in the Tang dynasty. 2 Theavailability of printed books spread ideas throughout China and beyond.It had an enormous effect on the establishment of schools and, as we shallsee, the development of ideas in the Song dynasty.The civil service examination system continued for most of the Song. Bythe Southern Song, the number of successful candidates in the examinationsystem began to outnumber the government posts available, so elite familiesused their literati status as a sign of prestige and became more involved innegotiating their power on the local scene. From the Southern Song to theend of the Qing dynasty in 1911, China ’ s social structure centered aroundthe “ gentry. ” In imperial China, this gentry class had economic, social, andgovernmental roles. They were often landlords of sizeable portions of landthat they rented or leased to farmers. The aim of this gentry was to maintain,and further, the economic and political power of their family. A gentryfamily would include men who had passed the civil service examinations.Gentry families lived in towns and often lived grandly. As landlords, theyhad the biggest impact on the life of local farmers. As civil servants, or asmen who had passed the examinations, they were equal, if not superior, tothe local magistrate, and thus had political power.Neo - ConfucianismAmong these gentry families, sons studied hard to pass the civil serviceexaminations, but how “ Confucian ” were those who passed? These menare generally called “ literati ” rather than “ Confucian, ” and many were

Neo-Confucianism 161attracted to Buddhist ideas; 3 some literati learned and discussed Buddhistideas, especially those of the Hua Yan school (see below), while othersstudied under Chan (Zen) masters. The literati also spent time readingDaoist philosophy in the Laozi and the Zhuangzi , reading and writingpoetry, painting, collecting antiques, and gourmandizing. They cannot reallybe called “ Confucians ” just because they had been trained in Confuciantexts and commentaries.Issues in Neo - ConfucianismIt was clear that the examination system did not produce people who liveda serious “ Confucian ” life. Men who passed the exams were often justlooking for wealth and power and had no intention of actually practicinganything they had just spent half their life memorizing. One of the firstconcerns for Neo - Confucian thinkers was how to reform the examinationsystem so that the result would be men who took Confucianism seriously.All the Neo - Confucian thinkers rejected Confucian studies in earlier times,seeing them as merely textual studies, not really felt or practiced.Given the collapsing political situation in the Song, there was also acall for political reform: the emperor should employ “ real ” Confucianswho would reform government and the examination system, and whowould guide the people. This was how to save the nation from invasion,venal officials, wealth - obsessed merchants, and a discontented population.Neo - Confucianism was never just a philosophy, but concerned itself witheconomic and political reform.Finally, Neo - Confucian thinkers faced a major challenge from Buddhism.Buddhism had set the terms and issues being discussed by anyone interestedin ideas since the Tang dynasty. Neo - Confucians saw Buddhism as dangerously“ other - worldly, ” that is, focused on enlightenment and not involvedin the problems of this world. The compelling issues of the time were ofno interest to Buddhists who spent time building up good karma for agood rebirth or on meditating so as to free themselves from the chains ofthis world. Buddhist monks were trying to escape from this world, saidNeo - Confucians, while a good man should face up to life ’ s responsibilities.Early Neo - Confucian ThinkersIn the later half of the Tang dynasty, many of these problems were alreadybeing discussed by thinkers like Han Yu (768 – 824). His anti - Buddhistattitudes can be seen in his memorial, or position paper, the “ Bone of theBuddha, ” addressed to the emperor in 819. He complained that the govern-

162 Neo-Confucianismment was spending far too much money to acquire and house relics of theBuddha, “ these decayed and rotten bones, an ill - omened and filthy relic ” ofa barbarian. 4 Han Yu came close to execution for this and was banished toa minor post in the boondocks. In addition to his opposition to Buddhistinfluence, Han Yu argued for social action, not withdrawal, and a return tothe sources of the Confucian tradition. In his essay “ On the Origin of theDao, ” he defines the Way as the one transmitted from sage - king to sage -king, then to the early rulers of the Zhou dynasty, then to Confucius, andthen to Mencius where it stopped. It was misunderstood by Xunzi, he says,and by later Confucians. There is an orthodox or proper understanding ofthe Way, the Dao, a Dao tong , and it is this that must be studied.Han Yu ’ s contemporary, Li Ao ( c .844), was the first thinker in imperialChina to advocate paying special attention to one of the chapters in theBook of Rites , the “ Great Learning. ” As we have seen, this chapter containsthe idea of the investigation of things and extending knowledge – somethingthat we will see a great deal of later.During the Northern Song dynasty, Zhou Dunyi (1017 – 73) producedwhat he called the “ Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate ” along with a textto explain how it all worked (see figure 11.1 ). At the top is the SupremeUltimate, Tai Ji, which is also the Supreme Ultimate - less, Wu Ji.The Supreme Ultimate is an entity beyond time and space and an entitythat is abstract (or “ transcendent ” and “ metaphysical ” in philosophy -speak) as opposed to concrete. 5Why is it both the Supreme Ultimate and, at the same time, the SupremeUltimate - less? Some of these “ it is ” and, at the same time, “ it is not ”statements that one runs across in Chinese philosophy can be frustrating.What Zhou Dunyi is trying to point to is that this is an entity that can bethought of as existing (Supreme Ultimate) and should also be thought of assomething beyond our very notions of what “ existing ” means, the SupremeUltimate - less. This entity, as Zhou Dunyi goes on to explain, is an abstractprinciple that is the foundation of the movements of yin and yang and thatunderlies the universe.Once a thinker has established an entity that is abstract and beyond timeand space, the difficulty he now faces is how to connect that to our world oftime, space, and concrete things we can know with our senses. The SupremeUltimate is the abstract principle underlying the universe. This means thatour senses cannot perceive it and it is something apart from our physicalworld. The Supreme Ultimate, through movement, produces yang (from theHan dynasty yin - yang theory), and when yang reaches its height, it slowsand stills; this is yin. Yin and yang alternate. The alternations of yin andyang produce the five phases: water, metal, fire, wood, and earth – just aswe saw in the Han dynasty theories. As the yin - yang and five phases interactceaselessly, we come to the physical level, the level of qi .

Neo-Confucianism 163Diagram of the Supreme UltimateSupreme Ultimate/Tai Jiyangmovementyinstillnessfirewaterearthwoodmetalqiankunqi and the birth of all thingsFigure 11.1 Diagram of the Supreme UltimateThe next two terms, qian and kun , are taken from the Confucian classic,the Book of Changes . They are the names for the two basic hexagrams inthe divination system and are here, as is often the case, assigned gender:qian is male, kun is female. As they too join the mix of yin and yang andthe five phases, all things in the universe are born.Zhou Dunyi says that just as there are yin and yang in the universe, sothere is humanity and rightness in human beings; similarly, the five phasesevoke five moral qualities in human beings (humanity, rightness, properbehavior, wisdom, and sincerity). It is the virtue of sincerity, as describedin the Doctrine of the Mean , that is the basis of all moral behavior andthe way in which we can decide good and evil. Human beings are imbuedwith the Supreme Ultimate itself, as human beings and cosmos are unitedby human beings ’ sense of order. The sage matches the movement andstillness of the ultimate.Another of the early thinkers in Neo - Confucianism was Zhang Zai(1020 – 77), who lived during the Northern Song dynasty. He argued againstthe Buddhist doctrine of sunyata , emptiness, which says that this world is

164 Neo-Confucianismnot real. Buddhists say that all things are compound things and all thingswill change. This means that there is no eternal thing in the universe.Yogacharin Buddhism went further and argued that all the world we perceiveis an illusion – much like the situation presented to Neo in the movieThe Matrix . 6The Buddhists are wrong, Zhang Zai said. There is an eternal, primal,substance that is real and that substance is qi . Qi condenses and disperses.He argued that qi has always existed and that all things are made of variouskinds of qi and, when they dissolve, they dissolve back into other forms of qi .So, the world is not an illusion, it is real and there is something eternal in it.He saw qi as identified with the Supreme Ultimate, and it is through qithat human beings are part of the Supreme Ultimate. He carried this furtherin his “ Western Inscription. ” He applied his theory of qi to argue that allpeople are made from the same qi and, by extending the Confucian virtue ofhumanity, one could embrace all people. We must extend affection, humanity,from our family out to all people until we form one body with everyone.Heaven is my father, Earth is my mother, and even such a small creatureas I finds an intimate place in their midst. Therefore, that which fills theuniverse, I regard as my body and that which directs the universe, I consideras my nature. All people are my brothers and sisters and all things are mycompanions. …Respect the aged – this is the way to treat them as the elderly should betreated. Show deep love toward the orphaned and the weak – this is the wayto treat them as the young should be treated. … Even those who are tired,infirm, crippled or sick, those who have no brothers or children, wives or husbands– all are my brothers who are in distress and have no one to turn to. …Wealth, honor, blessing, and benefits are meant for the enrichment of mylife, while poverty, humble station, and sorrow are meant to help me to fulfillment.In life I follow and serve Heaven and Earth. In death I will be at peace. 7This “ Western Inscription ” became the manifesto of Neo - Confucianism.Zhang Zai ’ s nephews built upon his work. The two brothers, Cheng Hao(1032 – 85) and Cheng Yi (1033 – 1107), also studied under Zhou Dunyi.They used their uncle ’ s ideas about qi and added to them the concept ofprinciple.We have seen the idea of principle earlier, in Hua Yan Buddhism.Fazang ’ s understanding of principle was taken over by the Cheng brothers.Principle is a metaphysical, abstract idea. It is what makes a thing what itis. It is the principle of “ tree - ness ” that makes a tree a tree. If you cut thetree down and saw it up, you still have all the material that made up thetree, but what has been lost is the principle of “ tree, ” so that the wood youare looking at is not a tree. A rose is a rose because it has the principle of“ rose ” and not the principle of “ fork. ” The practice of filial piety has a basic

Neo-Confucianism 165principle that does not depend on the particulars of this son and this father.Everything, no matter whether it is an object, an action, or a situation, hasa principle. All events, affairs, and things, like a rose, the relationship ofparents and children, the invasion of China during the Northern Song, andso on, have a principle. There are principles that make things the thingsthat they are and there are principles that make historical events, familyrelationships, and the actions of government what they are.Principle is found in all things. Although we say principle is “ within ”all things, this does not mean that you can take apart a rose and find the“ piece ” of principle. Principle is abstract and does not exist physically“ inside ” the rose. Principle is “ in ” all things and all things can be understoodonce one understands their principle. For example, the principle inhuman beings is human nature, what it is that makes us human beings.Working with principle is qi , the material by which things are produced.Principle may give the tree its “ tree - ness ” or a human being a humannature, but there has to be material as well. The material is qi . Whereverthere is qi , principle is present; without qi , principle would have no way tomanifest, or show, itself.Through thought and study, one can begin to understand the principleof one thing and then another, finally moving to the realization of principleitself. This realization is sagehood. It is the understanding that all things inthe universe are, as Mencius said, “ complete within me. ” The way to do thisis to rid the mind of desires and to control the emotions. The mind mustbecome serious, sincere, controlled, and balanced. The mind, and how tochange its habits, then became central to the discourse and Neo - Confuciansbegan to focus on the inward side of the self.All of these ideas – the Supreme Ultimate, the roles of principle and ofqi , the idea of investigating things and extending knowledge, showing thatBuddhists are incorrect in saying the world is an illusion, controlling andbalancing the mind – are brought together by the most famous of the Neo -Confucians, the great systematizer, Zhu Xi.Zhu Xi (1130 – 1200) and Li Xue, the School of PrincipleZhu Xi taught at an academy until his death at the age of 70. He attractedmany students and established what would be called the “ School ofPrinciple ” because principle is central to his thinking. Zhu Xi bringstogether earlier ideas about qi , principle, the Supreme Ultimate, and anorthodox transmission of Confucianism.Zhu Xi ’ s understanding of principle is the same one we have just seen inthe discussions from the Cheng brothers. Principle is abstract and beyonda particular time or space. It is much like the essence of a thing. There is a

166 Neo-Confucianismprinciple for all things, and things can only exist with a principle. Principleis eternal. It is shown in the physical world in a particular thing or event,like a rose or the practice of filial piety, but even though the rose fades anddies, principle continues to exist. Principle always exists: this means that,when we invent something new, like a computer, we are discovering theprinciple of computer – a principle that already existed.On the qi level, we live in a physical world of particular things or events.Qi is found in the concrete, physical world where things are created anddestroyed. Qi condenses and disperses as things, people, and events movethrough time and space.As we saw with Zhou Dunyi, the Supreme Ultimate contains the principlesof movement and stillness, operating actively as yang or congealing asyin, and, with the five phases, produces all things in the physical or qi world.The Supreme Ultimate, the Tai Ji , and/or the Wu Ji , the Ultimate - less,is the most perfect principle, the totality of principle. It both changes anddoes not change; it both exists and does not exist. It is abstract, beyond timeand space, and the “ entity ” that is the source of all things in the universe.We have come to another instance of what we saw in Zhou Dunyi andhis diagram. The Supreme Ultimate moves but does not move, exists butdoes not exist, changes but does not change. The questions are: what doesthis mean and why does Zhu Xi argue for it? By using two names, theSupreme Ultimate and the “ Supreme Ultimate - less, ” Zhu Xi wants to arguethat it is beyond us and requires a special insight in order to understandit. Saying that it moves allows for the next movements of yin - yang and thefive phases, but, as an abstract principle – actually, as the abstract principle– the Supreme Ultimate cannot be said to move. If Zhu Xi had argued thatthe Supreme Ultimate exists, the next question is going to be, “ where is it? ”He wanted to say that it cannot exist in a place because it is an abstractprinciple. It has no form. If the Supreme Ultimate changes, then Buddhistswill argue that it is like all other things that are compound and change. So,like Zhou Dunyi, Zhu Xi used both the Supreme Ultimate and the SupremeUltimate - less as names for the highest.The Supreme Ultimate is One; it is the totality of all principle. All thingsshare in it because all things have principle. This means that every thingand event has the Supreme Ultimate “ within ” it. Zhu Xi says,one Supreme Ultimate exists, which is received by all individual things. TheSupreme Ultimate is received by all individual things as an entire and undividedSupreme Ultimate. It is like the moon shining in the sky reflected inthe lakes and rivers. 8Just as there is one moon with many reflections, so, too, the SupremeUltimate is “ in ” all things, creatures, and events.

Neo-Confucianism 167If, after reading this, you object that none of this sounds very much likethe Confucianism you read about in chapters 2 and 3 , Zhu Xi is coming tothat. In human beings, principle is human nature, while the body is madeup of qi in its different forms (bones, flesh, blood, animating energy, emotions).Principle is good, human nature is good. This, if you remember, ispart of what Mencius argued, that human nature is good. Zhu Xi, however,says that, while what Mencius said is true, qi can cloud our human nature.Some people are simply born with a purer qi , while other people have amuddier qi . Mencius, says Zhu Xi, was talking about principle when hesaid that human nature is good.For Zhu Xi, the principle in people is human nature. The mind/heartis where principle (human nature) and qi meet. The mind/heart is pulledin two directions: first toward the morality of the principle/human naturewithin us; second, toward error and desires because of the mind/heart ’ sinvolvement with qi . 9Emotions are produced by qi and have to do with the physical world.Emotions move the mind/heart, leading to desires and excess. When mind/heart is still, like still water, emotions and desires cannot move it. 10As Mencius said, the sprouts of sympathy, shame/dislike, modesty, anda sense of right and wrong are found in one ’ s principle, human nature.And, as Mencius said, when expressed concretely in this world they leadto humanity, rightness, ritual, and wisdom. While drawing heavily onMencius, Zhu Xi ’ s interpretation of Mencius is different from any wehave seen before. Zhu Xi ’ s position is that the state of one ’ s qi leads us todevelop, or not develop, the seeds within us.Knowing that we have this marvelous principle within us, we need tofind it. We do that, Zhu Xi says, by “ extending knowledge and investigatingthings. ” This phrase, as we have seen, comes from the Great Learning . Inthe Great Learning , extending knowledge and investigating things form thebasic step that will lead us to complete knowledge, then to sincerity, thento a proper mind/heart, then to the cultivation of the person, the regulationof the family, the proper government of the country, and peace for all.When we read that we should extend our knowledge and investigatethings, we might think that this would lead to the study of both humanitiesand sciences. However, Zhu Xi interprets the phrase to mean we mustlearn the principles of things.If we contemplate things, through what Zhu Xi calls “ quiet sitting ” andby studying all things – history, human relations, political issues, moralbehavior, the teachings of Confucius, and so on – we will come to understandthe principles of each of these areas fully. We need to come to thisproject with sincerity and seriousness. Learning each principle is a cumulativeprocess. While principle is different in different things, all principle isone and differs only in the way that it is manifested in qi . So, when we

168 Neo-Confucianismhave an exhaustive knowledge of the principles of all things, we can cometo an inner enlightenment, a knowledge of the principle that contains allthese things, the Supreme Ultimate.All things can be understood by reasoning, thinking, and reading. Self -cultivation is important for Zhu Xi, just as it was for early Confucians.Study is the way to self - cultivation; knowledge comes before action. Wemust cultivate a calm mind/heart, like still water, unstirred by emotionsthat can overwhelm it like waves on the water.We can all become sages, as Confucius and Confucians have alwaysmaintained. The sage gets rid of the obstructions of qi and finds the principlewithin. Clearly this is an intellectual way to sagehood: the humanproblem is an intellectual problem that can be solved intellectually throughstudy and thought. If we think, focusing on principle, in “ quiet sitting, ” wecan come to the conclusion that the Supreme Ultimate itself is reflected inus. This is an inward way where we focus, in the end, on our own natures,our own principle, our own inward processes.Zhu Xi has given Confucianism a formally set out cosmology thatlinks the structure of the universe with the moral and political concernsof human beings. Our moral behavior is behavior in harmony with theSupreme Ultimate. This allows Confucianism to now compete with systemslike Buddhism.Zhu Xi, like the Neo - Confucians before him, called for learning forlearning ’ s sake, not just to pass the examinations. Real learning would makea man a responsible adult, taking on family and social responsibilities. ZhuXi firmly believed that by understanding and practicing the search for principle,a student can come to understand the true teachings of Confucianismand internalize them – not just learn them by rote.Politically there is a principle for the organization of a state and that isthe moral Dao of early Confucianism. The ancient sage - kings, Confucianheroes like the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius himself, all knew, and livedby, this principle. When the ruler and government follow it, there will begood government. Political reform is based on the reform of the individualand that, in turn, is based on a deep philosophical understanding. As withearly Confucianism, the best ruler is a sage, but, according to Zhu Xi, asage who has gotten rid of the blockages of qi and reaches the principlewithin, the Supreme Ultimate.Zhu Xi argued adamantly against Buddhism. He said that it is becauseBuddhists do not understand principle that they think that this world isnot real, but an illusion. Buddhists think that human nature is not reallyreal: it is an illusion that changes at every moment and is brought togetheronly by particular circumstances. They are wrong, says Zhu Xi, becausethey do not understand principle. Principle is eternal, and the belief thatnothing is eternal is wrong.

Neo-Confucianism 169Zhu Xi was a prolific writer and wrote commentaries on the classics,with a focus on the classics he used as the basis for his interpretation.These were the Analects , seen as the authentic words of Confucius, and theMencius , a text Zhu Xi appreciated for Mencius ’ theory that human natureis good and for statements in the text like, “ all things are complete withinme, ” which Zhu Xi saw as the foundation of his teachings. The other twoare shorter texts, the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean , chapterstaken from the Book of Rites . The Great Learning , as we have seen,begins with the investigation of things and extension of knowledge, leadingto the moral cultivation of the individual and the peace of the world. Moralbehavior and politics are firmly linked. The Doctrine of the Mean describesliving in a state of harmony and balance. It also talks about developing thevirtue of sincerity that connects us to the universe. These four books, asunderstood and commented on by Zhu Xi, reflect Zhu Xi ’ s theories mostclosely. Zhu Xi saw them as the real foundation of Confucian thought.While all the Confucian classics we have seen earlier 11 remained partof the official Confucian canon, these “ Four Books ” – the Analects , theMencius , the Great Learning , and the Doctrine of the Mean – were singledout as the most important texts of the Confucian canon and, to a largeextent, are still seen that way today. Zhu Xi ’ s commentaries and choiceof classics became the orthodox interpretation of Confucianism, maintainedby the examination system and imperial patronage. This orthodoxyremained in force for the next seven hundred years and is often the foundationused by modern Confucian scholars.Zhu Xi not only established the Four Books and his interpretations ofthem as the foremost texts, he also established an orthodoxy called the daotong , the orthodox transmission of proper Confucianism. Zhu Xi set up alist of Confucians from Confucius to Mencius, and on throughout history.These Confucians were, according to Zhu Xi, proper Confucians. Theyand their texts were celebrated in the tradition. Thinkers and texts seen asdissenting from the tradition were not allowed in the imperial library and,in some cases, their books were prohibited. 12As intellectual interest turned to Neo - Confucianism and it became influentialin the state and society at large, there was a tendency to inwardness,as people focused on inner principle, and a tendency to conservatism, asZhu Xi ’ s interpretations were understood to have explained everything.Zhu Xi ’ s Family Rituals set out the principle for families: the fatherand husband are the leaders, the wife and daughter are explicitly secondaryand inferior. Just as Heaven is superior to earth, and yang is superiorto yin, women are subject to the three obediences: to their father whenyoung, to their husband when married, and to their son on the death oftheir husband. Neo - Confucians were adamant that widows should notremarry, but should stay loyal to their husband ’ s memory. Histories, from

170 Neo-Confucianismlocal gazettes to imperial histories, began to record the fidelity of widowsand they were rewarded with commemorative arches in their city or town,recording their virtue.Zhu Xi and his successors wrote a number of pieces describing the idealwoman, who was focused solely on the family and who would subordinateherself to her male relatives and, humbly, help them in the path to achievethe Way. Women themselves were not eligible to study the Way. 13The highest virtues for women were loyalty and chastity. Chastity meantbeing a virgin before marriage; being faithful to one ’ s husband duringmarriage; and remaining loyal to his memory and not remarrying after hisdeath. Men, as you might have guessed, were not subject to these rules ofchastity: male sexual behavior was only a problem when it threatened thestability of the family, and widowers were encouraged to remarry in orderto carry on the family line.The Neo - Confucian demand that widows should not remarry was basedin part on the ideal of loyalty and in part because widows might well haveto hold a household together, managing its finances. By tracing laws andcustoms governing ownership of property and of inheritance, Bettine Birgeshows that up to the end of the Song dynasty women had far more propertyand inheritance rights than previously thought. This changed, to the detrimentof women, in the following dynasties, for many reasons, including afar more rigorous application of Neo - Confucian ideals. 14Throughout the Song, women, particularly upper - class women, becamemore confined to the home. A number of factors contributed to that; oneof them was the practice of footbinding. Footbinding was first mentionedin the Song dynasty, in the 1300s, but might be an even older practice.Scholars suspect that it originated with dancers in the palace, spread amongpalace women, and then filtered down through the population who followedit in imitation of the leisured upper classes. By the Ming dynasty(1368 – 1644) footbinding was widespread. Having one ’ s feet bound was asign of good breeding; girls with unbound feet would find it hard to marry.It was thought too that it decreased the likelihood of female unfaithfulness.The proverb was, “ If you love your son, don ’ t go easy on his study; if youlove your daughter, don ’ t go easy on her feet ” – a proverb that applied ofcourse to the gentry, but that lower classes imitated.At about the age of four or five, two yards of bandages were wrappedaround the feet to keep the feet from growing. The toes were bent underand into the sole, bones broken, and the toe and heel brought close together.The result was a three - to five - inch long foot, repulsively called “ goldenlilies. ” The practice could lead to paralysis or gangrene and death and manywomen could not walk without help, or needed to lean on something whilestanding. It was outlawed in 1911, but continued in some places into the1920s and 30s. 15

Neo-Confucianism 171In the twentieth century, when Confucians were blamed for just abouteverything, they were blamed for footbinding as well. Given the explicitlyinferior status of women in many Neo - Confucian texts, one can understandhow this connection was made. However, the practice began, and spread,outside of the Confucian tradition. It is true that most Confucians did notcondemn it, but the few scholars who publicly opposed footbinding did soon the Confucian grounds that it ran contrary to filial piety. Binding feetdeformed the body, and, according to filial piety, we must keep our bodywhole, just as our parents gave it to us. 16 Many factors contributed to thestatus of women in imperial China, and Neo - Confucianism was only one.Neo - Confucianism has also been criticized for being so influenced byBuddhism. Despite the rejection of, and attacks on, Buddhism, by the Songdynasty, it would have been impossible for anyone not to have been influencedby Buddhist ideas and habits of thought. Zhu Xi ’ s contention thatprinciple, an eternal unified ultimate, is found in all things echoes the HuaYan Buddhist idea of principle and phenomena. The Neo - Confucian idealof the sage who has mastered his mind, controls his emotions, understandsall principle, and then understands his interconnection to all is somethinglike the Buddhist path of meditation. However, most of these similaritiesare natural enough given the culture of the time. Neo - Confucianism is quiteclearly “ Confucian ” in its loyalties, its texts, and the self - cultivation of theindividual that is meant to lead to an individual taking on responsibilities inhis family, society, and government. 17 It is no surprise that Neo - Confucianstalked about “ quiet sitting, ” finding the ultimate in the universe, and anumber of other issues that come from the Buddhist tradition. We are allinfluenced by our times, and when we talk about Confucianism now wetalk about it in light of science, democracy, and human rights – just asmodern Confucians do.Neo - Confucianism is Confucian in its values and terms; it is clearlynot Buddhist as it affirms the world and continues the Confucian notionthat human beings reflect the universe in our sense of order and value.Neo - Confucianism, especially Zhu Xi ’ s School of Principle, was successfulin turning the attention of the educated back to Confucianism and inestablishing an orthodox interpretation of Confucianism that would last forcenturies. With the widespread availability of books, Zhu Xi ’ s ideas spreadacross China and beyond to Korea and Japan.This does not mean, of course, that all Neo - Confucians agreed.The School of Mind/HeartLu Jiuyuan (1139 – 93) was a younger contemporary of Zhu Xi and disagreedwith him. They met to discuss their differences and carried on an

172 Neo-Confucianismextensive correspondence, but never resolved the issues that divided them.In brief, Zhu Xi argued that only human nature is principle. The mind/heartbecomes involved in the qi world of emotions and things. As we have seen,the point is to find the principle within, and that can be done by stillingthe mind/heart.Lu, on the other hand, argued that our mind/heart is fundamentally onewith the universe. Principle, he said, is nothing other than mind/heart; themind/heart is nothing other than principle. This oneness becomes obscuredby desires and the ego as we separate ourselves from the universe. In addition,Zhu Xi ’ s ideas were too complicated and involved; understandingsomething innate to us should not be so difficult.Wang YangmingLu ’ s somewhat sketchy approach was taken up later in the Ming dynasty(1368 – 1644) by Wang Yangming (1472 – 1528). While still a teenager,Wang had tried to follow Zhu Xi ’ s instructions. He spent days contemplatinga stand of bamboo, trying to understand its principle, but he wasunsuccessful. Giving up, he went on to pass the civil service examinationsand reached high office. When he was 35, he used his office to defend otherofficials who had complained about corruption at court. He was arrestedand beaten with 40 strokes in a public ceremony. It very nearly killed him.He was then demoted and exiled to a remote area. On his way there, hisenemies at court attempted to assassinate him, but Wang escaped. It was inexile in Guizhou that Wang Yangming came to his great insight about ZhuXi ’ s thought. He taught, wrote, and, restored to favor, became a successfulgeneral who put down a number of rebellions against the Ming dynasty.Wang Yangming argued first that the almost total dependence on ZhuXi ’ s thought had become nothing more than textual studies and that itrestricted new thinking. Second, that finding principle in things was a hopelesstask: he himself had spent days studying the principle of bamboo, butstill there was a separation between principle and his mind. And, finally, ashe realized in Guizhou, one ’ s own nature is sufficient – it is wrong to lookfor principle outside of one ’ s self in external things and events. If principleis understood as something separate from one ’ s self, then the mind/heartis divided from principle. Principle must be seen as the same as the mind/heart. We can only understand principle by doing it.Knowing about something and doing it are the same. If we study to findthe principle of filial piety, looking for it in books, we will not really findit. But, when we love and respect our parents, we know and act out theprinciple of filial piety. This shows us that principle cannot be known orfound outside of the mind/heart. Zhu Xi ’ s attempt to find principle outside

Neo-Confucianism 173of the mind/heart is based on the incorrect understanding that knowledgeand action are separate.In another example, Wang says that as soon as we see flowers, weappreciate them. The knowledge of beauty and the action of appreciationare woven together; the knowledge of how to do calligraphy cannot beseparated from the practice of calligraphy. So, Wang says, “ Knowledge isthe beginning of action and action is the completion of knowledge ” ; 18 theyare mutually interdependent.All human beings possess an original mind/heart. As Mencius said, thefour sprouts or beginnings are the external manifestations of this originalmind/heart. This original mind/heart is what Wang calls “ intuitiveknowledge. ”Our innate faculty of knowing, our moral consciousness or intuitiveknowledge is the same for sages and for ordinary people. Because of ourintuitive knowledge, we can see whether we are on the right or wrongcourse; intuitive knowledge acts like a compass. It is intuitive knowledgethat promotes the good in us and it contains an emotional dimension. Atruly good heart feels the emotion of sympathy for the child at the well.Intuitive knowledge is innate, as can be seen in the natural love childrenhave for their parents. If we know about filial piety only in theory, but donot practice it, it is because knowledge and action have been separated byselfishness and we have looked for principle outside ourselves, not followingour intuitive knowledge.Like Lu Jiuyuan, Wang Yangming argued that the universe has neverseparated itself from people; it is people who have separated themselvesfrom the universe through selfishness, ignorance, or incorrect thinking. Weare already one with the universe because our mind/heart is the universe ’ smind/heart. If we have this sense of the universe, then everyone in theworld is one family, as Zhang Zai said; however, if we are imprisoned byseeing principle as outside of the self, then we can see only difference andseparation.Zhu Xi and earlier Neo - Confucians were right to talk about principleand the Supreme Ultimate; they were right to say, as the “ WesternInscription ” does, that we are intimately connected to all people and allthe things of the universe. Where they went wrong was to use an intellectualmethod to find principle. This will always lead to our understandingprinciple as something separate from us.Wang Yangming was criticized for being a Chan (Zen) Buddhist and nota Confucian. The Chan idea that the mind naturally and intuitively knowswithout any dependence on anything outside of the mind certainly influencedWang ’ s thinking. Wang ’ s followers debated the nature of intuitiveknowledge: some argued it needed training to be found, others said it wassimply natural. Some followers said they could do anything at all, as long

174 Neo-Confucianismas their intuitive knowledge justified it. The crux of the problem in Wang ’ sthought is that it is subjective, so there is no outside standard by whichbehavior can be judged. If your intuitive knowledge says there is nothingwrong in killing me, I can hardly argue that your intuitive knowledge isnot saying that. I can only argue that your intuitive knowledge is wrong,and, according to Wang Yangming, how can I say that?Wang Yangming was a great example of someone who was both aConfucian scholar and active in government. His challenge to the Zhu XiSchool of Principle was a serious one, and by responding to it the Schoolof Principle had to bring its emphasis back to action.SummaryZhu Xi ’ s School of Principle and Wang Yangming ’ s school of mind/heartagree about the existence of the Supreme Ultimate, principle, qi , moralcultivation ’ s relation to political action, and so on. They both agree thatall human beings are related to the Supreme Ultimate. They disagree onhow we should go about finding and expressing the principle within us.Zhu Xi ’ s School of Principle remained the dominant approach. As onemight expect, by setting up an orthodox interpretation, one used in theexamination system, Neo - Confucianism began to fossilize. It resulted, onceagain, in men who simply memorized Zhu Xi ’ s commentaries and ignoredtheir real meaning. However, while most literati were not very interestedin practicing the Confucianism they had read, there were always those,like Han Yu and Wang Yangming, who tried to act on Confucian values.They were courageous enough to “ speak truth to power, ” and many weredemoted, or even executed, for doing so.For example, Wei Zheng (580 – 643) was a famous minister to the evenmore famous Taizong emperor of the Tang dynasty. Wei Zheng did nothesitate to criticize his emperor and, in a letter in 637, warned the emperorthat when he began his reign he had used rightness as his guide, but as timehad gone on, the emperor had become careless and arrogant, and lived inluxury. Unlike most of the dynastic rulers of China, the Taizong emperoraccepted the criticism. When Wei Zheng died, the emperor said that he usedthree mirrors: one was to straighten his cap, a second mirror was the historyof the past that showed him his errors, and his third mirror was Wei Zheng.Now that Wei Zheng was dead, he said, “ I have lost the most importantmirror of all. ” Su Shi (1037 – 1101) was a well - known writer, poet, andstatesman. He was appointed to the government of the city of Hangzhou.When he arrived, he found that drought and famine had devastated the city,and set up soup kitchens to feed the hungry. He sold rice though the governmentgranary at a reduced rate and had the local government provide rice,

Neo-Confucianism 175soup, and medicine to those in need. He used his own money to establishhospitals. Liu Zongzhu (d.1645) was a great scholar and supporter of theMing dynasty in its last days. Despite the Ming clearly having lost Heaven ’ schoice in their defeat by the Manchus, Liu remained loyal to them andstarved himself to death rather than serve the new dynasty. These are justa few examples of the many men who, through the centuries, tried to liveaccording to Confucius ’ teachings.Neo - Confucianism may not have been the source for the dramatic declinein the status of women during the imperial period, but it did contribute toit with its insistence that women are secondary. Women were to expressConfucian values by being loyal, serving their families, and maintainingtheir chastity.Neo - Confucians completed Chinese society ’ s assimilation of Confucianideas by producing ritual handbooks. Thinkers like Zhu Xi wrote textssetting out the proper way to conduct funerals, ancestral veneration, orweddings. Along with the rules, he explained the reason behind them andthose reasons, of course, were couched in Confucian terms. They alsopromoted the commemoration arches for loyal widows and filial childrenalong with government and gentry support for the building and upkeep ofConfucian temples.Neo - Confucians challenged the Buddhist idea that this world is not real,that it is a dream. The world is not an illusion, they said, nor is it a prisonwe must escape from. The universe holds a secret – the relationship betweenhuman beings and the Supreme Ultimate – but the universe is not a dream.Neo - Confucianism was successful in turning intellectual interest towardConfucianism. Neo - Confucianism remained the orthodoxy for the rest ofimperial China, and most modern scholars of Confucianism continue tobase their interpretation of Confucianism on it.

12Confucianism and ModernityThe Qing Dynasty, 1644 – 1911The Ming dynasty was defeated by the invading Manchus in 1644. TheManchus set up their own dynasty, the Qing dynasty, and governed Chinain much the same way it had been governed in the Tang, Song, Yuan, andMing dynasties. 1 The Manchus of the Qing dynasty had a problem: whilethey were the rulers of China, they were outnumbered one to ten. Theirmajor concern, therefore, was to hold on to power.While there were internal rebellions against the Manchu rulers, the realthreat was to come from foreigners. Since the 1500s European powers hadbeen traveling the globe, taking over countries and making them into coloniesthat they added to their empires. By the 1700s European traders hadarrived in China and had accepted limited trade on Chinese terms. For theBritish, the one thing they wanted to buy from China was tea, and Chinawas the only place they could get it. The British were paying gold and silverfor this tea and it began to disrupt the British economy. 2British traders came upon another product they could sell to China tomake up the gold and silver they were losing on the tea trade, and thatwas opium. By the 1820s opium was being smuggled into China for aboutone million addicts. For this kind of trade, the British needed to have asteady supply and so the British East India Company forced Indian farmersto grow opium in India, moving it to the smugglers in China. The Chinesegovernment, facing a growing number of addicts and the drain of moneyflowing out of the country, continually tried to suppress the trade, finallyarresting and executing some British smugglers.So, from 1840 to 1842, the nation of Great Britain went to war withChina for the right to trade in opium. The fighting was unequal: Chinesesoldiers armed with muskets and lances faced British artillery and rifles. Theresult was defeat for China and a series of unequal treaties. These treaties

Confucianism and Modernity 177guaranteed foreigners “ treaty ports, ” that is, part of the city set aside forforeigners to live and trade in. Foreigners also had the right of extraterritoriality:the right to be tried by one ’ s native country ’ s courts and law system,rather than the Chinese system, even though the crime occurred in China.Foreigners ran their own courts, police, legal, and tax systems. China gaveup Hong Kong and the right to set tariffs to protect Chinese industry; it lostthe right to collect customs duties on trade goods and the right to controlits own waterways: foreign navies could sail on any lake or river in China.Once these concessions were made to the British, other imperial powersflooded in. China gave concessions to the French, the Germans, the Russians,and later, the Japanese. As the German Kaiser said, “ We shall carve upChina like a melon. ” Because so many imperial powers were involved, noone of them ever dominated China as the British did India. However, manyforeign countries would continue to control much of China until 1949.This foreign takeover of China had enormous effects on everything fromthe economy to politics to philosophy. China had always been technologicallyahead of the West and had always considered itself superior to “ lesser ”nations abroad, but obviously the West had developed technology morequickly and much further than China. It was clear that something had tobe done; what Chinese thinkers disagreed about was what to do.Kang Youwei (1858 – 1927) and theReform of ConfucianismConfucian scholars understood the problems facing China as a problemof how to apply Confucianism to a radically changing modern world.One solution they proposed was to view Confucianism as the “ substance ”of Chinese culture, providing moral direction, while accepting Westerntechnology as the “ application, ” a practical expression of modernity. This“ substance/application ” approach continued to be promoted by Chinesethinkers throughout the twentieth century and can be found in Japan andKorea as well.Many reform - minded Confucian scholars established study societies todiscuss how to wed the old and the new, Confucianism and modernity.They called for an end to the civil service examinations and argued thatChina should take ideas from the West. One of the most famous of thesescholars was Kang Youwei, whose book Confucius as a Reformer broughta radical new interpretation to Confucianism. Confucius, Kang argued, hadalways been in favor of democracy, science, and women ’ s rights. These positionshad been understood by the New Text scholars of the Han dynasty,but were lost when the Neo - Confucians returned to the Old Text versionsof the classics and added their own stultifying system. Returning to an

178 Confucianism and Modernity“ original ” Confucianism, Kang argued, makes clear that Confucianism andmodernity are not in conflict.Kang Youwei continued to write, and in his Book of the Great Unityhe argued that an elected government could evoke true humanity, allowingfor the autonomy of women and a universal harmonious state. This waswhat Confucius had really taught, but over the centuries it had been lost.The “ national essence ” of Confucianism could be maintained and wouldfit well with modern ideas and practices. In 1898, Kang proposed thatConfucianism be recognized as the official religion of China and that aConfucian “ church ” be set up. He proposed this again in the 1915 debateson a new constitution for China, but he was not successful. Kang ’ s followersdid set up what were called “ Kongjiaohui ” meeting centers, which theycompared to churches. 3However odd Kang Youwei ’ s ideas may sound to us now, he foundsupport with the emperor who, in 1898, decreed a series of reforms, includinga new system of national education, a new government structure, anda modern military. These reforms, and they were reforms, not a radicalrestructuring, are called the “ 100 Days of Reform ” because they lastedonly a few months.The Dowager Empress, Cixi, the person really in charge of the government,put the emperor under house arrest, revoked the reforms, andexecuted the reformers. Kang Youwei ’ s brother was killed and Kang himselffled to Hong Kong. This horrific response did not end the agitation forchange: Chinese thinkers, Chinese living overseas, and Chinese studentsreturning from study abroad all continued to call for the end of the Qingdynasty and for a new China. The examination system was abolished in1905 as the Qing attempted some reform. 4 The abolition of the examinationsystem carried the message that Confucianism was no longer the state cult,but left open the question of where China would go from there.The Qing dynasty was overthrown in 1911 and the Republic of Chinaestablished. The Republic was weak and faced a host of problems: twothousand years of tradition had evaporated; the foreigners were still in Chinawith the same powers; there was a growing provincialism as much of Chinawas ruled by warlords; and no one had a very clear idea of what to do. 5The May 4th MovementThe May 4th movement got its name because of student demonstrationsagainst Japan ’ s increased appetite for taking over parts of China. Studentsdemonstrating against Japan in Beijing were shot by British troops onMay 4, 1915. The May 4th movement was a movement, not a politicalparty and not an organization. It had no membership cards and no single

Confucianism and Modernity 179leader. It was more of a cultural movement articulated by novelists, poets,newspaper and journal writers, and academics, all of whom flourished inthe 1920s and 1930s. They shared a strong sense of patriotism and a desirefor radical change in Chinese society, government, and culture. They alsoshared a common enemy: Confucianism.Confucianism was seen as the cause of all the failures of Chinese societyand government. Confucianism maintained superstitious ceremonies.Confucianism ’ s blind loyalty had led to a monolithic and fossilized society.Confucian emphasis was on the family, not the individual, as the basic unitof society. Filial piety, understood as the main teaching of Confucianism,made people subservient and dependent. It led to oppression of womenand the oppression of the young by the old. Confucianism was opposed tofreedom of thought, to democracy, and to science. Confucianism was theroot of China ’ s failure to fend off Western powers. Confucianism was toblame for almost everything. The slogan of the May 4th movement was,“ Down with Confucius and sons, ” as if Confucianism was a shop wherefalse ideas were sold. 6Lin Yutang wrote a play, “ Confucius Meets Duchess Nanzi, ” drawing onthe story in the Analects about the only woman Confucius is said to havespoken to: the traditionally wise Confucius is portrayed as a fool, while thetraditionally salacious Nanzi is portrayed as wise.Countering Confucianism, people in the May 4th movement extolledscience and democracy. Science was better than the superstitious past;democracy would bring an end to filial piety and family values. Ibsen ’ splay A Doll ’ s House became wildly popular, as it was in Europe and NorthAmerica. Nora ’ s decision to leave her husband and go out of the house tofind her own destiny resonated with these young people, especially women.The May 4th writers wrote in modern Chinese, not the classical formthat Confucian scholars had used for centuries, and they produced magazines,literary journals, novels, and newspapers 7 where they debated thefuture direction of Chinese politics, society, and culture.One of the best - known writers of the May 4th movement was theshort story writer Lu Xun. He did not spare the new Republic, arguingthat the 1911 revolution was controlled by crooks and had led to deathfor the gullible and innocent. He criticized those who found it convenientto blame China ’ s backwardness on the superstition of the commonpeople: this was just an example of the educated elite deflecting blame.In one of his short stories, a madman claims that, after reading theConfucian classics for years, he has found a secret command betweenthe lines. This secret command is “ eat people. ” Confucian classics havetaught this for so long that the entire society has become a cannibalsociety. Confucianism, in the end, teaches people to devour others, especiallytheir children. 8

180 Confucianism and ModernityThe May 4th view of Confucianism is problematic in a number of ways.First, it assumes a single and unchanging Confucian tradition; second, thistradition is seen as responsible for everything evil in “ old China, ” from footbindingto child marriages to a lack of scientific development. Obviouslythere were many reasons for these things. As well, they demanded thecomplete removal of Confucianism from Chinese culture, something that,as we shall see, is easier said than done.However, in many ways the May 4th thinkers were accurate:Confucianism, in its orthodoxy, had become fossilized; the elevation offilial piety as the primary teaching of Confucianism allowed for all sortsof excesses in both government and the family; the Confucian traditionhad contributed to a contempt for women. But is that all Confucianism is?The May 4th movement was successful in challenging, and often overthrowing,cultural norms like footbinding, but its members never tookpolitical leadership roles.The Guomindang and the New Life MovementWhile the May 4th movement attacked Confucianism, the leadership ofthe Republic of China had been taken over by Chiang Kai - shek as the newleader of the Guomindang (Kuomintang, KMT), the National People ’ sParty. 9 Thinkers in the Guomindang had understood the May 4th movement’ s criticisms, but argued that these criticisms applied only to decayingManchu rule in the Qing dynasty. Confucianism was not responsible forthe mess that the Qing had created. Chiang Kai - shek proposed a “ New LifeMovement ” that used Confucian ideas of loyalty and filial piety as one ofthe ways to develop a responsible, patriotic, and obedient new citizen. 10 TheNew Life Movement wanted to use Confucian terms to reform people and,it was hoped, to make people proud supporters of the Guomindang. Thiswas not the first time Confucian ideas had been used for other purposes. Itwould become a popular strategy in modern times.The Guomindang government had the “ Four Books ” taught in schools,restarted the performance of rituals in Confucian temples, and officiallyrecognized Confucius and his followers as national heroes. While this hadno impact on the civil wars going on in China during the 1920s and 1930s,it did lay the groundwork for the status of Confucianism on the island ofTaiwan after 1949.The Communist Party and the Communist GovernmentFrom the 1920s on, the Chinese Communist Party accepted most of thecriticisms of Confucius that had been made by the May 4th movement.

Confucianism and Modernity 181Communist theoreticians added a Marxist level to these criticisms. Theyargued that the Zhou dynasty had been what they described as a slave -holding society. 11 Confucius ’ desire to return to the Zhou made him a reactionary,fighting against the historical movement to feudalism. Coupled withthis was Confucianism ’ s association with intellectuals, a group especiallydespised by Mao Zedong. After the attack on intellectuals in the “ Anti -Rightist Campaign ” in 1957, Mao is reported to have said that, while theFirst Emperor buried 460 scholars alive, “ we have buried 460,000 scholars,surpassing him a hundredfold. ” 12 By the 1950s, when the Communists hadtaken over China, Confucianism seemed to be pretty much a dead issue. 13However, when Mao Zedong, as Chairman of the Chinese CommunistParty, initiated the Cultural Revolution (1966 – 76), Confucius once againbecame a player.Mao ’ s Cultural Revolution was meant to bring him back to power,but publicly it was painted as a revolution against those, especially in theCommunist Party, who were gradually leading the country away fromcommunism. Young people were formed into groups of Red Guards andtold to destroy the “ four olds, ” old culture, old thinking, old habits,old customs. They arrested, tortured, and killed people. They destroyedBuddhist, Religious Daoist, and Confucian temples, statues, inscriptions,art, and books.As Confucian ideas had not been taught in China for decades, the firstjob was to explain who Confucius was, what he thought, and why he wasan evil reactionary. Enemies of Mao, and thus of the revolution, wereequated with Confucius because, it was said, they wanted to return to thebad old days of capitalism and misery, just as Confucius wanted to returnto the bad old days of the slave - holding Zhou dynasty.Once Mao Zedong died and the Cultural Revolution ended in 1976,Confucius and Confucianism in China seemed completely dead: its templeswere destroyed, its books were nowhere to be found, and Confucius was agreat villain of the past. But some funny things happened in the last quarterof the twentieth century.New ConfuciansWhile communism was attacking Confucianism inside China, scholarsoutside of China, especially in Hong Kong and Taiwan, were reconsideringConfucianism. What had happened to the Confucian tradition that madeit so vilified by the May 4th movement and others? What had happenedto China that it had fallen so far behind the West? Why was it that communism,not Confucianism, had succeeded in unifying China and makingit finally independent of foreign powers?

182 Confucianism and ModernityOne of the things that many Westerners often do not appreciate aboutChina in particular, but many other East Asian countries as well, is theshock that Western imperialism brought and the corresponding pride inthe defeat of that imperialism. As China ’ s GNP grows, as China sends amanned rocket into space, as China hosts the Olympics, pride and patriotismgrow. The defeat of Western imperialism, whether military or economic,is celebrated as East Asian countries not only catch up to the West but alsosurpass it. New Confucianism shares in this same pride and patriotism. 14New Confucian scholars poured their patriotic feelings into Confucianism,and in 1958 several important scholars 15 joined together to call for a returnto the Confucian orthodoxy of Zhu Xi and its religious and philosophicaltruths. They were to begin a movement called “ New Confucianism. ” 16Do not confuse this with the Neo - Confucianism of imperial China. NewConfucians described themselves as the “ third wave ” of Confucianism followingthe first wave, Confucius, and the second wave, Neo - Confucianism.China, they argued, had a long and unique culture that the West has notunderstood and this culture is based in the Confucian tradition. The originalNew Confucian scholars were not noticed outside of academic circles, butevents outside of academia would soon change that.Up until World War II, many Western, and some Chinese, thinkers hadsaid that Confucianism was opposed to capitalism. With its emphasis onhierarchy and ritual, and its dismissal of merchants as just money grubbers,a Confucian society, it was said, was unable to develop a modern capitalistsystem. 17 This was why China and other East Asian countries had notdeveloped economically until they dismantled their old Confucian system.This view was proven wrong when, from the 1950s to the 1970s, Japan,Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore experienced tremendouseconomic growth. How had these economic miracles happened? Theanswer, simplistic in the extreme, was that all of these states were basedon Confucianism. Confucianism had taught a strong work ethic, deferenceto family, obedience to authority, emphasis on education, and the virtuesof thrift and self - sacrifice. These were the virtues that allowed East Asiancountries to modernize so well and so quickly. The undemanding connectionwas made: Confucianism was common to all these cultures; therefore,Confucianism had been responsible for their success. 18This economic success was most gratifying, given the economic declineof the West and the slow disintegration of Western culture. Western journalists,most not well versed in Asian history and culture, bought intothis notion and began to tell Western corporations that they would haveto follow the Asian, and particularly the Japanese, business model. Lessdiscussed was the backbreaking work of ordinary people, the poor pay,poverty, social inequity, and pollution that had made the East Asian economicmiracle.

Confucianism and Modernity 183With the economic miracles of East Asian countries, New Confuciansdeveloped a new confidence in the Confucian tradition. Governmentsthroughout East Asia began to bring Confucian ideas into their thinkingand to have them taught in their schools. Confucianism began its comeback,even weathering the Asian stock market crashes of 1997 that might havemade one doubt the “ Confucianism = economic success ” theory.Confucianism as the Foundation of Chinese CultureNew Confucians like Tu Wei - ming (Du Weiming), 19 a Chinese Americanscholar, describe the Confucian revival as a search for roots: for him, findingone ’ s cultural roots is finding Confucianism. New Confucians argue thatonly by returning to a Confucian foundation can Chinese societies maintaina solid culture. “ Confucian values ” are basic to the culture, attitudes, andbehavior of these societies. Confucianism is not a thing of the past. It permeatesChinese culture. This is true even for the China of the time, wherethere was no sign of Confucianism. 20This is because all Chinese people share a common culture: this includesthe importance of family, “ family values, ” ancestral veneration, rituals,and the celebration of festivals. This core of Confucianism is not theConfucianism that was the state cult of imperial China; it is a “ real ”Confucianism, practiced by Chinese people. Real Chinese culture is basedin Confucianism, New Confucians say. This has led to a debate about therole Confucian thought and values play in modern East Asia. It has alsoled to an examination of the problem of differentiating “ Confucian ” and“ Chinese ” values. For many New Confucians, Confucianism is understoodas having a special status in China ’ s identity both in the past and in thepresent. We can find people talking about a thread running through Chineseculture and history: this thread is Confucianism. 21Substance/ApplicationBack in the late 1800s, Chinese scholars had attempted to keep Confucianismas the “ substance ” of Chinese culture and Western technology as the practicalapplication or function of modernity. A superior Confucianism was toact as the base of a modern society, while Western technology was onlyfor practical use.Many New Confucians do a version of this “ substance/application ”approach, saying that “ Chinese culture is spiritual; Western culture ismaterialistic. ” There are criticisms of the West ’ s obsession with consumerismand its neglect of spiritual and moral values. Implied again is the

184 Confucianism and Modernitysuperiority of Chinese culture and a more religious or mystical version ofConfucianism, as we shall see. Confucianism is the antidote to the faultsof Western culture. 22 It is not only Chinese scholars who have developedthis kind of thinking; leading scholars in the West like Roger Ames andDavid Hall, in their book Thinking Through Confucius , argue that rationalityin Western thinking has failed and that the “ aesthetic ” approach ofConfucianism works much better.The Confucian CoreIf Confucianism is the substance, the base, of all Chinese culture, andConfucianism is a good thing, how are you going to explain all the terriblethings that happened in imperial China when Confucianism was in charge?The New Confucian response is that the tyrannical governments and backwardsocieties of the past do not represent “ real ” Confucianism and, in fact,they stopped “ real ” Confucianism from developing, as it naturally wouldhave, ideas of democracy.What was practiced as “ Confucian ” from the Han dynasty to the Qingdynasty was not “ Confucian ” at all, just as the so - called “ Christian ”states of Europe did not practice real Christianity. 23 The May 4th movement’ s criticism of Confucianism was a criticism of social and politicalConfucianism, not “ real ” Confucianism. There is a radical differencebetween the “ real ” Confucianism, with its universal message, and theinstitutionalized Confucianism that was practiced in imperial China bypeople who did not understand Confucianism.Do not be too surprised by this. Around the world, many traditions havebeen re - evaluated in this way. For example, burning women at the stakemay have been done by both Catholic and Protestant Christians, but modernChristian thinkers say that was not “ real ” Christianity. What you may be surprisedby is the description of Confucianism as religious and even mystical.Confucianism as ReligionMost New Confucians focus on a religious dimension in Confucianism,arguing that Confucianism is a religion and always has been, when properlyunderstood. This approach is based on passages in the Mencius ( “ allthe things of the universe are complete within me ” ) and later works likeZhang Zai ’ s “ Western Inscription. ” The connection between human beingsand the universe has been described throughout Confucianism and itdefines Confucianism. These things have been labeled as “ mysticism ” 24 inConfucianism, and the existence of mysticism in the tradition proves thatConfucianism is a religion, according to many New Confucians. There are

Confucianism and Modernity 185Figure 12.1 Students studying at the Confucian Temple in Taichong, Taiwanalso Western scholars of Confucianism who agree that Confucianism is areligion, or at least a spiritual experience. The reason for seeing Confucianismas a religion is a desire to experience the Confucian Way. In imperial China,people simply memorized the classics to pass the examinations. The realConfucian Way must be experienced, felt, and self - transforming.The religious, mystical understanding of the Way began with the greatsage - kings of antiquity, was articulated best by Confucius and then Mencius,was lost and then picked up again by the Neo - Confucians, lost again, andrediscovered by the New Confucians. This is what the daotong , the orthodoxteaching of the Way, is.New Confucians often emphasize the Book of Changes as the oneConfucian text that describes the universe as a great flow of change inwhich human beings find their proper place. Much of the debate about thereligious status of Confucianism among Chinese scholars has also focusedon issues like whether or not Confucius believed in the spirits, to whatextent Heaven is a deity, and whether Confucius had the status of a god.It is interesting to note as well that many New Confucians are affiliated inone way or another with Buddhism. 25

186 Confucianism and ModernityIf Confucianism is more like a religion, New Confucians say that in orderto truly understand Confucianism, one must practice it. Confucianism,New Confucians argue, is not to be understood intellectually, but shouldbe felt and should be practiced. In order to truly understand the Confucianclassics, one must approach them with respect and reverence. The core ofConfucianism is reached by self - cultivation and it is only those who practicethis who truly understand Confucian teaching. 26 The difficulty with thisargument is that it can be used to deflect criticism from outsiders: after all,only those inside the tradition really understand it. 27Asian ValuesThe world is changing in East Asia as it is in the West. These changesmake some people worry that modernization will kill traditional values.For example, industrialization splits up families; social status is decidedsolely by wealth; women are becoming more independent as they are ableto earn a salary, and so on.New Confucianism is often used to critique the West: Westerners do notcare about their family or their elderly; Westerners are individualistic tosuch a degree that they are rootless; Westerners are self - indulgent; Westernculture is only materialistic and this accounts for its high degree of sleaze. 28“ Asian values ” or “ Asianness, ” on the other hand, contains the values ofhard work, thrift, emphasis on education, respect for the family, humanitytowards others, a connection to the past, sense of community where thecommunity is the priority, and self - discipline. 29 These are all Confucianvalues, New Confucians argue, and these values have led to Asian economicdominance. Cultural or societal changes are a problem when they begin tochange Asian values.GovernmentsGovernment leaders were happy to sign on to this sort of Confucianism.After all, it leads to tremendous economic growth, an emphasis on education,harmonious relationships among citizens, and a strong state.TaiwanThe New Life Movement, which we looked at above, was set up by ChiangKai - shek ’ s Guomindang party and emphasized the Confucian ideas of filialpiety and loyalty. In the late 1940s, when the Guomindang lost the civilwar in China to the Communists, they retreated to the island of Taiwanand continued to support Confucianism. 30 The Guomindang government

Confucianism and Modernity 187saw itself as the preserver of Chinese culture and tradition, in contrast tothe godless communism of mainland China. Confucianism was taught inthe schools and the government financially supported Confucian temples,Confucian societies, and academic research. While this has all had a majorimpact on society, it is not clear that it has resulted in people identifyingConfucianism as a religion, let alone their religion. When interviewed inthe 1970s and asked “ What is your religion? ” only 1 percent of peoplein Taiwan replied “ Confucian. ” 31 Despite Confucian ideas and practicesbeing so common in Taiwan, people there have not identified themselvesas practicing Confucianism as a religion. With democratic elections in thelast twenty years, and the election of Democratic People ’ s Party (DPP)candidates, government support of Confucianism declined, but the rhetoricof Confucianism has not disappeared and Confucianism continues to betaught in schools. In Taiwan, it is generally accepted that public educationshould include moral education and Taiwanese texts emphasize the usualfilial piety, loyalty, and patriotism. People in Taiwan have, however, begunto debate Confucianism ’ s place in a modern society.SingaporeThe city - state of Singapore, under the dictatorship of Lee Kuan Yew, hadworked very hard at producing a first - class education system, and successfullygraduated top - ranking computer programmers, engineers, physicists,and medical researchers. To Lee ’ s dismay, while these young people werehighly educated in their field, they had no clear sense of morality andmany of them told researchers that they saw nothing wrong with cheatingand dishonesty. A society that so emphasized technology had turned intoa moral nightmare. In the 1970s the government responded to this situationby building up the study of Confucianism at all levels in the schools.The Confucianism that was chosen was that of the New Confucians. Thelevel of Confucian study in Singapore had been so low that scholars fromabroad had to be brought in to set up the textbooks and courses. 32 Thetextbooks contain many of the messages of New Confucians: there is a realConfucianism that is not the Confucianism of imperial China; learning andpracticing Confucian ethics will lead the student to the self - cultivation ofa strong character; when everyone practices Confucianism, society will beharmonious and Singapore will be economically prosperous.ChinaIn the 1970s, Deng Xiaoping, the successor to Mao Zedong, had broughtin major economic reforms. People in China had realized that the Cultural

188 Confucianism and ModernityRevolution had been a hoax and now the very foundations of communismwere changing too. Communism, which had given people a set of values,was bankrupt. Confucianism could be used to replace those values in waysthat would be “ natural ” to Chinese culture. Confucianism promised, aswell, to help with economic growth.As time went on and capitalism took hold in China, the governmentbegan to worry about what they saw as the bad effects of that capitalism:dishonesty, corruption, 33 selfishness, drug use, and pornography. By the1980s it was decided to have Confucianism taught in schools to counterthe evils of capitalism and Western “ spiritual pollution. ” As in Singapore,the level of Confucian scholarship in China was so low, given the CulturalRevolution, that foreigners had to be brought in to set up courses and textbooksat public, high school, and college levels. 34 The Confucian classics,with annotations, have been reprinted and are for sale everywhere, alongwith comic book versions of the Analects and other stories about Confucius.The government established the Academy of Chinese Culture ( ZhongguoShuyuan ), sponsored conferences on Confucianism, and has now set upthe China Confucius Foundation that has established Centers for ClassicalStudies all over China and abroad. In 1994, the Chinese Communist governmentsponsored a major conference in Beijing to celebrate the 2,425thanniversary of the birth of Confucius – a conference attended by manyscholars and dignitaries, including Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. At this celebration,the International Confucian Association ( Guoji Ruxue Lianhehui )was formed. It continues to hold conferences and publishes a journal,International Confucian Research (Guoji Ruxue Yanjiu ). 35The textbooks in schools in Singapore, China, and Taiwan all draw aline between “ core ” Confucianism and the Confucianism practiced in thepast. In some cases “ core ” Confucianism is described as different from the“ folk culture ” of the past that developed things like the concubine system orfootbinding. Texts teach students to have filial piety, to extend that respectto teachers and authorities, to be loyal to their family and country, to studyhard so as to make their family proud and contribute to the economic andsocial well - being of society. In general, Confucianism is taught as supportiveof capitalism, but also as the antidote to some of the consequences ofcapitalism like individualism, selfishness, and materialism.It is not just textbooks but government policy and the laws it enacts thatreflect their support for Confucianism. For example, in China, Taiwan, andSingapore there are laws requiring adult children to provide support fortheir parents. Critics point out that it is laws of this kind that allow thegovernment to avoid providing old - age pensions.Why are dictatorial governments so happy to promote Confucianism?When some scholars and government officials define Confucianism asfocused on filial piety, loyalty, and hierarchy, then it is a Confucianism

Confucianism and Modernity 189that fits well with authoritarianism. This kind of Confucianism is whatJoseph Tamney calls “ the stripped - down version of Confucianism. ” 36 IfConfucianism is nothing more than filial piety, loyalty, and hierarchy,then Confucianism can be used to teach the acceptance of a paternal formof government that citizens, as good Confucians, should happily accept.If the family is paramount, then governments are not required to set upunemployment insurance or old - age pensions: families will take care oftheir own. If Confucianism contributes to a good economy and a rise inthe standard of living, then the hard work and self - sacrifice of one generationbenefits the next. If Confucianism is the core of Chinese culture, thenit promotes patriotism. 37This close relationship with dictatorial governments does not reflect theviews of all New Confucians. Many New Confucian scholars protested themassacre at Tiananmen Square in 1989. Xu Fuguan in Taiwan has alwaysbeen a staunch supporter of democracy and has criticized Confucian scholarswho aid and abet authoritarian rule, as does Martin Lee in Hong Kong.Other New Confucians, however, have not found a way to situate themselvesindependently in regard to authoritarian governments. However, itis not just totalitarian governments that promote Confucianism. Taiwanis a good example of a democratic form of government that also uses the“ stripped - down version ” of Confucianism.Critics of New ConfucianismIt is not just on the political level that New Confucianism has come in forcriticism. Inside academic circles there is considerable debate. Some scholarssee New Confucianism as too Western influenced; others criticize theidea of Confucianism as a “ moral religion. ” The emphasis on an “ orthodox” Confucian transmission has, in some cases, led to an idolization ofthe early New Confucians. Others criticize the “ orthodox ” transmissionidea as sealing off Confucianism from new directions. Many criticize theirfellow scholars for being far too anxious to support repressive and dictatorialgovernments. Others argue that Confucianism, understood as basedon relationships and respect, chains individuals to their roles and makesthem dependent on their superiors. The three basic bonds, father – son,husband – wife, ruler – minister, are criticized as domination by virtue of age,gender, and power. Others say that Confucianism developed in a worldthat accepted a monarch, and its political and social thought is thereforecompletely antithetical to democracy. 38 Still others say that Confucianismdid not lead to Asian economic success and, in addition, the whole notionof “ Asian values ” is an artificial one dreamed up by authoritarian states tomake citizens obedient to their rule. Modern Chinese scholars do not all

190 Confucianism and Modernityagree: some, like Tu Wei - ming, argue that Chinese cultural traditions mustbe preserved; others respond that those very cultural traditions have keptChina backward in the past and can lead to authoritarianism.Outside of academia, New Confucianism has been criticized as being toointerested in theory and not able to deal with the real problems of ordinarylife. The use of New Confucian ideas by authoritarian governmentsis also, clearly, a problem. Far harsher criticisms come from people whodo not accept that there is a “ real ” or “ core ” Confucianism that is differentfrom the Confucianism that was practiced in the past. Confucianism isConfucianism and it is responsible for the disgraceful dismemberment ofChina at the hands of Western powers. Confucianism demands that peoplelive, and think, in a straightjacket. Confucianism is a foe of modernizationand democracy. The 1988 six - part television series He Shang , Yellow RiverElegy argued that the backwardness of Chinese civilization, represented bythe Yellow River, could only be thrown off by the rejection of tradition,especially its Confucian tradition. Some argue, too, that Confucianismcan never work with modern capitalism: Confucianism emphasizes ritualand hierarchy – contrary to the cash relationships of capitalism – andConfucianism dismisses the mere accumulation of wealth.In the New Confucian movement there are probably thousands of people,each with an individual approach to New Confucianism. People often donot agree with each other and debate is vigorous. There are, however, somecommonalities among them. First, they are almost entirely male. Second,most of the New Confucians see Confucianism as central to Chinese culture.Third, they describe an “ orthodox ” transmission of Confucianism. Fourth,New Confucians mostly see Confucianism as religious, or at least with anemphasis on the spiritual.New Confucianism ’ s Impact and ImportanceChinese societies in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and China are not allthe same. Societies in other countries like South Korea and Japan are differentagain. Surveys find support for “ Asian values ” in all of these societies,but less, for example, in Hong Kong than in China. So things like divorceare becoming more socially acceptable.However, ideas like paternal authority, that women are responsible forthe housework, and that children should obey their parents are still commonthroughout East Asia. Rising rates of domestic violence and divorce are oftenblamed on Western influence. Given that government propaganda identifiesAsian values with traditional family practice, changes in attitudes proceedslowly, but do proceed. It begins to look like the attempt by both governmentsand New Confucians to stem the tide of change may not be working.

Confucianism and Modernity 191Why should we care about New Confucianism and the way in whichit plays out in governments and society? First, the government of Chinain particular has promoted Confucianism for a number of reasons, oneof which is to establish common ground with, especially, Taiwan, Korea,and Japan. 39 Second, China is a major player on the world stage, and itwill shortly be the major player on the world stage. How Confucianism isdefined and developed in light of Chinese cultural and governmental attitudeswill be crucial. How Confucius is evaluated and how Confucianismis taught is not just important in East Asia; it will affect the West in wayswe cannot imagine.SummaryThere is a new movement among Asian and Western scholars called “ NewConfucianism. ” This is a re - evaluation that finds tendencies to democracy,scientific thought, and economic growth in classical Confucian thought.New Confucians argue that Confucianism as it was practiced throughoutChinese history was not authentic Confucianism, but was a misunderstoodand manipulated Confucianism. These scholars say that, by understandingConfucius ’ teachings properly, we have a guide for modern life that issuperior to the morally bankrupt Western world.Confucianism is now taught in schools in Taiwan, Korea, Japan, andSingapore, and has been for the last 20 years in China; governments in thesecountries sponsor conferences, seminars, university chairs, and programs inConfucianism. The relationship between New Confucian scholars and governmentpolicy and support is not always a direct one. The Confucianismtaught in schools focuses on filial piety, loyalty, forbearance (the way inwhich “ humanity ” is understood), hierarchy, hard work, education, and“ Asian - ness. ” Critics of the New Confucians argue that theirs is simplyone more interpretation and an interpretation that is not reliably based inthe classical texts. Critics of Confucianism taught in schools say that thisversion of Confucianism is crafted merely to keep authoritarian governmentsin power and to teach obedience and passivity to future citizens.By the 1970s, Confucianism looked like a dead tradition, practiced onlyin Taiwan and overseas Chinese communities and discussed only in abstractterms in academic circles. Within the space of a few decades, Confucianismhad staged a major comeback. The tradition has revived in the twenty - firstcentury, especially in China.

13IssuesWhat is Confucianism?By now you should have enough information to answer the question “ Whatis Confucianism? ” with another question, “ Which Confucianism? ” TheConfucianism of the Warring States? of the Han dynasty? of the Neo -Confucians? of the May 4th movement? of the New Confucians? or of thepresent - day Chinese government? So, when we come to try to answer somebroader questions about Confucianism, the first thing we need to do is tobe clear that there is more than one Confucianism. Confucianism, as LeeSeung - hwan says, is a “ discourse with a thousand faces. ” 1You also know by now that there is really no such thing as “ Confucianism. ”The Ru Confucians follow Ruxue , the Confucian school that is not understoodas based on a founder, Confucius (Kongzi), but is a tradition thatbegan before Confucius. Confucius is the revered sage who articulated thetradition best. Confucian ideas began to gel around Confucius ’ teachingsand around a set of texts. These ideas have been interpreted in all sorts ofways by all sorts of people in all sorts of times.These interpretations depend a great deal on the time: the things peoplewere talking about, the ideas floating around, the problems people in theConfucian tradition found themselves facing.To take one example, Zhu Xi, the great systematizer of the Confuciantradition, set up a system under the impetus of Chinese Buddhism, drawingon Confucian texts and ideas, and using the Han dynasty yin - yang andfive elements systems. He was educated for, and passed, the government -sponsored civil service examinations. He expressed his Neo - Confucian ideasby writing commentaries on the Confucian classics, selecting some classicsas more important than others, writing ritual textbooks for people, andassigning a lower status to women. His interpretation went on to becomethe orthodox understanding of Confucian ideas, was mandatory study for

Issues 193the civil service exams, and was backed and enforced by imperial power.How can one ever disentangle “ Confucianism ” from imperial Chineseculture and society? What parts of the life and thought of Zhu Xi are“ Confucian ” and which influenced by the culture at large and the politicalsystem of the time?We can see this all playing out again in our times with the New Confuciansas they try to answer the criticisms of the May 4th movement and deal withissues like democracy and human rights – problems Zhu Xi never faced.Another question has to do more generally with modern Confucianism ’ sidentity. Confucianism lost its official status with the end of the examinationsystem in 1905. There were no more civil service examinations and nomore Confucian - trained civil servants. Confucianism was no longer the statecult. An important New Confucian scholar, Yu Ying - shih (Yu Yingshi), hasargued that without the institutional expression of Confucianism found inimperial China, Confucianism now has no specific identity. 2A further question arises from this: who is a Confucian and what doesit mean to be one? Scholar - officials have traditionally been seen as the“ Confucians, ” but as there is no more examination system and no moreConfucian civil service, who can be a Confucian: intellectuals? all intellectuals?women? ordinary people practicing filial piety? only Asians? 3The “ Boston Confucians ” are a group of New Confucians centeredaround the city of Boston. They include Tu Wei - ming of Harvard, and RobertNeville and John Berthrong of Boston University. 4 They examine ways inwhich Confucianism can be adapted to Western culture. For example, thevirtues of sincerity and honesty can be applied to any culture. They arguethat Confucianism does not have to be confined to China and the Chinese,but can be practiced by anyone from any background who follows any belief.There is no Pope in Confucianism, no head, no central council. Since theend of the Hanlin Academy in 1911, there is no one person and no bodyto speak with authority about what Confucianism is or is not.DemocracyBearing this in mind, when we want to ask the question “ Can Confucianismco - exist with democracy? ” we have to think carefully about what aspectsof Confucianism we are talking about.The New Confucians ’ answer is that had Confucianism never becometangled up with imperial politics and government, it would have developedthe idea of democracy on its own. They argue this by drawing on certainstrands of Confucianism. The first strand is that anyone can become a gentleman,or even a sage. It is through education and self - cultivation that wecan become gentlemen or sages; it is not based on birth or social status. If

194 Issueswe have within us the possibility of self - cultivation, then, as in a democraticideal, we are all equal.This presumes, of course, that education and self - cultivation are open towomen, as well as men, and open to all classes of people. So it is arguedthat as education has been extended to include everyone as much as possible,democracy is completely compatible with the Confucian tradition.The second strand of Confucian thought that would have developed intodemocracy, they say, is the idea that government exists for the benefit ofthe people. While Confucius and later Confucians lived in times of kingsand emperors, the idea that government should benefit the ordinary personis one that, over time, could have easily developed into ideas of democracy.Surely democracy is defined as government for the benefit of the people andby the people. This is the inevitable conclusion of the Confucian ideal ofgovernment for the benefit of the people.The third strand is the idea of the “ choice of Heaven. ” From The Bookof History to Mencius we find the idea that the right to rule, the “ choice ofHeaven, ” is bestowed on those who rule with the welfare of the people asforemost. The supporters of democracy use this to argue that it is obviousthat ordinary people are the best judges of what benefits them and that thenatural extension of the “ choice of Heaven ” is democracy. The “ choice ofHeaven ” need not be a supernatural idea. If, for example, a governmentknows that one of its cities is in danger of flooding and, despite recommendations,does nothing about it and then does nothing much to help afterthe flood, it has surely lost its moral authority to rule.Some have argued that the idea of the “ choice of Heaven ” includes init the right to rebel. If a government has lost the “ choice of Heaven, ” itsmoral authority to rule, then rebellion is not only justified, but proper.Finally, “ putting words right ” tells us that, if rulers are good rulers,then they deserve the title of “ ruler ” and should continue to be the ruler.Confucians who support rulers who are bad rulers are running counter tothe Confucianism they claim to follow.“ Putting words right ” is an excellent tool for dealing with governmentissues. Not only does it get at social problems ( “ your call is important tous ” ) but using it could check governments that tell us that another war is“ patriotic ” or a way to fight terrorism. The word “ terrorism ” is a goodexample of when we need “ putting words right ” to define carefully whatis really meant by “ terrorism. ”These ideas – inclusively (that Confucianism is open to all equally) alongwith developing the ideas of government for the benefit of the people, the“ choice of Heaven, ” and “ putting words right ” – can all be a good fit withmodern ideas of democracy. 5Others argue that Confucianism is irredeemably elitist and anti -democratic. It is no coincidence, they say, that Confucianism has flourished

Issues 195under authoritarian and dictatorial governments, whether those of imperialChina or modern dictatorships. This argument is based on what is seen asan “ elitist ” view in Confucian thought and practice.It is not hard to find this elitist point of view. Thirty or forty years ago,one could easily find the argument that, of all the people in the world, theChinese were a singular people whose culture could not support democracy.During the 1970s and 1980s, I began to feel that I was eternallycondemned to having to argue against this. My arguments were with anumber of educated Chinese people and some Westerners. Both groupscited the particularity of Confucian culture as the reason for their anti -democratic views. Lee Kuan Yew, the leader of Singapore, wrote in 1994that “ The Confucianist [ sic ] view of order between subject and ruler helpsin the rapid transformation of society. I believe that what a country needsto develop is discipline more than democracy. Democracy leads to undisciplinedand disorderly conditions. ” 6 One would have thought that thedevelopment of democratic elections in Taiwan would have ended thisview, but fist fights in the legislature and instances of corruption are usedas further “ proof ” that democracy cannot exist in Chinese culture. 7 Ofcourse, all modern democracies began this way. Still, it is not hard to findan elitist view throughout East Asia. The educated and competent, it isbelieved, should rule on behalf of the uneducated and dim - witted masses– benevolently of course.Critics argue that the ground of this elitist view is the Confuciannotion of government. While government is for the benefit of the people,Confucianism argues that this is a moral obligation of the gentleman in governmentwho must guide the people because they are incapable of makingdecisions for themselves. The idea that an educated gentleman is responsiblefor caring for the people is, in itself, anti - democratic. This argument isbacked up with quotations like the one from the Analects : “ The virtue ofthe gentleman is like the wind and the virtue of the common people is likethe grass: when the wind moves, the grass is sure to bend. ” 8 Critics saythat elitism is part of the fabric of Confucianism and so Confucianism isnot compatible with democracy.The Emphasis on the EconomyWhether in the West or in East Asia, it is the modern conceit to judge allthings by money. We are dominated by Mozi ’ s thinking, not Confucius ’ :if something is a good thing, it is because it makes money. Everything isquantified in terms of dollars and cents. Movies are judged not by whetherthey are any good, but by how much they make at the box office. The aimof education is to give us a job that pays well. Heaven help poor students

196 Issueswho are “ just ” getting an Arts degree: whatever will they do with theirlives? They will not be able to make money and so the degree is useless.Many New Confucians credit Confucianism with an important rolein the economic success of East Asian countries, as we have just seen.Confucianism is a good thing because it leads to greater wealth. This,however, runs against classical and imperial Confucian ideas about money.Confucius says, “ Eating ordinary food, drinking water, and having one ’ selbow as a pillow – there is joy in this! Wealth and high position – whengotten improperly – are no more to me than passing clouds. ” 9 In theThousand Character Classic , the first book studied by children in muchof imperial China, merchants are given last place in the social structure.Throughout the Confucian tradition, making money was seen as somewhatundignified. It certainly took second place to becoming educated.So what are we to make of this? Following Confucianism does notexclude becoming wealthy, say some. Others argue that we cannot followConfucius by buying into the values of the modern world, particularly itsobsession with money.RitualWhile we are unlikely to want to return to a world of bows, curtseys, and“ at home days, ” any more than we would want to start wearing powderedwigs, Confucian ideas of ritual may be something we would want to consider.Ritual, defined as an exchange of mutual respect, is not a bad thing.Ritual is a moral action that ensures a proper, civilized society. Ritual iscivilized behavior and it can also function as a way to restrain our selfishnessand channel our emotions. Would the practice of ritual help us curethe modern - day blight of rudeness? Would teaching rituals to children makefor a better society? Would relationships based on ritual, rather than theexchange of money, lead to a better society or a worse one?We still practice rituals like weddings and funerals. One ritual thatWestern cultures no longer have is coming - of - age rituals. Maybe we should.One of the things that coming - of - age rituals do is to define what it is to bean adult. In Western culture, we see a continual infantilization of adults,who are not expected to act like adults, and, indeed, are encouraged to bechildish. 10 Conversely, in places like Taiwan and China there is a lot of conversationabout the notion of responsibility and what it means to be an adult.Filial PietyCan filial piety work in a modern society? When I survey my students, Ifind that most of them like the idea of filial piety, but understand it more

Issues 197as affection for parents than as obedience to parents. When it comes downto it, the doctrine of individualism, taught to us in movies and TV, dictatesthat children should follow their own hearts, no matter how much theylove their parents. Should we pay more attention to parents ’ wishes? Afterall, our parents cared for us for all the years that we were helpless. Parentsare older and may have more experience of the world. Most parents wantthe best for their children.Should parents expect more filial piety? In much of Chinese culture, it isnot the parents who enforce respect and filial piety from the children; theonus is on the children to provide it. If there is conflict between childrenand parents, it is not a failure in parenting, but the children ’ s fault for notunderstanding what they are supposed to do.Can filial piety be taken too far? How far is a child expected to go inpracticing filial piety? In the Analects Confucius says that a good son shouldprotect his father, even when his father is a criminal. Most of us wouldfeel uncomfortable with this. Again, the tool of “ putting words right ” isuseful. If a parent is abusive, then that parent is not behaving as a parentshould and does not deserve the title “ father ” or “ mother ” and thus doesnot deserve filial piety. This is not what Confucius and the Confucian traditionconstrued filial piety as meaning: for most of them filial piety was tobe unquestioning obedience.EducationMuch has been made recently of Confucianism ’ s emphasis on education.From Confucius himself encouraging his students to learn, through the classicaland imperial eras, and today, education is a constant in Confucianism.But what kind of education are we talking about? Is it education, asmuch education is today, that aims at teaching job skills and turning outtechnocrats? Both West and East spend the bulk of their education dollarson education that is “ useful. ” A “ useful ” education is thought to be onewhere the student learns useful, often quantifiable, things that will get thema good job and, in return, the student will be useful to the economy whenhe or she graduates. The spirit of Mozi is alive and well.In classical Confucianism, education was not seen that way. Educationaimed at producing knowledgeable people who learned moral lessons fromwhat they were taught. They were then expected to go out into the worldand change it, making society more civilized and government more caringand responsible. Apparently, students who are “ just ” getting an Arts degreeare doing exactly the right thing. Given the corrupt governments andmorally bankrupt societies most of us live with and in, perhaps we mightgive the classical Confucian ideas about education a second thought.

198 IssuesSelf - cultivationThe Confucian idea of “ self - cultivation ” is also a notion worth looking at.We can tend to the moral virtues within us, practicing them daily, watchingourselves carefully. We are building up the virtues of honesty, sincerity,sympathy for others, and so on. The point is to come to humanity, anethical attitude. Confucius did not demand that we become perfect humanbeings immediately; this is a task that takes some time and considerablecare. If we do this, and do it properly, then in a crisis or a situation wherewe have to make a quick decision, we can trust a moral compass within us.Self - cultivation is not something we practice for our private satisfaction orbecause it leads us to some sort of enlightenment. It is meant to allow usto act, and act properly, in our family, our neighborhood, and our country.Perhaps our society would be better off if we talked about self - cultivation.Does Confucianism Include Women? Can ConfucianismInclude Women?Mao Zedong said, “ Women hold up half the sky ” and Chinese women say,“ But why is it always the heavier half? ”In the last 50 years, scholars around the world have looked again at thegreat traditions and re - evaluated them in light of feminist theory and genderdiscourse. In general, modern scholars have used four main approaches toquestion the tradition about the history of women and to establish a placefor women in the modern tradition.First, they look at women in the history of the tradition, their accomplishments,and their status. Second, they look at the texts of the tradition,if applicable, to see what attitudes there have been about women, howthese may have changed over time, and what reasons there were for thesechanges. Third, they look for a basic message in the tradition to see if thatcan indeed include women. Finally, they re - evaluate the past in light of thisbasic message.Taking Buddhism as an example, in step one scholars find that womenplayed an important role in early Buddhism, had more social freedom inthe Buddhist community, were students, teachers, and missionaries, andbecame enlightened. In step two, they find that the later the Buddhistsutras, the more anti - women the sutras tend to be, until finally women aretold they cannot become enlightened as long as they are women. In stepthree, in Mahayana Buddhism, the basic message, they say, is that all sentientbeings contain the Buddha nature and therefore men and women canbecome enlightened equally. Finally, they reject a past that discriminated

Issues 199against women as incorrect and not in keeping with the basic message ofBuddhism. One should note that this does not mean that Buddhist attitudesaround the world have changed and that women are admitted equally withmen – scholarly influence is slow in moving thousands of years of culture.Scholars re - evaluating the Confucian tradition do many of the samethings. First they look at women in the history of Confucianism. Unlikethe enlightened female followers of the Buddha or the female disciples ofJesus, there are no women recorded as Confucius ’ students. One can beginwith a text we looked at in the Han dynasty (chapter 9 ), the Biographies ofWomen by Liu Xiang, containing over one hundred biographies of famouswomen, like Mencius ’ mother. We see portraits of women in traditionalroles, but being active and virtuous, that is, Confucian. More famous isBan Zhao. Ban Zhao ’ s Admonitions for Women advocates education forwomen because of their important role in the inner world of the home,which is a foundation for the outer. She believed the rules of properbehavior had been set out in the Confucian classics and that they appliedto both men and women. Ban Zhao is the first example of a long list offemale authors who, throughout imperial China, wrote texts for women,poetry, and biographies.Second, scholars look at the Confucian canon to see what attitudes therehave been about women, how these may have changed over time, and whatreasons there were for these changes. As we saw in chapter 3 , The Book ofPoetry contains love poems by women, but we find negative sayings aboutwomen as well. In The Book of History we see active women, involved inthe politics of their day, but more often women are portrayed as leadingrulers astray. In both The Book of History and the Zuo Zhuan the baddecisions of rulers are often said to have been caused by the beautifulwomen around them. In the texts devoted to rituals, we see both men andwomen venerating ancestors, for example, and the growth of the idea thatmen should be active outside the family, while women are active inside thehousehold. The separation of the sexes and the division of their responsibilitiesis found in all the ritual texts. Other Confucian classical texts continuethese themes. None of the Confucian classics label women as evil, butthere is debate as to whether this division between men and women meansequality or inequality.When we move to the Han dynasty yin - yang texts, the debate continues:some argue that the yin - yang texts cement the inferiority of women in acosmic scheme; others claim that the yin - yang theory is complementary andworks for the equality of men and women. 11Most agree, however, that the status of women declined throughoutimperial China. At birth, a girl was called a “ small happiness ” or “ goodson which one loses ” because of the custom of daughters marrying out of thenatal family and living with their husband ’ s family. By the Song dynasty,

200 Issuesdaughters had their feet bound. Daughters in well - to - do families receivedsome education, though not as much as their brothers. 12 Most women hadlittle power in their husband ’ s household and were subject to attitudes – andlaws – about maintaining their chastity and prohibitions against remarriageif they were widowed. 13Two very famous stories with Confucian themes about quite differentwomen come from the imperial age. The first is the story of Yang Guifei,the beautiful concubine of emperor Xuanzong (712 – 55), who was deeplyin love with her. In the face of a rebellion, the emperor was forced to fleethe palace and his military escort demanded the head of Yang Guifei. Theysaid that she was the cause of the emperor ’ s misrule and this rebellion;apparently the emperor himself had nothing to do with it. Broken - hearted,the emperor agreed, and, after her death, returned to his throne, saddened,but poetic about it. The second is the story of Hua Mulan ( c .500). WhenChina was divided between the Northern Wei dynasty and the Liang, shewas a great example of filial piety: her ill father was conscripted and herbrother too young, so she disguised herself as a man and went in his place.Her chastity was preserved because no one suspected she was a woman.She served brilliantly in the army for twelve years, becoming a general.She returned home and took up her womanly duties. 14 The story of YangGuifei is like the stories in the Confucian classics in which a beautifulwoman leads her emperor to destruction. The story of Hua Mulan is likethe stories of filial piety in which the filial daughter offered her life in placeof her father ’ s.So, if there are no female models among Confucius ’ students, can onelook to women like Ban Zhao and Hua Mulan as examples of a Confucianwoman? Is there a basic message in Confucianism by which to judge thehistory of Confucianism and which would include women? Yes, say some.This is “ education without distinction. ” Some argue that Confucius meantto include women in his view that education should be open to all; otherssay that, even if that was not what Confucius meant, it can now be understoodthat way. Confucians never argued that women were irrational orincapable of morality. So, given the same education, women can becomejust as moral as men. 15 The point is that if education is open to both menand women, then both men and women can study the classics, use self -cultivation, and become gentlemen. In English, the sentence “ a woman canbecome a gentleman ” sounds a little odd given that “ gentleman ” is a wordwith obvious gender expectations, but in Chinese, saying a woman canbecome a junzi works better (even though, as a class of knights originally,it too has some gender expectations).The basic message of Confucianism is that everyone, man or woman,can become an ethical person through education, and everyone can workin society for the betterment of society.

Issues 201If that is so, then how do we understand the past? Like NewConfucians, some scholars of Confucianism argue that much of the pastwas not real Confucianism. 16 Excluding women from a real educationwas not following the message of Confucianism. The Confucians ofthe past were too much influenced by the culture around them and didnot really understand the message of Confucianism. Confucian ideas ofgender were formed by the culture around them; as well, they did notthink through the moral implications of “ real ” Confucianism. It is perfectlypossible to reject Confucianism ’ s view of women while remainingfaithful to Confucianism.CriticsAs you can imagine, all of this is extremely controversial. Critics ofConfucianism argue that Confucianism is a male - dominated philosophythat has always spoken to men ’ s concerns. Confucianism has in the past, asit does now, excluded women from public life. Confucianism supports rigidgender roles that make women secondary to men. It supports a patriarchalfamily and a patriarchal state.The Confucian classics set out this secondary status for women quiteclearly and it was then cemented in place by the ideas of yin and yang whichmade women ’ s lowly status a matter of cosmic order.The basic message of Confucianism is that what men do and what menthink is important, while what women do is not. This, critics argue, is theonly way to understand the Confucian tradition and its history. WhenConfucianism excluded women from the public arena and believed thatwomen could only be active in the home, this meant that women did notneed an education and so could not practice self - cultivation or becomegentlemen. Confucianism not only theoretically and practically excludedwomen from government roles, but also limited women ’ s ability to beindependent moral actors by demanding women ’ s obedience to father,husband, and son.This plays out even today, critics say, in the New Confucian movement,where almost all the participants are male and where discussions of modernideas of gender equality are very rarely heard. New Confucianism teachesfilial piety and loyalty, but this is filial piety and loyalty in the context ofa patriarchal family and society. All that many New Confucians say towomen is that they must preserve Asian values and not become Westernized– that is, independent.The differences between those who would redeem the Confucian traditionand make it more open to women, and those who think that Confucianismcannot be redeemed and cannot include women, are wide indeed.

202 IssuesHow this will play out is still very much up in the air. There are reportsthat women in both Taiwan and China are beginning to perform ancestralveneration for their own, natal, ancestors in the female line. As well, womenin East Asia are becoming better educated and, gradually, have more jobopportunities. What will that mean for their acceptance or rejection ofConfucian ideas?Is Confucianism a Religion? A Philosophy?Something Else?As you have gone through this text, it may have seemed to you thatConfucianism is more like a philosophy than a religion in one section andthen more like a religion than a philosophy in the next. So, which is it?Westerners have a long history of discussing this problem. When theCatholic missionary order, the Jesuits, first went to China in the 1500sthey saw people bowing to Confucius ’ tablet in Confucian temples. Whenthey asked if this was a religion they were told it was not. It was simply anoffering of respect and reverence to the great teacher. Of course, the peoplethey asked about this ritual were the upper class, educated, elite. Similarly,when they saw people performing rites of ancestral veneration, they understoodthese rites as reverence for one ’ s ancestors and rituals of thanksand praise. They conflated ancestral veneration and Confucianism, andthe Jesuits decided that Confucianism was not a religion. Once the Jesuitsbegan to translate “ Confucian ” texts, these translations had an enormousimpact on European and North American thinkers of the Enlightenment 17who were delighted with an example of a non - religious state that could stillbe civilized and successful.When another Catholic order, the Franciscans, went to China, theyworked with the poor and found Chinese people “ worshipping ” theirancestors as if they were gods. This, the Franciscans said, was idolatry andnot the memorial service the Jesuits, who had been talking to the educatedelite, had said it was. This began the “ Rites Controversy ” about whether ornot ancestral veneration was a memorial service or an idolatrous worshipof gods. This controversy spread all over Europe and was a major subjectof debate – despite it being based on the smallest possible amount ofknowledge. In the late 1700s the Pope decided in favor of the Franciscans.Ancestral veneration was religious and any Chinese person who wanted toconvert to Christianity must cease practicing it. Confucianism, so closelyidentified in the Western mind with ancestral rites, was then thought to bea religion.While both Protestant and Catholic authorities eased the restrictionson performing ancestral rites by the 1920s, the Western assumption that

Issues 203Confucianism is a religion has continued. Confucianism is generally –though not entirely – taught in university departments of Religious Studiesand appears, labeled as a religion, in most textbooks that cover world religions.Confucianism is rarely taught in Philosophy departments – reservedfor the study of white European males – though courses may be offered inEast Asian Studies departments.Confucianism is defined as a religion not just in the Western mind, but,as we have seen, the New Confucians often stress a religious dimensionto Confucianism, arguing that Confucianism is not just rote learning, butsomething to be practiced and experienced.If Confucianism is a religion, what are the kinds of things we wouldexpect to see? We think of religions as having moral teachings, a historyof maintaining an orthodoxy, temples, ritual, a following (though not acongregation in, for example, the Christian sense), a set of texts consideredto be very important, and some sense of the metaphysical in, for example,the concept of Heaven. Confucianism has all of that.What would we expect to find in a religion that we do not find inConfucianism? There is no priesthood, no central leader, no congregation(that might, for example, support the building and upkeep of a temple), nosacred texts, no God or gods.So it may be that the expectations we have around the word “ religion ”make for the difficulty in defining Confucianism. 18 Are we the ones whoassume that religion is separate from secular activities? Are we makingassumptions that religion must be defined as something centered aroundtemples, texts, and a sense of the sacred? Is this why the Confucian school( jia ) or teachings ( jiao ) do not fit our expectations? Perhaps it is our definitionof religion that is the problem here. So when we look at Confucianismand see things like an emphasis on practice, temples, and lack of a centraldeity, we find ourselves at a loss.The same sorts of problem develop when you try to define Confucianismas a philosophy. What sort of things do you expect to find in a philosophy?How is philosophy distinguished from religion?Another consideration for this discussion is one thing Confucianismdoes not do, and has never done: there are no sanctions in Confucianism.Many Christians believe that bad people will go to hell when they die. InBuddhism, bad people build up karma and will have a very unpleasantrebirth in the next life. In the Confucian tradition, if someone behavesbadly, the worst you can do is say to them, “ Well, you are no gentleman! ”This lack of sanctions has, historically, allowed the corrupt, the cruel,and the bullies to do whatever they like, safe in the knowledge that notmuch can be done about them. I have witnessed instances of ill - treatmentof children, students, and subordinates by parents, professors, and bossesthat I would describe as abuse. The children and subordinates have, almost

204 Issuesuniformly, tried to practice humanity and moral virtues in the face of thisabuse, but no such reflection ever seems to have been required from theparents, teachers, or employers. Expectations about behavior and attitudeoften seem to apply only to some. This lack of sanctions has, in practice,associated Confucianism with all the things the May 4th movement complainedabout.On the other hand, this lack of sanctions is a grand thing. The Confuciantradition does not threaten one with hellfire, but calls us to look at ourselvesfirst and monitor our own behavior. If we know that we should act withhumanity, we are then supposed to do that. We act from humanity notbecause we will be rewarded in the next life, but simply because it is theright thing to do. We are, in the end, adults who are responsible for what wedo, and we are responsible for doing it well, none of which, unfortunately,can answer the question of whether or not Confucianism is a religion, aphilosophy, or something else.SummaryOver 2,500 years ago, Confucius lived in a world where standards weredeclining, sleaze and corruption were everywhere, and most people werebehaving badly. Confucius ’ solution to the problems of his time wastwofold: reform of the individual and reform of society. He taught filialpiety, dutifulness, honesty, sincerity, rightness, wisdom, moral courage,and sympathy for others. These are things we can cultivate within us. Ifwe study and cultivate the virtues within us, we can come to the generalmoral attitude of humanity. Humanity, expressed through ritual, allows usto act properly in the world. Doing this makes us gentlemen or, if we doit very well, sages.Not only are we to act as moral people in the world, we can transformour society by putting words right, by ensuring that government acts forthe benefit of the people, and by being models for others.After his death, Confucius ’ followers faced attacks from Mohists,Daoists, and the many thinkers of the Warring States era. In defense ofConfucius, Mencius was the first to come up with an interpretation ofConfucius ’ thought that would deal with the new problems Mencius faced.He argued that our human nature is good and reflects the goodness ofHeaven. Confucius ’ ideas of morality were not just a matter of taste, butnatural to human beings and linked to the cosmos itself.Xunzi rejected Mencius ’ interpretation and defended Confucius, usinganother approach. Human nature is evil. The sage - kings set up an artificialmorality and that is what Confucius taught. Confucius understood thatmorality was imposed on us; that was the true basis of his teachings.

Issues 205In the Han dynasty, the New Text scholars believed that they had foundthe universal basis of Confucius ’ teachings in the yin - yang and five phasestheories. This too connected Confucius ’ ideas to the workings of the universe.During the Han dynasty four important developments began for theConfucian tradition: the use of the yin - yang and five phases theories; theassociation of Confucianism and certain texts; the beginnings of a civilservice examination system; and the growth of interest in the Confucianidea of filial piety.For the next seven hundred years, Confucian studies slept, whileintellectual interest turned to Buddhism. Confucianism did not disappearbecause of its relation to the important idea of filial piety and therevival of the civil service examination system. Imperial governmentsbuilt and funded Confucian temples, loaded Confucius with titles, andused Confucianism as the state cult. Confucianism also spread to Korea,Japan, and Vietnam.Confucianism went through a great revival in the Southern Song dynastyas Neo - Confucian thinkers reshaped Confucius ’ ideas. This all came togetherin the thought of Zhu Xi, who connected Confucius ’ ideas with the SupremeUltimate and with principle. Through study and introspection, we can cometo know all principle, the Supreme Ultimate itself. Zhu Xi ’ s system becamethe standard and orthodox interpretation throughout imperial China and,for the most part, remains so today.The twentieth century saw the uncoupling of Confucianism from theChinese state with the end of the civil service examination system. The May4th movement attacked Confucianism, blaming it for the backwardness andweakness of Chinese society and government. Attacks continued under theCommunist government, and by the early 1970s Confucianism in Chinaseemed well and truly dead.However, two things restored Confucianism: the New Confucian scholarlymovement and the economic success of “ Confucian ” societies likeJapan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Bringing in itsown economic reforms, China followed suit. Confucianism is now taughtin schools all over East Asia and governments support Confucian temples,institutes, and scholarship.Confucianism in our times still faces a number of problems: how compatibleis it with democracy, human rights, feminism, and consumerism? Whocan tell in what ways Confucianism will develop? Despite the pounding ithas taken in its trip through the rapids of history, Confucianism has arrived,somewhat the worse for wear, in the twenty - first century. Throughouthistory, Confucianism has seemed to be heading toward extinction only torevive in a new incarnation.As for Confucius himself, surely it is the breadth and depth of his ideasthat have allowed so many, and so many different, interpretations through-

206 Issuesout history. We might want to look very carefully at what Confucius says,because, like him, we live in a society that is simultaneously childish andsleazy, where ignorance and the military are celebrated, and where sociopathsare applauded as men with business sense.It is not just Confucius ’ thought but also his life that can be a model.We can get rid of our cartoon picture of Confucius. He was no boring oldfogy churning out dull maxims, but a person who fought with passion andwisdom against the enveloping darkness.

NotesNotes to Chapter 11 Confucius say, “ Man who run in front of car get tired. ” Confucius say, “ Manwho keep feet firmly on ground have trouble putting on pants. ” And so onand so on.2 Lonely Planet, “ Shanghai Confucian Temple ” entry; see www.lonelyplanet.com/china/shanghai/sights/369485.3 There are two systems of transliteration for Chinese: the older Wade – Gilessystem and the newer Pinyin system. I will use the Pinyin system in the text,but both systems in the notes and glossary. The Pinyin comes first, then theWade – Giles, divided by a slash, for example Kongzi/K ’ ung Tzu. As Pinyin isstill sometimes daunting for English speakers, I have included an approximatepronunciation in the Glossary.4 For a description of Western attitudes toward Confucianism, see Seung - hwanLee , A Topography of Confucian Discourse: Politico - philosophical Reflectionson Confucian Discourse Since Modernity , trans. Jaeyoon Song and Seung -hwan Lee (Paramus: Homa and Sekley Books, 2006), Ch. 2.5 Lewis argues that the emerging elite of the Warring States sought sanctionand precedent and so re - imagined Chinese history where gods become sage -kings. The point the elite was making was that institutions were neithernatural nor supernaturally created, but created by human beings. It was rulers,through their powers, who created civilization and society, perhaps the mostradical claim to political authority ever. See Mark Edward Lewis, SanctionedViolence in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990 ),210 – 12.6 The Book of History, “ Zhou, Jin Teng ” ; compare James Legge, The ChineseClassics. Volume 3: The Shoo King, or The Book of Historical Documents[ Shu Jing, Book of History ] (1865; reprinted Hong Kong: University of HongKong Press, 1960), 351f. For more on The Book of History , see chapter 8.7 Ghost - spirits, guishen/ kui - shen , is a phrase commonly used in classical textsto refer to supernatural powers of gods, ancestors, and the spirits of the dead.

208 Notes8 The Book of History , “ Da Yu Mo, Gao Yao ” ; compare James Legge, The ShooKing [Shu Jing, Book of History] , 74.9 The period of the Eastern Zhou, where the capital city is in the east, is furtherdivided into the Spring and Autumn period (named after the Spring andAutumn annals), 722 – 481 BCE, and the Warring States Era, 403 – 221 BCE.Officially, Zhou rule lasted until 256 BCE when the last Zhou ruler was killed,but effectively the Zhou had no power by 403 BCE.10 Zuo Zhuan , Duke Huan, 16th year. For more on the Zuo Zhuan , see chapter8.11 The Zuo Zhuan is full of such stories. In 548 BCE, Duke Zhuang of Qi carriedon an affair with the wife of one of his advisors. His advisor, allying himselfwith another state, surprised the duke who was visiting his lady friend andhad him killed (Duke Xiang, 25th year). King Ling of the state of Chu hadbecome ruler by murdering his nephew. He accused his grand marshal oftreason and took all of his property, seized the lands of another noble, andtook over various regions that had been fiefs of other noble families. His rulewas so corrupt and violent that three of his younger brothers revolted againsthim and killed him in 529 BCE (Duke Zhao, 12th year). Compare BurtonWatson, trans., The Tso Chuan [Zuo Zhuan]: Selections from China ’ s OldestNarrative History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989 ), 168f.12 Zuo Zhuan, Duke Ding, 3rd year; compare Watson, trans., The Tso Chuan[Zuo Zhuan] , 178.13 Zuo Zhuan, Duke Xuan, 2nd year. Duke Ling also is described as imposingheavy taxes to decorate his buildings; compare Watson, trans., The Tso Chuan[Zuo Zhuan] , 77f.14 Zuo Zhuan, Duke Ai, 1st year.15 Zuo Zhuan, Duke Ai, 16th year. Compare Watson, trans., The Tso Chuan[Zuo Zhuan] , 206.16 Zuo Zhuan, Duke Xiang, 25th year. Compare Watson, trans., The Tso Chuan[Zuo Zhuan] , 47.17 For an excellent description of the changes in the Warring States period, seeMark Edward Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China . To see the kind ofclothing people wore, the weapons they used, and the palaces royalty lived in,see the movie Hero (Zhang Yimou, 2002). The plot, however, is fantastical.18 Analects 14.38. The standard translation of the Analects is D. C. Lau ’ sConfucius: The Analects (New York: Penguin, 1979 and reprinted frequently).In the citations from the Analects I am using Lau ’ s standard numbering system;readers can compare that to other translations. Since Lau ’ s work there havebeen more scholarly translations including Roger Ames and Henry Rosemont,Jr., The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York:Ballantine Books, 1998 ), which includes useful information about the formationof the text, including the partial text discovered in 1973 in Dingzhou,Hebei. See also Edward Slingerland, Confucius: Analects with Selections fromTraditional Commentaries (Indianapolis/Cambridge: Hackett Publishing,2003 ), which includes helpful commentaries to explain the terms and sometimescryptic sayings of the Analects . Two good, non - scholarly translations areDavid Hinton ’ s The Analects (Washington: Counterpoint, 1998 ) and Simon

Notes 209Leys (Pierre Ryckmans), The Analects of Confucius (New York: W.W. Nortonand Co., 1997 ); the translations are readable and the books include goodintroductions to the text.19 I will give a brief description of these texts as we go along, but for a morecomplete description, see chapter 8.20 For discussions about the composition of the Analects , see Bryan Van Norden,“ Introduction ” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan VanNorden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002 ), 3 – 36. See also E. Bruceand Taeko Brooks, The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and HisSuccessors (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998 ), for a good descriptionof the theories around the formation of the text and their own proposalthat the Analects is layered in four levels. For a description of a numberof the versions of the Analects and related texts from the Han, see MarkCsikszentmihalyi, “ Confucius and the Analects in the Han ” in Van Norden(ed.), Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , 144f.21 Analects 5.10.22 Analects 10.17.23 For a painstaking examination of the issues involved in the accounts ofConfucius ’ life, see Shigeki Kaizuka, Confucius: His Life and Thought , trans.Geoffrey Bownas (New York: Macmillan, 1956 ).24 His dates are tentatively given as 624 – 529 BCE. For a reference to He ofZou, traditionally identified as Confucius ’ father, see the Zuo Zhuan , DukeXiang, 10th year (563 BCE); compare Watson, The Tso Chuan [Zuo Zhuan] ,139.25 In some stories, we are told that her first son was deformed and so unable toperform sacrificial rituals. Confucius was a second son.26 Later, as was customary, taking another name or “ style, ” Zhongni.27 Some scholars are suspicious of the reports of Confucius ’ rise in rank in thegovernment of Lu that we find in the traditional stories. They think that, as timewent on, there was a gradual addition to Confucius ’ rank. See, for example,David L. Hall and Roger Ames, Anticipating China: Thinking through theNarratives of Chinese and Western Culture (Albany: State University of NewYork Press, 1995 ), 201.28 Analects 9.6.29 For a discussion of the use of the word “ knight ” as noble or true manhood,based on noble birth, see Lewis, Sanctioned Violence , 32.30 Enumerated in The Book of History , “ Shun Dian , ” and in the Zhou Li .“ Accomplishments ” is often translated as “ arts, ” but they were skills, not fineart, crafts, or techniques.31 Analects 2.2. The Book of Poetry is a collection of 305 poems and songs,taught by Confucius and, it was believed in the past, edited by him. The poemsinclude everything from praise of the early Zhou rulers to romantic love poems.See chapter 8.32 Analects 16.13.33 Analects 17.9.34 Analects 7.32.35 Analects 11.26.

210 Notes36 Analects 7.14. The Shi Ji adds to this story by saying that when Confucius wasin Qi, he discussed music with its Music Master and, when he heard the Shao ,studied it. Shi Ji “ Kongzi Shi Jia. ”37 Analects 17.21.38 Analects 7.8.39 Analects 9.23.40 Analects 9.4.41 Analects 2.4.42 Analects 7.3.43 Analects 7.16.44 Analects 5.26, following Slingerland, Confucius: Analects 50.45 Analects 7.19.46 Analects 9.12.Notes to Chapter 21 The term filial piety is not found on the oracle bones from the Shang dynasty.It develops an independent existence quite late. It is found on the bronze vesselsand in The Book of Poetry and The Book of History . From the early Zhouon, filial piety is closely tied to blood relationship, particularly in the performanceof family and clan sacrifices. Many commentators argue that, althoughthe character itself is not found on the oracle bones, the Shang and earliersocieties give clear evidence of clan and family solidarity and a continuationof the clan ’ s relationship with the dead. This is the basis of the ideal of filialpiety. Rosemont and Ames suggest alternative translations for xiao such asfamily responsibility, family deference, family feeling, or family reverence; seeHenry Rosemont Jr. and Roger Ames, The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence(Honolulu: University of Hawai ’ i Press, 2009), 1.2 Analects 2.5.3 Classic of Filial Piety , SPPY ed., 2.8; compare Rosemont and Ames, 111.4 Classic of Filial Piety , SPPY ed., 2.7b; compare Rosemont and Ames, 110.5 Analects 17.21.6 Analects 13.18. See also the Mencius 7A:35 for a similar point of view.Mencius used the example of the sage - king Shun, and the stories of his filialpiety toward parents who did not love him, as the highest examples of moralbehavior.7 Quoting the Analects 2.5, Liu JeeLoo says filial piety is not blind: respect isnot due an elder who is not virtuous. See her An Introduction to ChinesePhilosophy (Malden, MA, and Oxford: Blackwell, 2006 ), 52. See also John H.Berthrong and Evelyn Nagai Berthrong, Confucianism: A Short Introduction(Oxford: Oneworld, 2000 ), 27 for a similar evaluation.8 Analects 4.18.9 The Book of Rites , “ Nei Zei ” (Domestic Regulations); compare Legge, The LiKi [ Li Ji ] Sacred Books of China , trans. James Legge (Oxford: Clarendon Press,1879), vol. 1, 456 – 57. See also the “ Qu Li Xia ” chapter that says, “ The properritual for a minister is that he should not remonstrate in public. If the minister

Notes 211remonstrates with his lord three times and the minister is not listened to, theminister should resign. As for a son and his parents, if the son remonstratesthree times and is not heard, crying and in tears, the son must also go alongwith them. ” Compare Legge, vol. 1, 114.10 Analects 4.20.11 Compare Rosemont and Ames, The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence , 113.12 Analects 2.8.13 The Book of Rites , “ Nei Ze ” (Domestic Regulations); compare Legge, vol. 1,449 – 54.14 Analects 14.43.15 Analects 1.2.16 See the Doctrine of the Mean ( Zhong Yong ), discussed in chapter 8.17 Analects 1.2.18 Kongzi Jia Yu , SPPY ed., 1.7a.19 Classic of Filial Piety , SPPY ed., 2.9; compare Rosemont and Ames, 114.20 See Keith N. Knapp, Selfless Offspring: Filial Children and Social Order inMedieval China (Honolulu: University of Hawai ’ i Press), 2005 , 3f. This textgives a thorough description of filial piety ’ s role in Chinese thought and society.21 Analects 5.19.22 “ Zhong is often translated as ‘ loyalty, ’ but ‘ dutifulness ’ is preferable becausethe ultimate focus is upon one ’ s ritually - prescribed duties rather than loyalty toone particular person and, indeed, zhong would involve opposing a ruler whowas acting improperly (13.15, 13.23, 14.7) ” Slingerland, Confucius , 34 – 5. Liuunderstands zhong as loyalty, though she agrees it is loyalty to a task, not aperson: An Introduction to Chinese Philosophy, 48f.23 Analects 14.7. See also Analects 13.15.24 The Book of Rites “ Nei Ze ” (Domestic Regulations) noted in Slingerland,Confucius 35. See above, note 12 for the quotation.25 “ Integrity ” as a translation is suggested by David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames;see their discussion in Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendencein Chinese and Western Culture (Albany, NY: SUNY, 1998 ), 161.26 Analects 4.16; 19.1.27 Analects 16.9, following Slingerland ’ s translation.28 Analects 7.20; 7.28.29 “ ‘ Knowing ’ then, in classical China is not a knowing what provides someunderstanding of the environing conditions of the natural world, but is rathera knowing how to be adept in relationships and how , in optimizing the possibilitiesthat these relationships provide, to develop trust in their viability. ”Hall and Ames, Thinking from the Han, 150. See also Analects 15.8.30 Analects 12.22.31 Analects 2.17.32 Analects 2.24.33 Analects 17.23.34 Analects 4.15.35 This is repeated a number of times in the Analects , “ What I don ’ t want others todo to me, so I should not do to others ” (4.15). See also 5.12 and, in Slingerland,“ Do not impose upon others, what you yourself do not desire ” (12.2). For an

212 Notesexample of the debate about the negative and positive golden rule, see RobertAllinson, “ The Golden Rule as the Core Value in Confucianism and Christianity:Ethical Similarities and Differences, ” Asian Philosophy 2.2, 173 – 85.36 Hall and Ames define understanding or compassion as not imposing oneselfon others. See David L. Hall and Roger Ames, Anticipating China: ThinkingThrough the Narratives of Chinese and Western Culture (Albany, NY: SUNY,1995 ), 199.37 Analects 5.20.38 Lewis, Sanctioned Violence, 43.39 David L. Hall and Roger Ames. Thinking from the Han, render ren as “ authoritativeperson ” and “ self ” : see 27, 257 – 9. And they argue that “ The problem[with translating ren as] benevolence is that it psychologizes ren , reducing aholistic and resolutely social conception of person to someone ’ s particularmoral disposition. ‘ Humanity, ’ a broader, and hence more adequate term, stillfails to do justice to the profoundly religious dimension of ren and vitiates theuniqueness inherent in becoming ren ” (263).Others note that, on one occasion,in the Analects , ren is referred to as love for others ( Analects 12.22), but moreoften as “ an all encompassing ethical ideal ” (Shun Kwong - loi, “ Ren and Liin the Analects , ” in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan VanNorden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002 ), 53.To add to the complexities of an English translation for “ ren , ” the termis used only in certain layers of the Analects , reflecting later agendas. See E.Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks, “ Word Philology and Text Philology inAnalects 9.1 ” , in Confucius and the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan VanNorden, especially 194f. The term evolved after Confucius, so one must becareful with it, but, as Benjamin Schwartz points out, for Confucius it is “ anattainment of human excellence which – where it exists – is a whole embracingall the separate virtues ” ( The World of Thought in Ancient China , Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press, 1985 ), 75.40 Analects 4.2, 4.12.41 Analects 12.1.42 Analects 9.18.43 The Chinese word xin means both mind and heart and is often translated asboth or, as here, “ mind/heart ” ( Analects 4.4).44 For a description of early uses of ritual and the ways in which the term changes,see N. E. Fehl, Li: Rites and Propriety in Literature and Life (Hong Kong:Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1971).45 See Lewis, Sanctioned Violence , 95f.46 Analects 12.1.47 Analects 8.2.48 Others say this is a story about Wu Zixu (526 – 484) who was executed forgiving good advice to the ruler of the state of Wu. His body was thrown in ariver.49 A gentleman, a junzi . This term has also been translated as “ exemplary person ”(Hall and Ames, Thinking from the Han ), “ superior man ” (James Legge), and“ superior person ” (Liu JeeLoo). “ Gentleman ” conveys all of the class, political,and moral implications of the term, especially if one thinks of the way “ gen-

Notes 213tleman ” was used, say, in Victorian England. A gentleman was upper - class,educated, and able to hold office in domestic or colonial government.50 There are a number of phrases describing paradigmatic persons in the Analects :the good man (13.11, 13.29), and the complete man (14.12), but most of thediscussion is aimed at the gentleman, and these terms “ good ” and “ complete ”seem to be other ways of saying “ gentleman. ” Similarly a scholar/official seemsto be another way of describing a paradigmatic individual who “ must be strongand enduring for his burdens are heavy and the Way is long. Humanity is hisburden – is it not a heavy thing? His Way ends only at his death – is it notlong? ” Analects 8.7.51 Analects 4.11.52 Analects 12.16.53 Analects 13.23.54 Analects 13.25.55 Analects 13.26.56 Analects 14.23. As Hall and Ames say, the “ socially expansive and inclusivegentleman is opposed to the disintegrative and retarding qualities of the smallperson. ” Hall and Ames, Thinking from the Han , 160.57 Analects 14.12.58 Analects 14.30.59 Analects 1.14.60 Analects 12.5.61 Analects 14.42.62 Analects 4.5.63 Analects 12.4. “ The Way of the gentleman has three parts, yet I have achievednone of them. The humane do not worry; the wise are not confused; and thecourageous are not afraid. ” Analects 14.28.64 The idea that government administrators should be appointed on their merits,not according to their birth. would have been interesting particularly to theclass of scholar/officials who were looking for these very jobs.65 Analects 7.26, 7.34.Notes to Chapter 31 Analects 8.13.2 Analects 13.3. Zheng ming is often translated as “ rectification of names. ” Mingcan mean either “ words ” or “ names. ” See Analects 12.17 for a play on words:“ to govern, zheng, means to correct, zheng . ”3 As is the ubiquitous, “ We are sorry for any inconvenience. ” This is meantto mean, one supposes, that the fact that the flight has been cancelled may,just as an outside chance, cause someone a moment ’ s pang, and for that theyapologize. People who are forced to endure meetings full of this bafflegab haveinvented “ buzzword bingo, ” where the numbers in a bingo card are replacedwith jargon words. Players cross off the word in the square if it is used in the“ presentation. ”4 Analects 12.11.

214 Notes5 Analects 13.3.6 Analects 12.9.7 Analects 12.7.8 Analects 14.1.9 Analects 8.9.10 Analects 2.3.11 Ibid.12 Curiously, it was difficult to think of an example of behavior that would beconsidered shameful these days.13 Analects 12.19.14 Analects 12.18.15 Analects 15.1.16 Analects 13.30, 13.29.17 The extent to which this meant that ritual was a semi - magical force ingovernment and society, and whether the government was understood as heldtogether by religious ritual and a transcendent moral vision, is debated. SeeBenjamin Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China and the controversialviews of Robert Eno, The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophyand the Defence of Ritual Mastery (Albany: State University of New YorkPress, 1990 ).18 Analects 17.5. Book 17 of the Analects contains a number of stories and conversationsabout this problem. The conversation in 17.15 points out that it isnot just a corrupt ruler one has to deal with but also the small people whothink only of holding on to the government job they have.19 Analects 15.39.20 Analects 8.9.21 Analects 17.25. Not surprisingly, this passage in particular has been the subjectof much discussion, with some modern commentators reading the passage asaddressed to the problem of dealing with male and female servants. For anintroduction to this discussion, see Slingerland ’ s comments on the passageConfucius: Analects 211 – 12. For a further discussion of the role of women inConfucianism, see chapter 13. See also Paul R. Goldin, “ The View of Womenin Early Confucianism, ” and Lisa Raphaels, “ Gendered Virtue Reconsidered:Notes from the Warring States and Han ” in Li Chengyang, ed. The Sage andthe Second Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and Gender (Chicago: Open Court,2000 ), 133 – 62; 223 – 48.22 Analects 6.28. For the story of Nanzi and the long power struggle in the stateof Wei that she was involved in, see the Zuo Zhuan , Duke Ling 14th year;compare Watson, trans., The Tso Chuan [Zuo Zhuan] , 195f. In the Analects8.20, Confucius is seen dismissing the possibility of a good minister who isfemale when he refers to the ten good ministers of one of his heroes, King Wu.There were only nine good ministers, Confucius says. The female minister didnot count.23 Zigong, a student, told Confucius that he was tired of studying and was thinkingof taking a rest in the company of his wife. Confucius replied, “ A wifeis difficult, how could you think about rest with her? ” Xunzi 27.9. CompareKnoblock, trans., Xunzi 3, 230.

Notes 21524 Book of Poetry “ Tang, Zhan Zhang ” ; compare Legge, The Chinese Classics.Volume 4: The She King [Shi Jing] (1871; reprinted Hong Kong: University ofHong Kong Press, 1960), 561 – 2. The text also contains a number of charmingpoems, in a woman ’ s voice, speaking of their love.25 Book of Poetry “ Qi Fu, Si Gan ” ; compare Legge, The She King [Shi Jing] ,306 – 7.26 Book of Rites “ Nei Ze ” ; compare Legge, The Li Ki [Li Ji] 1, 454 – 5.27 Book of Rites “ Nei Ze ” ; compare Legge, The Li Ki [Li Ji] 1, 470 and 454.28 See Book of Rites “ Hun Yi ” (The Meaning of Marriage); compare Legge TheLi Ki [Li Ji] 2, 434. Some commentators see this as a requirement for complementaryresponsibilities.29 Book of Rites “ Hun Yi ” ; compare Legge The Li Ki [Li Ji] vol. 2, 434. Thecontext, however, is less equitable. The emperor, the Son of Heaven, is toregulate masculine energies by establishing what is proper to men; the empressregulates female energies by means of the obedience proper to women. Theemperor guides all external affairs; the empress internal, household, affairs.30 Nor do we find women ’ s rituals around birth, for example, described inConfucian ritual texts.31 Zhan Guo Ce/Ch ’ an Kuo Ts ’ e, the Annals of the Warring States , “ Annals ofQin, ” SPPY ed., 4.8b.32 Analects 7.21.33 Analects 6.22.34 Analects 3.12.35 Analects 11.12.36 Analects 2.4.37 Analects 16.8. Along with the choice of Heaven, we should be in awe of thegreat men of our times and the teachings of the sages of the past.38 Analects 17.19.39 Analects 5.13.40 Analects 11.9.41 Analects 7.23.42 Analects 9.5.43 Analects 3.24.44 Analects 14.35.45 Analects 3.13.46 Book of History “ Gao Zong, Rong Ri ” ; compare Legge, She King , 264.47 See David Schaberg, “ Command and the Content of Tradition ” in TheMagnitude of Ming: Command, Allotment, and Fate in Chinese Culture , ed.Christopher Lupke (Honolulu: University of Hawai ’ i Press, 2005), 23 – 48.48 Analects 14.36. See also 6.19 where the illness and death of Confucius ’ studentis attributed to fate.49 Analects 7.6.50 Analects 4.8.51 Analects 15.29.52 Schwartz, The World of Thought , 120.53 See Herbert Fingarette, Confucius: the Secular as Sacred (New York: Harperand Row, 1972 ).

216 NotesNotes to Chapter 41 “ School ” or “ - ism ” is, in Chinese, jia , school, or jiao , teaching; see below.2 “ Scholars ” or “ scholar - bureaucrats ” were learned men, the great majority fromthe upper classes, who looked for, and often achieved, jobs in government.3 Mencius (see chapter 6) would not go to Jixia because he refused to acceptpayment from a ruler without being part of the government.4 This led to other howlers: the abominable term “ Muhammadanism ” for Islamand “ Lamaism ” for Tibetan Buddhism. The issue of the development and useof the term “ Confucianism ” is ably set out in Lionel Jensen, ManufacturingConfucianism: Chinese Traditions and Universal Civilization (Durham, NC:Duke University Press, 1997 ).5 Even the use of the term “ Ru ” has been rejected by some. Li - hsiang Lisa Rosenleeargues, oddly, that there was neither a literal nor a conceptual counterpart of“ Confucianism ” in the Chinese language. See Confucianism and Women: APhilosophical Interpretation (Albany, NY: SUNY, 2006 ), 17. Michael Nylansays that “ the stable entity later scholars have called Confucianism never reallyexisted. ‘ Confucianism ’ is an abstraction and a generalization – apparentlyuseful but always obfuscating – a product of ongoing intellectual engagementas well as a subject of it, ” The Five “ Confucian ” Classics , 3.6 Mozi calls Confucius a R u shi , Ru - ist knight/worthy, and Dao shi , a knight/worthy of the Way.7 The word “ Ru ” is not found in four of the Five Classics. The Book of Ritesdoes use the term, but this may be a later addition. It is used only once in theAnalects , where Confucius says that one wants to be a gentlemanly Ru not apetty Ru (6:13).8 According to the Zhou Li , a Warring States text, Ru was first used as a namefor a Zhou official whose duty was to teach the six accomplishments. It mayalso have been related to scholars and to teachers.9 For a discussion of these stories, see Nylan , The Five “ Confucian ” Classics , 23.10 This argument is based on an ancient dictionary Shuo Wen Jie Zi ’ s definition,“ Ru means weak. ” Hu Shih (Hu Shi, 1891 – 1962) also argued that Ru was aterm used prior to Confucius to refer to the shamans of the Shang dynasty.11 See John Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 52.12 Often, when modern scholars condemn the use of the term “ Confucianism, ”they go on to use the terms Ru and Ru - ist in the same way they used to usethe terms “ Confucians ” and “ Confucianism. ”13 See Mozi , “ Condemnation of Confucians. ” The Yanzi Chun Qiu “ Wai Pian, ”8 is also full of the stock Mohist criticisms of the Confucians. It says thatthe Confucian connection to music was a deep one: “ they wallow in music. ”Their music was heard everywhere bringing disorder to society; this kind ofornamentation was used to harm the world. These charges are much the sameas the Mozi ’ s “ Condemnation of Confucians ” and “ Condemnation of Music ”chapters.14 Later, both Zhuangzi and Han Feizi described Confucians in much the sameway: these were people who emphasized ritual, particularly funeral rituals that

Notes 217were elaborate and expensive; they insisted on a three - year mourning period forclose family; they talked about filial piety and loyalty; they looked to antiquityand the ways of the early kings for their authority; they were identifiable bytheir antique clothing.15 Zhuangzi , “ Tian Xia ” ; see Burton Watson, The Complete Works of ChuangTzu [Zhuangzi] (Columbia University Press, 1964 ), 363. Commentators agreethat this refers to Ru dress.16 Confucius himself became a model of behavior as well: his life became “ thefunctional equivalent of a [guiding] concept or principle ” (Hall and Ames,Anticipating China , 198).17 In the Xunzi , for example, we find a discussion said to have taken place betweenDuke Ai of Lu and Confucius. Confucius describes scholars in this way: “ Scholarsare born in the present generation, but aspire to the Way of the ancient times;they live amid modern customs, but wear the clothes of ancient times. ” DukeAi wants to know, however, if all who dress in this way are capable officials:“ Of course, but of those who wear the Zhang Fu cap, ornamented shoes, anda large sash with the hu tablet, are they all worthy men? ” Confucius answered,“ Not necessarily. But, those who wear proper clothes with dark lower garmentsand a ceremonial cap while they ride in a carriage do not aspire to eat garlic.Those dressed in mourning clothes, wearing grass sandals, carrying a mourningstaff, and drinking rice gruel, they do not have their aspirations set on meat anddrink. ” Xunzi , “ Ai Gong ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi , 3, 259.18 Shi Ji , “ Ru Lin Lie Zhuan. ” D. C. Lau points out that only 25 students arementioned in the Lun Yu ; see his Analects , Appendix 2.19 See, for example, Xunzi , “ Contra Physiognomy ” (Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 208)and “ Contra Twelve Philosophers ” 1, 224. In the later Han dynasty, we findanother description of Confucian groupings. In the Han Shu , the Han history,the “ Di Li Zhi ” chapter, which looks back at various states of the WarringStates period, says of the state of Qi that it alone “ loved the classics and theaccomplishments ” and of the state of Lu that “ they honoured ritual and rightness.” Scholarly discussions of who belonged to the various schools and whatthey argued about are numerous.20 Conversely, Nylan argues that originally the term Ru meant “ classicist ” andindicated not a precise moral orientation or body of doctrines but a professionaltraining with the general goal of state service; not all Ru were devoted to theConfucian Way identified with the ancients; The Five “ Confucian ” Classics , 3.21 Mozi , “ Fei Ru ” ; compare Burton Watson trans., Mo Tzu [Mozi]: Basic Writings(New York: Columbia University Press, 1963 ), 127.22 There are other traditions about Mozi: that he studied Confucianism as ayoung man before rejecting it; that he was an expert in defensive fortifications;that he traveled widely to assist in defensive wars; and that he and his followerswore simple clothes and did not have much in the way of possessions. In theMozi we are missing some chapters and now have only 53, some of which,scholars point out, are clearly from a much later date.23 “ Profit ” can also be translated as “ benefit ” and “ usefulness ” as “ accomplishment” ; one can find these, and other, variations in a number of descriptionsof Mozi.

218 Notes24 “ Universal love ” was not always understood by Mozi ’ s followers. There isa story that Master Dongguo, a follower of Mozi, once found a wolf beingchased by hunters on Mount Zhongshan. Thinking that he should practiceuniversal love, Master Dongguo put the wolf in a large bag and told the huntersthat he had not seen any animal at all. When the hunters left, Master Dongguoreleased the wolf. The wolf said that he had nearly died from suffocation in thebag and, in compensation, Master Dongguo should let himself be eaten. Justthen an old man came upon the scene and both the wolf and Master Dongguoexplained their view of the situation. The old man suggested that the wolf getback in the bag so he could prove how much he had suffered. Once he wasin, the old man told Master Dongguo to kill the wolf. Finally seeing the truesituation, Master Dongguo did so. In Chinese, “ Master Dongguo ” (DongguoXiansheng) is a synonym for a pedant, while “ wolf of Zhongshan ” (Zhongshanlang) is used to refer to an ingrate.25 See JeeLoo Liu, Introduction to Chinese Philosophy , 120f.26 There is considerably more to Mozi ’ s thought. For a good introduction to hislogic and thinking, see the section on Mozi in JeeLoo Liu ’ s Introduction toChinese Philosophy , ch. 5.27 Mozi , “ Fei Ru ” ; compare Watson, Mo Tzu [Mozi] , 132.28 Mozi , “ Jie Zang ” ; compare Watson, Mo Tzu [Mozi] , “ Moderation in Funerals. ”29 Mozi , “ Fei Ming ” ; compare Watson, Mo Tzu [Mozi], “ Against Fatalism. ”30 See Mozi , “ Fei Yue ” ; compare Watson, Mo Tzu [Mozi], “ Against Music. ”31 Mohist, pronounced “ moe - ist. ” The “ h ” is added to break the syllables; sometimesyou will see this as “ Mo - ist ” and “ Moist. ”Notes to Chapter 51 Burton Watson, trans., The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] , 297.This episode is imaginary and the Confucius pictured here is fictional. Watson ’ stranslation is so good that I will quote his Zhuangzi translations directlythroughout.2 There is a Chinese family name, “ Lao, ” but it is a different character from the“ Lao ” in Laozi. The later Han dynasty historian, Sima Qian, says that Laozi ’ sname was Li Er or Lao Dan. He was said to have been a court archivist inthe state of Zhou. There are traditional stories that Confucius visited him andthat before he left China, Laozi was forced by the Keeper of the Pass to writethe text we now have. He may also have been Lao Laizi, a contemporary ofConfucius and an archivist. All of this information is vague, something SimaQian admits.3 The text ’ s title is sometimes also rendered as the Daodejing/Tao Te Ching . Thetitle comes from the first word of the first section, “ Dao, ” and the first wordof the second section “ De. ” The version found at Mawangdui transposes thetwo sections. Estimates of the text ’ s date of composition range from the 200sBCE to as early as the 600s BCE. Most scholars agree that much of the textwas written in the 300s BCE, sometime after Mencius (see chapter 6), possiblyincorporating older material, and put into the form we have now sometime

Notes 219during the first century CE. The text has been found in a Han dynasty tombdating from about 168 BCE and is very like the text we have now.4 The text we have now has 33 chapters. The first seven, called the “ InnerChapters, ” are thought to have been written by Zhuangzi. Chapters 8 – 22are called the “ Outer Chapters ” and were written by Zhuangzi or, at least,following Zhuangzi ’ s thought. The rest, chapters 23 – 33, the “ MiscellaneousChapters, ” contain some pieces by Zhuangzi but are mostly by other hands.5 The issue of what is, or is not, mysticism is greatly debated. While mysticismis a recognized tradition in the biblical religions, it is not easily transported toDaoist texts. For the beginnings of the discussion, see Steven Katz, Mysticismand Philosophical Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978).6 Laozi , chs. 8, 78, 40, 125, 6. The Laozi is one of the most translated booksin the world and there are hundreds of translations to choose from. However,the reader should be wary of many of them and check the credentials of thetranslator. The standard translation of the Laozi is D. C. Lau ’ s Lao Tzu: TaoTe Ching [Laozi: Dao De Jing] (Penguin Books, 1963 and reprinted regularly).I am following Lau ’ s chapter numbering. For a translation of the Laozi textfrom the Mawangdui finds, see Robert G. Henricks, Lao Tzu ’ s [Laozi ’ s] TaoTe Ching [Dao De Jing] (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000 ).7 Non - action, wu - wei . We often find the Laozi saying, “ The Dao does not act,but leaves nothing undone. ”8 Zhuangzi , “ Mastering Life ” , Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu[Zhuangzi] , 206 – 7.9 Laozi , ch. 5.10 Laozi , ch. 3.11 Laozi , ch. 50.12 The Zhuangzi also calls the sage the Holy Man, the Perfect Man, the TrueMan, or the Great Man.13 Laozi , ch. 33.14 Laozi , ch. 53.15 Laozi , ch. 60.16 Burton Watson, trans., The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] , 112,106. This view is also in the Laozi , ch. 80.17 Burton Watson, trans., The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] , 112.18 Zhuangzi , “ External Things, ” Watson, trans., The Complete Works of ChuangTzu [Zhuangzi] , 296 – 7. Confucians have many sterling characteristics, but asense of humor is not often one of them. These kinds of joking attacks musthave been unbearable.19 The Art of War , the Sunzi Bingfa . For a discussion of the formation of the text,see Michael Loewe, ed., Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographic Guide (Berkeley,CA: Society for the Study of Early China, 1993 ).20 Sunzi Bingfa ; see the chapter “ Employing Spies. ” Ralph D. Sawyer, Sun - tzu[Sunzi] The Art of War (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1994 ), 299f.21 Sunzi Bingfa “ Shi Ji ” ; compare Ralph D. Sawyer, Sun - tzu [Sunzi] The Art ofWar , 168.22 Logicians are also called the School of Disputation, the School of Names/Words, or the Later Mohists.

220 Notes23 See the Mohist Canons, which have long discussions about the rules of logicand how arguments should be structured as well as discussions about similarityand difference and how they are decided. A. C. Graham, Later Mohist Logic,Ethics, and Science (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2003 ).24 Hui Shi, Zhuangzi ’ s friend as portrayed in the Zhuangzi . We have no firmdates for him. It is possible that he lived from about 380 to 305 BCE.25 Zhuangzi ; see Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] , 374 – 5.26 There are no firm dates for Gongsun Long. Some place him from about325 – 250 BCE; others date him about 380 BCE. Most of Gongsun Long ’ s writingshave been lost. There are only six essays in a text, Gongsun Long , whichcontains the white horse argument.27 See Wing - tsit Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1963 ), 235f.28 Terms like “ white ” are what Gongsun Long calls zhi , “ to point to ” an idea,an abstract concept.29 Similarly, he argues that a white stone is not hard. This is because when we seethe stone, we can see the “ white, ” but we cannot see “ hard. ” When we feel thestone, we can feel “ hard, ” but we cannot feel “ white. ” So we have epistemologicalproof that “ hard ” and “ white ” are separate universals. We know themin different ways, they cannot be the same, and they do not “ interpenetrate ”each other. This is a position that later Mohists will argue against.30 See J. J. L. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang: A Classic of the ChineseSchool of Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963 ), and Liu Yongping,The Origins of Chinese Law: Penal and Administrative Law in its EarlyDevelopment (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1998 ).31 See H. G. Creel, Shen Pu - hai [Shen Buhai]: A Chinese Political Philosopher ofthe Fourth Century B.C. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974 ).32 See the “ Han Feizi , ch. 50, “ Eminence in Learning. ”33 Han Feizi , “ Wu Du ” ; compare Burton Watson, trans., Han Fei Tzu [HanFeizi]: Basic Writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964 ), 111.34 Han Feizi was sent as an envoy from the state of Han to the state of Qin, wherehe met his fellow student Li Si, by then prime minister of the state of Qin. LiSi thought in the same way as Han Feizi and so had Han Feizi imprisoned.Fittingly enough, Han Feizi died in prison, likely on the orders of Li Si, in 233BCE.35 See the Mencius 7A.26. For Mencius and citations from the Mencius see below.Notes to Chapter 61 The Mencius 6.B.15. My translations follow Lau ’ s numbering system andreaders can consult alternate translations for comparison. An excellent moderntranslation of the Mencius with explanatory notes and a discussion of how Neo -Confucian readings of the text have affected our understanding is Bryan W. VanNorden ’ s Mengzi [Mencius] with Selections from Traditional Commentaries(Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2008 ). An older, though standard, translationof the Mencius is by D. C. Lau (New York: Harmondsworth, Penguin,

Notes 2211970). David Hinton ’ s Mencius (Washington: Counterpoint, 1999 ) is also agood introductory translation. Mencius, 371 – 289 BCE, was a contemporaryof Alexander the Great (d.323 BCE).2 Mengzi ’ s given name is “ Ke, ” also styled Ziyu.3 These stories, and others, can be found in later Han dynasty works, the HanShi Wai Zhuan and Biographies of Women ; see chapter 9.4 Mencius 2A.2 and 2B.13.5 Mencius 3B.9.6 The only thing Confucius says about human nature is one statementwhere he says that people are born alike but differ through practice. Analects17.2.7 Mencius 6A.6.8 “ Anyone who assumes that babies are just little egoists who enter the worldneeding to be socialized so they can learn to care about others and becomegood citizens is overlooking other propensities every bit as species - typical, ”Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of MutualUnderstanding (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2009 ), 6.9 Gaozi, for example, says that human nature is the appetite for food and sex.See the Mencius 6A.4.10 Mencius 6A.7.11 Mencius 2A.6.12 Mencius 6A.8.13 We know nothing about Gaozi, other than his appearances in the Mencius . In6A.4, Gaozi seems to argue that morality is taught to us, but is not natural.See Mencius 6A.1.14 Mencius 6A.10.15 See Kim - chong Chong, “ Confucianism (II): Meng Zi and Xun Zi ” in Historyof Chinese Philosophy , ed. Bo Mou, Routledge History of World Philosophies(New York: Routledge, 2009), vol. 3, 193, 197.16 Mencius 6A.10, 6A.14 – 15. For Mencius, goodness is also reflected in the faceand appearance: see 7A.21 and 7A.38. Mencius also says, “ A great man is onewho does not lose his child - like mind/heart ” (4B.12). And that, while peoplehave the sense to go after straying chickens or dogs, they do not go after themind/heart when it strays (6A.11).17 Mencius 4B.28.18 Mencius 7A.1. See also 6A.15.19 Mencius 4B.29 and 4B.19.20 Mencius 4B.12.21 Mencius 2A.2.22 Mencius 6A.1623 Mencius 1B.6.24 Mencius 7B.14. The spirits of the land and grain represented the territory ofthe state.25 Mencius 1B.8.26 Mencius 5A.6.27 JeeLoo Liu argues that Mencius did indeed mean revolution against corruptrulers, as a corrupt ruler is no longer, according to setting words right, a ruler.

222 NotesMencius wanted the ministers of the government to overthrow such a ruler; hewas not looking for a popular revolution from the people.28 Mencius 1A.1.29 Mencius 1A.7.30 Mencius 6A.7.31 This is the “ well field ” system ( “ well ” refers to the Chinese character for a well,which looks like #). The central square is public, the crop goes to the ruler; theothers are privately owned. The land all belongs to the state, and is given tothe people; so the tax goes to the state, not to feudal lords ( Mencius 3A.3).32 Mencius 1A.7.33 Ibid.34 Ibid.35 Mencius 6A.10.36 Mencius 1A.5 and 7B.4.37 Mencius 4A.14.38 Mencius 4B.28.39 Mencius 4A.4.40 Mencius 7A.39.41 Mencius 4A.18.42 Mencius 3.A.5.43 Mencius 4A.17.44 Mencius 3B.2.45 Mencius 7A.13.46 Mencius 2A.2.47 As I have argued elsewhere: see “ Mencius and his Vast, Overflowing Qi( Haoranzhiqi) , ” Monumenta Serica 46, 93 – 104 (1998).48 Mencius 7A.1.49 Mencius 4A.12.50 Mencius 7A.4.Notes to Chapter 71 Xunzi , “ Confucian Teachings ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 2, 79. See theGlossary for pronunciation.2 Xunzi ’ s given name was Kuang, but he is most often referred to as Xun Qing.3 For an excellent biography of Xunzi, a description of Xunzi ’ s times, and anoverview of the text, see John Knoblock, Xunzi: A Study and Translation ofthe Complete Works (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988 ), vol. 1,“ General Introduction, ” 3f. Knoblock ’ s translation, in three volumes, is themost thorough and modern available. For a shorter introduction to the Xunzisee Burton Watson ’ s translation, Hzun Tzu [Xunzi]: Basic Writings (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1967 ).4 The text we now have was assembled in the Han dynasty from shorter works.For a discussion of the composition of the text, see Knoblock, Xunzi , 1, 105fand 240f.

Notes 2235 Xunzi , “ On Getting Rid of Blindness. ” The Duke of Zhou was a Confucianhero, a paragon of moral and political behavior. The Three Kings are thefounders of the three dynasties, the Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Compare Knoblock,Xunzi 3, 103.6 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, 3, 150f.7 See Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 139 for a discussion of the term.8 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 155.9 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 152.10 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 151: “ Theyare called the emotions given to us by nature. ” “ Discussing Nature ” ; compareKnoblock, Xunzi 3, 17. For a more detailed discussion of the constitution ofhuman nature and the emotions according to Xunzi, see Kim - chong Chong,“ Confucianism (II): Meng Zi [Mencius] and Xun Zi [Xunzi], ” 203f.11 W ei has been translated as “ artificial, ” “ man - made, ” “ conscious activity,” “ human artifice, ” “ deliberate effort. ” See Liu, Introduction to ChinesePhilosophy , 94.12 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 153.13 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 158.14 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3,153. See alsosection 19.1. In discussing the “ dilemma of the early sages ” Liu argues that theearly sage - kings used the moral rules that they had devised to become moralthemselves; Liu, Introduction to Chinese Philosophy , 102 – 3.15 Xunzi , “ Human Nature is Evil ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 151.16 Xunzi , “ A Discussion of Ritual ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 65.17 Xunzi , “ Enriching the State ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 2, 126 – 7.18 Xunzi , “ Enriching the State ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 2, 121.19 Xunzi , “ On Kings and Dictators, ” ch. 11.20 Knoblock argues that, when Xunzi visited the state of Qin in about 260 BCE,he was an orthodox Confucian, teaching many of the same things we haveseen in Confucius and Mencius. What he saw in Qin was such a shock thathe had to re - examine his thinking, and we can see a change in his attitudes,particularly about government and the effect of moral teachings in government.See Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 22f.21 “ Dictator ” is also translated as “ hegemon ” or Knoblock ’ s “ Lord Protector. ”This title had been given to various overlords in the Zhou and Warring Statesera whose authority came from military force. For a discussion of the originand use of the term, see Knoblock, Xunzi 2, 140f.22 Xunzi , “ On Kings and Dictators ” ; see Knoblock, Xunzi 2, 151.23 Xunzi , “ On Putting Words Right ” ; see Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 130 - 31.24 Xunzi , “ On Putting Words Right ” ; see Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 129f.25 See Xunzi , “ On Putting Words Right, ” ch. 19.26 Xunzi , “ Discussing Nature ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 14.27 Xunzi , “ Discussing Nature ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 17.28 Xunzi , “ Discussing Nature ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 18 - 19. For the terms“ yin ” and “ yang, ” see chapter 9.29 Xunzi , “ Discussing Nature ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 19. For the Bookof Changes see chapter 8.

224 Notes30 Xunzi , “ On Getting Rid of Blindness ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3,109.31 Xunzi , “ Against Twelve Philosophers ” ; see Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 223f.32 Xunzi , “ On Getting Rid of Blindness ” ; see Knoblock, Xunzi 3,102f.Notes to Chapter 81 Xunzi , “ You Zuo ” ; compare Knoblock, Xunzi 3, 249. Prince Bi Gan, uncle ofthe last Shang emperor, tried to give good advice to his nephew. The emperor,having heard that a sage ’ s heart had seven openings, cut out Bi Gan ’ s heartto inspect it. Guan Longfeng was an advisor to the last emperor of the Xiadynasty. Wu Zixu was a loyal and wise minister in the state of Wu who wasordered to commit suicide by his lord. His dying words drove the King ofWu to have Wu ’ s body mutilated and thrown in the Yangzi River. Like them,Confucians might offer expert and proper advice, but that advice was notalways followed, nor were Confucians necessarily popular with the rulers ofthe Warring States period. Confucians often portray themselves as neglectedadvisors and, in the Confucian classics, again and again, rulers find themselvesfacing disaster for not following Confucian advice.2 Han Feizi , “ Xian Xie. ”3 Han Shu , “ Di Li Zhi. ”4 See, for example, Xunzi , “ Against Physiognomy, ” Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 208 and“ Against the Twelve Philosophers, ” Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 224.5 He is frequently seen in the Analects where he asks questions, but Confuciuscriticized him for his rashness. The Han Feizi says that Zi Zhang ’ s groupemphasized caps and dress and attracted a great many followers. Zi Zhang isalso found caricatured in the Zhuangzi , “ Dao Zhi. ”6 He is seen in the Analects as a teacher in his own right, but Confucius criticizeshim for not being “ a gentleman Confucian ” ( Analects 6.13). He is creditedwith the transmission of many of the classics in the Shi Ji “ Ru Lin Lie Zhuan ”and is prominent in the Book of Rites . The followers of Zi Xia were called“ petty men ” because they performed only the outer forms of ritual (bowing,advancing, and retiring); see the Analects 19.12.7 Zi Si is traditionally credited with some of the writing in the Book of Rites andwith writing the Doctrine of the Mean . It is now known that the Doctrine ofthe Mean was probably compiled at the beginning of the Qin dynasty. Xunzisays that in his time, some Confucians used Confucian ideas and tied them tothe wu xing , five phases or processes theory. They then claimed that these werethe ideas of Zi Si and Mencius; see Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 214 – 15; see chapter 9for wu xing . Xunzi might not have wanted to attack Confucius ’ grandson, buthe did frequently criticize Mencius and his ideas. The Han Feizi credits Menciuswith almost 1,000 students. There is speculation that Zi Si, Yue Zheng, andMencius formed one group that might, in turn, have been related to Zi You ’ sgroup.8 See the Xunzi , “ Ru Xiao. ” He is mentioned in the Analects 6.6, 6.1, 13.2, andthe Shiji 67.9. Scholars think Xunzi may have meant Ran Yong (whose stylewas Zhong Gong) but little is known of him.

Notes 2259 Han Feizi , “ Xian Xue ” ; compare Watson, Han Fei Tzu [Han Feizi]: BasicWritings , 118f. The Han Feizi ’ s reference to a “ Sun ” group has led to a debateabout who this is, with many scholars arguing that it is, in fact, Xunzi. Forfurther information, see Slingerland ’ s Analects , Appendix 2, “ Disciples ofConfucius. ”10 Mark Csikszentmihalyi, Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China(Leiden: Brill Sinica Leidensia, 2004 ), vol. LXVI, 31f.11 Michael Nylan, “ Boundaries of the Body and Body Politic in Early ConfucianThought ” in Confucian Political Ethics , ed. Daniel A. Bell (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2008 ), 85.12 Zhuangzi , “ Tian Dao ” ; compare Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu[Zhuangzi] , 149 and 165. Confucius is described as talking about the twelvejing , classics, which commentators take to mean that there were actually sixclassics, jing , with six accompanying commentaries. In the list of classics wehave seen above, the Zhuangzi lists four: Poetry, History, Rites , and Music .A set of the Confucian classics in Chinese can be found at the “ Chinese TextProject ” by Donald Sturgeon, http://chinese.dsturgeon.net . The English translationsgiven there are often from James Legge ’ s translations from the late 1800s.13 See John B. Henderson, Scripture, Canon, and Commentary: A Comparison ofConfucian and Western Exegesis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991)for a description of the various versions of the Documents.14 The Book of Poetry, the Shi Jing i s also called the Book of Odes , the Book ofSongs or just the Songs . See Arthur Waley, trans., The Book of Songs , editedand added to by J. R. Allen (New York: Grove Press, 1996 ). The text has alsobeen used by linguists; see Bernhard Karlgren, The Book of Odes (Stockholm:Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1954).15 The Book of History , the Shu Jing or Shang Shu , is also called the Classicof Documents , the Classic of History , the Book of Documents or just theDocuments .In 1993, the archaeologists at the Jingmen City Museum excavated a tombin the town of Guodian, Hubei, near the capital of the Warring States state ofChu, finding 804 bamboo strips of texts, mostly philosophical texts. The tombis dated to 300 BCE so these are the earliest versions of the texts that are extant.In 1994, a cache of 1,200 bamboo strips was bought by the Shanghai Museumin the antiques market of Hong Kong (likely from tomb robbers). Both ofthese discoveries are described in the first section of Edward L. Shaughnessy,Rewriting Early Chinese Texts (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2006 ). The discoveryof these texts has corroborated the authenticity of several texts we havenow, including the Laozi. For The Book of History , see Liao Mingchun, APreliminary Study on the Newly - Unearthed Inscriptions of the Chu Kingdom:An Investigation of the Materials from and about the Shangshu in the GuodianChu Slips (Taipei: Taiwan Guji, 2001 ).16 Mencius 7B.3. Nylan says that the text was not put into a continuous historyuntil sometime at the end of the Warring States era or in the Han dynasty. Seethe Five “ Confucian ” Classics , 122f. Nylan gives an excellent description ofthese texts and their development. See also her bibliography and long endnoteson the Yale University Press website.

226 Notes17 Mencius 3B. 9.18 Spring and Autumn Annals , Duke Zhuang, 22nd year; compare Legge, TheCh ’ un Ts ’ ew with the Tso Chuen [The Spring and Autumn Annals and the ZuoZhuan], The Chinese Classics vol. 5 (1872; reprint) (Hong Kong: University ofHong Kong Press, 1960), 101 – 2 . We do not have annals from any state otherthan Lu. Like The Book of History and the Book of Rites , the only completetranslation of the Spring and Autumn Annals and the Zuo Zhuan are thesevery old texts from the end of the 1800s.19 The Book of Changes is also called the Classic of Change , Zhou Yi or Yi . Fora discussion of the Zhou Yi , the Book of Changes as found in the ShanghaiMuseum purchase of bamboo strips, see Edward L. Shaughnessy, “ A FirstReading of the Shanghai Museum Bamboo - Strip Manuscript of the Zhou Yi ”in Early China 30 (2005 – 6), 1 – 25.20 Because it is the source of cosmology and moral ideas for both Confucian andDaoist thinkers, Liu argues that it “ … is the single most important work inthe history of Chinese philosophy, ” Liu, Introduction to Chinese Philosophy ,26. Fascination with this book of divination continues among scholars eventoday. There have been recent translations and discussions of the text thatlook at the layers in the text and the historical development of the text; seeEdward L. Shaughnessy, trans., I Ching: The Classic of Changes (New York:Ballantine, 1997 ) and Richard John Lynn, trans., The Classic of Changes: ANew Translation of the I Ching (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994 ).21 The Book of Rites , Li Ji , is also called the Book of Ritual or the Record ofRites . There are a number of ritual texts in addition to the Book of Rites . Fora description of them, see Nylan , The Five “ Confucian ” Classics , ch. 4, 168f.22 Great Learning , the Da Xue .23 Doctrine of the Mean , the Zhong Yong .24 The Xunzi ’ s Discussion of Music was probably written between 300 and 200BCE; most of the Book of Rites ’ Record of Music was written about the sametime, but edited by Han Confucians; the Shi Ji ’ s Book of Music repeats theRecord ; and the passages from the Lu Shi Chun Qiu were written around 293BCE. This means that the bases of most of our major sources were writtenaround much the same time.25 Its authorship is now considered to be unknown. For a description of the chaptersof the Classic of Filial Piety and their contents see Rosemont and Ames,The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence , 6 – 7, and see the rest of the text fora good discussion of the issues involved and a modern translation.26 Prime minister Li Si ’ s advice to the First Emperor. Burton Watson, trans., TheRecords of the Grand Historian (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993 ),185.27 See Denis Twitchett and Michael Loewe, The Cambridge History of China:the Ch ’ in [Qin] and Han Empires, 221B.C. – A.D. 220 (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1986), 34f. They quote Shang Yang ’ s biography, “ Whoeverdid not denounce a culprit would be cut in two; whoever did denounce a culpritwould receive the same reward as he who decapitated an enemy; whoeverconcealed a culprit would receive the same punishment as he who surrenderedto an enemy ” (36).

Notes 22728 Qin intrigue includes the tale of Lu Buwei, a very wealthy merchant, whomade friends with an heir to the Qin throne, giving this heir his own favoriteconcubine. The concubine, according to the later Han dynasty historian, SimaQian, was already pregnant by Lu. When she bore a son, this son went onto become the ruler of Qin. Lu Buwei continued as Qin ’ s chancellor withhis illegitimate son on the throne. Lu, unwisely, continued his relations withthe concubine and was forced to commit suicide in 235 BCE. Lu Buwei isalso known as a patron of scholars who wrote the Lu Shi Chun Chiu , anencyclopedic work. The possibly illegitimate son went on to become the FirstEmperor of China.29 Qin Shi Huangdi. One of those things that people say about China is thatthe English word “ China ” is based on the word “ Qin. ” There is no evidencefor this. There are many of these so - called “ facts ” floating around, like themistaken notion that Chinese has no verb “ to be. ”30 The Great Wall of China that we know today was mostly built in the Mingdynasty. The First Emperor ’ s wall was more modest in construction and inlength.31 In modern - day Qufu, one can see the wall where it is said that the Kong familyand the people of Lu hid the Confucian texts.32 See Nylan , The Five “ Confucian ” Classics , 29f.33 In 208 BCE Li Si had his ears, nose, fingers, and feet amputated, was whipped,and decapitated. His head was then displayed.Notes to Chapter 91 The Former or Early Han dynasty, 206 BCE – 23 CE, the Later Han dynasty,25 – 220 CE.2 Shi Ji , “ Ru Lin Lie Zhuan. ”3 Other inventions included iron ploughs that not only were better at cuttinginto the soil, but also raised and turned the soil at the same time. The inventionof the seed drill made sowing seeds more even; grain was winnowed witha crank - driven machine, the first in the world. Many of these developmentswere not seen in Europe for over a thousand years.4 More inventions of the time: the cog - wheel, the water mill, a caliper withdecimal scale, belt drives, the suspension bridge, descriptions of blood circulation,and negative numbers. See Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization inChina (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959 ) 3, 627 – 8, and RobertTemple, The Genius of China: 3,000 Years of Science, Discovery, and Invention(New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989 ), 218 – 24. Like the Roman empire, theHan dynasty extended its borders and developed sophisticated technologyand government structure. Both empires fell due to “ barbarian ” invasions, therich ’ s possession of enormous estates, intrigue and weakness at court, and therise of religion (Christianity and Religious Daoism). But the Chinese empirewas land - based, was more culturally homogeneous, and had a common writingsystem. It would rise again, while the Roman empire was never duplicated(Roberts, A History of China ), 39.

228 Notes5 Keith N. Knapp, Selfless Offspring: Filial Children and Social Order in MedievalChina (Honolulu: University of Hawai ’ i Press, 2005 ), 21. See 22f for a discussionof the debate on the Confucianization of the Han dynasty.6 There is disagreement here. Hall and Ames argue that by the first century BCEConfucianism had become a victor over all the contending voices: “ Its successwas due in an important degree to its ability to accommodate within a rituallygrounded society many of the profound elements of Daoism, Legalism,and Mohism, a pattern that would be repeated in Confucianism ’ s gradualappropriation of Buddhist elements by its medieval adherents ” (Hall and Ames,Anticipating China , 210).7 For a description of this process, see Edward L. Shaughnessy , Rewriting EarlyChinese Texts .8 Chinese title “ Chun Qiu Fan Lu. ” Recent scholarship has shown that this textwas written by a number of authors and over centuries. For good scholarlydiscussions of the yin - yang texts, see Robin S. Yates, Five Lost Classics: Tao[Dao], Huanglao, and Yin - Yang in Han China (New York: Ballantine, 1997 )and Sarah A. Queen, From Chronicle to Canon: the Hermeneutics of the Springand Autumn, According to Tung Chung - shu [Dong Zhongshu] (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1996 ).9 Yin - yang theorists were active by the time of Xunzi. Zou Yan ( c .340 BCE)is thought to have been at the Jixia academy with Xunzi; his works, onceextensive, are now lost. Even though he is considered to be the person mostassociated with yin - yang thought, texts describe him as more deeply involvedwith the five phases theory or some variation of it. Sima Qian says he assignedthe “ five virtues to things so as to explain the transformations of these fivevirtues. ” The Records of the Historian also says that Zou Yan used yin -yang thought in order to end immorality at court; he “ looked deeply intothe increases and decreases of yin and yang. ” See Records of the Historian74.5 – 6. See Knoblock, Xunzi 1, 64f for a brief introduction to Zou Yan ’ sthinking.10 The actions of yin and yang depend on their own natures, not on a germ ofyin inside yang nor yang inside yin. The idea that yin and yang interpenetrateto some degree is not found until the Song dynasty where we see it in ZhouDunyi ’ s Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate ( Tai Ji ); see chapter 11.11 Chunqiu Fan Lu , ch. 53, section 12.12 Issues around the yin - yang theory are still very much debated. For the view thatthe yin - yang theory does work as a complementary system, see Hall and Ames,Anticipating China , 261f. Sherry J. Mou argues that the yin - yang systems ofthe Han defined relationships hierarchically, and that this included gender relationsand, as she points out, these were then reinforced with ideas of loyalty,filial piety, rightness, and so on, and regulated by rituals. See Gentlemen ’ sPrescriptions for Women ’ s Lives: A Thousand Years of Biographies of ChineseWomen (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2004 ), 7.13 The word is often used oddly. There is an advertisement that claims that usingthe featured product will result in “ a state of qi . ” As everything is made of qi ,everyone already has a state of qi . Many Westerners have heard the term usedin the martial arts where often it means something more like “ energy. ”

Notes 22914 In addition to yin - yang and five phases theories, the New Text school wasinfluenced by another strand of thought, Huang - Lao, named after the sage -king, the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi), and Laozi, believed to be the author ofthe Daodejing. In the Western Han, Huang - Lao developed as a combinationof Legalist ideas about the structure of government along with Daoist ideas ofnon - action. When a government organization was set up well and laws wereunderstood, a ruler did not need to involve himself in government. WhileHuang - Lao thought died out in the early Han, it is thought to have influencedthe yin - yang thought of the New Text school. In 1973 at Mawangdui (nearmodern Changsha in Hunan province) manuscripts associated with Huang - Laothought were discovered.15 Chunqiu Fanlu , ch. 19, section 6.16 Chunqiu Fanlu , ch. 56, section 13.17 The five phases, wu xing , is also translated as the five elements or five stages.18 Because it is the center, there is no yin or yang position for earth/center/yellow.19 Uncrowned, or unrecognized, king.20 Hall and Ames, Anticipating China , 201.21 For a description of changes in the figure of Confucius, see Mark Csikszentmihalyi,“ Confucius and the Analects in the Han ” in Confucius and the Analects: NewEssays , ed. Bryan Van Norden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002 ),134 – 62; for a list of Han stories about Confucius, see ibid., 136.22 Wang Chong was said to have been so poor that he read the classics by frequentingthe bookstores of Luoyang and reading the texts while pretendingto buy. His text is the Lun Heng , Balanced Discourses , which he wrote inobscurity. It only came to light when one of his in - laws tried to pass off WangChong ’ s thinking as his own. Wang Chong is open about his dependence onDaoist thought, but says that Daoists did not understand how to prove theirarguments, while he did.23 Chunqiu Fanlu, “ Yin Yang Yi, ” ch. 49.24 Lun Heng , “ Ziran ” ; compare A. Forke, trans., Lun Heng (1907 reprint) (NewYork: Paragon, 1962 ), 1, 99.25 Lun Heng , “ Ziran ” ; compare Forke, Lun Heng 1, 92.26 Lun Heng, “ Han Wen ” ; compare Forke, Lun Heng 1, 278; 283.27 Lun Heng, “ Bian Dong ” ; compare Forke, Lun Heng 1, 109 – 10. “ Humanbeings are creatures; even though they are noble lords or rulers, their natureis no different from the nature of all other creatures, ” Lun Heng , “ Dao Xu ” ;compare Forke, Lun Heng 1,335 – 6.28 Liu Xiang ’ s Biographies of Women has 104 biographies, divided among sevenchapters. The chapter titles are: “ The Highest Standard of Motherhood, ” “ TheWise and Intelligent, ” “ The Humane and Knowledgeable, ” The Incorruptibleand Obedient, ” “ Those with Principles and Rightness, ” “ Those Who Pass onExamples and Have Good Opinions, ” and “ The Evil and Depraved. ” See Mou,Gentleman ’ s Prescriptions , 11f. and Appendix A.1, 201f. for her translations.This organization set the standard for many biographies of women to come.29 See Knapp, Selfless Offspring , 24.30 Shuoyuan Zhuzi Suoyin 3.8 by Liu Xiang, cited in Knapp, 29.31 Knapp, Selfless Offspring , 25.

230 NotesNotes to Chapter 101 Down to modern times, Chinese people refer to themselves as “ Han ren, ”people of the Han, or “ Tang ren, ” people of the Tang. These are the only twodynasties to be so distinguished.2 You may have seen the movie The Matrix . The hero, Neo, is offered a red pillthat allows him to see that the world he believed was real is a hoax. It is a computersimulation that creates an artificial reality called the Matrix. If you takethe red pill, you can begin to understand one of the most complex of Buddhistphilosophical schools, Yogacharin Buddhism. It began in India about 300 CE.It argues that central to all things, central to reality itself, is the Tathagata -garbha, the storehouse consciousness. This storehouse contains seeds that areall the ideas and mental impressions of consciousness. Consciousness sharesthese seeds so that trees look like trees. But the world we see and know throughour senses is not real, it is more like a movie. We think it is real, but onlybecause the mental seeds look real. This view is similar to what we see in TheMatrix . We are caught up in events, situations, and things that are not reallyreal. What is real is Consciousness, the storehouse, also understood to be thereal, eternal Buddha, called the Tathagata. Enlightenment then is realizing thatthe world we think is real, the one that makes us suffer, is not real at all.3 Fazang went on to argue that all phenomena are mutually interpenetrating. Formore on Hua Yan and its arguments with the Tiantai school of Buddhism, seeessays in Peter N. Gregory and Daniel A. Getz Jr., eds., Buddhism in the Sung[Song] , (Honolulu: University of Hawai ’ i Press, 1999).4 Knapp, Selfless Offspring , 4f. Extraordinary service including making life -saving medicines for one ’ s parents from pieces of one ’ s own flesh. This, inturn, led to a number of jokes. An old one is about a doctor who says thatthe only thing that will save a father is a medicine made with the flesh of afilial son ’ s thigh. The son then went out to the mansion ’ s gate and found abeggar sound asleep there. He cut a slice of the beggar ’ s thigh and the beggarscreamed in pain. The son told the beggar to calm down, saying, “ Your fleshis going to save the life of a dying father. What ’ s the matter with you, don ’ tyou understand the importance of filial piety? ”5 Knapp, Selfless Offspring , 136. He points out that women appear in filial pietystories usually only in the absence of brothers and often have to die to showtheir filial piety, that is, go further in service to prove it. In the early medievalperiod, stories about filial daughters or daughters - in - law were rare; by theSong - Yuan period, about one quarter of the tales are about women (185 – 6).6 Through time, the details of the examination system varied; this is only ageneral description. See Ichisada Miyazaki, China ’ s Examination Hell: the CivilService Examinations of Imperial China, Conrad Schirokauer, trans. (YaleUniversity Press, 1981 ), 31.7 See Miyazaki, China ’ s Examination Hell , 36f.8 Ibid., 57.9 In the Han dynasty, it is estimated that China ’ s population was about 60million, reaching that height again in the Tang dynasty and, by the Song

Notes 231dynasty, doubled to about 120 million people. Capital cities, like Kaifeng,were four to five times the size of ancient Rome. See Fairbank and Goldman ,China: a New History , 89. For population and government officials numbers,see ibid., 106.10 For an entertaining insight into the roles of a magistrate in the imperial period,see R. H. van Gulik ’ s series of Judge Dee murder mysteries, such as The ChineseLake Murders and The Chinese Nail Murders . For a description of the dutiesof magistrates and the problems they faced, see John H. Berthrong and EvelynNagai Berthrong, Confucianism: An Introduction (Oxford: Oneworld, 2000),107f.11 As one old story has it, a very successful pirate was only diverted from his lifeof crime by being offered the post of a government official. The pirate said,“ Officials take their posts and then become thieves, but I was a thief beforebecoming an official. ”12 Greatest Sage and Ancient Teacher, Zhi Sheng Xian Shi , or the most completesage and the first master.13 At the 2008 ceremony in Taipei on the 2,558th birthday of Confucius, unusually,the eight - row ceremonial dance, the bayi , reserved for performancein front of emperors, was performed. Taipei city councilors complained thatConfucian temple officials were “ fawning ” over the new president, Ma Ying -jeou (Ma Yingjiu).14 For a description of the Confucian temple in Taipei, see the governmentwebsite at http://www.ct.taipei.gov.tw/EN/01-history/hst1.html . For theConfucian temple in Qufu, see www.china.org.cn/english/kuaixun/74944.htm.The Confucian temple in Indonesia is the Boen Bio temple, originally built in1883, rebuilt in 1907, and dedicated to “ the Prophet Confucius. ” RefurbishedConfucian temples in China include those in Nanjing, Tianjin, and Ganzhou;the old Confucian temple in Xian is now the tourist site the “ Forest of Steles. ”Korea has the largest number of Confucian temples outside of China and somestill continue Confucian rites.15 For a fascinating discussion of the changing iconography of Confucius andthe debates around it, see Julia K. Murry, “ ‘ Idols ’ in the Temple: Icons and theCult of Confucius ” in the Journal of Asian Studies 68.2 (May 2009 ), 371 – 411.16 For a description, see http://academics.hamilton.edu/asian_studies/home/chrono.html , the link to “ chronology of enshrinement. ” The Hanlin (forest ofscholars) academy was established in the Tang in 725.17 For the view that Confucius is a god, see, for example, Henri Maspero,Taoism and Chinese Religions , F. Kierman, trans. (Amherst: University ofMassachusetts Press, 1981), 1 – 2. See Hall and Ames, Anticipating China , 202for the view of Confucius as a guide.18 Before the Choson dynasty, there were private and government academies; thegovernment created a publishing house for the Confucian classics; a Hanlinacademy (Korean: Hallim - won) was established; and, in 958, a civil serviceexamination system began.19 For a detailed description of Choson dynasty Confucianism see James HuntleyGrayson, Korea: A Religious History (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2002),especially 112 – 20, 126 – 38.

232 Notes20 See Grayson, 178f.21 See Lee Seung - hwan, A Topography of Confucian Discourse , ch. 4. Lee says,“ The authentic Confucian spirit has never been achieved in modern Koreanhistory. Confucianism has been used as an ideological apparatus for the protectionof the capitalist system, labor suppression, and the stability of the regime ”(170).22 See Prince Shotoku ’ s “ Constitution ” of 604 for the use of Confucian terms andideas like proper behavior, rightness, loyalty, and so on.23 But some Confucian scholars used government support to criticize the government:their work on the enormous 226 - volume history of Japan, which beganin 1657 and was completed in 1906, was motivated by the idea of “ using thepast to criticize the present, ” a common theme in early Confucianism. SeeMasaharu Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion (Rutland, VT: Charles E.Tuttle, 1963), 272f.24 “ [T]he Vietnamese manifested some longstanding familiarity with Confucianteachings, but the impact was far less extensive than in either Korea or China.Confucianism, as a systematic and coherent body of beliefs had faded inimportance by midcentury, and very few institutions specifically aimed atthe propagation of its teachings remained. But, if one forgoes a search for acoherent organized set of beliefs and searchers instead for concepts (like loyaltyor filial piety) with clear Confucian origins, then Confucianism remainedquite common ” ; Shawn Frederick McHale, Print and Power: Confucianism,Communism and Buddhism in the Making of Modern Vietnam (Honolulu:University of Hawai ’ i Press, 2004), 94. See also his article, “ Mapping aVietnamese Confucian Past and Its Transition to Modernity ” in Benjamin A.Elman et al., eds., Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Korea,and Vietnam (Los Angeles: UCLA Press, 2002 ), 397 – 430.Notes to Chapter 111 See Fairbank and Goldman , China: a New History , 92.2 There have been theories that, through the influence of the Mongol conquestsof Asia and parts of Europe, knowledge of both woodblock and moveable -type printing spread from China to Europe. Others disagree and describethe independent historical progression of printing techniques in Europe. SeeTsien Tsuen - hsun, “ Paper and Printing ” in Science and Civilisation in China.Volume 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology , part 1, ed. Joseph Needham(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).3 See Ari Borrell, “ Ko - wu [Gewu] or Kung - an [Gongan] Practice, Realization,and Teaching in the Thought of Chang Chiu - Ch ’ eng [Zhang Jiucheng] ” inBuddhism in the Sung[Song] , ed. Gregory and Getz, 62 – 109 for a descriptionof the complex relationship between Buddhist thought and Neo - Confucianism.4 Han Yu is better known as an excellent writer and his works can be found in collectionsof prose. See Sjoj Shun Liu, Chinese Classical Prose: the Eight Mastersof the T ’ ang [Tang] - Sung [Song] Period (Hong Kong: Chinese University Pressof Hong Kong, 1979), 45f.

Notes 2335 “ Metaphysical ” is a word that is not helpful. Its literal meaning is “ after thePhysics ” in Aristotle ’ s books, but the makeup of the word does not tell us whatit means. The Chinese phrase for “ metaphysical ” is more helpful: it is xing ershang , what is above the forms and shapes that we perceive. “ Metaphysical ”describes something that is not perceivable by the senses and that is abstractas opposed to concrete. “ Transcendent ” means beyond our world of time andspace. Early Daoist texts often refer to the Dao as something so far beyondlanguage that one can say it both exists and does not exist. The Buddhist ideaof Tathagata, the eternal state of the Buddha, is also described as both existingand not existing.6 The Buddha taught that all things are made up of two or more otherthings and that all things will change over time. This would mean that thereis nothing eternal, like God or a soul. In Buddhist terms, this means thingsare sunyata , “ empty. ” Yogacharin Buddhism, developed in India in the 300sCE, posed another view that is much like the one found in the movie TheMatrix .7 Western Inscription , Xi Ming , ch. 17 of his Discipline for Beginners . It is calledthe “ Western ” inscription because a scroll with the passage hung on the westside of his study. For an introduction to the writings of the Neo - Confucians,see Wing - tsit Chan, A Sourcebook of Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1969). For the Western Inscription see ibid., 497 – 8.8 Recorded Sayings , ch. 94. See Chan, Sourcebook , 638.9 In at least one passage, though, Zhu Xi sees the distinction between humannature and mind/heart as simply one of language: “ such words as feeling,nature, mind, and ability all mean the same thing ” ( Collected Works of LuXiangshan (Lu Jiuyuan) ), ch. 35. Bryan W. Van Norden points out that ZhuXi changes Mencius ’ dictum “ human nature is good ” to read “ human nature isbasically good. ” This is a reflection of Zhu Xi ’ s belief that one had to uncoverthe basic principle (human nature) within, while Mencius argued that one hadto develop human nature outwardly. See Mengzi , xliiif.10 The mind/heart is not principle, human nature is principle. The mind/heartrelates to concrete life and activity and is a union of principle and qi .11 The Book of History , The Book of Poetry , the Spring and Autumn Annals withthe Zuo Zhuan commentary, the Book of Changes ( Yi Jing ) and the Book ofRites .12 This Confucian orthodoxy was enforced especially severely by the emperorsYongzheng (1723 – 36) and Qianlong (1736 – 96), who are both well known fortheir censorship of books and thinkers.13 Ding - hwa E. Hsieh, “ Images of Women in Ch ’ an Buddhist Literature ” inBuddhism in the Song , 178 – 9. Zhu Xi also opposed the idea of women becomingBuddhist nuns, as it took them away from their family duties. He bannedthe practice when he held the post of assistant magistrate. See Bettine Birge,“ Chu Hsi [Zhu Xi] and Women ’ s Education ” in Neo - Confucian Education: theFormative Stage , ed. W. T. de Bary (Berkeley: University of California Press,1989 ), 357 – 9. For stories of loyal widows, see Patricia Ebrey, “ Widows LoyalUnto Death ” in Patricia Ebrey, ed., Chinese Civilization: A Sourcebook (NewYork: Maxwell Macmillan, 1993 ).

234 Notes14 Bettine Birge, Women, Property, and Confucian Reaction in Sung [Song] andYuan China (960 – 1368) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ).15 It was still possible even in the mid - 1990s to meet elderly women with bound feetin various parts of China. Footbinding was not generally practiced by non - HanChinese groups, and when the Manchus conquered China in 1644 they tried tostop the practice, but were unsuccessful. This has led Li - Hsiang Lisa Rosenleeto make the astonishing argument that one of the functions of footbinding wasto express Han Chinese nationalism during the Mongol and Manchu invasions.See Confucianism and Women: a Philosophical Interpretation , 143f.16 See Patricia Ebrey, The Inner Quarters: Marriage and Lives of Chinese Womenin the Sung [Song] Period , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993 ). Fora nuanced description of the influence of Confucianism on women, especially inthe Ming and Qing dynasties, see Fangqiu Du and Susan Mann, “ CompetingClaims on Womanly Virtue in Late Imperial China, ” in Dorothy Ko, HyunKim Haboush, and Joan R. Piggott, eds, Women in Confucian Cultures inPremodern China, Korea, and Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University ofCalifornia Press, 2003 ), 219 – 47.17 See Kenneth Ch ’ en, Buddhism in China: a Historical Survey (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1964), especially 471 – 3.18 Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living ; see Chan , Sourcebook, 669.Notes to Chapter 121 It was the Manchus who decreed that all Chinese men must wear the queue– sometimes derogatorily called a “ pigtail. ”2 Which is why the British government put such a high tax on tea sold in theAmericas, leading to the “ Boston tea party, ” and why taxation on tea was oneof the reasons for the American Revolution in 1776.3 Kang ’ s proposal was in part to imitate, in part to prevent, Christian practicein China. The Kongjiao xueyuan , a Confucian academy along the lines ofa Christian church, was set up in Hong Kong. This academy exists todayand its head is recognized by the Hong Kong government as the head of theConfucian religion. Confucianism is recognized in Hong Kong as an officialreligion, though not in the rest of China; see John Makeham, Lost Soul:“ Confucianism ” in Contemporary Chinese Academic Discourse (Cambridge,MA: Harvard - Yenching Institute Monographs 64, 2008 ), 306.4 There was also some attempt at military reform and in 1907 the DowagerEmpress, Cixi, announced the setup of federal and provincial assemblies, butthey had no real power.5 The founder of the republic, Sun Yat - sen (1866 – 1925), wrote that the Confucianfamily model, based on filial piety and the second - class status of women, wasone of the biggest problems facing China. See Nylan , The Five “ Confucian ”Classics , 316 – 17.6 Pohuai Kongjia dian , “ smash the Confucian family shop. ” Wu Zhihui ’ s sloganwas, “ All thread - bound books [the printing style of old books, including theConfucian classics] should be thrown away down the toilet. ”

Notes 2357 Some of the titles give us a taste of their time: the Dawn , Young China , NewSociety , the New Woman .8 Lu Xun, “ A Madman ’ s Diary. ” He refers to the great practice of filial piety,using one ’ s own flesh to make a medicine for ailing parents.9 Chiang Kai - shek is the version of his name best known in the West; in Mandarin,his name is Jiang Jieshi.10 The New Life Movement ’ s short rules, however, contain little one would recognizeas Confucian: “ Don ’ t smoke when walking; look straight ahead; buttonup your buttons; sit up straight; be on time. ”11 Slavery in ancient and imperial China is a difficult and disputed issue. TheMarxist interpretation of the Shang and Zhou dynasties as slave - holding societieshas not brought clarity to the debates.12 See Kenneth Lieberthal, ed., Governing China: From Revolution to Reform(New York: Norton, 1995), 71.13 In 1949, the Communist government of China set up the People ’ s Republic ofChina, the PRC. Having retreated to the island of Taiwan, Chiang Kai - shekand the Guomindang continued to maintain that they were the real governmentof China as the Republic of China, the ROC. Foreigners often find it hard todistinguish between the PRC and the ROC.14 When French leaders criticized China ’ s crackdown on Tibet in early2008, Carrefour stores in China, incorrectly identified as being anti -Chinese, were besieged by demonstrators and the Internet was full of anoutpouring of Chinese patriotism from young people inside China andabroad.15 Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Xu Fuguan, and Zhang Junmai issued in 1958“ Wei Zhongguo wenhua jinggao shijierenshi xuanyan ” [Declaration concerningChinese culture respectfully announced to the people of the world]. In it,Confucianism is declared to be religious. This continues in the thinking of MouZongsan and Tang Junyi who call Confucianism a humanist religion, renwenzongjiao . See Makeham, Lost Soul , 280.16 In Chinese, Xin Ruxue , new Confucian learning.17 Foremost among Western commentators was Max Weber, who argued thatConfucianism and capitalism were antithetical and that one of the reasons thatConfucianism could not cope with modern society was that a Confucian societycould not deal with economic, capitalist growth. This is all nonsense, of course.There are many, many factors involved in the development of both Westernand Asian countries. Confucianism ’ s role was considerably less important thanthe processes of imperialism, for example.18 Tu Wei - ming (Du Weiming) was particularly involved in the establishment ofthe Confucian – capitalism thesis, but he does not see it as a causal connection.See John Makeham, Lost 22; 30. Makeham notes that in the early 1980sConfucianism became associated with capitalist modernity “ almost overnight ”(ibid.).19 Tu Wei - ming (Du Weiming) is the Harvard - Yenching Professor of ChineseHistory and Philosophy and of Confucian Studies at Harvard University.See his Centrality and Commonality: An Essay on Confucian Religiousness(Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989 ).

236 Notes20 Umberto Bresciani, Reinventing Confucianism: the New Confucian Movement(Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies, 2001 ), 491.21 For a discussion of the details and implications see Makeham, Lost , chs. 6, 7,10, 12, and 13.22 Western values are function, application, yong , while Confucian humanism,based on the learning of mind/heart, is the substance/principle, li (Lee Seung -hwan, A Topography of Confucian Discourse , 34 – 5).23 Apologists say things like “ it is important to distinguish between pure doctrinesand their historical realizations, ” Bresciani, Reinventing , 484. He expands onthis in an endnote: “ Any apologist for any religion would request that such adistinction be made. Therefore it should not be the case to discard Confucianismbased on historical realities (authoritarian dynastic regimes, cruel family rules,backward social customs, and the like). All these negative aspects attributedto Confucianism in its historical realization arguably might be only slightlyrelated, or not related at all, to the basic Confucian world - view. Liu Shuxianobserves, ‘ Although the “ Confucian state ” has been used by historians in theEnglish - speaking community to characterize the Han and subsequent dynasties,the Confucian state is no more Confucian than Christendom is Christian, thisis another myth in need of further scrutiny ’ ” ; Bresciani, Reinventing , 632, note58. For another example of the argument that there is a difference betweenan ideal and a practiced Confucianism see Rosemont and Ames, The ChineseClassic of Family Reverence , 4.24 “ Mysticism ” is a word that seems to mean whatever the speaker wants it tomean. Too often it is used as a way to say “ unexplainable ” or “ I am not goingto explain it. ” For New Confucians, it seems to indicate developing a sense ofoneness with the universe. For a discussion of “ mysticism ” and the ways it hasbeen applied to Asia, see Richard King, Orientalism and Religion: PostcolonialTheory, India, and the “ Mystic East ” (New York: Routledge, 1999). WhileKing focuses on the Indian traditions, much of his discussion can apply tostudies in China as well. Important scholars like Tang Junyi and Mou Zongsanhave declared Confucianism a religion.25 Bresciani, Reinventing , 464f. Liu Shuxian says, “ [it is a misunderstanding when]they consider Confucianism as just a set of moral rules. They utterly ignorethe whole network of doctrines of Confucianism concerning the meaning anddestiny of human beings and concerning the communion between human beingsand Heaven. We New Confucians continuously stress these religious dimensionsof Confucianism ” (Bresciani, Reinventing , 466). See Bresciani for a more completedescription of the history of, and the similarities among, New Confucians.26 Tu Weiming, on the other hand, argues that Confucianism is both a philosophyand a religion, not an exclusively analytical philosophy, nor a religion that talksabout faith and souls; Bresciani, Reinventing , 466. This attitude has affectedscholarship. When the Shanghai strips were published (see notes, chapter 8),one can see, for example at www.confucius2000.com and www.jianbo.org,that many of the pieces have been understood as texts from a school associatedwith Mencius and Confucius ’ grandson. Thus the texts are read as emphasizinga more religious or transcendent aspect of Confucianism. See Makeham, Lost,ch. 10.

Notes 23727 See Bresciani, Reinventing , 33.28 In discussions of this sort, I find that there is rarely any distinction made amongthe countries of North America and Europe. All are tarred with the same brush.29 See the 1998 article by Wang Mekui, Chief of the National Affairs Bureau,quoted in Lee Seung - hwan, Topography , 62.30 See Huang Chun - chieh and Wu Kuang - ming, “ Taiwan and the ConfucianAspiration: Toward the Twenty - first Century, ” in Cultural Change in PostwarTaiwan , ed. Steven Harrell and Huang Chun - chieh (Boulder, CO: WestviewPress, 1994).31 Joseph B. Tamney and Linda Hsueh - Ling Chiang, Modernization, Globalization,and Confucianism in Chinese Societies (London: Praeger, 2002 ), 6. Tamneyalso points out that in Taiwan Confucianism is often identified with the peoplewho came to the island with the Guomindang, and folk religion is identifiedwith the Taiwanese. With the growth in Taiwanese nationalism, it may wellbe that we will see Confucianism as a detachable part of Chinese culture; see85f.32 Yu Ying - shih (Yu Yingshi) from Yale and Tu Wei - ming of Harvard. It may bethat more study in Confucianism is needed. In Singapore in 2000, a sizeableincrease in ministerial salaries was justified by one minister saying that payingofficials well was an ancient Confucian idea and quoting Sunzi, “ It is impossibleto have good people come forward without the proper rewards ” (Tamney,76 – 7). But Sunzi is not a Confucian, and the idea of rewards and punishmentsto organize the behavior of civil servants is a Legalist idea.33 “ While it is impossible to calculate the amount of loss incurred by bureaucraticcorruption in China, it is estimated that four times the amount of the nationalGDP is siphoned from the national treasure to private safes every year. ” LeeSeung - hwan, Topography , 63.34 When I traveled in China in the early 1980s and people asked me what Itaught, I would get a blank look when I said, “ Chinese philosophy. ” I foundthat adding “ Kongzi, Mengzi ” (Confucius, Mencius) would evoke some recognition.It is only in the past decade that I have found a general recognition ofKongzi ’ s name, but still only rare recognition of the names of other thinkers ofthe Warring States like Laozi or Mozi who are not generally taught in schools.Makeham argues that teaching about Confucianism has been only with testgroups and Confucius is not widely taught in schools; see Makeham, Lost 313f.35 Lee Kwan Yew is the journal ’ s honorary director. In another approach, JohnMakeham makes a strong argument that it is wrong to think that the party -state promotion of Confucianism in China is what is promoting Confucianismas cultural nationalism. State nationalism explains it better. Confucian centeredChinese cultural nationalism is a movement of academics; Makeham, Lost,7,16.36 Tamney, Modernization , 74.37 The relationship is reciprocal: many New Confucian academics have theircareers and funding tied to a state - sponsored Confucianism; see Nylan , TheFive “ Confucian ” Classics , 337. South Korea, and to a lesser extent Japan, havealso followed this model. “ A Straits Times [Singaporean newspaper] editorial(16 October 1989) repeated a point about Confucianism: ‘ The most damning

238 Notesof charges is that it is so easily harnessed by politicians to lend respectabilityto their tyrannical ways. … Philosophy usually loses its moral worth whendrafted for dubious political purpose and Confucianism, which has much thatis humanist, deserves better than that. ’ However, political leaders in mainlandChina and Singapore are prone to using Confucianism selectively to supporttheir own desire for power, and in the process give Confucianism generallya bad name ” ; Tamney, Modernization , 80. John Makeham argues that theChinese government ’ s promotion of Chinese cultural or traditional values isnot actually closely related to New Confucianism. New Confucianism, he says,is a separate phenomenon. The equation of traditional culture = Chinese - ness= Confucianism is to a large extent a response to perceived threats from theWest and a way to define all these things as different from the West. For asummary, see Makeham, Lost , 342f. He goes on to say that “ Academic discourseon ruxue [New Confucianism] in China and Taiwan bears little evidenceof a sustained or robust philosophical creativity in ruxue philosophy ” (344).38 For a description of the criticism of Zheng Kezhong see Lee Seung - hwan,Topography 55; for a description of the criticism by Zhu Riayao, see ibid., 56.39 The Beijing Olympics in 2008 made no mention of Mao Zedong, but leanedheavily on the figure of Confucius, particularly in the opening ceremonies.Notes to Chapter 131 “ Confucian discourse has been couched under the same rubric of ‘ Confucianism ’which inadvertently produces a vast range of different meanings for thisone term. … Although expressed by the identical signifier Confucianism, themeaning of Confucian discourse cannot be the same; it is carried out by differentagents in different contexts. What really matters is ‘ who ’ wants to select,distribute, and use ‘ what part of the tradition for which purpose ’ ” ; Lee, Seung -hwan Topography, ix – xi.2 See Makeham, Lost , 2.3 See Tu Wei - ming et al., eds., The Confucian World Observed: a ContemporaryDiscussion of Confucian Humanism in East Asia (Honolulu: University ofHawai ’ i Press, 1992 ), 17.4 For Tu Wei - ming see chapter 12. Robert Neville is Dean of the Boston School ofTheology, see his Boston Confucianism (Albany: SUNY, 2000 ). See also JohnBerthrong, “ Boston Confucianism: the Third Wave of Global Confucianism, ”Journal of Ecumenical Studies Winter/Spring, 2003 .5 For a fascinating and lively discussion of Confucianism in present - day China,its relationship to society, and the possibilities for its development, see DanielA. Bell, China ’ s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008 ).6 Lee Kuan Yew, The Economist , April 27, 1994, 5. Quoted in Richard Madsen,Democracy ’ s Dharma: Religious Renaissance and Political Developments inTaiwan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), xx.7 Along with this is a view that one can still frequently encounter, namely thatthe jury system is a terrible idea. It is much better, elitists argue, to be judged

Notes 239by a judge who knows the law than by ordinary people who may be veryignorant.8 Analects 12.19.9 Analects 7.16.10 We are encouraged to pamper ourselves. If you want to see this in action,advertisements are the best place to look. Many are based on “ you know youwant it, ” “ you deserve it, ” or “ if you don ’ t reward yourself , who will? ” withno thought for the moral consequences, or financial impact, on life. Others aremore blatant: a recent Christmas ad says, “ How can I give to my friends andfamily, while showing myself how much I care about me? ” Another says that,after you have bought gifts for others, “ You ’ ll have money left over for – dareI say it? – yourself. It won ’ t even matter if you ’ ve been naughty or nice. ”11 Li - hsiang Lisa Rosenlee, Confucianism and Women , 45f., is a good exampleof the latter point of view.12 Novels like the Dream of the Red Chamber imply that women with educationtended to be more unfaithful and meet tragic ends, but in general the idea wasthat education for women helped society, taught morals, and provided betterearly education of children. By the Ming dynasty, women ’ s education was atopic of debate. The Ming saying was, “ In women, lack of talent is a virtue, ”and this was followed by a Qing dynasty saying, “ Ignorance in women is avirtue. ”13 A radical alternative can be found in Ching Hua Yuan , Flowers in the Mirror ,by Li Ru - chen, 1763 – 1800. In this novel, everything is turned around. Thehero is kept as a concubine and has his feet bound and his ears pierced andis covered in makeup. He is in a household ruled by women who also sit forthe civil service exams. There are, however, many Confucian ideas such asfilial piety, chastity, and widows committing suicide, and the villain is thatConfucian arch - enemy, Empress Wu of the Tang dynasty.14 The earliest version of this story dates from about the fifth century CE, butthere are many variations on it. For a modern version of this story, ignoreDisney and see Maxine Hong Kingston ’ s novel, Woman Warrior .15 Joseph Chan, “ Confucian Attitudes toward Ethical Pluralism, ” in ConfucianPolitical Ethics , ed. Daniel A. Bell (Princeton: Princeton University Press,2008), 129. “ I shall argue that this conception of gender [in the Analects andthe Mencius ] is primarily a functional distinction assigning women to inner/domestic duties, and men to outer/public duties. I shall then show how thisconception of gender plays out in the context of the Confucian relationship rolesystem. Finally I shall argue that this conception of gender can neither justifythose forms of subordination of women, nor itself be justified on Confuciangrounds. One can discard this early Confucian conception of gender, withoutrelinquishing one ’ s commitment to the core doctrines of early Confucianism ”(Sin Yee Chan, “ Gender and Relationship Roles in the Analects and theMencius ” in Confucian Political Ethics , 147).16 Discussing imperial China, “ Ru [Confucian] learning was not identical to,nor dependent on, state power. … Ru official - literati did not possess substantialpolitical power which was in the hands of the ruling house, ” Rosenlee,Confucianism and Women 5.

240 Notes17 Such as Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Leibniz, and Wolff. “ Confucius –as the Jesuits constructed him – offered testimony through his writings of thenatural theology of the Chinese and the prospect of its union with the Jesuits ’own revealed theology. … ‘ Confucius ’ was their Christian other ” (Jensen,Manufacturing Confucianism , 94).18 The issues in defining much of Chinese religiosity are extremely complex.Modern scholars have moved away from labeling Chinese religiosity as simplythe traditions of Buddhism, Religious Daoism, and possibly Confucianism.Scholars now look at the “ synthetic - syncretic ” practice of religiosity thatincludes everything from ancestral veneration to shrines in homes and businessesto funeral rituals to the belief in ghosts and spirits. They do this as a wayto deal with the ubiquitous comment one hears in China, where people willtell you that they are not religious. This applies in the West as well. In censusdata from 2001 Statistics Canada reports that 58.6% of Canadians of Chineseorigin reported “ no religious affiliation. ” Meanwhile religious activity is goingon in homes and in the community that is not institutional or text - based. Fora great example of syncretism in Chinese practice, see the autobiography ofKong Demao, The House of Confucius, Rosemary Roberts, trans. (London:Hodder and Stoughton, 1988). In her memoirs as one of the daughters of theKong family in the period from the early 1900s to the 1970s, she describes“ very Confucian ” family rituals that are syncretic. For an introduction to theseissues, see Adam Yuet Chau, Miraculous Response: Doing Popular Religion inContemporary China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006).

Glossary of Names and TermsYou will find the English, the Pinyin version, then the Wade – Giles transliteration, ifit differs. As Pinyin can be confusing to non - Sinologists, an approximate pronunciationis in quotation marks, followed by the Chinese character.English Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)accomplishments, yi i “ yee ”artsAnalectsLun Yuartificiality wei “ way ”Ban Zhao Pan ChaoBook of Changes Yi Jing Yi Ching “ yee ” “ jing ”rhymes with“ ring ”or Zhou Yi Chou Yi “ Zhou, Joe ”Book of History Shu Jing Shu ChingBook of Poetry Shi Jing Shih ChingBook of Rites Li Ji Li Chi “ Lee gee ”Cheng Hao Ch ’ eng Hao “ ch - ung ” “ hao,how ”Cheng Yi Ch ’ eng Yi “ ch ’ ung ” “ yi,yee ”ChiangKai - Shek“ Chiang, chee -ahng ” “ Kai, ”rhymeswith “ high ”“ shek ”rhymes with“ check ”

242 Glossary of Names and TermsEnglish Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)choice of Heaven Tian ming T ’ ien ming “ tea - anne ”“ ming ”rhymes with“ ring ”Chu, state of “ chew ”classic jing “ ching ” rhymeswith “ ring ”Classic of Music Yue Jing Yueh Ching “ you - eh ”Confucius Kungzi K ’ ung Tzu “ Kong ” rhymeswith “ lung ”“ zi, dzzuh ”also Kongfuzi K ’ ong Fu “ fu, foo ”Tzualso Kong Qiu K ’ ung Chiu “ chee - oh ”alsoKong K ’ ung “ j - uhng ”Zhongni Chong - niConfucians (see Ru Ju “ roo ”“ Ru ” below)courage yong yung “ y - uhng ”Dao, Tao, theWayDao Tao rhymes with“ how ”Dao De Jing,Tao Te ChingDao De Jing Tao TeChing“ De ” rhymeswith “ they ”a knight/worthy Dao shi Tao shih “ sure ”of the Waythe orthodox Dao Tong Tao t ’ ung “ tong, tongue ”transmissionof the Dao ofConfuciusschool of the Daoxue Tao Hsueh “ xue, shoe - eh ”DaoDeng Xiaoping DengXiaopingTeng Hsiao -p ’ ingdictator,bapalocal lords,hegemonDoctrine of theMeanZhong Yong ChungYung“ zhong,zh - uhng ”dutifulness,loyaltyzhong chung “ zhong,zh - uhng ”DongZhongshuTungChung -shu“ dong, d - uhng ”“ zhong, zh -uhng ” “ shu,shoe ”

Glossary of Names and Terms 243English Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)fate, choice,mandatemingrhymes with“ ring ”Fazang Fa - tsang “ faw ”,“ dz - ahng ”filial piety xiao hsiao “ she - ow ”Gaozi Kao Tzu “ Gao ” rhymeswith “ how ”Gaozu (emperor) Gaozu Kaotzu “ Gao ” rhymeswith “ how ”“ zoo ”gentleman junzi chun - tzu “ j - one ”“ dzzuh ”ghosts and spirits guishen kuei - shen “ g - way ”“ sh - hen ”godsshenGongsunLongKung - sunLung“ Gong ” and“ Long ”rhyme with“ lung ” “ sun,s - one ”Great Learning Daxue Ta Hsueh “ da ” “ shoe - eh ”Guomindang Kuomintang “ Guo, g - woe ”“ min, mean ”“ dang, d - ahng ”Han dynasty “ h - ahn ”Han Fei, Han“ fay ” “ dzzuh ”FeiziHan, the state ofHanlin Academy Hanlin Yuan “ lin of Linda ”Han Yu “ Yu, you ”Heaven Tian T ’ ien “ tea - en ”Heaven ’ sTian Ming T ’ ien MingChoice, or theMandate ofHeavenhonesty xin hsin “ shin ”Hua Yan Hua - yen “ h - wah ” “ yen ”Huang - Lao “ huh - wahng ”“ Lao ”rhymes with“ how ”

244 Glossary of Names and TermsEnglish Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)humanity,humaneness,co - humanity,benevolence,Goodness andso onintuitiveknowledgeJixia/Chi - hsiaAcademyHui Shi Hui Shih “ Hui, h - way ”“ Shi, sure ”ren jen rhymes with“ hen ”liang zhi liang - chih “ lee - ahng ”“ zhi, zh - ure ”Jixia Chi - hsia “ Ji, cheee ”“ xia, she - a ”a gentleman junzi chun - tzu “ jun, j - one ”Kang K ’ angYouwei Yu - wei“ Kang ”“ k - ahng ”“ You, yo ”“ wei, way ”knight, scholar shi shih “ sure ”knowledge zhi chih “ j - ure ”the “ female ” kun k ’ un “ k - one ”basichexagramfrom the Bookof ChangesLaozi Lao Tzu “ Lao ” rhymeswith “ how ”“ zi, dzzuh ”Lee Kuan Yew “ lee ” “ k - wan ”“ you ”Li Ao “ lee ” “ ow ”Li Si Li Ssu “ lee ” “ s - uh ”the school of Li Xue Li Hsueh “ lee ” “ shoe - eh ”principleoriginal mind liang xin liang hsin “ lee - ahng ”“ shin ”Lin Yutang “ Lin ” the “ lin ”of “ Linda; ”“ you ”“ t - ahng ”loyalty,zhong chung “ zh - ohng ”dutifulnessLu, state of “ loo ”

Glossary of Names and Terms 245English Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)Lu Jiuyuan LuChiu - yuan“ lew ” “ gee - oh ”“ you - ahn ”Lu Xun Lu Hsun “ Lu, lew ”“ Xun,sh - one ”Luoyang “ lwo - yahng ”Mao Zedong MaoTse - tung“ m - ow ” “ z - uh ”“ d - uhng ”Mencius Mengzi Meng Tzu “ Meng ”rhymeswith “ lung ”“ dzzuh ”mind/heart xin hsin “ shin ”Mozi Mo Tzu “ Mo ” rhymeswith “ toe ”“ dzzuh ”movement dong tung rhymes with“ lung ”Perfect Sageand AncientTeacherzhi shengxian shichih shenghsien shihphenomenon shi shih “ sure ”principle li “ lee ”energy and qi ch ’ i “ chee ”matterQi, the state of “ chee ”the “ male ” basic qian ch ’ ien “ chee - en ”hexagramfrom the Bookof ChangesQin, the state Qin Ch ’ in “ chin ”of, later thedynastyQing/Ch ’ ingdynastyQing Ch ’ ing rhymes with“ ring ”Qu Yuan Ch ’ u Yuan “ chew ”“ you - anne ”Qufu Ch ’ u Fu “ chew - foo ”ritual, rites, li “ lee ”proprietyrightness, right, yi i “ yee ”righteousnessRu Ju “ roo ”

246 Glossary of Names and TermsEnglish Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)Ru - ist knight, Ru shi “ roo ” “ sure ”worthythe school of Ru Ru jia Ju chia “ roo ” “ gee - ah ”Ru teachings Ru jiao Ru chiao “ roo ”“ gee - ow ”school (ofthought)jiajiaochiachiao“ gee - ah ”“ gee - ow ”setting wordsrightzheng ming cheng ming “ zh - uhng ”“ ming ”rhymes with“ ring ”Shandong Shantung “ sh - an ”“ d - uhng ”Shang dynasty “ Sh - ahng ”Shang Yang “ sh - ahng ”“ y - ahng ”Shen Buhai Shen Pu - hai “ Shen ” rhymeswith “ pen ”“ Buhai,boo - high ”Records of the Shi Ji Shih Ch ’ i “ sure gee ”HistorianSima Qian Ssu - maChien“ suh - mah ”“ chee - en ”Sima Tan Ssu - ma T ’ an “ suh - mah ”“ tan ”sincerity,cheng ch ’ engintegrityspirits guishen kuei - shen “ g - way ”“ shen ”Song/Sung, stateof, or dynastySong Sung rhymes with“ lung ”Spring andAutumnChunqiu Ch ’ un Ch ’ iu “ ch - one ”“ chee - oh ”still, stillness,quiescencejing ching rhymes with“ ring ”Sui dynasty “ sway ”Sunzi Sun Tzu “ s - one ”“ dzzuh ”Sunzi Bingfa , theArt of War“ bing ” rhymeswith “ ring ”“ fah ”

Glossary of Names and Terms 247English Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)sympathy, shu “ shoe ”compassionTaishan T ’ ai Shan “ tie ” “ sh - anne ”Taibei Taipei “ tie ” “ bey ”Taiwan “ tie ” “ wan ”SupremeTai Ji T ’ ai Chi “ tie ” “ gee ”UltimateTang/T ’ ang Tang T ’ ang “ t - ahng ”dynastyWangChongWangCh ’ ung“ wa - ahng ”“ ch - uhng ”WangYangmingWangYang -ming“ wa - ahng ”“ y - ahng ”“ ming ”rhymes with“ ring ”Wei, state of, “ way ”Wey, state of “ way ”wisdom, wise zhi chi “j- ur”SupremeUltimate - lessWu Ji Wu Chi “ Wu ” “ woo ”“ gee ”Xia/Hsia dynasty Xia Hsia “ shaw ”filial piety xiao hsiao “ she - ow ”mind and heart xin hsin “ shin ”New Confucians Xin Ruxue Hsin JuHsueh“ shin ” “ roo ”“ shoe - eh ”the school ofmind/heartXinxue Hsin Hsueh “ shin shoe - eh ”Xuanzong, Tangemperor“ t - ahng ”“ sh - wan ”“ z - uhng ”Xunzi Hsun Tzu “ Xun ” rhymeswith “ done ”“ dzzuh ”Yan Hui orYan YuanYang GuifeiYen HuiYangKuei - fei“ Yan ” rhymeswith “ hen ”“ h - way ”“ y - ahng ” “ g -way ” “ fay ”yin - yangYan/Yen, state of Yan YenZhao, state of “ zh - ow ”Zhang Zai Chang Tsai “ j - ahng ” “ sigh ”or

248 Glossary of Names and TermsEnglish Pinyin Wade – Giles Pronunciation Chinesecharacter(s)Zhou/ChoudynastyZi Si/Tzu Ssu,Confucius ’grandsonZhou Chou “ Joe ”Zhou Dunyi Chou “ done ” “ yee ”Tun - yiZhu Xi Chu Hsi “ Jew ” “ shee ”Zhuangzi Chuang Tzu “ zh - wahng ”Zi Si Tzu Ssu “ dzzuh ” “ suh ”Zou or Zouyi Tsou yi “ z - oh ” or “ z -oh yee ”Zuo Zhuan Tso Chuan “ Z - woe ”“ j - wahn ”

Suggestions for FurtherReadingChapter 1Mark Edward Lewis , Sanctioned Violence in Early China . Albany : State Universityof New York Press , 1990 .Shigeki Kaizuka , Confucius: His Life and Thought , trans. Geoffrey Bownas. NewYork : Macmillan , 1956 .Burton Watson (trans.), The Tso Chuan [Zuo Zhuan]: Selections from China ’ sOldest Narrative History . New York : Columbia University Press , 1989 .Chapter 2Roger Ames and Henry Rosemont , The Analects of Confucius: A PhilosophicalTranslation . New York : Ballantine Books , 1998 .E. Bruce and Taeko Brooks , The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and HisSuccessors . New York : Columbia University Press , 1998 .Edward Slingerland , Confucius: Analects with Selections from TraditionalCommentaries . Indianapolis/Cambridge : Hackett Publishing , 2003 .Chapter 3Daniel A. Bell (ed.), Confucian Political Ethics . Princeton : Princeton UniversityPress , 2008 .David L. Hall and Roger Ames , Thinking Through Confucius . Albany: StateUniversity of New York Press , 1987 .Yao Xinzhong , An Introduction to Confucianism . New York : Cambridge UniversityPress , 2000 .

250 Suggestions for Further ReadingChapter 4Philip J. Ivanhoe and Bryan W. Van Norden , Readings in Classical ChinesePhilosophy . New York : Seven Bridges , 2001 .Yuri Pines , Foundations of Confucian Thought: Intellectual Life in the ChunqiuPeriod . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ i Press , 2002 .Burton Watson (trans.), Mo Tzu [Mozi]: Basic Writings . New York : ColumbiaUniversity Press , 1963 .Chapter 5D. C. Lau (trans.), Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching [Laozi: Dao De Jing] . London : PenguinBooks , 1963 .Liu JeeLoo , An Introduction to Chinese Philosophy . Oxford : Blackwell , 2006 .Benjamin I. Schwarz , The World of Thought in Ancient China . Cambridge, MA :Harvard University Press , 1985 .Burton Watson (trans.) The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] . NewYork : Columbia University Press , 1964 .Chapter 6David Hinton , Mencius . Washington, DC : Counterpoint , 1999 .Kwong - loi Shun , Mencius and Early Chinese Thought . Stanford, CA : StanfordUniversity Press , 1997 .Bryan W. Van Norden , Mengzi [Mencius] with Selections from TraditionalCommentaries . Indianapolis : Hackett Publishing , 2008 .Chapter 7John Knoblock , Xunzi: A Study and Translation of the Complete Works , 3 vols.Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press , 1988 .Burton Watson (trans.), Hzun Tzu [Xunzi]: Basic Writings . New York : ColumbiaUniversity Press , 1967 .Chapter 8Michael Loewe (ed.), Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographic Guide . Berkeley, CA :Society for the Study of Early China , 1993 .Henry Rosemont , Jr. and Roger Ames , The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence:A Philosophical Translation of the Xiaojing . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ iPress , 2009 .Edward L. Shaughnessy (trans.), I Ching: The Classic of Changes . New York :Ballantine , 1997 .

Suggestions for Further Reading 251Edward L. Shaughnessy , Rewriting Early Chinese Texts . Albany : State Universityof New York Press , 2006 .Chapter 9David L. Hall and Roger Ames , Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, andTranscendence in Chinese and Western Culture . Albany : State University ofNew York Press , 1998 .Michael Nylan , The Five “ Confucian ” Classics . New Haven : Yale University Press ,2001 .Sarah A. Queen , From Chronicle to Canon: the Hermeneutics of the Spring andAutumn, According to Tung Chung - shu [Dong Zhongshu] . Cambridge :Cambridge University Press , 1996 .Robin S. Yates , Five Lost Classics: Tao [Dao], Huanglao, and Yin - Yang in HanChina . New York : Ballantine , 1997 .Chapter 10Keith N. Knapp , Selfless Offspring: Filial Children and Social Order in MedievalChina . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ i Press , 2005 .Ichisada Miyazaki , China ’ s Examination Hell: the Civil Service Examinations ofImperial China , trans. Conrad Schirokauer. New Haven : Yale University Press ,1981 .Sherry J. Mou , Gentlemen ’ s Prescriptions for Women ’ s Lives: a Thousand Years ofBiographies of Chinese Women . New York : M. E. Sharpe , 2004 .Chapter 11John H. Berthrong and Evelyn Nagai , Confucianism: A Short Introduction . Oxford :Oneworld , 2000 .Wing - tsit Chan (trans.), Instructions for Practical Living, and Other Neo - ConfucianWritings by Wang Yang - ming . New York : Columbia University Press , 1963 .Carson Chang , The Development of Neo - Confucian Thought , 2 vols. New York :Bookman , 1962 .Patricia Ebrey , The Inner Quarters: Marriage and Lives of Chinese Women in theSung [Song] Period . Berkeley : University of California Press , 1993 .Chapter 12Daniel A. Bell , China ’ s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety . Princeton : Princeton University Press , 2008 .Umberto Bresciani , Reinventing Confucianism: the New Confucian Movement .Taipei : Taipei Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies , 2001 .

252 Suggestions for Further ReadingJoseph B. Tamney and Linda Hsueh - Ling Chiang , Modernization, Globalization,and Confucianism in Chinese Societies . London : Praeger , 2002 .Tu Wei - ming , Centrality and Commonality: an Essay on Confucian Religiousness .Albany : State University of New York Press , 1989 .Chapter 13Seung - hwan Lee , A Topography of Confucian Discourse: Politico - philosophicalReflections on Confucian Discourse Since Modernity , trans. Jaeyoon Song andSeung - hwan Lee. Paramus, NJ : Homa and Sekey Books , 2006 .John Makeham , Lost Soul: “ Confucianism ” in Contemporary Chinese AcademicDiscourse . Harvard - Yenching Institute Monographs 64. Cambridge, MA ,2008 .Robert Neville , Boston Confucianism . Albany : State University of New York Press ,2000 .

BibliographyAmes , Roger and Henry Rosemont . The Analects of Confucius: A PhilosophicalTranslation . New York : Ballantine Books , 1998 .Bell , Daniel A. China ’ s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a ChangingSociety . Princeton : Princeton University Press , 2008 .Bell , Daniel A. , ed. Confucian Political Ethics . Princeton : Princeton UniversityPress , 2008 .Berthrong , John . “ Boston Confucianism: the Third Wave of Global Confucianism . ”Journal of Ecumenical Studies (Winter/Spring 2003 ).Berthrong , John H. and Evelyn Nagai . Confucianism: A Short Introduction . Oxford :Oneworld , 2000 .Birge , Bettine . “ Chu Hsi [Zhu Xi] and Women ’ s Education . ” In Neo - ConfucianEducation: the Formative Stage , ed. W. T. deBary , pp. 337 – 59 . Berkeley :University of California Press , 1989 .Birge , Bettine . Women, Property, and Confucian Reaction in Sung [Song] and YuanChina (960 – 1368) . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2002 .Bresciani , Umberto . Reinventing Confucianism: the New Confucian Movement .Taipei : Taipei Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies , 2001 .Brooks , E. Bruce and Taeko A. Brooks . The Original Analects: Sayings of Confuciusand His Successors . New York : Columbia University Press , 1998 .Chan Wing - tsit, trans. Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo - ConfucianWritings, by Wang Yang - ming . New York : Columbia University Press , 1963 .Chan Wing - tsit, trans. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy . Princeton : PrincetonUniversity Press , 1963 .Chang , Carson . The Development of Neo - Confucian Thought , 2 vols. New York :Bookman , 1962 .Chang Chun - shu . The Rise of the Chinese Empire. Volume 1: Nation, State, andImperialism in Early China, ca. 1600 B.C. – A.D. 8 . Ann Arbor : University ofMichigan Press , 2007 .Chang Kwang - chih . Early Chinese Civilization: Anthropological Perspectives .Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press , 1976 .Creel , H. G. Shen Pu - hai [Shen Buhai]: A Chinese Political Philosopher of theFourth Century B.C. Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1974 .

254 BibliographyCsikszentmihalyi , Mark . “ Confucius and the Analects in the Han . ” In Confuciusand the Analects: New Essays , ed. Bryan Van Norden , pp. 134 – 62 . New York :Oxford University Press , 2002 .Csikszentmihalyi , Mark . Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China .Leiden : Brill Sinica Leidensia , 2004 .Dawson , Raymond . Confucius . New York : Hill and Way , 1981 .Du Fangqui and Susan Mann , “ Competing Claims on Womanly Virtue in LateImperial China . ” In Women in Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea,and Vietnam , ed. Dorothy Ko , 219 – 47 . Los Angeles : University of CaliforniaPress , 2003 .Duyvendak , J. L. The Book of Lord Shang: A Classic of the Chinese School of Law .Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 1963 .Ebrey , Patricia , ed. Chinese Civilization: A Sourcebook . New York : MaxwellMacMillan , 1993 .Ebrey , Patricia , ed. The Inner Quarters: Marriage and Lives of Chinese Women inthe Sung [Song] Period . Berkeley : University of California Press , 1993 .Eno , Robert . The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense ofRitual Mastery . Albany : State University of New York Press , 1990 .Fairbank , John K. and Merle Goldman . China: a New History . Cambridge, MA :Belknap Press , 1998 .Fingarette , Herbert . Confucius: the Secular as Sacred . New York : Harper and Row ,1972 .Graham , Angus C. Later Mohist Logic, Ethics, and Science . Hong Kong : ChineseUniversity Press , 2003 .Hall , David L. and Roger Ames . Thinking Through Confucius . Albany: StateUniversity of New York Press , 1987 .Hall , David L. and Roger Ames. Anticipating China: Thinking Through theNarratives of Chinese and Western Culture . Albany : State University of NewYork Press , 1995 .Hall , David L. and Roger Ames . Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, andTranscendence in Chinese and Western Culture . Albany : State University ofNew York Press , 1998 .Henricks , Robert G . Lao Tzu ’ s [Laozi ’ s] Tao Te Ching [Dao De Jing] . New York :Columbia University Press , 2000 .Hinton , David . The Analects . Washington : Counterpoint , 1998 .Hinton , David . Mencius . Washington : Counterpoint , 1999 .Hrdy , Sarah Blaffer . Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of MutualUnderstanding . Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press , 2009 .Hu Pingsheng . An Annotated Translation of the Xiaojing [Classic of Filial Piety] .Beijing : Zhonghua Shuju , 1999 .Ichisada Miyazaki . China ’ s Examination Hell: the Civil Service Examinations ofImperial China . Conrad Schirokauer, trans. New Haven : Yale University Press ,1981 .Ivanhoe , Philip J. and Bryan W. Van Norden . Readings in Classical ChinesePhilosophy . New York : Seven Bridges , 2001 .Jensen , Lionel . Manufacturing Confucianism: Chinese Traditions and UniversalCivilization . Durham, NC : Duke University Press , 1997 .

Bibliography 255Kaizuka , Shigeki . Confucius: His Life and Thought . Geoffrey Bownas, trans. NewYork : Macmillan , 1956 .Knapp , Keith N . Selfless Offspring: Filial Children and Social Order in MedievalChina . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ i Press , 2005 .Knoblock , John . Xunzi: A Study and Translation of the Complete Works , 3 vols.Stanford, CA : Stanford University Press , 1988 .Lau , D. C. Confucius: The Analects . New York : Penguin , 1979 .Lau , D. C. Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching [Laozi: Dao De Jing] . London : Penguin , 1963 .Lee , Seung - hwan . A Topography of Confucian Discourse: Politico - philosophicalReflections on Confucian Discourse since Modernity . Jaeyoon Song and Seung -hwan Lee, trans. Paramus, NJ : Homa and Sekey Books , 2006 .Lewis , Mark Edward . Sanctioned Violence in Early China . Albany : State Universityof New York Press , 1990 .Lewis , Mark Edward . The Construction of Space in Early China . Albany : StateUniversity of New York Press , 2006 .Leys , Simon . The Analects of Confucius . New York : W.W. Norton and Co. , 1997 .Li Chengyang , ed. The Sage and the Second Sex: Confucianism, Ethics, and Gender .Chicago : Open Court , 2000 .Li Feng . Landscape and Power in Early China: the Crisis and Fall of the WesternZhou 1045 – 771BC . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2006 .Liao Mingchun . A Preliminary Study on the Newly - Unearthed Inscriptions of theChu Kingdom: An Investigation of the Materials from and about the Shangshuin the Guodian Chu Slips . Taipei : Taiwan Guji , 2001 .Liu JeeLoo . An Introduction to Chinese Philosophy . Oxford : Blackwell , 2006 .Liu Yongping . The Origins of Chinese Law: Penal and Administrative Law in itsEarly Development . Hong Kong : Oxford University Press , 1998 .Loewe , Michael , ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographic Guide . Berkeley, CA :Society for the Study of Early China , 1993 .Lynn, Richard John, trans. The Classic of Changes: A New Translation of the IChing . New York : Columbia University Press , 1994 .Makeham , John . Transmitters and Creators: Chinese Commentators on the Analects .Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press , 2003 .Makeham , John . Lost Soul: “ Confucianism ” in Contemporary Chinese AcademicDiscourse . Cambridge, MA : Harvard - Yenching Institute Monographs 64 ,2008 .McHale , Steven . “ Mapping a Vietnamese Confucian Past and Its Transition toModernity . ” In Benjamin A. Elman et al., eds., Rethinking Confucianism:Past and Present in China, Korea, and Vietnam , pp. 397 – 430 . Los Angeles :University of California Press , 2002 .Miller , James , ed. Chinese Religions in Contemporary Society . Santa Barbara, CA :ABC - CLIO , 2006 .Mou , Sherry J. Gentlemen ’ s Prescriptions for Women ’ s Lives: a Thousand Years ofBiographies of Chinese Women . New York : M. E. Sharpe , 2004 .Murray , Julia K. “ ‘ Idols ’ in the Temple: Icons and the Cult of Confucius . ” Journalof Asian Studies 68.2 (May 2009 ), 371 – 411 .Needham , Joseph . Science and Civilization in China . Cambridge : CambridgeUniversity Press , 1959 .

256 BibliographyNeville , Robert . Boston Confucianism . Albany : State University of New York Press ,2000 .Ng On - cho and Q. Edward Wang . Mirroring the Past: The Writing and Use ofHistory in Imperial China . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ i Press , 2005 .Nylan , Michael . The Five “ Confucian ” Classics . New Haven : Yale University Press ,2001 .Peerenboom , R. P. Law and Morality in Ancient China: the Silk Manuscripts ofHuang - Lao . Albany : State University of New York Press , 1993 .Pines , Yuri . Foundations of Confucian Thought: Intellectual Life in the ChunqiuPeriod . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ i Press , 2002 .Puett , Michael J. To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice, and Self - Divinization inEarly China . Harvard University Asia Center , 2002 .Queen , Sarah A. From Chronicle to Canon: the Hermeneutics of the Spring andAutumn, According to Tung Chung - shu [Dong Zhongshu] . Cambridge :Cambridge University Press , 1996 .Rosenlee , Li - hsiang Lisa . Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation .Albany : State University of New York Press , 2006 .Rosemont , Henry , Jr. and Roger Ames . The Chinese Classic of Family Reverence:a Philosophical Translation of the Xiaojing . Honolulu : University of Hawai ’ iPress , 2009 .Sawyer , Ralph D. Sun - tzu [Sunzi] The Art of War . New York : Barnes and Noble ,1994 .Schwarz , Benjamin I. The World of Thought in Ancient China . Cambridge, MA :Harvard University Press , 1985 .Sellmann , James D. Timing and Rulership in Master Lu ’ s Spring and AutumnAnnals Lushi chunqiu . Albany : State University of New York Press , 2002 .Shaughnessy, Edward L., trans. I Ching: The Classic of Changes . New York :Ballantine , 1997 .Shaughnessy, Edward L. Rewriting Early Chinese Texts . Albany : State Universityof New York Press , 2006 .Shun , Kwong - loi . Mencius and Early Chinese Thought . Stanford, CA : StanfordUniversity Press , 1997 .Shun , Kwong - loi . “ Ren and Li in the Analects . ” In Confucius and the Analects:New Essays , ed. Bryan Van Norden , pp. 53 – 72 . New York : Oxford UniversityPress , 2002 .Slingerland , Edward . Confucius: Analects with Selections from TraditionalCommentaries . Indianapolis/Cambridge : Hackett Publishing , 2003 .Tamney , Joseph B. and Linda Hsueh - Ling Chiang . Modernization, Globalization,and Confucianism in Chinese Societies . London : Praeger , 2002 .Temple , Robert . The Genius of China: 3,000 Years of Science, Discovery, andInvention . New York : Simon and Schuster , 1989 .Tsien Tsuen - Hsuin . Written on Silk and Bamboo: the Beginning of Chinese Booksand Inscriptions . Chicago : University of Chicago Press , 2004 .Tu Wei - ming . Centrality and Commonality: An Essay on Confucian Religiousness .Albany : State University of New York Press , 1989 .Tu Wei - ming et al., eds. Humanity and Self - Cultivation: Essays in ConfucianThought . Berkeley : University of California Press , 1979 .

Bibliography 257Tu Wei - ming et al., eds. The Confucian World Observed: a ContemporaryDiscussion of Confucian Humanism in East Asia . Honolulu : University ofHawai ’ i Press , 1992 .Van Norden , Bryan W. Mengzi [Mencius] with Selections from TraditionalCommentaries . Indianapolis : Hackett Publishing , 2008 .Waley, Arthur, trans. The Book of Songs , ed. and added to by J. R. Allen . NewYork : Grove Press , 1996 .Wang Ch ’ ung [Wang Chong]. Lun Heng , 2 vols. A. Forke, trans., 1907; repr. NewYork : Paragon , 1962 .Watson, Burton, trans. Mo Tzu [Mozi]: Basic Writings . New York : ColumbiaUniversity Press , 1963 .Watson, Burton, trans. The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu [Zhuangzi] . NewYork : Columbia University Press , 1964 .Watson, Burton, trans. Han Fei Tzu [Han Feizi]: Basic Writings . New York :Columbia University Press , 1964 .Watson, Burton, trans. Hzun Tzu [Xunzi]: Basic Writings . New York : ColumbiaUniversity Press , 1967 .Watson, Burton, trans. The Tso Chuan [Zuo Zhuan]: Selections from China ’ sOldest Narrative History . New York : Columbia University Press , 1989 .Watson, Burton, trans. The Records of the Grand Historian . New York : ColumbiaUniversity Press , 1993 .Yao Xinzhong . An Introduction to Confucianism . New York : Cambridge UniversityPress , 2000 .Yates , Robin S. Five Lost Classics: Tao [Dao], Huanglao, and Yin - Yang in HanChina . New York : Ballantine , 1997 .

IndexAdmonitions for Women 143, 199afterlife 57, 58, 61, 62, 66, 72, 121agreement with the superior 71, 73Ames, Roger 184Analects 10–11ancestors 4, 24, 58, 147ancestral veneration 4, 36, 57, 199,202Art of War 80–1Asian values 186, 189, 191, 201Ban Zhao 143, 199, 200Bao Zhang 149Berthrong, John 193Biographies of Women 143, 199Book of Changes 3, 15, 115, 122,124–5, 127, 163, 185Book of History 15, 60, 64, 67, 122–3,125, 127, 128, 130, 194, 199Book of Poetry 15, 18–19, 55, 56, 60,64, 67, 122, 125, 127, 128, 130,199Book of Rites 26, 27, 57, 67, 106,120, 122, 125Boston Confucians 193Buddhism 46–7, 65, 156, 158, 159,161, 164, 171, 185, 192, 198–9,203, 205Cheng Hao 164Cheng Yi 164Chiang Kai-shek 180Choice of Heaven 4–5, 6, 15, 71, 138,139, 140, 156, 194Confucius 16, 20, 53, 59–60Mencius 95, 97Chu, state of 13, 42, 96, 106, 128civil service 151civil service examination system148–51, 155, 161, 168, 169Classic of Filial Piety 24, 25, 26, 29,127Classic of Music 67, 122, 126–7classics 122, 133–4Communist Party of China 152,180–1, 188, 205Confucian temples 1, 54, 149, 152–4,203Confucianismand texts 67, 121–8as a term 65–6, 192core 184critics 179–80, 180–90, 191, 201democracy 193–5economic success 182–3foundation of Chinese culture 183Han dynasty 133state cult 154–5sub-groups 119–20Confucianism and religionKang Youwei 177–8New Confucianism 184–6

Index 259Confuciusand texts 15as a god 154life 16–22mother and father 11–12, 25name 1pious stories 11–16status: in imperial China 151–2in the Han dynasty 140students of 10, 13, 15, 16, 18,19, 21, 36, 55, 64–5, 68, 120courage 3, 23, 31–2, 33, 40, 41Csikszentmihalyi, Mark 121Cultural Revolution 152, 181,188Dao De Jing 75Dao, the WayConfucian 61Daoist 76–7Daoismcriticisms of Confucians 79–80Dao 76–7government 78, 79Deng Xiaoping 187Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate162–3Doctrine of the Mean 125–6Zhu Xi 169Dong Zhongshu 134, 138, 141Duke of Zhou 2–3, 44, 67, 106,120, 127, 168dutifulness, loyalty 29–30, 188, 191educationConfucius 18, 43, 45, 54–5Mencius 91, 98, 102modern 187, 195, 197Xunzi 109, 110, 116Zhuangzi 77education without distinction 54–5,200Emperor Wu 127, 133Family Rituals 169fate 61, 66, 67, 72, 121Fazang 147filial piety 48, 72, 138, 143–4, 156,157, 179, 188, 189Confucius 23–9Han to Tang dynasties 148Mencius 98, 101modern 195–6remonstrate 26stories of 23–4, 144First Emperor of China 129–31burning the books 129–30Five Classics 67, 127, 133, 134, 205five phases 119, 134, 136, 139–40,142, 143, 145in the Supreme Ultimate 162, 163,166footbinding 170–1, 180, 188Four Books 169, 180Franciscans 202Gaozu emperor 132, 133gentleman 42–4, 49, 51, 52, 53, 59,60, 61, 66–7, 90, 94, 95, 100,102, 115, 116, 193, 195, 200,203gentry 151, 160, 170, 175ghosts 4, 58, 115–16, 142gods 2, 4, 70, 71, 72, 115, 203and Confucius 57–9, 61Gongsun Long 83governmentConfucius 45–54Daoists 77–9Legalists 84–5Mencius 96–8Xunzi 111–13Great Learning 125–6, 128Zhu Xi 162, 167, 169Guomindang 180in Taiwan 186–7Hall, David 184Han Boyu 144Han dynasty 10, 11, 63, 66, 67, 75,119, 125, 126, 127, 129, 131,132–3, 134Han Feizi 68, 84–5, 119, 128Han Yu 161–2

260 IndexHeaven 4–5, 12, 29, 60–1, 126, 164,185, 203Confucius 21, 58, 59, 62Mencius 87, 89, 94–7, 102, 103Mozi 70, 71New Text School 137, 138–9Wang Chong 141–2, 144Xunzi 109, 114–15, 116, 117–18honesty 30Hu Shi 66Hua Mulan 200Hua Yan 147, 161, 171Hui Shi 82, 83human nature 83Mencius 89–96Xunzi 106–10Zhu Xi 167humanity 34–5, 43, 61, 79, 90, 92,94, 96, 98, 100, 106, 138, 164,191, 204and ritual 39–40hundred schools of thought 63, 128intuitive knowledge 173, 174Japan 1, 152, 156–7, 171, 177, 178,182, 190, 191, 205Jesuits 202Ji family 16, 17, 52Jixia Academy 64, 106Kang Youwei 177–8King Wen 59, 125King Wu 2knight 17Knapp, Keith 144Knoblock, John 66knowledge 31and action are one 173Kong Shu Lianghe 11, 16Kongzi 1, 65, 66, 192Korea 1, 152, 155–6, 157, 158, 160,177, 182, 190, 191, 205language 73Daoists 76Logicians 82–3Xunzi 113Laozi 75lawConfucius 49–50Han Feizi 85Lee Kuan Yew 187, 188, 195Lee, Martin 189Lee Seung-hwan 192Legalism 83–5Li Ao 162Li Si 105, 118, 128, 129, 131Lin Yutang 179literati 69, 160–1, 174Liu Bang 132, 133Liu Xiang 134, 143, 199Liu Xin 134Liu Zongzhu 175Logicians 82–3Lu Jiuyuan 171–2Lu, state of 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17,18, 33, 47, 51, 52, 67, 68,88, 119, 120, 123, 132, 134,140Lu Xun 179Luoyang 5Mao Zedong 181, 187, 198May 4th movement 178–80Mencius 47, 87–104examining oneself 100–1government 96–8Heaven 95human nature is good 89–95life 87–8military 100union of all things 102–3Zhu Xi 167models 50–1Mohist school 73, 82Mozi 69–74anti-Confucian 66–7, 72anti-music 73life 69–70musicConfucius 19Mozi 73Nanzi 55, 179negative golden rule 33

Index 261Neo-Confucianism 160–76and Buddhism 161–2, 163–4, 168,171, 173, 175, 192issues 161name 159women 169–71Neville, Robert 193New Confucianism 181–6, 190–1critics 189–90New Life Movement 180New Text school 134–40Nylan, Michael 121Old Text school 140–3Opium Wars 167–77orthodox transmission 162, 165, 169,185, 189, 190phenomenon 147principle 147, 162, 164, 166, 167,172–3printed books 160profit 35, 70, 71, 79, 97, 108qi 102, 137–8Dong Zhongshu 138in the Supreme Ultimate 166Wang Chong 141–2Zhang Zai 164Zhu Xi 166, 167Qi, state of 13, 17, 19, 48, 64, 88,96, 97, 101, 105, 119, 120,128Qin dynasty 129, 130–1Qin, state of 7, 42, 57, 63, 84, 106,113, 118, 128–9Qing dynasty 151, 160, 176–7, 178,180, 184Qufu 1, 15, 16, 105, 123, 152, 153quiet sitting 167, 168, 171rightness 31, 41Rites Controversy 202–3ritual 12, 18, 19, 27, 35–40, 45, 50,52, 56, 62, 67, 75, 77, 80, 120,138, 175and humanity 39–40Mencius 90, 101–2modern 196Xunzi 109, 110–11, 116Ru 65–6, 68, 69, 121, 192sage 1, 12, 13, 15, 16, 20, 21Confucian 44, 45, 49, 52, 54, 66,79, 87, 91, 108, 126, 152, 163,168, 171, 192, 193Daoist 77–8sage-kings 2, 43, 44, 49, 61, 65, 67,69, 71, 79, 82, 85, 102, 106,109–10, 120, 122, 168scholar-bureaucrats 64, 70School of Mind/Heart 171–4self-cultivation 28, 34, 41, 44, 45, 54,92, 95, 110, 120, 126, 168, 186,194, 198self-interest 9, 31, 35, 52, 62, 84, 85,92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 103, 107, 108,117, 126, 128and Mozi 70, 71, 72setting words right 194Confucius 46–8Mencius 96–7Xunzi 113shamans 4, 17Shang dynasty 2–3, 5, 59, 66, 96Shang Yang 84, 113, 128Shen Buhai 84Sima Qian 134, 140Sima Tan 134sincerity 30, 103, 126, 167, 169Singapore 182, 187, 188, 190, 191,195, 205six accomplishments 17, 68Song dynasty 147, 159–60Song, state of 11, 13, 17, 59, 69, 95spirits of the dead 4, 36, 38Confucius 57–8, 61Mozi 71, 72Spring and Autumn Annals 15, 66,122, 123, 127, 133, 134, 140Strategists 80–1, 83, 89, 100, 106,128Su Shi 174substance-application 177, 183Sui dynasty 146, 148Sunzi 80, 81, 83

262 IndexSunzi Bingfa, The Art of War 80Supreme UltimateZhou Dunyi 162–3, 164, 165Zhu Xi 165, 166, 168, 173, 174,175, 205Tamney, Joseph 189Tang dynasty 146, 147, 154, 158,160, 161, 174, 176timeliness 40, 53Tu Wei-ming 183, 190, 193uncrowned king 12, 16, 140understanding/sympathy 32–3unequal treaties 176universal love 71, 72, 74usefulness 70, 89, 111, 117Vietnam 152, 157–8Wang Chong 141–3, 145Wang Yangming 159, 172–4Warring States 5–9Wei, state of 6, 13, 17, 51, 55, 56, 57,120, 128Wei Zheng 174Western Inscription 164, 173, 184women 156, 178, 179, 180Confucius 55footbinding 170–1in Confucian texts 55–7, 143Mencius 101–2, 117modern Confucianism 190, 192,194, 198–202Neo-Confucianism 169–70, 175Xia dynasty 2Xiang Yu 132Xu Fuguan 189Xuanzong, emperor 200Xunzi 66, 68, 84, 105–18artificiality 108–9government 111–13Heaven 114–16human nature is evil 106–9language 113life 105–6morality is artificial 109–10ritual 110–11Yan Hui 55, 59, 120, 153Yan, state of 128Yan Zhizai 12, 16Yang Guifei 200Yang Zhu 85yin-yangin the Han dynasty 135–7in the Supreme Ultimate 162, 163Yu Yingshi 193Zhang Zai 163–4, 174Zhao, state of 105, 106, 128Zhong Liang 120Zhou Dunyi 162–3Zhou dynasty 2–4, 7, 9, 12, 15, 17,32, 42, 44, 53, 59, 66, 120, 125,162breakdown 4–6Zhu Xiand Buddhism 168, 171life 165orthodox transmission 169principle 165–6, 168Supreme Ultimate 166the Four Books 269women 169–70Zhuangzi 75–80, 84, 121, 122, 127,161Zi Si 88, 89, 120, 125, 126Zi Xia 120Zi You 120Zi Zhang 120Zigong 120Zilu 46, 48, 58Zou 16, 88Zuo Zhuan 123, 124, 127, 134, 199

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