Ethnographic Overview And Assessment: Zion National Park, Utah ...
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<strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong><br />
<strong>And</strong><br />
<strong>Assessment</strong>:<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, <strong>Utah</strong><br />
<strong>And</strong><br />
Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument,<br />
Arizona<br />
Prepared for<br />
Rocky Mountain Regional Office<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service<br />
Denver, CO<br />
1997<br />
(Revised 2013)
ETHNOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW AND ASSESSMENT:<br />
ZION NATIONAL PARK, UTAH<br />
AND<br />
PIPE SPRING NATIONAL MONUMENT, ARIZONA<br />
Prepared by<br />
Richard W. Stoffle<br />
Diane E. Austin<br />
David B. Halmo<br />
Arthur M. Phillips III<br />
With the assistance of<br />
Carolyn M. Groessl<br />
Maria Banks Maria<br />
Porter<br />
Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology<br />
The University of Arizona in Tucson<br />
<strong>And</strong><br />
Southern Paiute Consortium<br />
Pipe Spring, Arizona<br />
Submitted to<br />
Rocky Mountain Regional Office<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service Denver,<br />
Colorado<br />
July 1999<br />
1
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
List of Figures ...........................................................................................................................xi<br />
List of Maps ..............................................................................................................................xvi<br />
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................xvii<br />
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................xix<br />
CHAPTER ONE<br />
STUDY OVERVIEW<br />
Introduction ............................................................................................................................1<br />
1.1 Ecological Stewardship .....................................................................................................1<br />
1.2 Science of the Human-Ecosystem Interface .....................................................................3<br />
1.3 Creating Useful Ecosystem Social Science ...................................................................... 5<br />
1.4 Working Together ............................................................................................................. 6<br />
1.5 Short-Fall Studies.............................................................................................................. 6<br />
1.6 The Northern Colorado Plateau Ecoregion ....................................................................... 9<br />
1.6.1 Scale .......................................................................................................................... 9<br />
1.6.2 Holism ....................................................................................................................... 11<br />
1.6.3 Smart Databases ........................................................................................................ 12<br />
1.7 Southern Paiute Ecoscape Views ...................................................................................... 13<br />
1.7. 1 Cultural Ecoscapes ................................................................................................... 13<br />
1.7.2 Time Dimensions ...................................................................................................... 14<br />
1.7.3 Critical Cultural Ecoscape Themes ........................................................................... 22<br />
1.8 The Beginning ................................................................................................................... 25<br />
CHAPTER TWO<br />
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE<br />
ON SOUTHERN PAIUTE SOCIO-POLITICAL UNITS<br />
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 26<br />
2.1 Holy Lands and Creation Stories ....................................................................................... 27<br />
2.2 Aboriginal Political Units .................................................................................................. 30<br />
2.2.1 Disease and Sociopolitical Disruption ....................................................................... 30<br />
2.2.2 Subtribes .................................................................................................................... 32<br />
2.2.3 Districts ...................................................................................................................... 34<br />
2.3 Ecosystem Analysis of Yanawant Districts ....................................................................... 36<br />
2.3.1 Social and Ecological Logic of Districts ................................................................... 37<br />
2.3.2 Shivwits/Santa Clara District ..................................................................................... 39<br />
2.3.3 Kaibab Paiute District ................................................................................................ 41<br />
2.3.4 San Juan Paiute District ............................................................................................. 42<br />
2.3.5 Ua'ayukunants District ............................................................................................... 43<br />
2.4 Summary ............................................................................................................................ 45
CHAPTER THREE<br />
LEGISLATION AND REGULATIONS<br />
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 47<br />
3.1 Methodology for Legal Review ........................................................................................ 48<br />
3.2 Legal Summary of Southern Paiute Tribes ....................................................................... 49<br />
3.2.1 Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong>....................................................................................... 50<br />
3.2.2 Kaibab Paiute Tribe .................................................................................................. 53<br />
3.3 Legal Summary of Involved <strong>Park</strong> Service Units .............................................................. 54<br />
3.3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> .................................................................................................... 54<br />
3.3.2 Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument .............................................................................. 55<br />
3.3.3 U.S. Laws Governing Management of Cultural Resources ...................................... 56<br />
3.3.4 <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service and Cultural Resource Policy ............................................... 61<br />
3.4 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 64<br />
CHAPTER FOUR<br />
SOUTHERN PAIUTE CULTURAL ECOSCAPES<br />
Introduction ............................................................................................................................65<br />
4.1 A Southern Paiute Homeland Perspective ........................................................................ 65<br />
4.1.1 Our Connection to This Land: <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
................................................................................................................................................. 69<br />
4.1.2 Plant, Animal, and Water Resources ........................................................................ 70<br />
4.1.3 Using Natural Resources........................................................................................... 71<br />
4.1.4 Access for Educational Purposes .............................................................................. 71<br />
4.1.5 <strong>Park</strong> Interpretation .................................................................................................... 72<br />
4.2 Perspectives on the Virgin River Ecoscape ...................................................................... 72<br />
4.2.1 General Ecosystem Integration ................................................................................. 73<br />
4.2.2 Upper Basin Reach ................................................................................................... 74<br />
4.2.3 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon Reach................................................................................................... 77<br />
4.2.4 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon to Ash Creek Reach ............................................................................ 81<br />
4.2.5 Ash Creek to Virgin River Gorge Reach .................................................................. 82<br />
4.2.6 Virgin River Gorge to Confluence with Muddy River (St. Thomas) ....................... 83<br />
4.3 Perspectives on Kanab Creek Ecoscape ........................................................................... 84<br />
4.3.1 Bedrock Canyon Reach (Confluence Kanab Creek and Johnson Wash to Colorado<br />
River) ...................................................................................................................................... 86<br />
4.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 88<br />
CHAPTER FIVE<br />
ZION NATIONAL PARK-VIRGIN RIVER ECOSCAPE SITE ANALYSIS<br />
Introduction ............................................................................................................................91<br />
5.1 Study Methodology ........................................................................................................... 91<br />
5.1.1 Documents Search .................................................................................................... 91
5.1.2 Onsite Visits .............................................................................................................. 91<br />
5.2 <strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong> of <strong>Zion</strong> ....................................................................................... 93<br />
5.2.1 General <strong>Overview</strong> ..................................................................................................... 94<br />
5.2.2 The Encroachment Period (1520 - 1865) .................................................................. 96<br />
5.2.3 The Encroachment Period (1865 - 1869) .................................................................. 101<br />
5.2.4 Lost Time (1870 - 1902) ........................................................................................... 105<br />
5.2.5 The Reservation Period (1903 - 1996) ...................................................................... 106<br />
5.3 Specific Places and Resources within <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. .............................................................. 108<br />
5.3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon.............................................................................................................. 109<br />
5.3.2 Parunuweap Canyon ................................................................................................. 111<br />
5.3.3 Trails, Travel, and Trade ........................................................................................... 115<br />
5.3.4 Resource Use ............................................................................................................ 115<br />
5.4 Site-by-Site Discussion ..................................................................................................... 117<br />
5.4.1 Upper Virgin River, East Fork-Site #3 ..................................................................... 118<br />
5.4.2 Shunesburg and Parunuweap Canyonsite #s 9a and 9b Site Description ................. 123<br />
5.4.3 Crater Hill-Site #5 ..................................................................................................... 129<br />
5.4.4 Cave Valley-Site #11 ................................................................................................ 133<br />
5.4.5 Lamb's Knoll-Site #12 .............................................................................................. 138<br />
5.4.6 Weeping Rock-Site #7 .............................................................................................. 141<br />
5.4.7 Middle and Lower Emerald Pools-Site #s 10a and 10b ............................................ 144<br />
5.4.8 Birch Creek-Site #6 (Scoping Visit) ......................................................................... 149<br />
5.4.9 Petroglyph Canyonsite #8 ......................................................................................... 152<br />
5.4.10 Pah Tempe Hot Springs-Site #13 ............................................................................ 156<br />
5.5 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 161<br />
CHAPTER SIX<br />
PIPE SPRING NATIONAL MONUMENT-KANAB CREEK<br />
ECOSCAPE SITE ANALYSIS<br />
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 162<br />
6.1 Pipe Spring's Significance ................................................................................................ 162<br />
6.2 Study Methodology ........................................................................................................... 163<br />
6.2.1 Onsite Visits .............................................................................................................. 163<br />
6.3 <strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong> of Pipe Spring ............................................................................ 165<br />
6.3.1 General <strong>Overview</strong> ..................................................................................................... 165<br />
6.3.2 Resource Use ............................................................................................................ 173<br />
6.4 Site-By-Site Discussion .................................................................................................... 176<br />
6.4.1 Upper Kanab Creek-Site #2 ...................................................................................... 177<br />
6.4.2 Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument-Site #1 .................................................................. 181<br />
6.4.3 Muuputs (Owl), Heart Canyon-Site #4 ..................................................................... 190<br />
6.5 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 195
CHAPTER SEVEN<br />
CULTURAL RESOURCE INVENTORY<br />
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 196<br />
7.1 Soil, Water, Mineral, and Stone Resources ...................................................................... 196<br />
7.1.1 Water ......................................................................................................................... 197<br />
7.1.2 Minerals .................................................................................................................... 197<br />
7.1.3 Stone ......................................................................................................................... 198<br />
7.1.4 Salt ............................................................................................................................ 198<br />
7.1.5 Pigment ..................................................................................................................... 198<br />
7.1.6 Clay ........................................................................................................................... 198<br />
7.2 Southern Paiute Identified Plants ...................................................................................... 199<br />
7.2.1 Summary ................................................................................................................... 236<br />
7.3 Southern Paiute Identified Animals .................................................................................. 237<br />
7.3.1 Mammals................................................................................................................... 237<br />
7.3.2 Reptiles ..................................................................................................................... 244<br />
7.3.3 Birds .......................................................................................................................... 246<br />
7.3.4 Amphibians ............................................................................................................... 257<br />
7.3.5 Arachnids .................................................................................................................. 257<br />
7.3.6 Insects ....................................................................................................................... 258<br />
7.3.7 Fish ............................................................................................................................ 260<br />
7.4 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 260<br />
CHAPTER EIGHT<br />
MANAGEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS<br />
Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 261<br />
8.1 <strong>Overview</strong> ........................................................................................................................... 261<br />
8.1.1 Co-Management ........................................................................................................ 262<br />
8.1.2 Specific Resource Management Issues ..................................................................... 262<br />
8.2 Management of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> .................................................................................. 270<br />
8.2.1 Ecosystem Management ........................................................................................... 270<br />
8.2.2 Co-Management Opportunities ................................................................................. 270<br />
8.2.3 Specific Resource Management Issues ......................................................................271<br />
8.3 Management of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument .............................................................276<br />
8.3.1 Ecosystem Management ............................................................................................276<br />
8.3.2 Co-Management .........................................................................................................276<br />
8.3.3 Specific Resource Issues ............................................................................................276<br />
8.4 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................280
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................<br />
Appendix A Survey Instruments Used ...................................................................................<br />
Appendix B Eighty-Nine Traditional Southern Paiute Use Plants .........................................<br />
Appendix C Important Legal Information on Government-to-Government Consultation .....
LIST OF FIGURES<br />
Figure i The Study Setting - Physiographic .......................................................................... 27<br />
Figure ii The Study Setting - Administrative ........................................................................ 29<br />
Figure iii Ecoregion Scales ................................................................................................... 30<br />
Figure 1.1 Southern Paiute elder and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> employee .................................... 2<br />
Figure 1.2 Southern Paiute elder gazes at rock art panel with UofA ethnographer .............. 4<br />
Figure 1.3 Kaibab Reservation ............................................................................................. 10<br />
Figure 1.4 Southern Paiute elders crossing a meadow toward <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> .............. 15<br />
Figure 1.5 Kaibab Paiute Reservation .................................................................................. 21<br />
Figure 2.1 Puaxant Tevip ...................................................................................................... 28<br />
Figure 2.2 Kelly’s map of Southern Paiute districts (revised; Kelly and Fowler 1986:369) 36<br />
Figure 2.3 Yanawant ............................................................................................................. 38<br />
Figure 2.4 Hurricane Cliffs ................................................................................................... 40<br />
Figure 2.5 Areas where ceremonies and rituals are or were performed, such as this one in<br />
Muuputs Canyon, are considered sacred locations ............................................................... 45<br />
Figure 3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> .............................................................................................. 55<br />
Figure 3.2 The fort and pond at Pipe Spring ......................................................................... 56<br />
Figure 3.3 Southern Paiute elders, park employees, botanists, and UofA ethnographers working<br />
together ................................................................................................................................. 63<br />
Figure 4.1 Southern Paiute elder at Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument .................................. 66<br />
Figure 4.2 Webster Flats and <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon (background), just to the left of Cedar Mountain<br />
............................................................................................................................................... 76<br />
Figure 4.3 Seeps, such as this one in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, are habitats that are dependent on water and<br />
contain a unique combination of plants ................................................................................ 80<br />
Figure 4.4 Southern Paiute elder points to grinding stone .................................................... 89<br />
Figure 5.1 The project botanist ............................................................................................. 92<br />
Figure 5.2 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> .............................................................................................. 94<br />
Figure 5.3 Modern agriculture and homes along Ash Creek and the Hurricane Cliffs where<br />
Southern Paiutes traditionally farmed ................................................................................... 102<br />
Figure 5.4 Parunuweap Canyon ............................................................................................ 113<br />
Figure 5.5 Shunesburg .......................................................................................................... 113<br />
Figure 5.6 Upper Virgin River .............................................................................................. 119<br />
Figure 5.7 “Three Indian Sisters” (Eagle Crags) .................................................................. 129<br />
Figure 5.8 Crater Hill ............................................................................................................ 133<br />
Figure 5.9 Southern Paiute elder standing in the entrance to the cave ................................. 134<br />
Figure 5.10 Cave Valley style pictographs ........................................................................... 136<br />
Figure 5.11 Southern Paiute elders at Weeping Rock .......................................................... 143<br />
Figure 5.12 Lower Emerald Pool .......................................................................................... 145<br />
Figure 5.13 Southern Paiute elder gazing at petroglyphs, Site #8 ........................................ 154<br />
Figure 5.14 Impacts of public and private development at Pah Tempe Hot Springs ........... 156
Figure 5.15 Southern Paiute elders ....................................................................................... 157<br />
Figure 6.1 Southern Paiute elder next to trough at Pipe Springs .......................................... 163<br />
Figure 6.2 Pipe Spring meeting participants ......................................................................... 164<br />
Figure 6.3 Mormon settlers took control of Pipe Spring and guided the water in troughs from its<br />
source under the fort to this pond ......................................................................................... 171<br />
Figure 6.4 Southern Paiute elder ........................................................................................... 175<br />
Figure 6.5 Results of historic channelization of Johnson Canyon ........................................ 178<br />
Figure 6.6 Upper Kanab Creek ............................................................................................. 180<br />
Figure 6.7 The fort built by Mormons over Pipe Spring ...................................................... 187<br />
Figure 6.8 <strong>Overview</strong> of Muuputs Canyon ............................................................................ 191<br />
Figure 6.9 Rock art panel impacted by erosion and graffiti ................................................. 193<br />
Figure 7.1 from left to right: Sagebrush, Indian paintbrush, Indian ricegrass ...................... 202<br />
Figure 7.2 Prickly pear cactus ............................................................................................... 211<br />
Figure 7.3 Yucca ................................................................................................................... 236<br />
Figure 7.4 Lizard on the wall of the Pipe Spring Monument building ................................. 245<br />
Figure 7.5 Bald eagle ............................................................................................................ 251<br />
Figure 8.1 Vandalism in the form of graffiti carved into a cactus ........................................ 264<br />
Figure 8.2 Piping at Pah Tempe Springs .............................................................................. 273<br />
Figure 8.3 No Hunting sign with bullet holes—current methods of protecting resources are not<br />
always effective .................................................................................................................... 275<br />
Figure 8.4 Sign in Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument ............................................................ 278
LIST OF TABLES<br />
Table 1.1 A Brief Chronology of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory in Southwestern <strong>Utah</strong> and<br />
Northern Arizona .................................................................................................................. 16<br />
Table 5.1 Significant Periods of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory at <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> ........ 95<br />
Table 6.1 Significant Periods of Ethnohistory at Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument ............. 165
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS<br />
This report is the result of the efforts of many individuals. The authors would like to<br />
express their sincere appreciation to Dr. David E. Ruppert, Rocky Mountain Regional Office,<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service, for his continual support throughout the study. We are also very grateful<br />
to Jack Burns, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, for his participation in the fieldwork. This study could not<br />
have been conducted without his assistance in providing field transportation. Special thanks are<br />
due to Superintendent John Hiscock of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument and Donald Falvey of<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> for advice and for their participation in meetings with the Southern Paiute<br />
tribes. Thanks are also due to the staff at <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong><br />
Monument, especially Laird Naylor, Doug Cockrum, Amy Vandewater, and <strong>And</strong>rea for all of<br />
their assistance in providing documents and reports. The Southern Paiute words and spelling<br />
were edited and verified by Dr. David Shaul.<br />
Most importantly, the authors wish to express their sincere gratitude to all of the<br />
Southern Paiute people involved in the study. To all of the involved tribal chairpersons and<br />
especially the tribal representatives who participated in the river trips, we offer our most sincere<br />
thanks for taking time away from their families and busy schedules to share their knowledge of<br />
traditional life and cultural resources in the Virgin River and Kanab Creek study area. We are<br />
indebted to Angie Bulletts, who helped to coordinate the fieldwork and the team camp at <strong>Zion</strong><br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and to Karen Mayo, who kept the research team well fed during their stay at the<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> camp.<br />
Without the collaboration and participation of Southern Paiute elders and cultural experts<br />
this study could not have been conducted. They deserve an equal share of the credit for the<br />
data and findings contained in this report. These individuals, listed by tribe, are:<br />
Kaibab Paiute Tribe<br />
Gloria Bulletts Benson<br />
Angelita S. Bullets<br />
Karen Mayo<br />
Warren Mayo<br />
Vivienne Jake<br />
Lucille Jake<br />
Stanley Sampson<br />
Leta Segmiller<br />
Paiute Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong><br />
Alex Sheperd<br />
Clifford Jake<br />
Yetta Jake<br />
Vera Charles<br />
Eldene Cervantes
FOREWORD<br />
The purpose of this foreword is to explain how to best approach this report, where<br />
its strengths are, and where the text should be read with caution. This report is the beginning of<br />
a written American Indian perspective data base that can serve as a basis for future<br />
consultations between the Southern Paiute people and two <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (NPS) units.<br />
As such, one must realize that neither all Southern Paiute tribes nor all regional parks were<br />
involved in this study. Much further study is required before the federal parks of the region<br />
understand the cultural concerns of all Southern Paiute tribes. Does this mean that the study is<br />
irrelevant to the natural and cultural resource management concerns of the Southern Paiute<br />
people and the regional parks who were not involved in the study? In general terms, the study<br />
does define the types of natural and cultural resource use issues of the Southern Paiute people<br />
and how these can be translated into the resource management issues of all parks in the region.<br />
In fact, this study raises issues that have consistently been raised by other studies conducted<br />
over the past twenty years regarding the interface between Southern Paiute cultural and natural<br />
resources and federal land management practices. So, the findings from the study can be and<br />
should be extrapolated to other parks and even other federal lands found within Southern Paiute<br />
traditional territory. However, there are limitations.<br />
The study is an ethnographic overview. As such it combines kinds of information which<br />
vary both in spatial and topical depth. Spatially, the information contained in this study varies<br />
because the areas under analysis are large and Paiute elders could be taken to only a few places.<br />
Topically, some subjects were given less attention than others. A scoping study was conducted<br />
among tribal governments and selected tribal elders in order to focus where the elder visits should<br />
occur and what topics should be discussed in the main study. Overall, an attempt was made to<br />
balance discussion between the cultural resource topics and the places where cultural resources<br />
occur.<br />
The NPS poised the question "Are there guidelines that can be known for extrapolating<br />
Southern Paiute concerns?" In general, it is important to let an ethnographic overview study<br />
raise possible questions rather than set them aside. This is especially critical when the land<br />
managers are making a final determination as to whether or not an adverse cultural effect could<br />
occur as a result of a proposed action. Positive findings are more useful than negative findings.<br />
For example, if this ethnographic overview recorded that Southern Paiutes have used a type of<br />
plant that is involved in a proposed action, then it can be concluded that a Southern Paiute concern<br />
exists. On the other hand, if this ethnographic overview did not record the use of a type of plant,<br />
then this negative finding does not logically lead to the conclusion that no Southern Paiute<br />
concerns exist.<br />
It is understood that a positive cultural identification means "yes there is a concern" but no<br />
recorded identification means "the topic is unknown and further study is needed." This logic derives<br />
from two facts. Indian people do not tell a federal agency everything during the first study. <strong>And</strong> this<br />
is the first study. Also, no one study can record all cultural resources of a American Indian people<br />
The reasons why Indian people withhold information is discussed under the heading "Smart<br />
Databases" in Chapter One, but it cannot fully be explained in a report such as this. Deep mutual
understandings between the federal agency and the Southern Paiute people need to be established<br />
before all the barriers to communication are understood.<br />
The reasons why one study will not document all cultural resources is easier to explain.<br />
Aspects of this topic are discussed under the heading "Holism" in Chapter One. Basically,<br />
knowledge in all human groups is unevenly distributed. Social scientists study this subject, so<br />
the finding is well documented. When we say that it takes up to ten interviews to fully<br />
understand the cultural significance of a type of Southern Paiute plant, this means that different<br />
people know about different aspects of the plant's use. It also clearly reflects the first fact, that<br />
Southern Paiute people rarely tell anyone everything when they are asked.<br />
Traditional knowledge is unevenly distributed because some Indian people are<br />
specialists. Like park scientists, some Paiute people know about plants, others know about<br />
animals, still others know about archaeology sites. When the federal agency funds resourcespecific<br />
studies, tribal governments can send people who specialize in these topics. Often multiple<br />
resource-specific studies are necessary because the cultural significance of a natural resource<br />
varies by where it is found or by season. For example, there are certain Paiute medicine plants<br />
which have more power because they are found near the Colorado River in the Grand Canyon.<br />
Normally, it is necessary to conduct the resource interviews where they are found so that the<br />
influence of place can be recorded as an aspect of resource significance. Seasonal resources like<br />
plants and animals can vary, so it is important to conduct interviews when a resource is<br />
traditionally used. Stories related to place vary by season, because some kinds of stories are to<br />
be told at certain times and not at other times. The point here is that resource-specific studies are<br />
essential for more fully understanding the cultural significance of Southern Paiute resources.<br />
An ethnographic overview is designed to bring as much information about as many places<br />
as possible in a brief period. As such, it is better at providing breadth of knowledge about<br />
cultural resources than understanding them in depth. This report has tiered on previous studies<br />
to provide depth in some areas. Especially well developed are the lists of Southern Paiute plants<br />
and animals. Less well developed are the lists of places and minerals. Not at all well developed<br />
are issues like the cultural meaning of air and water.<br />
Early European travelers recorded Southern Paiute uses of plants and animals. Later<br />
scholars studying both language and culture developed additional lists of Southern Paiute plant<br />
and animal names. Recent applied ethnographic studies have added more plant and animal<br />
understandings. Because there is an extensive information base for understanding these natural<br />
resources, the plant and animal lists are well developed. The lists have been developed for each<br />
NPS unit involved in this study, so each list can be used directly by NPS specialists concerned<br />
with plants and animals. Still, even with these well supported lists, more can be known from<br />
future studies.<br />
Because so much is known about plants and animals, we can provide detailed guidance<br />
regarding their use. For example, the plant lists are organized in a fashion that represents the<br />
most taxonomically accurate method as of the writing of this report. These plants and animals are<br />
listed in alphabetical order on the far left hand column of the tables by their Latin genus and<br />
species and, when a category was too wide, by their common name. In some cases, the scientific
names for plants or animals have been changed (in some cases multiple times). The nomenclature<br />
changes have been noted in parentheses below the name currently being used by the <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong> Service. The middle column of the table lists the most frequently encountered common<br />
names. The last column contains the Southern Paiute names found in historical and<br />
contemporary sources for the plant or animal in that row. In some cases, Southern Paiute names<br />
were only found for the genus and not the species level of plant identification. Since this was<br />
the case, the genus category on the plant tables was expanded to include all of the Southern<br />
Paiute names found that correspond with the genus regardless of whether the names refer to a<br />
specific species or the genus as a whole.<br />
Contrast what we know about plants and how to use existing knowledge of plants with<br />
what we do not know about natural resources for whom there has never been a systematic<br />
ethnographic study. For example, there has not been a study of the cultural meaning of air or<br />
water in Southern Paiute culture. These are critical components of Southern Paiute life that<br />
were neither appreciated nor recognized by early travelers and later ethnographers. Unlike<br />
plants, the NPS does not have its own list of types of air and water against which to compare<br />
Southern Paiute nomenclature. Springs, creeks, rivers, and waterfalls each are perceived by<br />
Southern Paiutes as separate living organisms. Air too is a living organism that exists in different<br />
forms. There has never been a systematic study of the cultural meaning of either air or water<br />
among Southern Paiutes. Nonetheless such cultural resources are important to Southern Paiute<br />
people today and should be taken into consideration in land use management deliberations.<br />
Future resource-specific studies of these and similar cultural components are needed before<br />
even a beginning consultation can occur regarding potential project impacts and possible<br />
resource protection strategies.<br />
A final use of this report is to understand cultural affiliation with these two NPS units.<br />
During various reviews of this manuscript, the NPS asked questions about who are the Paiutes?<br />
Where did they come from? What is their relationship with the Anasazi? Are they the Fremont?<br />
While these are valid questions, they are much beyond the scope of this study. The questions<br />
are important for both the NPS units and the Southern Paiute people to resolve to their own<br />
satisfaction. The message of this study is that most Southern Paiute people believe they were<br />
created in this land and all the evidence of Indian use of the land reflects the activities of their<br />
ancestors. It is also important that the Indian Claims commission define the Southern Paiute<br />
people as the aboriginal owners of this land.<br />
The Southern Paiute position is disputed by some archaeologists and by some other<br />
American Indian ethnic groups. A key problem in cultural affiliation is that "labels" have been<br />
attached to contemporary people and to prehistoric archaeology types. Because of these labels,<br />
contemporary Indian people are often excluded from discussing their cultural affiliation with<br />
types of prehistoric archaeological remains. So for the area under study in this report, people<br />
called today the Western Shoshone claim cultural affiliation with an prehistoric archaeology<br />
type called the Fremont. Both the people called the Navajo and the Hopi claim cultural<br />
affiliation with the prehistoric archaeology type called the Anasazi. Historically, people called<br />
the Utes were known to visit these lands and leave archaeological evidence which is usually<br />
called Paiute. Unraveling the multiple ethnic affiliations with cultural resources of these two<br />
NPS parks and the region in general is a task for future studies, but one that should be addressed.
The NPS chose to consult only with the Southern Paiute people during this study, so this study<br />
can only convey what the Southern Paiute people believe.<br />
The best answer to the question "How should I use this report?" is "As a beginning of a<br />
long term consultation with all the Southern Paiute people." Most natural resources on federal<br />
lands are studied continuously. It is assumed that the biotic and abiotic components of the land<br />
are extremely diverse and that many studies are needed to fully understand how this diversity<br />
exists across the land. It is also assumed that however complete the NPS information base on a<br />
resource, when an action is being proposed, on site visits are required before an action is fully<br />
evaluated. Ongoing studies are required because the biotic and abiotic components of the land<br />
change over time. These are good assumptions to hold about American Indian cultural<br />
resources.
CHAPTER ONE<br />
STUDY OVERVIEW<br />
This is an applied ethnographic study of Southern Paiute cultural resources and how these<br />
are related to the natural ecosystems (Figure 1) that surround and incorporate <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong> in southern <strong>Utah</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument in northern Arizona (Figure 2).<br />
This study is special in two ways. Unlike most other studies of American Indian cultural<br />
resources found within <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>s, this study moves beyond the formal boundaries of these<br />
NPS units in an effort to understand them as components of a broader natural ecosystem. As<br />
such, this study is part of a new tradition which seeks to establish a scientific and social<br />
framework for ecologically based stewardship of Federal lands and waters (Ecological<br />
Stewardship Workshop 1995). Unlike most studies of American Indian cultural resources which<br />
do not involve Indian tribes in the design and conduct of research, this study was preceded by<br />
the signing of a Memorandum of Agreement between the involved parks and culturally<br />
affiliated Indian tribal governments. As partners in the research process, these tribes have had a<br />
voice in how their cultural resource issues would be studied and presented to the NPS.<br />
The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of this applied ethnographic study<br />
by highlighting some of its special findings. In addition, the chapter provides a conceptual<br />
context for understanding both the NPS's interest in ecosystem management and how Southern<br />
Paiute people view space, time, and cultural resources. This chapter is viewed as containing<br />
essential information for understanding the much more technical and detailed discussions that<br />
occur in the following chapters.<br />
1.1 Ecological Stewardship<br />
The NPS, along with other Federal land management agencies, is seeking new ways to<br />
view, study, and manage the human, biological, and physical resources for which they are<br />
responsible. The current ecological stewardship movement is based on principles (both<br />
established and yet to be established) of ecosystem management.<br />
Today, there are major efforts completed and underway to more clearly define what is<br />
involved with ecosystem management, how to collect new data to inform land use managers,<br />
and help define a process for implementing new management practices. Perhaps the most<br />
recent and broadly applicable of these efforts has been released by the Interagency Ecosystem<br />
Management Task Force (1995) as a three-volume report entitled The Ecosystem Approach:<br />
Healthy Ecosystems and Sustainable Economies. This report is designed to provide clear<br />
direction to Federal agencies in their efforts to adopt a proactive approach to ensuring a<br />
sustainable economy and a sustainable environment. The Task Force report (1995:3) provides<br />
the following key definitions:<br />
1
The ecosystem approach is a method for sustaining or restoring natural systems and<br />
their functions and values. It is goal driven, and it is based on a collaboratively developed<br />
vision of desired future conditions that integrates ecological, economic, and social factors. It is<br />
applied within a geographic framework defined primarily by ecological boundaries.<br />
The goal of the ecosystem<br />
approach is to restore and sustain the<br />
health, productivity, and biological<br />
diversity of ecosystems and to restore<br />
and sustain the overall quality of life<br />
through a natural resource<br />
management approach that is fully<br />
integrated with social and economic<br />
goals. This is essential to maintain the<br />
air we breathe, the water we drink, the<br />
food we eat, and to sustain natural<br />
resources for future populations.<br />
This applied ethnographic study<br />
specifically addresses components of<br />
these definitions in the following ways:<br />
*The components of an ecosystem<br />
are integrated and these<br />
relationships can only be<br />
understood through interdisciplinary<br />
and holistic analysis.<br />
This study looks at many aspects<br />
of Southern Paiute culture associated<br />
with these ecosystems including<br />
myths, land use values, plants, and<br />
animals.<br />
*The ecosystem approach<br />
emphasizes the use of<br />
information from both science<br />
and the knowledge of people in<br />
local communities.<br />
Figure 1.1Southern Paiute Elder and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong> Employee<br />
This study presents the cultural perceptions and knowledge of Southern Paiutes about<br />
these ecosystems, and places this indigenous knowledge into context through the use of social<br />
science findings and historic documents.<br />
*A goal of the ecosystem approach to management is to restore the functions<br />
and values of natural systems.<br />
2
This study identifies Southern Paiute ecosystem values and recommends ways that the<br />
ecosystems can be physically and spiritually restored.<br />
* Ecosystem management involves identifying a shared vision of desired<br />
future ecosystem conditions that integrate ecological, economic, and<br />
social factors.<br />
Southern Paiute people have shared in this study their vision of what<br />
these ecosystems were under traditional Paiute management, what<br />
occurred to the natural resources and the Paiute people after<br />
encroachment, and how to begin to reassemble and restore the<br />
components of the ecosystems, including reintegrating Paiute people.<br />
* Ecosystem management seeks common solutions by forming<br />
partnerships between Federal, state, and local governments, Indian<br />
tribes, landowners and other stakeholders.<br />
Before this study began, a partnership between the two parks and the six Southern Paiute<br />
tribes was established by a government-to-government agreement. This study contains tribal<br />
government recommendations for continuing this NPS partnership and further involving private<br />
landowners, state agencies, and other Federal agencies. Therefore, this applied ethnography<br />
study had the advantage of beginning with a study design that contained many of these essential<br />
components of ecosystem management. Once the study began, however, it was the responsibility<br />
of the applied ethnographers to use and hopefully build upon past scientific findings and theories<br />
from studies of the human-ecosystem interface.<br />
1.2 Science of the Human-Ecosystem Interface<br />
People are the newest and certainly the most difficult component to incorporate in the<br />
ecosystem approach. This situation probably occurs because Federal land management<br />
agencies have more experience managing the resources than understanding and managing the<br />
resource users. This legacy has left many Federal agencies with a gap in both information about<br />
kinds of people and experience working with communities, organizations, and American Indian<br />
tribes. Nonetheless, filling this gap is essential if the new ecosystem approach is to succeed.<br />
Everywhere, park rangers and other natural resource scientists are grappling with what<br />
they call the human dimension of ecosystem management. According to a recent ecosystem<br />
management report by the Forest Service (Forest Service 1995:7), the term human dimension<br />
refers to:<br />
An integral component of Ecosystem Management that recognizes that people<br />
are part of ecosystems, that people's pursuits of past, present, and future desires,<br />
needs and values (including perceptions, beliefs, attitudes and behaviors) have<br />
and will continue to influence ecosystems and that ecosystem management<br />
must include consideration of the physical, emotional, mental, spiritual, social,<br />
3
cultural, and economic well-being of people and communities. This definition is<br />
especially rich in details about what human variables should be considered and<br />
how significant people are in the new ecosystem approach. However, there are<br />
few clear guidelines for foresters, park rangers, and other natural resource<br />
managers who now want timely and credible information about people and their<br />
ecosystem interactions.<br />
Figure 1.2 Location of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
While most Federal agency personnel have little experience systematically consulting<br />
with many types of people and generating problem-specific information about how these<br />
people use ecosystems, many professionally trained social scientists are familiar with both of<br />
these issues. A few agencies have social scientists on staff, such as the Applied Ethnography<br />
Program of the NPS. Where agency social scientists are not available, land managers will be<br />
expected to personally begin interacting with non-agency social scientists for the first time.<br />
Thus, it is useful to briefly review social science studies of the human-ecosystem interactions<br />
so that natural resource managers will have some perspective on what to expect from social<br />
scientists and which social scientists are professionally trained to provide the research to<br />
answer ecosystem management questions.<br />
Journals like Human Ecology and Society and Natural Resources are exclusively<br />
devoted to publishing scientific research on these issues. Most other major social science<br />
journals like Human Organization and Rural Sociology regularly feature articles that can be<br />
called social ecology, political ecology, or cultural ecology. The Journal of Political Ecology is<br />
an electronic journal at the University of Arizona devoted to the interdisciplinary study of these<br />
4
issues.<br />
Books and chapters summarize current findings as well as integrate these findings into<br />
models that are tested by future research. Often these are the published results of a major<br />
symposium like Mans' Role in Changing the Face of the Earth (Thomas 1956) or "The Impact of<br />
Human Activities on the Physical and Social Environments: New Directions in Anthropological<br />
Ecology" (Montgomery, Bennett, and Scudder 1973), or The Ecosystem Approach in<br />
Anthropology: From Concept to Practice (Moran 1990) or Population - Environment Dynamics<br />
(Ness, Drake, Brechin 1993). Other research findings are produced when one agency attempts to<br />
address these issues from its own perspective, such as Social Aspects of New Perspectives in<br />
Forestry (Stankey and Clark 1992) and Institutional Barriers and Incentives for Ecosystem<br />
Management (Cortner et al. 1995).<br />
Although the science of biological ecology (Egerton 1985) preceded its socio-cultural<br />
sister sciences, the latter were well established as legitimate fields of study by the late 1800s<br />
through the research of a diverse set of international scholars like the American George Marsh,<br />
the Russian Alexander Woeikof, and the Frenchman Elisee Reclus (Thomas 1956: xxviii -<br />
xxxvii). Egerton (1985:103) even suggests that when pure ecology became more generally<br />
applicable to human problems it too began to consider social variables, because "the goal of<br />
applied science is to achieve an understanding of nature in relation to human endeavor."<br />
Although biological ecology and human ecology may have taken different approaches, they<br />
both seek to better understand the human- environment interface and they both have worked<br />
on this issue for more than one hundred years.<br />
The point here is that there are well established fields of study in social science which<br />
can contribute to questions about the human dimension of ecosystem management. If land<br />
management agencies currently know more about natural resources than human resource users,<br />
it is because the former have received more attention due to their central importance in past<br />
natural resource management practices. The new ecosystem approach to land management<br />
recognizes the critical role humans have in the ecosystem and the general lack of available<br />
information on these human activities. Thus, there is a dual crisis facing most land use<br />
managers -- to decide how to study humans and to select appropriate scientists to conduct these<br />
studies. Needless to say, if social scientists were asked to design studies of wildlife or forests<br />
they would be at a great disadvantage. Likewise, when fishery biologists are asked to design a<br />
Native American ecosystem study they may be both perplexed and worried over the<br />
effectiveness of their labors.<br />
1.3 Creating Useful Ecosystem Social Science<br />
Ecosystem management has created a demand for applied social science studies, but how<br />
do agencies assure that useful studies are being funded? It should not be assumed that by funding<br />
social science studies, managers will know exactly what they need in order to work effectively<br />
with natural resource users and to form policies that create better human-ecosystem<br />
interactions. As Federal agencies rush to use social scientists, they need professional advice.<br />
There is an obvious need for advice from agency-based social scientists, and the demand on<br />
their time is expected to drastically increase with a shift to the ecosystem approach to<br />
5
management. Agencies can also draw upon university-based social scientists for advice and<br />
labor. Over time, as more and more ecosystem social science studies are funded, agencies will<br />
develop an understanding of what human variables are most critical, what findings are<br />
persuasive in the formulation of public policy, and which types of social scientists are useful for<br />
certain types of studies (Van Willigen, Rylko-Bauer and McElroy 1989; Wulff and Fiske 1987).<br />
Past lessons can be useful in the creation of effective ecosystem social science. Two<br />
major types of problems emerged during past efforts to make human knowledge useful to natural<br />
resource managers; these are termed here (1) working together and (2) short-fall studies.<br />
1.4 Working Together<br />
There are studies jointly conducted by social scientists and natural resource managers<br />
that address the issue of how to make social science findings useful for managers. The Great<br />
Lakes Fishery Commission, for example, funded a two year-long study called Social<br />
<strong>Assessment</strong> of Fisheries Research, which involved more than 50 managers and social scientists<br />
who worked together to bridge the gaps between the needs of fishery managers for findings on<br />
human fishery uses and the desire of social scientists to conduct studies that resolve theoretical<br />
questions. The findings of these efforts were published as a special issue of the Journal of Fishery<br />
Science (Talhelm and Libby 1987).<br />
The Great Lakes fishery management project for working together is virtually identical to<br />
the one that cumulated in the recent Ecological Stewardship Workshop (1995) which was<br />
sponsored by dozens of Federal agencies, private foundations, and natural resource interest<br />
groups. This workshop paired teams of scientists and natural resource managers for two weeks<br />
in an effort to have them jointly produce interactive essays about ecosystem management.<br />
These essays are expected to be useful to both scientists and managers and, when published in<br />
1996, serve as a practical guide for participants in the ecological stewardship movement.<br />
Working together is essential for ecosystem management so that scientists and natural<br />
resource managers can begin to develop a common understanding of what research findings are<br />
needed to formulate, implement, and monitor natural policy. Without the time and opportunity<br />
to establish a common ground, short-fall studies may occur. Needless to say, working together<br />
is critical as a way for managers to understand user groups as well as they understand<br />
components of the natural ecosystem.<br />
1.5 Short-Fall Studies<br />
Significant social science studies that are useful to land managers may not be<br />
forthcoming, even when the appropriate researchers are working with knowledgeable managers<br />
who have provided sufficient funds to conduct the research. The possible short-comings of<br />
what are called short-fall studies, can derive from the following factors: (1) scale - problems with<br />
larger than normal analytical units, (2) holism - need for new variables and interdisciplinary<br />
methodologies, and (3) smart databases - which must be accumulated, modeled, and updated to<br />
meet changing ecosystem conditions.<br />
6
Scale<br />
Agencies must consider the broad-scale, long-term ecological consequences of<br />
their actions. (Interagency Ecosystem Management Task Force 1995:17-18)<br />
Ecosystem research involves new sizes of analytical units. Previously funded agency<br />
research has focused on and usually has been geographically limited to lands specifically<br />
managed by the agency. From a practical standpoint, even though natural and cultural<br />
resources obviously extend beyond the park, forest, or whatever lands the agency manages, the<br />
scientists have been restricted from conducting studies beyond the Federal administrative unit.<br />
As research is less geographically bounded by the administrative unit itself, new questions arise<br />
about what is the scale of appropriate ecosystem studies. Once we start expanding, where do we<br />
end? How do we come to agree upon common criteria so that all of the new ecosystem studies<br />
correspond geographically?<br />
Time is another type of scale issue that must be addressed by the new ecosystem<br />
research. Previous studies have been designed to answer immediate management questions,<br />
often to the exclusion of temporally broader questions about the formation and dynamics of the<br />
ecosystem. In general, each science will have a preferred time-frame for best understanding its<br />
research questions. Usually, the greater the time depth under consideration the more information<br />
is required to provide an answer to a research question.<br />
Longer analysis time-frames will combine with geographically broader study units to<br />
produce new kinds of studies -- often studies that have never been conducted by either scientists<br />
nor agencies. These new scales of analysis will make it even more important that all scientists<br />
conducting ecosystem research use similar analysis frames.<br />
Holism<br />
Under the ecosystem approach, management is oriented towards interacting<br />
systems, and addressed ecological, economic, and social concerns. (Interagency<br />
Ecosystem Management Task Force 1995:19)<br />
Traditional resource management tends to be oriented towards one or a few resources,<br />
such as timber, minerals, single wildlife species, water, or cultural resources, with less attention<br />
paid to other resources or to the interdependent relationship between these resources. New<br />
ecosystem studies must look at many aspects of the ecosystem and their interrelationship to one<br />
another. This requires multivariable models that probably have not been developed because<br />
either the funding or the expressed policy need for them had not previously existed.<br />
Holistic social science studies not only include the widest appropriate array of social<br />
and cultural variables, but also include all appropriate kinds of people. The term cultural<br />
affiliation is used to specify American Indian ethnic groups and tribes who have cultural ties to<br />
parks and other Federal lands. Other types of people also have social or cultural ties to Federal<br />
land management units and these people should also be included if all the human dimensions of<br />
the ecosystem are to be understood.<br />
7
Holistic studies tend to require interdisciplinary teams. Botanists work with cultural<br />
anthropologists to assure that American Indian ethnobotanical interviews are scientifically<br />
referenced. Climatologists work with social scientists to triangulate archaeological findings<br />
about shifts in agriculture over millennium. Even different types of social scientists must work<br />
together so they produce comparable findings about different types of culturally affiliated<br />
peoples.<br />
Smart Databases<br />
Under the ecosystem approach, resource management plans are based on a<br />
collaborative vision for the ecosystem, considering the mandates, needs,<br />
interests, and goals of all stakeholders. Management plans and actions are<br />
modified as necessary, based upon changes in our knowledge of the ecosystem,<br />
new information, availability of new methods and approaches, and assessments<br />
of progress towards goals (Interagency Ecosystem Management Task Force<br />
1995:19).<br />
Ecosystem management needs to be smart. It needs to be built upon interactive databases<br />
that are constantly updated by new studies. Unlike static databases of the past which were<br />
successful when they provided simple inventories of natural resources, open-ended databases<br />
are needed to match the perspective of ecosystems as constantly changing. Open-ended<br />
databases need to be able to answer questions that are not even conceived of when natural<br />
resource studies are designed and conducted. In other words, smart databases are designed to be<br />
open-ended, cumulative, and oriented to future problems.<br />
Social science studies require smart-type databases inasmuch as human societies and<br />
cultures are constantly changing. In human societies the most rapid changes tend to occur in what<br />
are called opinions. As a result, opinion polls are conducted as often as necessary. More basic<br />
to humans are values which tend to persist throughout the life of the individual and even to<br />
characterize the individuals' ethnic group over generations. Value-based data are a more<br />
fundamental type of social science data for building land use policies (Stoffle, Jensen, and Rasch<br />
1987). A collaborative vision for an ecosystem should be developed from shared values, not<br />
from the more ephemeral types of social data such as opinions. Thus, it is essential for natural<br />
resource managers to know about and to specify exactly the kind of social science data they<br />
need.<br />
Once the appropriate type of human dimension data is incorporated into a smart<br />
database, then appropriate monitoring is necessary. Social indicators are ways to easily sample<br />
different human populations to determine if significant changes have occurred to warrant a<br />
reconsideration of existing land use policies. Social indicators, however, can only point out when<br />
new studies must be conducted; they do not replace the continual collection of primary<br />
information that is then incorporated in the smart databases.<br />
8
This applied ethnography study has confronted the problems of making its findings useful<br />
to the managers of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument. The study has<br />
confronted each of these problems and to some extent resolved them in an effort to understand<br />
the interface between Southern Paiutes and the ecosystems of the northern Colorado Plateau.<br />
1.6 The Northern Colorado Plateau Ecoregion<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument are located on the northern<br />
portion of the Colorado Plateau. These parks are located in two of the major watersheds on the<br />
Colorado Plateau which drain from the north to south into the Colorado River as it passes<br />
through the Grand Canyon. This applied ethnography report contributes to the growing<br />
scientific literature funded by the NPS to better understand the relationship between parks and<br />
people. More specifically, this study addresses (1) the interface between Southern Paiute cultural<br />
resources and these two NPS units, and (2) the extent to which Southern Paiute cultural<br />
resources can be understood as components of ecosystems that surround <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring.<br />
Given this is one of the first applied ethnography studies that attempts to address the role<br />
of American Indian cultural resources from an ecosystem perspective, it is important to<br />
describe this study as it was designed and as it has emerged over a period of almost two years<br />
within the language of ecosystem management. Especially important are issues of scale, holism,<br />
and smart databases.<br />
1.6.1 Scale<br />
There are four scales of analysis contained within this study. Three of these are illustrated<br />
in Figure 3. The most general level is the ecoregion. The next level is the ecosystem, then the<br />
park, and places within either the park or elsewhere in the ecoregion. Different types of<br />
Southern Paiute cultural resource information are used to interpret cultural meanings that exist at<br />
each of these scales of analysis.<br />
Ecoregion<br />
The relevant ecoregion for this study is defined as the lands of the Colorado Plateau located<br />
north of the Colorado River where it passes through the Grand Canyon until the watershed reaches<br />
the geophysical boundary of the Great Basin. This ecoregion contains a series of watersheds that<br />
drain from the boundary with the Great Basin to the Colorado River. Like most ecoregions, this one<br />
contains relatively unique ecosystems which are defined by major water catchment systems.<br />
9
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong><br />
Pipe Springs<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
Figure 1.3 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Springs <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
10
Ecosystems<br />
Two major watersheds drain southward from the divide between the Colorado Plateau<br />
and the Great Basin towards the Colorado River. Kanab Creek drains the more eastern of these<br />
two watersheds and the Virgin River drains the one in the west. For purposes of this study each<br />
of these is being treated as a separate ecosystem. Taken together these two ecosystems<br />
incorporate most, but certainly not all, of the significant hydrological drainages within the<br />
ecoregion.<br />
<strong>Park</strong>s<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument are the Federal land<br />
management units that receive special analysis in this study. The NPS selected these two units<br />
to begin the analysis of Southern Paiute cultural resources issues. Through a process<br />
technically known as tiering, the study builds on previous applied ethnography studies<br />
conducted in northern portions of the Grand Canyon and below Glen Canyon Dam. Other<br />
Federal parks in the ecoregion which have not been the subject of Southern Paiute cultural<br />
resource studies are Cedar Breaks and the portion of Glen Canyon <strong>National</strong> Recreation Area<br />
located above the dam.<br />
Places<br />
There are many places that are special within this ecoregion. These tend to have obvious<br />
and often spectacular geological and biological characteristics: the dramatic cliffs of <strong>Zion</strong><br />
Canyon, the narrows in the Virgin River, the natural gravity spring at Pipe Spring, the hot<br />
mineral spring where the Virgin River breaks through the Hurricane Cliffs, multicolored<br />
sandstone near Kanab Creek, and the black volcanic center cones next to hot pink sand dunes<br />
near Quail Creek. Often physical and biological features of the ecosystem are combined with<br />
places of historic or traditional cultural significance to create places that are special in many<br />
related ways.<br />
1.6.2 Holism<br />
This applied ethnographic study is holistic to the extent that it includes the widest range<br />
of cultural resources as possible within the constraints of the contract. Special efforts were<br />
made to identify and provide a Southern Paiute cultural evaluation of (1) plants, (2) animals, (3)<br />
minerals, (4) archaeology sites, and (5) petroglyphs and pictographs. While this approach may<br />
seem to include an extensive variety of cultural resources, this applied ethnography study fails<br />
to be as holistic as Southern Paiute people would like. Often it takes a few years of tribe-park<br />
consultation before a clear list of management and natural resource issues emerges. For example,<br />
after almost ten years of consultation, the 17 tribes and Indian organizations with cultural ties to<br />
the Nevada Test Site provided the following holistic list of studies that should be conducted for<br />
a complete Native American assessment of cultural resources (American Indian Writers<br />
Subgroup 1995:16):<br />
11
(1) Ethnoarchaeology:-the interpretation of the physical artifacts produced by our<br />
Indian ancestors;<br />
(2) Ethnobotany: the identification and interpretation of the plants used by our Indian<br />
people;<br />
(3) Ethnozoology: the identification and interpretation of the animals used by Indian<br />
people;<br />
(4) Rock Art: the identification and interpretation of traditional Indian paintings and rock<br />
peckings;<br />
(5) TCP: the identification and interpretation of places of central cultural importance to a<br />
people, called Traditional Cultural Properties (TCPs), often Indian people refer to<br />
these as power places;<br />
(6) Ethnogeography: the identification and interpretation of soil, rocks, water, and air;<br />
and<br />
(7) Cultural landscapes: the identification and interpretation of spacial units that are<br />
culturally and geographically unique areas for Indian people.<br />
If the American Indian Writers Subgroup, which is composed of Southern Paiutes,<br />
Western Shoshone, and Owens Valley Paiutes sets the standard for a holistic analysis of Indian<br />
cultural resources, then it is clear more types of cultural resource studies need to be undertaken<br />
by <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. Nonetheless, this applied ethnography study does attempt to<br />
assess many of these cultural resources.<br />
1.6.3 Smart Databases<br />
When American Indian people are trying to explain or teach someone about a subject of<br />
great cultural importance, they do not tell everything at once. Knowledge is important, sacred, and<br />
critical to survival, so Indian people restrict what they share about something at one time. After<br />
information is shared, Indian people wait to see what the person who received the information<br />
does with the information. If they treat the information in a culturally correct manner, then next<br />
time the Indian people will share more information.<br />
Indian people treat Federal land management agencies who desire information about<br />
cultural resources like they would any other person asking about these culturally important issues.<br />
Given this traditional process for sharing information, it behooves Federal agencies to structure<br />
the scientific study of Southern Paiute cultural resources in stages. This permits American Indian<br />
people to share what they wish at one time and to then have the time to see what the Federal<br />
agency does with the information. Later studies will involve more sharing if the American<br />
Indian people are convinced that by sharing information they have increased the protection or<br />
preservation of the cultural resources held by the Federal agency (Stoffle and Evans 1990: 96).<br />
Knowledge builds upon knowledge to make more complex understandings. It is critical<br />
for <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. to develop smart databases which can take each new piece<br />
of information that is provided by Southern Paiute elders and preserve it until a more holistic<br />
picture of cultural resources is achieved. Smart databases also are interactive, so when an elder is<br />
talking about hunting, he also may be sharing something about a petroglyph panel that contains<br />
hunting scenes.<br />
12
Similarly, when a female elder is talking about making a basket, she also may be sharing<br />
something about how to manage wet ecosystems containing willows. A smart database should<br />
have the ability to integrate Southern Paiute plant, animal, and mineral information with their<br />
epistemological understanding of the universe and the role of spiritual behavior in maintaining that<br />
universe. Perhaps this is too much to ask of a database, even a smart one, but interactive and<br />
multimedia databases are now easily available with new software like Asymetrix's Multimedia<br />
Toolbook. Such databases can serve to begin to record and make more useful information about<br />
the Southern Paiute cultural resource perspectives on these parks and their ecosystems.<br />
1.7 Southern Paiute Ecoscape Views<br />
Both the NPS and the Southern Paiute people perceive <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M.<br />
as places whose significance derives from larger cultural and ecological landscapes. Southern<br />
Paiute people view both parks as being parts of riverine ecosystems. <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. is a place along<br />
the Virgin River, and Pipe Spring N.M. is a place along Kanab Creek. The current boundaries of<br />
both parks are largely irrelevant for understanding the lives of birds who fly along the river, of<br />
deer who seasonally migrate up and down the river, and of fish who swim in the river. Paiute<br />
people, whose's ancestors lived along these riverine ecosystems for a thousand years or more,<br />
recognize that the plants they gathered, the animals they hunted, and the lives they lived are<br />
unrelated to the current boundaries of these two parks. As a result, the NPS and the Southern<br />
Paiutes arrived at the same conclusion: that is, to understand the cultural and natural<br />
significance of these parks requires a knowledge of their relationships with other places. Thus<br />
it is both administratively and culturally appropriate for this applied ethnographic study to<br />
follow an ecosystem approach.<br />
The remaining portions of this chapter present an overview of Southern Paiute perceptions<br />
of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. and the riverine ecosystems in which they are found.<br />
Naturally, not all issues can be summarized here, so three themes have been selected: (1)<br />
cultural ecoscapes; (2) time dimensions; and (3) critical cultural themes.<br />
1.7.1 Cultural Ecoscapes<br />
Ecosystem is a term that emerges from biological ecology. It is important to introduce<br />
other terms that refer to the human dimension of ecosystems. A full accounting of these terms is<br />
presented in Chapter Four of this report. One term, however, must be introduced here. The term<br />
ecoscape is used here to refer to both the Virgin River and Kanab Creek riverine ecosystems.<br />
A cultural ecoscape is defined as being both culturally and naturally unique. There must be<br />
something special about drainages of both the Virgin River and Kanab Creek if they are to be<br />
considered cultural ecoscapes.<br />
Kanab Creek Cultural Ecoscape: Main Stream<br />
The Kanab Creek cultural ecoscape shares much of its western watershed boundary with<br />
the Virgin River cultural ecoscape. The Kanab Creek cultural ecoscape begins on the southern<br />
flank of the Paunsaugunt Plateau. From here water flows south along two major drainages: Kanab<br />
13
Creek and Johnson Wash. Additional water flows from the east into Kanab Creek from the<br />
western flank of the Kaibab Plateau, especially through Snake Gulch and Jumpup Canyon. From<br />
the west, water flows into Kanab Creek from Antelope Valley, especially through Bulrush<br />
Wash and from the Kanab Plateau, especially through Hack and Grama Canyons. The Kanab<br />
Creek cultural ecoscape ends when Kanab Creek flows into the Colorado River.<br />
The streams and washes which flow down side canyons into main stream canyons and<br />
valleys all contribute to the overall cultural meaning of the Virgin River and Kanab Creek<br />
cultural ecosystems. These tributaries of the main stream are discussed in later chapters.<br />
1.7.2 Time Dimensions<br />
The Southern Paiute cultural landscape has been somewhat dynamic, especially since<br />
European and Euroamerican contact. Southern Paiutes adopted many aspects of<br />
Euroamerican culture, such as clothing styles and new modes of transportation, while retaining<br />
most of their traditional culture. For example, as they took employment in the Euroamerican<br />
economic sector, they continued to practice their traditional pattern of seasonal harvesting of<br />
wild food resources. They continued to use extensive territories and to define their territories in<br />
much the same way as they had for generations. They continued to use traditional medicinal<br />
plants and practices, and many continued to speak their traditional language. Such practices<br />
continue today. Southern Paiutes have generally synthesized their traditional culture with<br />
Euroamerican culture, and they function in two overlapping cultural worlds. Yet, due<br />
particularly to interactions with Euroamericans and other Native American groups who were<br />
themselves responding to the Euroamerican influence, regions of the cultural landscape took on<br />
special significance at certain times. Therefore, this section provides information about<br />
significant time periods in Southern Paiute history.<br />
Information about Southern Paiute culture is collected through direct interviews with<br />
living people, reviews of documents written during other efforts to collect such information, and<br />
reviews of documents that were written for other purposes, such as travelers' diaries that<br />
describe Southern Paiute lifeways. Like many Native American groups, Southern Paiutes<br />
experienced extensive depopulation after European contact. Therefore, the Southern Paiute<br />
people with whom the Euroamericans interacted had already experienced significant cultural<br />
stress and change by the time much of the information about them was being written down. Table<br />
1.1 provides a brief chronology of the Southern Paiute ethnohistory pertinent to southwestern<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> and northern Arizona. The time periods generally reflect what Southern Paiute people said<br />
during discussions held during the scoping period of this applied ethnographic study. The time<br />
periods are not hard and fast, however, and are subject to change based on new<br />
recommendations. Time period descriptions come from scoping discussions and published<br />
materials on Southern Paiute history and culture.<br />
Information about Southern Paiute culture is collected through direct interviews with<br />
living people, reviews of documents written during other efforts to collect such information, and<br />
reviews of documents that were written for other purposes, such as travelers' diaries that<br />
14
describe Southern Paiute lifeways. Like many Native American groups, Southern Paiutes<br />
experienced extensive depopulation after European contact. Therefore, the Southern Paiute<br />
people with whom the Euroamericans interacted had already experienced significant cultural<br />
stress and change by the time much of the information about them was being written down. Table<br />
1.1 provides a brief chronology of the Southern Paiute ethnohistory pertinent to southwestern<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> and northern Arizona. The time periods generally reflect what Southern Paiute people said<br />
during discussions held during the scoping period of this applied<br />
ethnographic study. The time periods<br />
are not hard and fast, however, and<br />
are subject to change based on new<br />
recommendations. Time period<br />
descriptions come from scoping<br />
discussions and published materials<br />
on Southern Paiute history and<br />
culture.<br />
Mythic Times (World Origin to<br />
human time)<br />
There was a time between the<br />
creation of the world and when<br />
humans were created. During this<br />
mythic time, various beings lived.<br />
The existence and behavior of these<br />
beings was revealed to humans, thus<br />
accounting for the presence of<br />
mythic-time stories today.<br />
Creation Times (Beginning of<br />
human time to 1776)<br />
Southern Paiutes care about<br />
all times when they have occupied<br />
the ecoscapes under study. These<br />
times began when Southern Paiute<br />
people were created and given the<br />
right to use and the obligation to<br />
protect these lands and resources.<br />
The time between creation and the<br />
coming of Europeans<br />
Figure 1.4 Southern Paiute Elder Gazes at Rock Art<br />
Panel with UofA Ethnographer<br />
(approximately 1776) is largely considered one time. There were movements of new Indian<br />
people around the boundaries of Southern Paiute territory, but conflicts and agreements with<br />
these new Indian peoples are viewed as primarily important to local Paiutes. There are general<br />
stories about relationships with Hopi in the east, Utes in the north, Goshutes in the northwest,<br />
Shoshone in the west, Mohave in the southeast, and Hualapai and Havasupai in the south across<br />
the Colorado River.<br />
15
During the creation times Paiutes lived in many places and built many kinds of structures.<br />
It is at this point that their interpretation of this prehistoric period departs from some western<br />
scientists. Most Southern Paiutes believe they were the people or are related by marriage to the<br />
people the archaeologists call the Virgin River Anasazi, and, through these early ties and through<br />
more recent ties, they believe they are directly related to some Hopi clans. Native American ties<br />
to cultural resources can be established by archaeological and ethnographic investigations;<br />
however, anthropological debates about the relationship between archaeological classifications<br />
and living peoples are ongoing. One such debate that has been occurring since the 1940s involves<br />
the ecoregion that includes <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M.. Defining culture groups by the<br />
artifacts they left behind is problematic, and there are several competing theories about the<br />
origins and nature of the people who lived in the region. Some archaeologists have not made the<br />
connection between Southern Paiutes and earlier culture groups and have argued that Paiutes came<br />
out of the Great Basin when the Virgin Anasazi abandoned the area (Schwartz 1988: 13-14). Recent<br />
science interpretations, however, argue that Southern Paiutes were in contact with the people<br />
identified by archaeologists as the Virgin Anasazi and the Sevier Fremont (Fowler, Madsen, and<br />
Hattori 1973). Swarthout (1981) proposed using Southern Paiute settlement-subsistence<br />
strategies to model Anasazi settlement distributions in the western Grand Canyon and lower<br />
Virgin River region including the Arizona strip. Wikle (1979:370) notes that "(a) few<br />
archaeologists argue that the Southern Paiutes were actually post-agricultural Anasazi using a<br />
hunting and gathering strategy to cope with the recurring environmental crisis" (see also<br />
Gunnerson 1962, 1969). Fairley's (1989:85-152) extensive review of this issue places Paiutes in<br />
and around the Virgin Anasazi but concludes that existing evidence fails to answer the question<br />
of whether the Paiute pushed the Anasazi out of this area in the early 1100<br />
AD or joined them to become a common people.<br />
Table 1.1. A Brief Chronology of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory in Southwestern <strong>Utah</strong> and<br />
Northern<br />
Arizona<br />
Time<br />
Period<br />
Mythic<br />
Creation<br />
European and<br />
Euroamerican Activities<br />
Southern Paiute Response<br />
Pre-1520 None recorded<br />
Aboriginal period; Southern Paiutes<br />
organized as Southern Paiute Nation.<br />
1520-<br />
1750+<br />
The Columbian Exchange brings<br />
Scale of depopulation up to 90% for local<br />
Europeans and their diseases into contact<br />
groups, with new diseases occurring with<br />
with Southern Paiutes via Native American<br />
unknown frequency.<br />
traders.<br />
16
Time Period<br />
Encroachment<br />
European and<br />
Euroamerican Activities<br />
Southern Paiute Response<br />
1750+ -<br />
1855+<br />
Raids and epidemic diseases heighten<br />
Spanish-Mexican demand for<br />
Southern Paiute fear of sorcery. Raiding<br />
Native American slaves and<br />
for children compounds selective mortality<br />
servants stimulated Ute mounted<br />
during contagious disease epidemics and<br />
slave raids.<br />
accelerates depopulation.<br />
1826 - 1846<br />
Trappers and traders travel<br />
through Southern Paiute<br />
territory, especially along the<br />
Virgin River.<br />
Southern Paiutes are driven away from key<br />
rivers and crucial springs. Native<br />
American intergroup trade and transmission of<br />
disease continues. Slave raiding by Utes and<br />
New Mexicans peaks.<br />
1847 - 1862<br />
Members of the Church of Jesus<br />
Many new diseases are transmitted directly to<br />
Christ of Latter Day Saints<br />
Southern Paiutes and their neighbors<br />
(Mormons) colonize the area and<br />
and cause up to 75 percent loss in local<br />
occupy environmentally key<br />
populations. Southern Paiutes experience major<br />
irrigable lands and domestic<br />
cultural, social, and economic disruption.<br />
waters.<br />
1863 - 1873<br />
Mountain miners colonize<br />
remaining spring oases.<br />
Southern Paiutes form labor gangs and depend<br />
on employment at mine towns, farms, ranches,<br />
and ferries. Southern Paiute political<br />
organization breaks down as Euroamericans<br />
interact with labor gangs and treat labor<br />
contractors as "chief." Southern Paiutes adopt<br />
Euroamerican clothing and foods.<br />
Lost Time<br />
1874 - 1900<br />
Euroamericans gain political<br />
power.<br />
Southern Paiutes are left out of reservation<br />
system. A generation matures working in labor<br />
gangs with little or no formal education in either<br />
U.S. schools or Southern Paiute traditions.<br />
Northern labor gangs migrate to low-altitude<br />
river systems.<br />
17
Time<br />
Period<br />
Early<br />
Reservation<br />
European and<br />
Euroamerican Activities<br />
Southern Paiute Response<br />
Railroads, highways, and automobiles<br />
bring more Euroamericans into the<br />
area. <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe<br />
1901 - 1932 Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument are<br />
established. Reservations are<br />
established for some Southern Paiute<br />
Tribes.<br />
Southern Paiutes become highly mobile<br />
wage laborers. Extended family remains the<br />
typical consumption/labor unit.<br />
Federal assistance to region is<br />
1933 - 1953<br />
extensive.<br />
Southern Paiute children receive formal<br />
education in U.S. schools. Adults join CCC<br />
Indian camps and work on the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Reservation near Pipe Spring and on the<br />
highways near <strong>Zion</strong>. Nearly all Southern<br />
Paiutes survive by wage labor.<br />
Modern<br />
Reservation<br />
Congress adopted the policy of<br />
termination. The Paiute Indian Tribes<br />
1954 - 1963<br />
of <strong>Utah</strong> were terminated and the status<br />
of Indians as wards of the U.S. ended.<br />
Southern Paiute lands in <strong>Utah</strong> and services to<br />
tribal members living there were terminated.<br />
Southern Paiutes established their claim<br />
before the U.S. Indian Claims Commission.<br />
Southern Paiute family economies and<br />
Southern Paiutes receive awards under reservation governments are bolstered.<br />
1964 - 1992<br />
the U.S. Indian Claims Commission. Formal political structure established under<br />
U.S. control is stabilized.<br />
1992<br />
Kaibab Paiute Tribe and Paiute Indian<br />
Southern Paiutes actively pursue grants for<br />
Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> form the Southern Paiute<br />
cultural resource programs.<br />
Consortium.<br />
18
Encroachment Times (1776 to 1870)<br />
Europeans were first observed in Southern Paiute lands north of the Colorado River in<br />
1776. Some contacts were made before this time through Paiute traders to Hopi in the east and to<br />
Mohave in the South. The journey of Father Escalante through northern portions of Southern<br />
Paiute territory in 1776 left a lasting impact. Escalante was followed by European trappers like<br />
Jedediah Smith (in<br />
1826) and Wolfskill and Yount (in 1830) who recorded their movement through these lands in<br />
the early 1800s. Organized settlement of Southern Paiute lands began with colonists from the<br />
Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints (the Mormons). Mormon settlement was<br />
preceded by scouts who assessed likely places to establish colonial settlements. Generally these<br />
were along rivers where Southern Paiute people were already living and farming. After Mormon<br />
colonial settlements appeared in Southern Paiute riverine oases, other Euroamericans began to<br />
migrate through these lands generally on the way to places farther west. The California gold<br />
rush of 1849 initiated the biggest stream of travelers through Southern Paiute lands. The 49ers<br />
who moved along the Wasatch Range passed through Southern Paiute lands for hundreds of<br />
miles, often traveling from oasis to oasis before beginning to move west across the lower<br />
Mohave Desert.<br />
After the 49ers came prospectors and non-Mormon settlers. These people lived in<br />
mining towns like Pioche and Panaca, Nevada, and herded cattle and farmed wherever water was<br />
available. The time around 1870 is key to Southern Paiutes because Mormons signed a peace<br />
treaty with the traditional enemy of the Paiutes who call themselves na Dene (the people) and<br />
who were called by the Spanish Apache con Navaja (Apaches with knives) and who came to be<br />
called by most people the Navajo. After 1870, the Navajo were frequent visitors and traders<br />
with the Mormon communities. Simultaneously the Navajo became raiders of Southern Paiute<br />
camps. After 1870, Southern Paiute people increasingly lived in regions of refuge like lower<br />
Kanab Creek and hidden places along the Colorado River in the Grand Canyon.<br />
Lost Times (1870 to 1900)<br />
For approximately thirty years Paiute people disappeared; that is, their interactions with<br />
Euroamericans greatly declined. By 1870, the number of Paiutes was drastically reduced by<br />
disease and starvation. Their prime agricultural lands were lost to settlers and domestic animals.<br />
They lost the ability to respond as a political unit called the Southern Paiute nation. Mutual<br />
protection agreements between Paiute and Mormon settlements were broken by the Mormons<br />
once they signed a peace treaty with the formerly hostile Navajos. Southern Paiutes north of the<br />
Colorado River all but disappeared as a people. So where did they go? Some Paiute families<br />
crossed the Colorado River to live with the Hualapai and Havasupai people. Other Paiute people<br />
moved to isolated places where they were unlikely to be disturbed. Many Paiute people were<br />
simply hiding out in regions of refuge either from Euroamericans or from Navajo raiders.<br />
The level of stress on Southern Paiutes became evident to non-Indians within a decade. By<br />
1880 Southern Paiute people were so stressed that they participated in the Ghost Dance. This<br />
millenarian (world order reversal) ceremony, conceived by a Northern Paiute religious leader, spread<br />
to Southern Paiute religious leaders who, in turn, taught the ceremony to other Indian groups. The<br />
19
1880 (as well as the second movement in 1890) Ghost Dance ceremonies were an attempt to<br />
overthrow Euroamerican domination of American Indians and reverse the destruction to the natural<br />
environment caused by Euroamericans. The native animals and plants would come back, as would<br />
deceased Paiutes unnaturally killed by European diseases and starvation. The Europeans would not<br />
survive this millenarian event, nor would their noxious weeds that had so quickly replaced native<br />
grasses and forbs. Much of the spiritual and resource energy of Southern Paiute, Hualapai,<br />
Havasupai and other Indian groups in the region was devoted to Ghost Dances. Eventually, these<br />
supernatural efforts to set the world right failed. Indian people converted to Euroamerican religions<br />
and, where possible, settled into Indian labor camps near mining and agricultural settlements.<br />
Early Reservation Period (1900 to 1954 - termination)<br />
The Federal government began to reserve land for Southern Paiutes living north of the<br />
Colorado River in 1891 when a small amount of land and water were set aside for Paiute people<br />
so they could farm and live along a portion of the upper Santa Clara River (see Chapter Two). This<br />
land and additional acres were identified as reserved lands by the Secretary of the Interior in 1903<br />
and by Executive Order in 1916. Thus, the Shivwits Indian Reservation was established.<br />
Four other tribes had portions of their aboriginal lands reserved for them by Executive<br />
Order in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Kaibab Paiutes had reserved lands by<br />
1907 and by Executive Order in 1913 (see photo 1.3). Indian Peaks was established by Executive<br />
Order in 1915 and their reserved lands were expanded in 1921, 1923, and 1924. Koosharem<br />
received their reserved lands in 1928, which were expanded in 1937. Kanosh was the last<br />
reservation to be established in <strong>Utah</strong>, when in 1929 lands were reserved and expanded in 1935<br />
and 1937.<br />
The Cedar City Paiutes were to have received reserved lands in 1899, but no land was<br />
purchased and the funds were returned to the Federal government. Between 1912 and 1916,<br />
attempts were made to purchase reserved lands for them, but no Federal funds were<br />
forthcoming. Federal services were provided to the Cedar City group by 1916, and some land<br />
was provided by local Mormon funds. For a generation, they were moved when non-Indians<br />
desired their lands. By 1925, the BIA agent refused to purchase reserve lands for the Cedar City<br />
Paiutes, citing as his reason that they were a roving band of Indians.<br />
The early reservation period resulted in both an increased security for some Paiute<br />
people who now had protected homelands and conflicts with non-Indian people who strived to<br />
continue to use lands, natural resources, and water that now officially belonged to the Indian<br />
people. This was a period when non-Indian people and institutions dominated Southern Paiute<br />
people in new ways. Children were forced from their parents and sent to Federal or Church<br />
boarding schools where they were taught that traditional Indian ways were incorrect and that<br />
new Christian ways were correct.<br />
20
Figure 1.5 Kaibab Paiute Reservation<br />
Reservation-based economies were dominated by Bureau of Indian Affairs agents and by<br />
local non- Indian communities. Off-reservation economic activities like hunting, fishing,<br />
gathering, camping, and even use of hot springs were restricted by private land owners and<br />
Federal and state officials. Indian people were arrested for hunting deer on the Kaibab Plateau,<br />
fishing in Duck Creek, and gathering plants in <strong>Zion</strong> N.P.<br />
The early reservation period also was a time when tribes were formally organized under<br />
the Federal Indian Reorganization Act. Tribes began to assume some control over decisions<br />
affecting their on-reservation natural resources and human services. Indian families successfully<br />
engaged in cattle raising and commercial farming.<br />
Despite initial commitments by the Federal government to afford protection to Indian<br />
lands and resources and to assure minimal social services to reservation-based people, the<br />
period ended with efforts to terminate the tribal status of Indian people. After two generations<br />
of economically marginal but protected existence, local non-Indian interest groups pressured<br />
the U.S. Congress to terminate the five Southern Paiute Tribes living in southern <strong>Utah</strong>. In<br />
1954, all five of these tribes were terminated despite the strong protest of many tribal leaders<br />
and members. Thus, yet another generation of highly traumatic events characterized Paiute-<br />
Federal government relationships.<br />
Modern Reservation Period (1954-termination to today)<br />
The Modern Reservation Period begins with the termination of the five Southern Paiute<br />
Tribes in southern <strong>Utah</strong>. The Kaibab Paiute tribe escaped termination, but would have been<br />
terminated if this national experiment continued to be supported by the U.S. Congress. In 1980,<br />
21
after almost a generation of doubt, the five Southern Paiute tribes were again given tribal status<br />
by the Federal government (P.L. 96-227). Unfortunately, during termination four of the tribes<br />
lost some or all of their reserved lands, natural resource rights, and water rights. Only the Shivwits<br />
Tribe retained all of these. The five tribes also lost the right to have independent governments,<br />
causing them to become a composite tribe called the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (PITU). By<br />
October of 1981, PITU was a fully operational tribal government.<br />
The Indian Claims Commission began hearing Indian claims for lands lost to the<br />
Federal government for which they had not been reimbursed. After years of testimony, the<br />
Southern Paiute people won a claim to lands that closely approximated what they held<br />
aboriginally and what they defined as their holy land. Claims were finally settled in the early<br />
1970s, resulting in a cash infusion that greatly stimulated new economic, social, and political<br />
efforts.<br />
Paiute people first began to have a voice in the identification and management of their<br />
cultural resources located beyond the boundaries of existing Paiute reservations with the passage<br />
of the <strong>National</strong> Environmental Policy Act of 1969. In practice, Paiute cultural concerns did not<br />
become incorporated into an Environmental Impact <strong>Assessment</strong> until 1978 when the lands of<br />
the Southern Paiute Nation were crossed by the Devers-Palo Verde Proposal. Since then, dozens<br />
of studies have documented the cultural concerns of Southern Paiute people for cultural<br />
resources located in aboriginal lands. The trend towards full co-management continues today<br />
as the Southern Paiute Consortium receives funds to oversee and participate in the production of<br />
cultural resource studies such as this one.<br />
1.7.3 Critical Cultural Ecoscape Themes<br />
In addition to the information the Southern Paiute consultants provided about cultural<br />
resources within the park service units and their surrounding cultural ecoscapes, their<br />
discussions more broadly described their way of viewing the world around them. Several critical<br />
cultural themes emerged from their discussions. These address the cultural importance of (1)<br />
home, (2) stewardship, and (3) living nature.<br />
Home<br />
Throughout their interviews, Southern Paiute representatives talked of the Northern<br />
Colorado ecoregion including both <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. as their home (see photo 1.4).<br />
When asked why Southern Paiutes would have gone to the place now called Pipe Spring, one<br />
Kaibab elder responded:<br />
It was just a home place for them and they couldn't go away. Because later on<br />
they tried to move 'em someplace to a different area and they wanted to move<br />
their home 'cause they used to live up in Moccasin, in that area... They wanted<br />
to move the people away from here. <strong>And</strong> they [two sisters] went and found a<br />
friend of theirs and talked to him and told him that they were going to move all the<br />
people away from this area and they said this was their birth place and this was<br />
where they lived, where the old people lived, and they didn't want to leave. They<br />
22
said, "Those that want to go could go, but we are not leaving." So this man<br />
came, and he told his government people that they didn't want to be moved. "I<br />
don't think any of them want to be moved," he said. <strong>And</strong> they really had a big<br />
talk over that. I don't know how long it took, but anyway, they'd always talked<br />
about that and they'd have meetings. This white man got some other people to<br />
back him up and help him to save this place for the Indian people, that this was<br />
where they were born and where they were raised and they didn't want to move.<br />
<strong>And</strong> nothing was going to make 'em move... They said that no matter what they<br />
did, they were not gonna move, were just going to sit down and not move. <strong>And</strong> so<br />
that ended that and then they decided they were gonna make a reservation out of<br />
it. So they went back to Washington, they had to buy some piece of ground for<br />
them. So they did and that's how this became a reservation spot where they live<br />
now. (CG1)<br />
Another elder who grew up at Pipe Spring before it was a <strong>National</strong> Monument described his<br />
early experiences:<br />
We used to live down there where that van is. That spring was good then. We had<br />
it fixed good so it ran off through a little pipe. [There was] a bucket sitting there<br />
all the time. When it fills up you go get it, then sit it back again. I used to go to<br />
school from there, clear back up that way... My uncle, and my mother,<br />
grandmother, grandfather, we used to have that little farm down near, below that<br />
snack bar they got down there. We had that farm down there... We had a pond<br />
right there to irrigate with. We irrigated and had an alfalfa field and everything<br />
- corn, pears was good, too. That pear tree there, nice sweet pears there. (DA4)<br />
The perception of home influences Southern Paiute interpretations of the parks and how they<br />
should be managed. For example, one elder argued that the special connection between<br />
Southern Paiutes and their home should be recognized by the NPS:<br />
I don't think it's right for people that were born here to come back and in order<br />
to come worship the mountains they have to pay the <strong>Park</strong> Service's charges. It's<br />
more like we have to pay $4 apiece in order to come see the mountain. (DH6)<br />
When talking about the Pah Tempe Hot Springs, one individual said:<br />
It belonged to [the old people]. It was given to them by their Father for them, for<br />
that purpose. (CG5)<br />
The Southern Paiute attachment to their homelands is not a new phenomenon. Indeed,<br />
such ties were among the first recorded observations made by Mormons, describing the impacts<br />
of the slave trade on its Southern Paiute victims:<br />
Notwithstanding their horrible deficiency in all the comforts and decencies of life<br />
these Indians are so ardently attached to their country, that when carried into the lands of<br />
their captors and surrounded with abundance, they pine away and often die in grief for the<br />
23
loss of their native deserts. In one instance, I saw one of these Paiuches die from no other<br />
apparent cause than this home-sickness. From the time it was brought into the settlements<br />
of California it was sad, moaned, and continually refused to eat till it died (Farnham<br />
1849 reprinted in Snow 1929:79).<br />
Stewardship<br />
Another theme that relates to the Southern Paiute perception is that the land is their home<br />
and its natural resources should be respected and cared for. In Southern Paiute culture, one<br />
important aspect of stewardship is using resources in a respectful manner so they will continue<br />
to flourish:<br />
Living Nature<br />
The people that throw things into the water and the spring aren't good for the<br />
water or the land itself. They should respect the land. [CG6]<br />
[The water at Pipe Spring is] black and dirty. Ever since housing and these<br />
things came in our water has turned like that. Lack of cleaning. Lack of not<br />
being able to come here, 'red tape' for gathering medicine. The old people used<br />
to say the more you use your water the better it'll get for you. [DA2:B]<br />
I wish they would give all the rights to us, and then we don't take everything. We<br />
have to leave some. Even when we're gathering medicine, we don't take the root<br />
or anything out with it. We just cut some of what we want to use, and then that<br />
way it's just like pruning it. Then that way it gives them a chance, a new one to<br />
come out. [CG5]<br />
That red paint seems like it's been covered, either by the weather or seems like<br />
people don't use it. That's why it's covered or seems like it's disappearing.<br />
[CG3]<br />
Southern Paiutes believe that all natural things (plants, animals, rocks, minerals,<br />
mountains, rivers, springs, air) are alive:<br />
In the old days it [the hot spring] was natural, just the walk. You didn't have no<br />
trails. You just had to be careful to walk to it. The spring itself wasn't fixed like it<br />
is. It just came out of the hole and the people sat under that and sat in it and<br />
talked to it... In the old days they came, a lot of people came. They say they<br />
come here to doctor their body, doctor themselves. When they talk it's like a<br />
prayer they said. They told the spring they were hurt and they were sick, and they<br />
had come to it for help. [RS6]<br />
Since all natural things are believed to be alive, Southern Paiutes feel that they must show<br />
respect for them. One way to do this is by offering gifts to the earth:<br />
24
[I would bring a gift or some kind of food] no matter where it is. If I have<br />
something, if I'm gonna eat something, I always share it with the earth. [RS6]<br />
Culturally Appropriate Behavior<br />
The cultural themes described above imply culturally appropriate behavior. Southern<br />
Paiutes speak of ceremonies, both private, individual interactions with the living world and<br />
social group activities, that are required at specific places and in the performance of certain<br />
activities. Non-human elements of the world, such as ompi (red paint or hematite) and sangwav<br />
(Sagebrush or Artemisia), are often required as part of the ceremonies. Southern Paiutes continue<br />
to practice ceremonies and use ompi, for example, to "mark the area sacred" (quoted in Stoffle,<br />
Loendorf, Austin...1995:61). The presence of red paint on a rock art panel therefore signifies an<br />
area has been the location of ceremonial activity and is sacred. Southern Paiute consultants relied<br />
on their knowledge of specific culturally significant places, such as <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, which is<br />
discussed in Paiute mythology; as well as general cultural practices, such as the use of ompi, to<br />
interpret sites in <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M.<br />
1.8 The Beginning<br />
A study overview in an applied ethnographic study should not have a conclusion, because<br />
a study overview is simply a beginning. It sets the mood of the report by identifying important<br />
issues that will be addressed in more detail later in the report. It expresses a hope that the<br />
information that follows will clarify rather than obscure. It begins to ask questions, rather than<br />
provide answers. It is a first step, much like this entire study, towards better partnerships and<br />
new types of land management practices. The next chapter continues to raise questions, but<br />
also provides some answers to very important questions.<br />
25
CHAPTER TWO<br />
AN ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE<br />
ON SOUTHERN PAIUTE SOCIO-POLITICAL UNITS<br />
The chapter presents an overview of where and how Southern Paiute people lived and<br />
perceived their world. This essay discusses the social and political divisions in traditional<br />
Southern Paiute life. In contrast to later chapters that rely mostly on statements of<br />
contemporary Paiute people, the information presented here has been taken from ethnographic or<br />
ethnohistorical accounts and is largely based on what Euroamericans wrote down about Paiute<br />
people. Nonetheless, the analysis corresponds closely with and helps to contextualize later<br />
comments by Paiute people.<br />
Perhaps the most useful aspect of this chapter is that it brings up and then sets aside many<br />
of the major misperceptions Euroamericans have about Southern Paiute people. These<br />
misperceptions are critical because they have been passed from generation to generation of<br />
Euroamericans until the incorrect information about Southern Paiute people is better known<br />
than accurate descriptions of how they once lived, how they organized their societies, and what<br />
they believed about themselves and their world. They have been characterized as hunters and<br />
gatherers, yet all Southern Paiutes primarily farmed. In 1776 when the first European, Father<br />
Escalante, recorded meeting Southern Paiutes, they held aloft ears of corn as a sign of greeting.<br />
Southern Paiutes have been characterized as having one of the lowest population densities in<br />
North America, yet they held some of the finest natural resources in the Southwest and the<br />
Great Basin against intrusion by other Indian people. Southern Paiute held almost 600 miles of<br />
Colorado River shoreline, much of which was farmed. They have been characterized as having<br />
simple forms of social organization, yet they had national political leadership that survived into<br />
the 20th Century. A system of trails and runners formed essential lines of communication<br />
which continued into the 20th Century. They have been characterized as having recently<br />
arrived in the region, yet linguists, some archaeologists, and Southern Paiutes themselves say<br />
they have been here much longer than the 800 years defined by archaeologists.<br />
These are critical issues for the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>s involved in this study, as well as for<br />
other Federal and state agencies. The functioning of government-to-government consultation<br />
relationships established between land management agencies and Indian tribes is influenced by<br />
the points described above. Years ago the relationship between land management policies and the<br />
ways Paiute cultural resources are viewed and evaluated was discussed (Stoffle, Jake, Bunte,<br />
and Evans 1982: 108-114). Simply put, if Paiute people are perceived as incapable of producing<br />
anything more than a rude, unintegrated, and poor culture as both Kroeber (1970:582-583) and<br />
Steward (1938) maintained, then why should Federal land managers today be interested in<br />
preserving any aspect of this culture? On the other hand, if Paiutes were sophisticated animal and<br />
26
plant managers, creating a complex culture that not only permitted them to flourish for thousands<br />
of years in this environment, but was more adaptive than that of other Indian groups around<br />
them, then aspects of their culture may be worthy of both preservation and simulation by land<br />
managers today.<br />
Beyond cultural preservation is the issue that perhaps Southern Paiutes have something<br />
to contribute to Federal and state land managers. Critical here is the possibility that Indian<br />
people learned during thousands of years of living in these lands how to care for the plants,<br />
animals, water, and spirituality that occurs here. These lessons learned, bound in the culture of<br />
Southern Paiutes, can potentially be incorporated into how Federal agencies approach the<br />
management of these natural resources. Especially important are Indian perspectives that<br />
approximate in scale and functional integration those currently being attempted under the new<br />
ecosystem stewardship approach of the Federal government. This chapter, and much of this<br />
report, attempts to share some of these alternative perspectives on Paiute culture and its<br />
potential contribution to contemporary land management issues.<br />
2.1 Holy Lands and Creation Stories<br />
Southern Paiute people have resided in their traditional lands for many generations<br />
(Figure 4). According to archaeologists, Paiute people came into the region by at least 1150 AD<br />
(Euler 1964, Shutler 1961). Their ethnic group boundary has been defined by travelers'<br />
observations in the late 1700's (Bolton 1950), by Euroamerican settlers' diaries, official<br />
government surveys in the mid-1800s (Little 1881; Powell and Ingalls 1874), and by oral<br />
history interviews in the 1930s (Kelly 1934, 1964; Stewart 1942) and 1980s (Bunte and<br />
Franklin 1987; ERT 1980). Existing within the traditional territory of the Southern Paiute<br />
Nation is the northern Colorado Plateau ecoregion.<br />
Efforts by Euroamerican scholars to define a boundary and an origin time for the<br />
Southern Paiutes are perceived by Paiute people themselves to be overshadowed by their own<br />
religious knowledge about traditional ethnic territory and the events by which their people<br />
came to inhabit these traditional lands. According to traditional Paiute beliefs, Paiute people<br />
were created here. Through this creation, the Creator gave Southern Paiute people a special<br />
supernatural responsibility to protect and manage the land and its resources. In Euroamerican<br />
terminology, this land is their Holy Land (Spicer 1957:197, 213).<br />
The Southern Paiute people believe that they were created by the supernatural near<br />
Charleston Peak -- called Nu- vaγantu- [herein rendered as Nu- vagantu- ]--located in the<br />
Spring Mountains in southern Nevada (Kroeber 1970, Laird 1976, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983).<br />
According to Laird (1976:122):<br />
In prehuman times N-ivagant-i was the home of Wolf and his brother, Mythic<br />
Coyote. It was the very heart of T-iwiin y ar-ivip-i, the Storied Land.<br />
27
Figure 2.1: Puxant Tuvip<br />
There was and is no place in Southern Paiute traditional territory more sacred than the Spring<br />
Mountains and the areas around them. One author has noted that Charleston Peak is the most<br />
powerful of all cosmic centers in the south and central Great Basin (Miller 1983:72). Concerns for<br />
this sacred area have been expressed repeatedly in cultural resource studies involving Southern<br />
Paiute people (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982, 1983; Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983; Stoffle, Evans, and<br />
Harshbarger 1988).<br />
Southern Paiute oral scriptures have been recorded that generally resemble Christian Genesis<br />
and other creation stories in terms of placing the people on the earth. While there are different<br />
versions of this story, the following account derives from southern California and was provided by a<br />
Chemehuevi Paiute (Laird 1976). According to this account, Southern Paiutes believe that originally<br />
28
there was only water. Ocean Woman (Hutsipamamau ?u) then created dry land (Laird 1976:148-<br />
149). Once there was land, Creator Coyote and Wolf lived on Charleston Peak. Creator Coyote later<br />
saw tracks of a woman, but, when he caught up with her, she was a louse (Poo? w avi). Coyote<br />
propositioned her, and she agreed to the proposal on the condition that he build them a house. He ran<br />
ahead and built a house, and when Louse caught up she magically put Coyote to sleep and continued<br />
on. This happened four times before they reached the Pacific Coast. Louse set out to swim to her<br />
home island with Coyote on her back. She dived, and Coyote let go and turned himself into a waterspider.<br />
He reached the island first and was waiting for Louse when she arrived. Louse's mother wove<br />
a large basket while Coyote enjoyed Louse (Kroeber 1908:240; Laird 1976:150-151). Then Louse's<br />
mother sealed the basket and gave it to Coyote to tow back to land. As a water-spider, he did so. As<br />
Coyote, he found the basket growing heavy, and, full of curiosity, he opened it before reaching Nuvagantu-<br />
. Louse's eggs had hatched in the basket and become human beings. The new human beings<br />
emerged from the now opened basket and began to scatter in all directions over the land. By the time<br />
Coyote returned to Nu- vagantu- , only weaklings, cripples, and excrement remained in the basket. On<br />
Charleston Peak, Wolf (Kroeber 1908:240 says it was Coyote) used his greater power to create the<br />
Chemehuevis and their Southern Paiute kindred. The darker color of Southern Paiute skin is<br />
attributed to the ingredients used by Wolf to create them. Because it is the place where the Southern<br />
Paiute people were created, Nu- vagantu- -- Charleston Peak -- is holy to Southern Paiutes.<br />
For each Southern Paiute tribal group, there is a slightly different version of this story (e.g.,<br />
Lowie 1924, for Shivwits version; Sapir 1930, for Kaibab) "which highlights the sacredness of their<br />
own local tribal territory" (Bunte and Franklin 1987:227). The Shivwits story has the emergence<br />
point at Buckskin Mountain in Kaibab territory (Lowie 1924:104). In general terms, however,<br />
Southern Paiute origin stories share much in common. In the San Juan Paiute version of the Creation<br />
story, the culture heroes (both Wolf and Coyote) are called Shu- nangwav, a name which also<br />
translates into English as "God" or the "Great Spirit" (Bunte and Franklin 1987:33). In the San Juan<br />
story, Coyote untied the sack [basket in other versions] near Page, Arizona, and there made the<br />
Southern Paiute people. So, for this version of the origin story, the original home of all Paiutes is in<br />
local territory of the San Juan Paiutes (Bunte and Franklin 1987:227). By moving the place of their<br />
ethnic group's origin, the San Juan Paiutes strengthen their identification with the ethnic group itself<br />
and solidify their cosmological ties to that specific portion of Southern Paiute ethnic territory.<br />
Despite local variations in the identification of the ethnic group's place of origin, all portions<br />
of traditional ethnic territory remain sacred to all Southern Paiute people. Puaxantu- Tu- vip (variant<br />
Puaru- vwip) is the Southern Paiute term which translates into "sacred land" (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982). The Paiute term pua is cognate to the Shoshone term puha, or "power" (Franklin and Bunte<br />
1993b:3; Miller 1983). The term puaxantu- is a derivative of the term pua; it may be transliterated as<br />
"powerful" or "(sacred) power." Thus, the indigenous Paiute term would refer to sacred or powerful<br />
lands, that is lands traditionally occupied by the ethnic group that are made powerful by being where<br />
the creator placed the Paiute people.<br />
29
2.2 Aboriginal Political Units<br />
The Southern Paiute nation comprised several levels of political organization including<br />
possibly two or more major subdivisions or subtribes, a dozen or more districts, and numerous local<br />
groups--sometimes referred to as bands--within each district. Some of the evidence of hierarchical<br />
organization comes from Laird's (1976) documentation of Chemehuevi institutions, elicited from her<br />
Chemehuevi husband, George Laird.<br />
It appears that a small elite provided the Southern Paiute people with socio-religious<br />
leadership. While male leaders have been referred to as High Chiefs, they functioned as ritualists<br />
rather than political officers (Laird 1976:24); or at least they did so in the late 1800s. Some Federal<br />
officials called Tutseguvits the head chief for a decade: from 1859 (Forney 1859:73) until 1869<br />
(Fenton 1869:203). Another official in the early 1870s (Powell and Ingalls 1873) perceived that a<br />
single tribal chief named Tagon exercised some authority over all Southern Paiutes. That perception<br />
may well have been accurate, and a principal chief may have played a more important pre-contact<br />
role.<br />
Leaders occupied a special status with special symbols very visible in pre-contact Southern<br />
Paiute society. So-called high chiefs could wear turquoise. The elite also spoke a special language<br />
known as "t-ivitsi?ampagap-i" (Real Speech) as well as normal Southern Paiute. High Chiefs chanted<br />
it with a strong accent. Living members of the elite preserved that special elite language into the<br />
final decade of the nineteenth century. In addition Quail-beans (kakaramurih), or black-eyed peas,<br />
became a special dietary item for the chiefly elite (Laird 1976:24).<br />
Leaders led at least regional polities made up of lineage bands (Laird 1976:24). In 1873, one<br />
identified high chief who was active into post-conquest times provided sacred leadership for lesser<br />
chiefs heading at least eight local lineage organizations based at Potosi, Paroom Spring, Kingston<br />
Mountain, Ivanpah, Providence Mountain, Ash Meadows, Amargosa, and the northern Chemehuevi<br />
(Fowler and Fowler 1971:104-105; Laird 1976:24). Leaders employed a specialized corps of runners<br />
to transmit communications. These runners were probably young men (Laird 1976:47). The elite<br />
appears to have disappeared as the last surviving high chief died late in the nineteenth century. In the<br />
1870s, Powell and Ingalls perceived the functioning high chiefs as heads of what they called<br />
confederacies of local groups (Fowler and Fowler 1971:109).<br />
2.2.1 Disease and Sociopolitical Disruption<br />
Southern Paiutes probably were first impacted by diseases during the first smallpox<br />
pandemic in 1520-1524 which spread from Mexico City throughout much of North America<br />
(Dobyns 1981, Campbell 1990). Throughout the 1500s, 1600s, and 1700s, major disease pandemic<br />
episodes spread from Mexico into the lands of the Pima, Hopi, Hualapai, and across the Colorado<br />
River to the Southern Paiutes. Southern Paiute traders, like Inca traders in South America, were<br />
probably exposed to diseases while trading with neighboring Indian ethnic groups and then carried<br />
these diseases to people in their home settlements. The early centuries of exposure to Euro-american<br />
30
diseases had social and cultural as well as biological impacts that can only be estimated today;<br />
however, book titles like Their Number Become Thinned (Dobyns 1983) and American Indian<br />
Holocaust and Survival (Thornton 1987) target the problems faced by Indian people during these<br />
times.<br />
More recent disease exposures and their social and cultural impacts can be documented when<br />
literate travelers and immigrants record changes among Indian people and even the presence of<br />
diseases in their own communities. A recent analysis has documented the impacts of diseases<br />
brought by European immigrants in the early to mid-1800 (Stoffle, Jones, and Dobyns 1995). That<br />
analysis demonstrates that European immigrants passing through and moving into Southern Paiute<br />
riverine oases transmitted diseases which resulted in declining populations and in turn caused most<br />
national and many subtribal functions to be largely eliminated by the late 1850s (Stoffle, Jones, and<br />
Dobyns 1995). Ten diseases (measles, cholera, malaria, tuberculosis, scarlet fever, whooping cough,<br />
typhoid fever, intestinal parasites, mumps, and smallpox) assaulted Southern Paiute peoples from<br />
1847 until 1856. These ten diseases accounted for the deaths of thousands of Southern Paiutes. The<br />
rate of direct European transmission of Old World diseases began to slow appreciably during the<br />
years 1857-1876, but this was largely because not as many Paiutes were living after 1857 (Stoffle,<br />
Jones, and Dobyns 1995:194).<br />
Even with fewer numbers, Paiute depopulation continued throughout the latter part of the<br />
19th Century and early 20th Century. A 1905 newspaper in southern Nevada carried a story about<br />
Mr. Harsha White who took the census and said that “the Piute (sic) population has decreased 60 per<br />
cent since 1890" (Stoffle, Olmsted, and Evans 1990: 113-114). So many Paiute people died that even<br />
the basic socio-political units which once reflected their dense aboriginal populations could no<br />
longer be maintained after this time.<br />
Despite loss of political power, some aspects of national and subtribal leadership persisted<br />
throughout this period. Political leadership was recorded by Mormon settlers - like J. Hamblin in the<br />
1854 and A. Jensen in 1855; Federal government surveyors - like Wheeler in 1869 and J. Powell and<br />
G. W. Ingalls in 1872; regional historians - like William R. Palmer in the 1880s, and ethnographers -<br />
like J. Steward in the 1920s. Steward (1938:185) recorded that a Pahrump, Nevada leader named<br />
Takopa was a leader of all the Southern Paiutes. After Takopa’s death in 1905, he was replaced by<br />
another southern Nevada leader named Jack Penance. When Penance died in 1933, the newspaper<br />
account entitled “Piutes Install New Chieftain at Tribe Ceremonial” revealed the continuation of<br />
national-level leadership. The Tonopah Daily Times- Bonanza (Oct.4,1933:4,1) recorded the<br />
inauguration of this Southern Paiute leader as follows<br />
With a mournful chant pouring from 300 aboriginal throats...the Southern Nevada<br />
Piute tribe, including Indians of Southern <strong>Utah</strong>, Southern Nevada and Northwestern<br />
Arizona, installed a new chief recently. Their old chief, Jack Penance...was killed<br />
recently in a very 20th century automobile, loaded with blankets, his squaw and<br />
about eight children (when it) blew a tire and overturned. One of his friends,<br />
known to white men as Baboon, served as head of the Nevada Indians a short<br />
time until a pow-wow could be set and distant Piutes called into meeting. Over desert<br />
roads they came, many by foot, horseback and wagon, but the number who<br />
31
maneuvered themselves and families to the reservation in rattling, brass-bound<br />
flivvers was amazing to old time desert dwellers...Harry Skinner, a young<br />
government Reeducated Piute from Arizona, was named Chief...<br />
Southern Paiute people persisted in maintaining traditional social and political structures when<br />
possible and preserved their deep personal attachment to their supernaturally-given ecosystems that<br />
continued to sustain Paiute people into the 20th Century.<br />
2.2.2 Subtribes<br />
Just below the level of the Southern Paiute nation as a whole, there may have been two or<br />
more large divisions, each encompassing a number of neighboring districts (See Map A). The<br />
divisions would have included geographically contiguous districts having particularly close ties of<br />
economic exchange, intermarriage, and political cooperation. The evidence for these intermediatescale<br />
political divisions within the Southern Paiute nation is sketchy, however, past research<br />
suggests that prior to about 1825 there may have been two divisions; a western subtribe called<br />
paran'|γitsiη w (Sapir 1910:3, herein rendered as Paranayi)] and an eastern subtribe that derives from<br />
a native designation that Jacob Hamblin recorded as Yanawant (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a, 1983b;<br />
Stoffle et al. 1991:7-8; Brooks 1950:27; Little 1881).<br />
The relation between ecosystems and socio-political units becomes evident in both the<br />
structure and naming of these subtribes. The key contributions that riverine oases made to Southern<br />
Paiute subsistence made certain major streams geographically central to aboriginal life. It is<br />
important to note, however, that socio-political units do not always exactly fit the natural boundaries<br />
of ecosystems.<br />
Paranayi Subtribe. The term Paranayi loosely translates into "marshy spring people" (Hodge<br />
1910:202) or "people with a foot in the water" (Palmer 1928:11; Kelly 1934:554) and refers<br />
specifically to the Paiute people who lived in the Pahranagat Valley-Meadow Valley-Moapa Valley<br />
riverine oasis. Although the name has been used by some scholars as a band name for the Pahranagat<br />
Valley Paiutes, it is evident that the aboriginal use of the term was much broader.<br />
The water referred to in the designation flows down the Pahranagat Valley, Meadow Valley<br />
Wash, and on to join with the Muddy River. This, in turn, joins with the Virgin River, and then<br />
flows into the Colorado River. From the Colorado River back upstream to the headwaters of<br />
Pahranagat Valley and Meadow Valley ran the ribbon-like oasis where people cultivated food crops.<br />
The Muddy River appears to have been the headquarters of this subtribe. The western<br />
division of the Southern Paiute nation seems to have been too populous and too wide ranging to be<br />
properly labeled a district. Therefore, Paranayi might properly be considered one of two subtribes<br />
constituting the Southern Paiute nation, where the term "subtribe" is used in a purely technical sense<br />
to indicate that the tribe formerly consisted of western and eastern components.<br />
32
Previous studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a, 1983b) suggest that, when Euroamerican<br />
colonization of southern Nevada began, the entire western and southern portion of the Southern<br />
Paiute nation was known as Paranayi. Within this great geographical area were a number of districts<br />
(a concept discussed more later) including the Moapa/Paranagat, Las Vegas, Pahrump/Ash<br />
Meadows, and Chemehuevi districts.<br />
Yanawant Subtribe. Southern Paiutes inhabiting the higher altitude plateaus of southern <strong>Utah</strong><br />
and northern Arizona planted their summer crops primarily in the Santa Clara River oasis, up the<br />
Virgin River from that tributary, and all along Kanab Creek. Paiute farmers grew maize and other<br />
crops on sand-bar fields along the Colorado River. The San Juan Southern Paiute people may have<br />
stayed south of the larger stream, planting in oases along the San Juan River and its tributaries, at<br />
Paiute Canyon, and the springs and wash floodplains along the Echo Cliffs to the Moenkopi area<br />
near Tuba City (Bunte and Franklin 1987:30). The eastern subtribe may have been self-labeled<br />
Yanawant (Brooks 1950:27).<br />
The Santa Clara Paiute people in the 1850s used a term for themselves that English speakers<br />
recorded as Yanawant with several variant spellings. For example, Jacob Hamblin used the term<br />
Yanawant for the Indian people of the region. He attributed this usage to the Indian people<br />
themselves, including their overall Chief Tutsigavits. Hamblin quoted the chief as saying "I want all<br />
the Yamnawants to love the Mormons all the time" (Corbett 1952:84). In his mid-1850s narratives,<br />
Hamblin often referred to the Yanawants: "the Yannewants were much alarmed" (Hamblin<br />
1951:18); "a good feeling prevailed among the Yanwants as they call themselves" (Little 1969:39); I<br />
started for Great Salt Lake City in company with Thales Haskell and Tut-se-gavit (the Yamnawant<br />
Chief)" (Corbett 1952:114; Hamblin 1951:27).<br />
In 1872, John Wesley Powell recorded the term U'-ai-nu-ints, which Powell defined as<br />
"People who live by farming" and also glossed as "Santa Clara Indians" (Fowler and Fowler<br />
1971a:156). This may be the same term as Hamblin's Yanawant. In another report by Powell, U-ai-<br />
Nu-ints are identified as the people "who live in the vicinity of St. George" (Powell and Ingalls<br />
1874:47,51). In another manuscript, Powell renders the same word as "U-en-u-wunts, The name of<br />
the Santa Clara Indians" (Powell 1971b:161). Elsewhere Powell renders the term as Yen-u-unts,<br />
meaning "Farmers, those who cultivate the soil" and also as Yum-a-wints and Y-ai-nu-intz, "People<br />
who cultivate soil; farmers" (Fowler and Fowler 1971a:144).<br />
William Palmer, based on late 1880s interviews, gave the term U-an-no or U-un-o as<br />
referring to the St. George area, and also to the larger region of "Dixie"; he recorded that the<br />
meaning of U-un-o was "good garden place or good fields" (Palmer 1928a:24). Palmer also rendered<br />
the word as Uaino and Uano (Palmer 1928b:50). Adding the suffix its or ints, to refer to the people<br />
of a place (1928b:40), Palmer gave the variant spellings of Uain-uints, Uano-ints, Uano-its (Palmer<br />
1928b:50), and again U-an-nu-ince and U-ano-intz (Palmer 1933:95) as the term used for people<br />
who farm and for aboriginal people of the Santa Clara River. In one article Palmer noted that these<br />
numerous variants of U-an-nu-ince refer to the economic activity of farming rather than to a specific<br />
group of people:<br />
33
The word "u-an-o" means farmers. The Indians who lived at Washington, St. George<br />
and Santa Clara were farmers and they knew something of the practice of irrigation.<br />
They cultivated corn, beans and sunflowers for their seed, and other plants used for<br />
food and for fibre. For this reason the comparatively small area of <strong>Utah</strong>'s Dixie in<br />
which farming was done was called "U-an-o," and the farmers were "U-an-nu-ince"<br />
or "U-ano-its." The name has no clan or tribal significance but rather vocational.<br />
(Palmer 1933:95)<br />
The Indian words which Euroamericans have adopted to label a geographically localized group of<br />
Indian people often did not traditionally have such a localized point of reference. Yanawant certainly<br />
referred to the people of the Santa Clara River, since they cultivated crops, but it is probable that<br />
Euroamerican usage gave the term a more localized reference than the term originally had. When the<br />
broader meaning of Yanawant, that is "people who farm," is considered and when this is tied to the<br />
regional leader who defines himself as the head of the Yanawant, a more likely meaning is a<br />
reference to all the people within his territory who farm. Since all Southern Paiutes farmed, it is<br />
likely that Yanawant served as a term to discriminate between Southern Paiutes and their close<br />
neighbors whether they be Utes or Shoshone who did not farm. So the term was one of inclusion --<br />
i.e. all Southern Paiutes under the socio-political control of the subtribe leader and exclusion -- i.e.<br />
other Indian people who did not farm. Similar observations appear to have been true for the term<br />
Paranayi. Given the likelihood that such terms referred to socially complex socio-political<br />
groupings, one might think of the Paranayi subtribe as referring to the organization of the Nevada-<br />
California Southern Paiutes, and the Yanawant subtribe as the organization of <strong>Utah</strong>-Arizona<br />
Southern Paiutes.<br />
2.2.3 Districts<br />
Traditionally there were about a dozen smaller regional units referred to as districts, a term<br />
adapted from Julian Steward's Basin-Political Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups (Steward 1938:93)<br />
and used by Kelly (1934:560). Each district was a sphere of influence with a geographic territory<br />
shaped in part by natural features--chiefly watercourses and watersheds--and in part by the<br />
existence of neighboring groups who of necessity reached political agreements about the extent of<br />
their respective spheres of influence and resource harvesting territories.<br />
Each Southern Paiute district encompassed a territory that contained all or nearly all of the<br />
resources necessary for the survival of its population. To provide a full complement of resources,<br />
each district needed to include, and did include, both (1) oasis areas with either riverine or spring-fed<br />
sources of water sufficient for irrigation farming, and (2) upland forests and lowland desert areas<br />
with a full range of needed wild resources, including game animals, pinyon nuts, and wild seed<br />
grains. Each district, then, included permanent settlements near irrigated fields in oasis areas, and<br />
outlying upland and lowland territories used for intermittent and seasonal harvesting of wild plant<br />
and animal resources from temporary camps. Often small permanent habitations were maintained in<br />
the uplands or lowlands near springs. These hinterland settlements were established in order to<br />
safeguard Southern Paiute claims to those areas and the crucial resources they contained.<br />
34
Kelly's <strong>Ethnographic</strong> Perspective on Districts<br />
The first scientific analysis of Southern Paiute districts was conducted by Kelly (1934) based<br />
on her 1932-33 field interviews. Kelly produced and published a map (Figure 5) that has for more<br />
than fifty years been used to define aboriginal Southern Paiute district territory (Kelly 1934).<br />
Recently updated and reprinted with the help of Fowler (Kelly and Fowler 1986:369), the<br />
Kelly/Fowler map continues to have the 1934-district boundaries but adds a new district called the<br />
Antarianunts.<br />
Kelly's district boundaries must be considered in light of more recent research and in light of<br />
the internal inconsistencies between her published map and her own descriptive text (Halmo, Stoffle,<br />
and Evans 1993). Any errors or omissions in district boundaries would be of little more than<br />
scientific interest were it not that Federal agencies (including the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service) assume for<br />
purposes of official government-to-government consultation that the aboriginal boundaries are<br />
accurate, and thus somehow the Kelly-Fowler maps reflect the aboriginal socio-political units that<br />
are reflected in contemporary tribal governments.<br />
Kelly and Fowler say of the sixteen Southern Paiute groups identified in their chapter that<br />
"Except for two, each territory was self-sufficient economically" (Kelly and Fowler 1986:368). The<br />
exceptions are the Gunlock and Saint George groups, which "had to go outside their own areas for<br />
certain staples" (Kelly and Fowler 1986:368). The fact that the Gunlock area and the Saint George<br />
area were not sufficiently extensive and ecologically diverse to provide all the resources needed for<br />
a self-sufficient and semi-autonomous district indicates that these were not separate districts but<br />
rather components of a larger district that included the necessary upland resources, which in this<br />
district were located on the Shivwits and Uinkaret uplands. The data suggest that the Gunlock and<br />
Saint George groups represent post-contact development of localized labor gangs and that<br />
traditionally the Gunlock and Saint George areas were part of a single larger group or district that<br />
included the Shivwits Plateau and the Uinkaret area.<br />
It was in the core oasis area (or areas) of the district that the population of a district had the<br />
most highly developed sense of territoriality and proprietorship. Core oasis areas and central places<br />
of the districts are readily identified. Outer boundaries of districts cannot be as precisely delineated,<br />
for at least two reasons. First, those areas were not as sharply delineated by Native American people<br />
as were the core oases areas where the most valuable resources were concentrated. Secondly and not<br />
surprisingly, there is much more written documentation for the central oasis areas where<br />
Euroamerican settlement was concentrated than for outlying upland and desert areas.<br />
Each district had its own political leadership. In the case of the Shivwits/Santa Clara<br />
Southern Paiutes, this included a principal leader (principal chief or head chief) for the entire<br />
district, and lesser leaders (or subchiefs) from the various local groups or bands comprising the<br />
district. There was apparently a similar pattern of leadership in the other districts as well.<br />
35
Figure 2.2: Kelly’s map of Southern Paiute districts (revised; Kelly and Fowler 1986:369)<br />
2.3 Ecosystem Analysis of Yanawant Districts<br />
This portion of the essay is focussed on the Yanawant Subtribe of the Southern Paiute Nation<br />
(Figure 6) within the context of contemporary understandings about ecosystems and their<br />
relationships with aboriginal socio-political structures. In this analysis it is necessary to briefly<br />
discuss the Shivwits/Santa Clara district people who were located in the Virgin River ecosystem, the<br />
Kaibab district people who were located in the Kanab Creek ecosystem, and the San Juan district<br />
people who were located on the east side of the Colorado River and formed the Southern Paiute<br />
border with the Hopi territory and Navajo territory. In addition, it is important to explore an<br />
ecosystem hypothesis that leads to the possibility that the Uinkaret people were actually connected<br />
with another local group living on the Virgin River and together they formed a "missing" Paiute<br />
district call the Ua'ayukunants (also spelled in the literature as I-oo-goonits) perhaps more correctly<br />
spelled Ua'ayukunants district.<br />
36
2.3.1 Social and Ecological Logic of Districts<br />
Anthropologist A. L. Kroeber generalized from his study of the Mojave Indians who<br />
inhabited Mojave Valley and Cottonwood Island Valley, the first large valleys on the lower<br />
Colorado River with cultivable floodplains south of the Virgin-Colorado confluence, and he<br />
concluded that an Indian tribe inhabiting a river valley typically exploits upland resources on both<br />
sides of the stream (Kroeber 1974:31-33). The data suggest that this economic and ecological model<br />
can be transferred upstream to the Southern Paiutes.<br />
Julian Steward, one of the founders of culture ecological theory in anthropology, observed<br />
that Western Shoshones and Southern Paiute people had socio-political organizations larger than the<br />
local group. At the time, however, Steward was developing an ecological theory of social evolution<br />
that was founded on the assumption that some people who reside in extremely harsh environments,<br />
like that of the Great Basin, had social organizations no more complex than families. Although this<br />
theory has largely been disputed, its development probably prevented Steward from refining a more<br />
complex model of social-environmental interactions in the Great Basin.<br />
Steward's more authoritative essay on the concept of the district reflects a confusion among<br />
ethnographers in the 1930s who attempted to resolve observations made long before by earlier<br />
Indian observer like the non-anthropologically trained J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls from the<br />
1870s and the lay observer William R. Palmer (1933), President of the Parowan Stake of the<br />
Mormons, who interviewed in the 1880s. Steward questioned Kelly's (1934) 15 Southern Paiute<br />
districts and contrasted them with Powell and Ingalls' (1874) 31 Southern Paiute groups. Steward<br />
concluded that the 31 units were more likely inasmuch as "band members must habitually have<br />
cooperated in a sufficient number of economic and social activities under a central control to have<br />
acquired a sense of community of interest" (Steward 1938: 181). This conclusion derives from<br />
Steward's assumption that there were very few Southern Paiutes - less that 1 Paiute for every 28.5<br />
square miles between 1870 and 1880 - thus, one of the lowest population densities within the Great<br />
Basin (Steward 1938: 47). When there are so few people per square mile, "It is difficult to<br />
understand how people who were scattered over such vast territories and often separated by wide,<br />
waterless deserts could, when traveling on foot, habitually have joined forces in any important<br />
communal undertaking" (Steward 1938: 181). Here we have a critical point. This is where Steward<br />
was incorrect because he based his conclusion on incomplete data. He incorrectly assumed (1) that<br />
the land was arid, when in fact the environment of the Southern Paiutes contained extensive riverine<br />
oases and (2) that the 1870 Southern Paiute population reflected an aboriginal condition, when in<br />
fact the population had drastically declined by 1857.<br />
People who wanted to reconstruct Southern Paiute social organization did so with theories<br />
that made sense at the time and with whatever data were available. Today, however, we can continue<br />
to consider these issues in light of new population and document evidence. Today, it seems that<br />
there was a social-ecological logic to the aboriginal structure of Southern Paiute districts. Each<br />
district needed a core area in a riverine oasis or major artesian spring system where there were<br />
permanent farms and villages. In most cases, core area farming involved extensive systems of<br />
37
Figure 2.3: Yanawant<br />
irrigation. Functionally offsetting the agricultural core of a district was its hinterlands. The<br />
hinterland gave the district the ecological diversity needed for the transhumant adaptive strategy<br />
(Stoffle and Evans 1976) component of the overall strategy of ecosystem utilization. Hinterlands<br />
were at different elevations than the oasis core. Higher elevations produced a diverse assortment of<br />
animals like deer and mountain sheep, while lower hinterland elevations provided chuckwalla and<br />
antelope. Plants are an especially important component of the hinterland because not only do higher<br />
and lower elevations produce different types of plants, the same plants growing at different<br />
elevations can be harvested at different times of the year. Hinterlands provided a variety of natural<br />
resources like salt, paint, and tool-making quarries. Power spots, caves, and various types of<br />
ceremonial areas tended to be found away from the core area in the hinterland.<br />
38
When the Southern Paiute district is viewed as an ecological whole, there is a socialecological<br />
logic behind the selection of core areas and hinterlands. When this logic is applied to the<br />
Yanawant subtribe, it and its components begin to make sense in new ways. When this logic is<br />
applied to Kelly's 15 districts some make sense, others need recombining, and at least one seems to<br />
be missing.<br />
2.3.2 Shivwits/Santa Clara District<br />
Kroeber's model suggests that Southern Paiutes who farmed in the riverine core along the<br />
Santa Clara River (called Tonaquint in Paiute) and middle Virgin River, would have harvested wild<br />
resources in hinterlands to the south (including the Shivwits Plateau), as well as to the north<br />
(including the watersheds feeding the tributaries of the upper Santa Clara River). Thus combining<br />
the Shivwits and Santa Clara districts seems essential.<br />
Other data suggests that three of the groups defined by Kelly and Fowler (the Gunlock group,<br />
St. George group, and Shivwits group) in fact comprised a single group or district. In the decades<br />
after contact, the massive impact of Mormon colonization resulted in the gradual breakdown of<br />
regional political organization, the emergence of labor camps associated with Euroamerican towns<br />
(Gunlock, St. George), and the relocation of much of the population into regions of refuge in the<br />
uplands (Shivwits Plateau).<br />
The geographic boundaries of this new Shivwits/Santa Clara district would have been the<br />
Santa Clara River, the upper Santa Clara watershed to the divide with the Colorado Plateau and the<br />
Great Basin, the lower-middle portion of the Virgin River from the confluence with the Santa Clara<br />
until the confluence with Beaver Dam Wash, and the arid uplands of the Shivwits Plateau stretching<br />
south from the Santa Clara to the Colorado River and roughly from present Lake Mead in the west to<br />
the eastern edge of the Uinkaret plateau. Within this ecoscape, Paiute people moved freely back and<br />
forth between the oasis farmlands and the upland areas used primarily for wild-resource harvesting.<br />
The data indicates that the Santa Clara, and to a lesser degree the middle portion of the Virgin River,<br />
was the horticultural center and the population center of a district whose upland territories included<br />
the Shivwits Plateau in the south and upper watershed of the Santa Clara in the north (including the<br />
Pine Valley and the Bull Valley Mountains).<br />
For whatever reasons (and more on this issue below), it was the Santa Clara River rather than<br />
the middle and upper Virgin River that apparently constituted the primary horticultural core of the<br />
Shivwits/Santa Clara district. Were there smaller and perhaps subsidiary horticultural settlements on<br />
the middle and upper Virgin River and Ash Creek, or were these settlements independent?<br />
Information produced as part of this report suggests there were many villages along the middle<br />
Virgin River, and possibly a separate Southern Paiute district was located past the Hurricane Cliffs<br />
on the upper Virgin River.<br />
39
Figure 2.4: Hurricane Cliffs<br />
When Father Escalante arrived on the middle Virgin River in 1776 he found Paiute<br />
agriculturists who called themselves the Parussits people. The name supposedly referred to the<br />
Parussi River, which they used to irrigate their farms. Esclante renamed the river the Rio Virgin.<br />
According to Bolton's (1950:205) translation of Escalante:<br />
...in a small plain and on the bank of the river, there were three small corn patches<br />
with their very well made irrigation ditches...From here downstream and on the<br />
mesas on either side for a long distance, according to what we learned, live Indians<br />
who sustain themselves by planting maize and calabashes, and who in their language<br />
are called the Parussi.<br />
The importance of the Parussits people is reflected by their name and the place of their agricultural<br />
communities being retained long after they left the middle Virgin River. In 1936 Tony Tillahash told<br />
Presnall (1936:5) that the river we now call the Virgin, was known as the Pa-roos, "white foaming<br />
water." The Paiutes living along the lower part of the stream, below the I-oo-goo-intsn, were know<br />
as the Pa-roos-itsn. Tillahash's oral testimony also documents a distinction between the Paroosits and<br />
the I-oo-goo-intsn (see Ua'ayukunants discussion below). The relationship between agricultural<br />
communities on the middle and upper Virgin River cannot be established at this time because they<br />
largely disappeared by the mid-1850s, probably due to diseases. Still, agricultural communities did<br />
exist and it is suggested that the Parooits were a local group within the Shivwits/Santa Clara rather<br />
than within the Ua'ayukunants district. The Hurricane Cliffs is a formidable geological feature (see<br />
photo 2.1) that probably serves as a social-political divisional as well as an ecological boundary.<br />
40
The Shivwits/Santa Clara people rebelled against Mormon domination but were forced<br />
to take refuge south of the Colorado River among the Northeastern Pai. About two dozen<br />
Shivwits warriors fought beside the Pai in the Hualapai war of 1866-1869 (Dobyns and Euler<br />
1970: 38; Dobyns and Euler 1971:18). Later these Shivwits/Santa Clara people returned to the<br />
north side of the Colorado River, but they remained culturally conservative in what might be<br />
called a region of refuge (Aguirre Beltran 1973) on the Shivwits Plateau. There they managed<br />
to make a meager living farming around springs, hunting and collecting in the upland portion<br />
of their traditional territory until this portion of their land also was acquired by a Mormon<br />
cattleman. The cattleman had sufficient political power to obtain Federal appropriations to<br />
purchase land on the upper portion of the Santa Clara River to relocate the refugee<br />
Shivwits/Santa Clara people. There their children attended an English language school, and they<br />
were exposed to numerous Euroamerican influences, including more lethal germs. Close to St.<br />
George, the Shivwits reservation became a wage workers's bedroom community, although the<br />
people farmed all the lands they could reach with their irrigation water allocation from the Santa<br />
Clara River. The Shivwits reservation attracted many Paiute people and became the home of<br />
famous Paiute leaders such as Uncle Sam (pronounced Sham) after whom the reservation is<br />
nicknamed, and Tony Tillahash (who was born at Kaibab).<br />
Today, the Shivwits/Santa Clara people are administratively united with four other<br />
Southern Paiute bands into the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (PITU). PITU was created by a<br />
1980 Act of Congress, which accorded re-recognition to diverse small enclaves whose trust<br />
relationship with the Federal government had been terminated in 1954. The 1980 Act defines<br />
five local groups as members: (1) Koosharem, (2) Kanosh, (3) Indian Peak, (4) Cedar City and<br />
(5) Shivwits. The five local components of PITU elect delegates to a council, and a chairman.<br />
These representatives speak for all five groups and are the point of consultation between any<br />
project and one of the five groups (see Chapter Three).<br />
2.3.3 Kaibab Paiute District<br />
The Kaibab Paiute people irrigated gardens of maize, beans, and squash near<br />
permanent water sources as well as gathered natural plants and hunting or collecting all the<br />
fauna available in their ecologically diverse territory. They had gardens along the Colorado River<br />
at 2,300 feet, roasted agave (yaant) along the upper edges of the canyon, hunted deer (Tuhi) in<br />
the mountains of the Kaibab Plateau at 9,000 feet, and gathered hundreds of acres of sunflowers<br />
(akump) and Indian rice grass (wa'iv) in the sandy foothills below the Vermillion Cliffs. They<br />
utilized all of the ecological zones within their territory.<br />
The aboriginal boundary of the Kaibab district seems to be approximately where<br />
Kelly's Paiute interviewees placed it. The southern boundary of the district was certainly the<br />
Colorado River, probably extending downstream (south and west) from the Paria River to just<br />
west of Kanab Creek. Kelly's interviewees placed the northern boundary along the Pink Cliffs<br />
near the Paunsaugunt Plateau at the divide between the northern Colorado Plateau and the Great<br />
Basin. The western boundary, which incorporated both branches of the upper Virgin River, was<br />
marked with a dotted line indicating it was doubtful. Here, in this western-most portion of<br />
the Kaibab district lies a discussion about a missing Paiute district with a core oasis on<br />
the upper Virgin River (see Ua'ayukunants district discussion below).<br />
41
The people of the Kaibab district lost access to these many portions of this ecological<br />
zone because of various types of intrusions, beginning in the early 1860s. Euler (1972), Stoffle<br />
and Evans (1976), and Turner (1985) provide detailed accounts of social, cultural, and<br />
ecological impacts of planned Mormon settlements, unregulated mining, and tens of thousands of<br />
cattle, sheep, and horses. Despite these intrusions and facing the loss of all but a fraction of their<br />
original population, the Kaibab Paiute people continued to reject Federal efforts to move them to<br />
distant reservations in <strong>Utah</strong> and Nevada. A portion of the water from one of their larger artesian<br />
springs was reserved for them by the Mormon Church in 1907 and a 12-by-18-mile portion of<br />
land near the spring was reserved for them by the Federal government in 1909. Yet, it was not<br />
until the U. S. Land Claims payment occurred in the early 1970s that sufficient resources were<br />
available to the Kaibab Paiute tribe to begin to build the economic and service infrastructure<br />
needed to provide jobs and housing for most of the tribal members. Today, the tribe has a viable<br />
and mixed economy, sufficient housing for all tribal members, and a strong concern for<br />
preserving cultural resources that are located within traditional Southern Paiute territory.<br />
2.3.4 San Juan Paiute District<br />
The San Juan Southern Paiute district constitutes the eastern-most territorial unit of the<br />
Southern Paiute ethnic group. Like all Southern Paiutes, the San Juan share an affiliation with<br />
the ethnic self-term nu- ngwu- or nu- ngwu- ts, which translates into English as "The People"<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:165; Franklin and Bunte 1993b:4). Payuts or Payuts(i) (Franklin and<br />
Bunte 1993b:4; Bunte and Franklin 1987:41), which is the Southern Numic term for Paiute,<br />
and variants of this second ethnic-self term are also used by Paiute people (Franklin and Bunte<br />
1993b:4).<br />
San Juan Paiute people occupied, and continue to reside in, their portion of<br />
traditional Southern Paiute ethnic territory. The San Juan Paiute local territory extended<br />
roughly from the Colorado River in the west to Monument Valley and Kayenta in the east, and<br />
from the San Juan river in the north to the Moenkopi Plateau in the south (Kelly 1964:167;<br />
Stewart 1942:233). Like citizens of a state incorporated into a nation, the San Juan people were<br />
not limited in movement or resource use to their local territory. In fact, the strength of the<br />
Southern Paiute Nation derived from the control and redistribution through exchange of<br />
resources grown, gathered, and stored in extremely different ecological zones. So, the San Juan<br />
Paiutes went beyond their local territory to harvest wild game and plant resources in places like<br />
House Rock Valley west of the Colorado River and the San Francisco Peaks to the south. These<br />
trips were carried out under reciprocal use agreements with other Southern Paiute territorial<br />
units and other American Indian ethnic groups. These reciprocal use agreements were<br />
negotiated and cemented through a number of sacred and secular ceremonies such as rounddance<br />
ceremonials (Bunte and Franklin 1987:19).<br />
Today, these people are organized and Federally recognized as the San Juan Southern<br />
Paiute tribe, which has its headquarters in Tuba City, Arizona. As an officially recognized tribe -<br />
now four years old - they have participated in a variety of cultural resource studies, some of<br />
which have been sponsored by the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service. Like other Southern Paiute groups,<br />
their official tribal cultural concerns generally reflect their aboriginal district boundaries.<br />
42
2.3.5 Ua'ayukunants District<br />
Current data and the social and ecological logic of Paiute districts suggest that there<br />
was once a Paiute district on the upper Virgin River, beginning at Hurricane Cliffs and<br />
extending to the upper watershed where both branches of the Virgin River begin. The oasis core<br />
for this district was at or near the junction of the north fork and east fork of the Virgin River. This<br />
is an area that still has evidence of irrigated farming by Indian people so it could have supported<br />
a series of oasis core villages. The name for the people of this area is being spelled<br />
Ua'ayukunants, but it was spelled by Palmer (1978:29-39) as I-oo-goone and Presnall (1936:5) as<br />
I-oo-goo-nitsn. The name literally refers to a "sandstone quiver," and according to Tony<br />
Tillahash refers to a "...nearly complete circle of white cliffs seen from Grafton, <strong>Utah</strong> which<br />
looks like a sack or arrow quiver" (Presnall 1936:4-5). While this name could have referred to a<br />
local group within the Kaibab district, it would be a unique situation for a local group to control a<br />
larger and more regular water source than that controlled by the core oasis group - the Kaibab<br />
Paiutes. Instead of the Ua'ayukunants being a marginal group within the Kaibab district,<br />
evidence suggests they were the core oasis for their own district.<br />
Further evidence for the existence of a "missing" district in the upper Virgin River portion<br />
of the Kelly and Kelly/Fowler maps is the unusual characteristics of the Uinkaret district. These<br />
people have been considered as different from the Kaibab Paiutes and the Shivwits/Santa Clara<br />
people since Powell began interviews in the area in the 1870s. In the 1930s, Kelly's interviewees<br />
maintained that the Uinkaret people had their own territory or district. When Kelly and Fowler<br />
reconsidered the Southern Paiute district boundaries in the 1980s, they found no evidence that<br />
would downgrade the Uinkaret district to a region of another district. So the question is not<br />
whether the Uinkaret held district lands, it seems to be whether their lands were connected with<br />
some other lands which formed a larger and more socially and ecologically logical district.<br />
The main social and ecological logic behind connecting the Uinkaret district with lands<br />
somewhere else is that, as currently defined by Kelly/Fowler, it lacks an oasis core. The<br />
Uinkaret district had access to Colorado River waters but at a section of the river where<br />
agriculture would have been difficult at best. There are some small springs in Uinkaret land but<br />
they are few and high in elevation. The natural argument is that the Uinkaret oasis core lies<br />
along the upper Virgin River. In fact, Kelly's own map brings the Uinkaret district boundary to<br />
just below the Virgin River, and at this point she drew a dashed boundary line indicating<br />
uncertainty.<br />
If the agricultural core of the Ua'ayukunants was located at the confluence of the two<br />
branches of the Virgin River, they were the external boundaries. The northern and southern<br />
boundaries are rather easy to establish. The Colorado River clearly established the southern<br />
boundary of this district, and we believe the northern boundary was the divide between the<br />
northern Colorado Plateau and the Great Basin. All other districts in Yanawant extend from<br />
north to south and stopped at the watershed between the northern Colorado Plateau and the<br />
Great Basin. In fact, even Kelly's district map for the Kaibab Paiutes marks this watershed<br />
boundary as a solid line, indicating her interviewees' confidence in it as a boundary.<br />
43
A more basic question is where was the eastern boundary of the Ua'ayukunants district?<br />
Does the eastern boundary include the upland forest lands of the upper Virgin River or should<br />
these resources remain within the Kaibab district as Kelly concluded? By the early 1900s there<br />
was living with the Kaibab Paiutes a people called the red-cliff-base-people (Un-ka-ka-ni-guts),<br />
a band that formerly lived in Long Valley in the headwaters of the East Branch Virgin River<br />
(Kelly 1934:558, citing Sapir's unpublished notes). The people from this band were probably<br />
forced to move to Kaibab because:<br />
In the late spring of 1871, 200 former Muddy River colonists united with other<br />
Mormon settlers and proceeded 300-strong to Long Valley. Advanced exploring<br />
parties had found 1,300 acres of tillable land and extensive ranges suitable for<br />
grazing (Arrington 1954:8). Their arrival resulted in land loss and population<br />
displacement (Stoffle and Evans 1978:11).<br />
Powell and Ingalls (1874:42) estimated that 125 Paiutes resided in Long Valley in 1871, just<br />
before the Mormon immigrants arrived. By 1873, only 36 Paiutes remained in Long Valley.<br />
About two- thirds of the population was displaced to live with the Kaibab Paiutes. By receiving<br />
refugees from other areas/districts, the Kaibab Paiute became responsible to speak for the<br />
protection of these areas. Such admission of acquired territorial responsibility, however, did not<br />
necessarily imply that the red- cliff-base-people traditionally belonged within the district of the<br />
Kaibab Paiutes. Using the social and ecological logic presented in this report, aboriginally the<br />
upper watersheds of the Virgin River were within the territorial control of the Ua'ayukunants<br />
and the Un-ka-ka-ni-guts were a local band within that district.<br />
The western boundary of the Ua'ayukunants district is shared with the Shivwits/Santa<br />
Clara district boundary. Much of this boundary has been "established" as the Hurricane Cliffs<br />
extending from the Colorado River and ending just before the Virgin River. The Hurricane Cliffs<br />
have a strong boundary logic that derives from being a 400 to 600 foot volcanic cliff, which is<br />
oriented north-to- south, and extends for a distance of almost 200 miles. For these reasons,<br />
among others discussed previously, we suggest that the entire western boundary of the<br />
Ua'ayukunants district is defined by the Hurricane Cliffs.<br />
The question remains -- why did the Ua'ayukunants district go unrecognized by<br />
previous students of Paiute culture? There are probably four reasons for this. First, living in a<br />
riverine oasis, the people of the upper Virgin River must have experienced devastating impacts<br />
from diseases; perhaps they were impacted by the smallpox epidemic that hit on the Santa Clara<br />
River in 1826 and likely they were hit by the 1840 disease episodes. Interviews<br />
conducted as part of this study (see Chapter 5) still record oral accounts of massive deaths<br />
among the people of the upper Virgin River. Second, it was one of the earliest places of<br />
Euroamerican settlement, beginning here in 1859, and there simply were not enough Indian<br />
people living in the core oasis to defend it from encroachment. The Un- ka-ka-ni-guts (redcliff-base-people)<br />
were the last band to be forced out of the upper Virgin River in 1871. Third,<br />
when Ua'ayukunants people were interviewed in the 1870s, they still defined the southern forest<br />
uplands of the Colorado Plateau as their own; only they used the upland term Uinkaret for<br />
themselves and the remnants of their district. Fourth, when the Uinkaret district was<br />
44
encroached upon by loggers in the 1880s and cattlemen in the 1890s, the last Uinkaret people left<br />
the Ua'ayukunants district. According to Paiute elder interviews, some Uinkaret people went to<br />
live with Shivwits/Santa Clara relatives and others went to live with the Kaibab Paiutes. So<br />
when Kelly interviewed at Kaibab in the 1930s, she talked with people who only remembered<br />
that their families lived in the Uinkaret uplands of the Ua'ayukunants district.<br />
Figure 2.5: Areas where ceremonies and rituals are or were performed, such as<br />
this one in Muuputs Canyon, are considered sacred locations<br />
2.4 Summary<br />
The Southern Paiute people continue to maintain a strong attachment to the holy lands of<br />
their ethnic group, as well as to their own local territory, even though Paiute sovereignty has been<br />
lost over portions of these lands due to Navajo ethnic group expansion, encroachment by<br />
Euroamericans, and Federal government legislation. Despite the loss of Paiute sovereignty over most<br />
traditional lands, Southern Paiute people continue to affiliate themselves with these places as<br />
symbols of their common ethnic identity. Additionally, all Southern Paiute people continue to<br />
perform traditional ceremonies along with the menarche and first childbirth rites of passage<br />
rituals. The locations at which these ceremonies and rituals were or are performed become<br />
transformed from secular "sites" to highly sacred locations or places (see photo 2.2). By virtue of<br />
the transformation of locations into sacred places, Southern Paiute people reaffirm their ties to<br />
45
traditional lands because they have carried out their sacred responsibilities as given to them by<br />
the Creator. Southern Paiutes can be characterized as a "persistent people" (Spicer 1971) with a<br />
persistent cultural system (Bunte and Franklin 1987; Stoffle and Dobyns 1983; Stoffle and Evans<br />
1976; Stoffle et al. 1982; Turner 1985; Turner and Euler 1983).<br />
Kelly and Fowler (1986) delineate sixteen Southern Paiute "groups." Their term "group"<br />
corresponds to the term "district" used in this report, though the data suggests some<br />
modifications to the list of groups developed by Kelly and Fowler. New data, some presented in<br />
this ecosystem analysis, suggest that three additional districts should be added to Kelly and<br />
Fowler's list: (1) the Pahvants as the northernmost Southern Paiute district (Halmo, Stoffle, and<br />
Evans 1993), (2) the Ash Meadows/Pahrump Southern Paiutes as the western-most district<br />
(Stoffle, Olmsted, and Evans 1990), and (3) the Ua'ayukunants/Uinkaret Southern Paiutes. With<br />
these modifications, the list of a dozen districts comprising the Southern Paiute nation would<br />
include the following:<br />
Paranayi Subtribe<br />
Ash Meadows/Pahrump district<br />
Chemehuevi district Las<br />
Vegas district<br />
Moapa/Pahranagat<br />
district<br />
Yanawant Subtribe<br />
Shivwits/Santa Clara district<br />
Ua'ayukunants/Uinkaret<br />
district Kaibab district<br />
Kaiparowits<br />
district<br />
Antarianunts<br />
district Panguitch<br />
district<br />
Cedar City/Indian Peaks district<br />
San Juan district<br />
Pahvant (Beaver) district<br />
Although Kelly and Fowler provide an essential base for the present analysis, the<br />
ecosystem approach of this study and the need to provide fine-grained analysis of the<br />
ecosystems that contain <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. requires further assessment of the<br />
aboriginal districts in the Yanawant Subtribe region of the Southern Paiute nation. The following<br />
chapters provide even more detailed information regarding the meaning of Southern Paiute<br />
socio-political units in an ecosystem context.<br />
46
CHAPTER THREE<br />
LEGISLATION AND REGULATIONS<br />
This chapter outlines the legal relationships that exist between the Southern Paiute tribes<br />
and the United States government which relate to the lands in the study area. For the purposes<br />
of this discussion, legal agreements of relevance include government actions that establish tribal<br />
claims to any land, natural resource, or cultural resource in the study area. In addition,<br />
legislation and regulations that affect national parks and policies concerning cultural resources<br />
are reviewed. This chapter is produced by the ethnographic research team and does not represent<br />
legal opinion on any issue involving these tribes and the involved Federal agencies. Instead, the<br />
analysis is meant to provide a general background to the legal environment within which this<br />
study has been conducted.<br />
The aboriginal territory of the Southern Paiutes was described in Chapters One and Two.<br />
As discussed there, all the land in the study area lies within the aboriginal Southern Paiute<br />
territory. This land was taken first by Mormon settlers and then by the U.S. government. Holt<br />
(1992:xv) has summarized the relationship between the tribes, the Mormons, and the Federal<br />
government:<br />
By means of military superiority, the Mormons controlled the Paiutes by<br />
controlling access to their traditional means of production: food resources and<br />
water for irrigation. While the Mormons justified their dominance of the Paiutes<br />
through religious ideology, the foundations of this relationship rested on military<br />
superiority, and force was occasionally applied when ideology failed. The<br />
Mormons seized the social and political initiative as they seized the Paiutes'<br />
land; affairs that had previously been the responsibility of the Paiutes were<br />
referred to church officials and, later, to the BIA. The opinions or preferences of<br />
the Paiutes were seldom elicited and, when they were consulted, they were<br />
generally offered only a series of preconceived alternatives, one of which they<br />
were forced to accept... The <strong>Utah</strong> Paiutes were not only subjected to the tutelage<br />
of these missionary colonists, they were also neglected by the Federal<br />
government and then ravaged by a series of ill- conceived and poorly<br />
administered Federal policies.<br />
This study is an example of a Federal government effort to learn the opinions and preferences of<br />
the Southern Paiutes regarding the lands and resources in their aboriginal territory and to<br />
develop and implement effective management policies to govern the lands and resources. This<br />
chapter describes the history and present status of these relationships. Recommendations for<br />
future management practices are provided in the final chapter of this report.<br />
47
The chapter is divided into five sections. The first section describes the methodology by<br />
which the legal review was conducted. The second section is a legal summary of the<br />
involved Southern Paiute Tribes. None of the tribes were included in any ratified treaties with<br />
the United States; their claimed lands were simply taken by the United States (U.S. House of<br />
Representatives 1874; U.S. Indian Claims Commission 1965). Therefore, the reservations of<br />
these tribes were all established by Executive Order. Contemporary political structures of these<br />
groups result from U.S. government actions rather than aboriginal relationships (Dobyns and<br />
Euler 1970).<br />
The <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (NPS) units that are involved in this study were established<br />
within aboriginal Southern Paiute territory after the land had been removed from Paiute control.<br />
The third section reviews the legislation that established <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument.<br />
Among other issues, Native Americans and the NPS share concerns about the cultural<br />
resources associated with NPS units. Cultural resources are defined as "material remains of<br />
past human life or activities that are of significant cultural interest and are more than 50 years of<br />
age" (36 CFR 1.4). In addition, cultural resources include Traditional Cultural Properties,<br />
defined as properties that "(a) are rooted in that community's history, and (b) are important in<br />
maintaining the continuing cultural identity of the community" (<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990). The<br />
fourth section describes legislation and policies that address the study, protection, and<br />
preservation of cultural resources. The cultural resource policies of the NPS that respond to<br />
Federal laws are described in the final section of this chapter. Examples of recent activities at<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring are included.<br />
3.1 Methodology for Legal Review<br />
The legal review was accomplished through two avenues: searching documents and<br />
personal contacts. Documents were reviewed in the University of Arizona Law Library and<br />
Main Library, particularly the Documents Center and Special Collections. In addition,<br />
materials were collected from the library at the Western Archaeological and Conservation<br />
Center and from individuals who possessed relevant information. Documents that contributed to<br />
the review are 1) Congressional Acts, with accompanying reports and legislative histories, 2)<br />
Presidential proclamations and Executive Orders, 3) Indian Claims Commission reports, 4)<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service reports, bulletins, and management plans, including available issues of<br />
the Cultural Resources Management Bulletin, and 5) published legal reviews. Legal reference<br />
guides and indices were used to identify existing laws, regulations, and policies of relevance to<br />
this task. In addition, newspaper and magazine articles, ethnographies, and reports provided<br />
information about their historical development.<br />
To assist in the legal review, personal contacts were made with individuals and<br />
organizations deemed relevant to the task. To begin, tribal chairs and attorneys of the affected<br />
tribes provided information about both formal and informal agreements existing between them<br />
and the Federal government in the study area. Attorneys within the U.S. Department of Justice<br />
and the Native American Rights Fund were also contacted. Information was also gathered from<br />
representatives of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, from the Phoenix Area Office in Phoenix,<br />
48
Arizona and the Southern Paiute Field Agency in Cedar City, <strong>Utah</strong>. <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service<br />
officials provided additional information and documents. Contacts also included individuals<br />
from the Washington and Denver offices of the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation.<br />
These contacts provided information, materials, and references to documents relevant to this<br />
review.<br />
3.2 Legal Summary of Southern Paiute Tribes<br />
Southern Paiute tribes were generally ignored by the U.S. Federal government until the<br />
end of the nineteenth century. The Mormon Church, on the other hand, sought to establish an<br />
independent state. They took control of Paiute lands and attempted to convert Paiutes to<br />
Mormonism. For example, in 1850, Brigham Young sought the assistance of a Mormon lobbyist<br />
in Washington, D.C. to persuade U.S. government officials to extinguish Indian title to the Great<br />
Basin and thereby legalize Mormon land claims in the region (Coates 1969:175, cited in Holt<br />
1992). Although Indian title was never legally extinguished, Mormons continued to pour into<br />
the region and take control of Paiute lands and resources. Young established the Southern<br />
Indian Mission in October 1953 to expand Church influence over the Paiutes (Brooks 1972).<br />
An early official contact between the Federal government and the Southern Paiute bands<br />
was the 1856 visit of George W. Armstrong to examine conditions of the Paiutes (BIA 1982).<br />
Armstrong noted extensive Paiute irrigation and farming projects and recommended that the<br />
government establish two farm sites for the Paiutes (U.S. Senate 1856), but nothing came of his<br />
recommendations. Shortly after the visit, the Federal government attempted to consolidate all<br />
the <strong>Utah</strong> Native Americans onto one reservation. A consequence of this effort was the Spanish<br />
Fork Treaty signed by the Utes. In addition, negotiations with a handful of Southern <strong>Utah</strong><br />
Paiutes in September 1865 specified the movement of the Southern <strong>Utah</strong> Paiutes to the Uintah<br />
Reservation and a small compensation for the tribe, most of which was designated for the signers<br />
of the treaty (BIA 1982, Irish 1865 cited in Holt 1992). The treaty was never ratified by the U.S.<br />
Senate, so the Paiutes were left without treaty rights. They were regarded as "'scattered bands'<br />
and thus ineligible for substantial Federal assistance" (Holt 1992:35).<br />
In October 1871, Special Agent Charles Powell reported to Washington from St. George<br />
that the Paiutes living in southeastern Nevada and southwestern <strong>Utah</strong> had been sorely neglected<br />
by the Pioche Nevada Indian Agency. This Agency was responsible for "the three southern<br />
counties of <strong>Utah</strong>, that part of Arizona north of the Colorado River, all Lincoln County, and part<br />
of Nye County, Nevada" (Powell 1871, cited in Holt 1992). In 1872, Paiutes received goods<br />
that were distributed from St. George, <strong>Utah</strong> by representatives from the Indian Bureau<br />
(Dellenbaugh 1926: 191). A November 1, 1872 report from the Pioche Indian Agency<br />
recommended a tract of land east of Kanab located "in one of the most fertile valleys in Southern<br />
<strong>Utah</strong>" for the <strong>Utah</strong> Paiutes (U.S. House of Representatives 1873:2). In addition, the agent<br />
acknowledged receipt of communication from General Crook of Arizona urging that several<br />
bands of Paiutes in Arizona and California be withdrawn across the Colorado into the Muddy<br />
Valley because they were "not now attached to or provided for by any agency: they are very<br />
destitute [italics in original]" (U.S. House of Representatives 1873:3). The Muddy River Valley<br />
is the traditional home of the Moapa Paiutes, and, when a reservation was established in Nevada<br />
on the Muddy in 1873, few of the <strong>Utah</strong> Paiutes settled there. In 1873, a special commission<br />
49
headed by John Wesley Powell and G.W. Ingalls was sent to Nevada and Southern <strong>Utah</strong> to<br />
seek reservation sites for the Great Basin tribes (Shoshone and Southern Paiute). Powell and<br />
Ingalls recommended the removal of Indians not already on reservations and suggested that the<br />
Southern Paiutes be sent to Uintah. This arrangement was unsatisfactory because certain Ute<br />
bands, who were traditional enemies of the Southern Paiutes, were living at Uintah. Lack of<br />
other "good" reservation land resulted in the Southern Paiutes having the choice of moving to the<br />
Moapa reservation in Nevada or doing without (BIA 1982; Fowler and Fowler 1971). Most<br />
stayed where they were. No further involvement of the Federal government and the Southern<br />
Paiutes occurred until the 1890s. The first Federal government program for the tribe was an<br />
Indian school for Southern Paiute students. It was established in 1891 and was located on the<br />
Santa Clara River upstream from St. George (Stoffle and Evans 1976). Reservations were later<br />
established for the Shivwits, Kanosh, Koosharem, Indian Peaks, and Kaibab Paiutes in the first<br />
third of the twentieth century. However, even after these reservations had been established,<br />
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) reports noted that the resources on them were limited and that<br />
they were not productive enough to provide all the residents with an adequate living (BIA<br />
1931, cited in Holt 1992).<br />
In 1951, the Southern Paiutes filed a claims suit with the Indian Claims Commission<br />
seeking compensation for their lands which had been taken. The Commission did not make its<br />
final judgment until January 18, 1965. The disposition of funds was appropriated by Congress on<br />
October 17, 1968 (PL 90-584), and the claims money was distributed in 1971. In this settlement,<br />
the precise value of the land was not determined; the Paiutes were awarded $8,250,000 for<br />
29,935,000 acres of land (U.S. Indian Claims Commission 1965, 1978). Entry of the final<br />
judgment disposed the involved parties "of all rights, claims or demands which the petitioners<br />
have asserted or could have asserted with respect to the subject matter of these claims, and<br />
petitioners shall be barred thereby from asserting any such right, claim or demand against<br />
defendant in any future action" (U.S. Indian Claims Commission 1965). Land claims<br />
settlements did not extinguish other rights, such as those associated with water and cultural<br />
resources.<br />
The Shivwits, Cedar City, Indian Peaks, Kanosh, Koosharem, and Kaibab Paiutes are all<br />
part of the Southern Paiute Nation, but their legal histories are distinct due to their inclusion or<br />
exclusion from the various laws and Executive Orders affecting them. Today these groups are<br />
Federally recognized as the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (PITU) and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe. Each<br />
tribe will be discussed separately in the following sections.<br />
3.2.1 Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong><br />
The Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (PITU) is a composite tribe composed of Shivwits,<br />
Kanosh, Koosharem, Indian Peaks, and Cedar City Paiutes. The Shivwits, Kanosh, Koosharem,<br />
and Indian Peaks tribes were at one time all independent Federally recognized sovereign Indian<br />
tribes, and all these, plus the Cedar City Paiutes, had previously received the Federal services<br />
and benefits furnished to Federally recognized tribes and their members. Between 1891 and<br />
1929, reservations were established for the Shivwits, Kanosh, Koosharem and Indian Peaks<br />
tribes. The Shivwits and Kanosh Paiutes organized under the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act<br />
(PL ; 48 Stat. 984) in the early 1940s. However, on September 1, 1954, Congress passed<br />
50
legislation terminating the Federal trust relationship between the U.S. government and the<br />
Shivwits, Kanosh, Koosharem, and Indian Peaks Bands of the Paiute Indian Tribe (PL 83-762;<br />
68 Stat. 1099). At the time, the four tribes had an aggregated land base of 43,000 acres. The<br />
Act did not abrogate water rights of the tribes or their members. The inclusion of the Paiutes in<br />
the termination legislation contradicted all studies and recommendations made earlier<br />
concerning their readiness for termination (U.S. House of Representatives 1983; BIA 1982).<br />
Within a few years, more than 16,000 acres of the Paiutes' land base was lost in termination;<br />
only the Shivwits Paiutes maintained any land (U.S. House of Representatives 1983).<br />
In a reversal of the 1954 decision, on April 3, 1980, the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong><br />
(PITU) became the seventh tribe in the United States to be restored to Federal recognition status (PL<br />
96-227; 94 Stat. 317). The PITU was established as a composite tribe of the Shivwits, Kanosh,<br />
Koosharem, Indian Peaks, and Cedar City Bands. The restoration legislation authorized the<br />
transfer of up to 15,000 acres of public lands for the enlargement of the PITU's reservation and<br />
required that a reservation plan be drawn up allocating land for each band as well as a separate<br />
tract of land to be placed in trust for the entire tribe. The land was to be taken only from the <strong>Utah</strong><br />
counties of Washington, Iron, Beaver, Millard, and Sevier. The 1982 Reservation Plan was never<br />
implemented. Public outcry and resistance from the Federal agencies whose land was targeted in<br />
the plan resulted in allocation of virtually worthless land to the bands. New legislation (PL 98-<br />
219; 98 Stat. 11) was passed on February 17, 1984 to void much of the 1980 legislation requiring<br />
a reservation plan, to place in trust 4,770 acres of land, and to appropriate $2,500,000 for the<br />
PITU in lieu of the 14,800 acres as provided for in the restoration legislation. The description of the<br />
parcels of land set aside for the PITU was published in the Federal Register on September 13,<br />
1984. Included in the legislation is provision for rights to use and occupy national forest land at<br />
Fish Lake for religious or ceremonial purposes (section 3), including the right to make reasonable<br />
use of local plants and materials and to erect temporary structures (U.S. House of Representatives<br />
1983). The separate histories of the five bands of the PITU are reviewed below.<br />
Shivwits<br />
The first official U.S. government action on behalf of the Southern Paiute people in <strong>Utah</strong><br />
was the 1891 authorization by Congress for the purchase of lands along the Santa Clara River<br />
near St. George for a school (BIA 1982). The school, known as the Shebit Day School, was<br />
established in 1898 and then closed in 1903 and moved to Panguitch to be opened in September<br />
1904 as a boarding school. The Secretary of the Interior established a reservation for the Shivwits<br />
Band on the original school land on November 1, 1903. The Panguitch school was closed in June<br />
1909; it was moved to Shivwits as a day school and operated until 1930. The reservation was<br />
formally established by Executive Order on April 21, 1916 (Wilson 1916) and enlarged by<br />
Congress on May 28, 1937 (50 Stat. 239).<br />
In 1940, the Shivwits tribe organized under the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act (48<br />
Stat.n 984), and approved a constitution and bylaws on March 21 of that year. A corporate<br />
charter was issued and ratified August 30, 1941. On February 21, 1957, the Shivwits Tribal<br />
constitution was terminated and the corporate charter was revoked. The people were left with<br />
little other than the marginal lands in their possession.<br />
51
At the time of termination, the Shivwits tribe had 26,680 acres of land. The surface and<br />
subsurface rights were transferred in trust to the Walker Bank and Trust Co. of Salt Lake City.<br />
The trustee attempted to dispose of the surface rights to all but 840 acres (BIA 1982:40). The U.S.<br />
Senate report to accompany the disposition of funds appropriated to the Southern Paiute Nation<br />
as a result of the Indian Claims Commission settlement (U.S. Senate 1968) states that the<br />
Shivwits Band had land holdings of 27,520 acres at the time of termination, all but 840 of<br />
which were disposed of by the trustee, Walker Bank and Trust, Co. It further states that the<br />
surface rights to the 840 acres were transferred to the beneficiaries of the trust on April 24, 1964.<br />
The failure of the government to later appropriate any new land for the Shivwits due to their<br />
continued possession of the land they retained at the time of termination (PL 98-219) provides<br />
evidence that the Senate report is in error on this point.<br />
Of the five bands of PITU, only the Shivwits still possessed a significant amount of<br />
land (26,680 acres) when the tribe was restored to Federal recognition status. Therefore, the<br />
reservation plan drawn up at restoration did not provide for additional land to the Shivwits<br />
band, although the plan provided for expansion of existing Shivwits facilities (BIA 1982:135).<br />
In addition, though the Shivwits band was not included in the band land allocations because of its<br />
existing reservation lands, it was to participate in the management of and benefits from the lands<br />
designated in the plan as tribal lands (BIA 1982:165). No agreements between the U.S.<br />
government and the Shivwits band exist for land or resources outside of <strong>Utah</strong>.<br />
Cedar City<br />
In 1899, the U.S. Federal government appropriated funds to buy land for the Cedar City<br />
Paiutes. However, no land was ever purchased with that money (Holt 1992). The Band lost all<br />
its land to Mormon settlers and was nominally administered by the Indian agent in Salt Lake City<br />
from 1912 to 1916. In 1915, one agent visited Cedar City and recommended that land be<br />
purchased for the Paiutes (McConihe 1915, cited in Holt 1992), but no funds were obtained to<br />
purchase the land. In 1916, the Band was placed under the supervision of the superintendent at the<br />
Goshute Indian School, located more than 300 miles away (Holt 1992), and were administered<br />
as a "scattered band." In 1919, they had 80 acres of land for farming and 5.5 acres on which they<br />
lived. The Mormon Church made plans to move the Paiutes to a new plot of land, but the<br />
Federal government only agreed to move them to an existing reservation. Finally, on March<br />
2, 1925, Congress passed legislation authorizing an appropriation for the purchase of nine<br />
lots in Cedar City for the Paiutes (43 Stat. 1096), but no action was taken. The Mormon<br />
Church moved the Paiutes to church property and burned their homes and belongings. After the<br />
move, no land was purchased for the Paiutes, and the Federal appropriation was returned to<br />
surplus in 1928.<br />
Indian Peaks<br />
The Indian Peaks Reservation was established by Executive Order on August 2, 1915<br />
(Wilson 1915). It was enlarged in 1921, 1923, and 1924. At Indian Peaks, the Paiutes<br />
cultivated lucerne (alfalfa), corn, potatoes, melons, and other vegetables (Farrow 1927, cited in<br />
Holt 1992). During the 1940s, the Indian Peaks Paiutes moved into Cedar City and settled<br />
mostly in the Indian village there (Holt 1992).<br />
52
Kanosh<br />
The ancestors of the Kanosh Band of Paiutes inhabited the Corn Creek region in the<br />
early historic period and raised corn, beans, pumpkins, squashes, potatoes, and other vegetables<br />
(Deseret News 1851). The Mormon Church filed patents for six homesteads for the Kanosh<br />
Paiutes under the 1884 Indian Homestead Act ( Stat.). In 1919 and 1920, the Kanosh Indians<br />
received land in twelve allotments (Holt 1992). The Kanosh Reservation was established<br />
adjacent to the allotments in February 1929 as the last reservation to be formally established in<br />
<strong>Utah</strong>. The reservation was administered by the BIA office in Cedar City. It was expanded in<br />
1935, but by that time the Kanosh Paiutes had lost half the water rights they had held between<br />
1853 and 1930. The reservation was again enlarged by Congress on May 28, 1937. The<br />
corporate charter issued to the Kanosh Band was ratified on August 15, 1943.<br />
Koosharem<br />
In the early 1900s, the Koosharem Paiutes raised their own grain and hay and worked in<br />
beet fields in spring and fall (McConihe 1915, cited in Holt 1992). In 1904 and 1913, four<br />
hundred acres of land were included in allotments that had been filed by the Mormon church<br />
for the Koosharem Paiutes. The Koosharem Reservation was established adjacent to the<br />
allotments in 1928, and it was enlarged in 1937. The Sevier Stake, the local Mormon church,<br />
held control of the Koosharem and was the trustee of their water rights until 1958 when the<br />
Paiutes sued for those rights (Holt 1992). Under the Sorensen Lease of 1969, the Sevier Stake<br />
leased land in Richfield, <strong>Utah</strong> to provide homes and garden plots for the Paiutes.<br />
3.2.2 Kaibab Paiute Tribe<br />
Beginning in 1906, in response to letters from a <strong>Utah</strong> congressman and Indian agent<br />
that described the difficult circumstances facing the Paiutes due to the loss of water and access to<br />
hunting on the Kaibab Plateau (Knack 1993), the Federal government began appropriating<br />
money to the Kaibab Paiutes (34 Stat. 325). Public lands were withdrawn for the Kaibab Paiutes<br />
by an October 16, 1907 order of the Department of the Interior. The Kaibab Paiute Reservation<br />
was made permanent by an Executive Order of June 11, 1913 (Wilson 1913). The reservation<br />
occupies a twelve by eighteen mile rectangle lying approximately 30 miles north of the Grand<br />
Canyon and immediately south of the <strong>Utah</strong> border. Mormons had taken control of the land<br />
and its water resources in the 1860s, and they continued to run their cattle and control the two<br />
large springs on the reservation (Knack 1993). Mormon fences on the reservation were not<br />
removed until 1925 when ordered by a Federal lawsuit (Knack 1993). The reservation was<br />
reduced to 125,000 acres with the removal of approximately twelve square miles for the town<br />
of Moccasin on July 17, 1917 (Wilson 1917). An additional 40 acres of land were also removed<br />
from the reservation for the creation of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument (see section below).<br />
Money was appropriated by Congress in 1928 for the improvement and maintenance of<br />
a road leading across the Kaibab Paiute Reservation to the Grand Canyon. The Commissioner<br />
of Indian Affairs in 1929 noted the inadequacy of the reservation and the Paiutes' need for tillable<br />
land; only 28 acres of reservation land were capable of being irrigated under the supply of water<br />
53
available at the time. The Commission recommended the U.S. government acquire the Heaton<br />
ranch at Moccasin in order to provide sufficient resources to support local Indian people (USDI<br />
1929), but that was never done. Competition over resources between the Kaibab Paiutes and the<br />
Mormons has continued through much of the twentieth century (Knack 1993). On May 29,<br />
1965, the tribe's constitution and bylaws were approved by the Secretary of the Interior (U.S.<br />
Senate 1968).<br />
3.3 Legal Summary of Involved <strong>Park</strong> Service Units<br />
This section examines the legal history of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong><br />
Monument. It also includes a review of Federal policy regarding cultural resources and Native<br />
Americans. The section concludes with a discussion of NPS policies regarding cultural<br />
resources and interactions between the Southern Paiutes and the NPS regarding the involved<br />
parks.<br />
3.3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
Southern Paiute access to most of their traditional lands in the vicinity of the Virgin<br />
River was impeded as early as 1861 when Mormons entered the region in significant numbers (see<br />
Chapter Two). The first Federal government activity regarding <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon was John Wesley<br />
Powell's 1872 exploration of the area as part of the surveys of the west conducted by the U.S.<br />
Geological Survey (Kelly 1947, 1948). The first legal restriction on Southern Paiute use of<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon occurred on July 31, 1909 when a presidential proclamation by William Taft set<br />
aside the lands of "Mukuntuweap canyon, through which flows the North Fork of the Rio<br />
Virgin, or <strong>Zion</strong> River, in Southwestern <strong>Utah</strong>." The <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service was established in<br />
1916. On March 18, 1918, Woodrow Wilson issued a presidential proclamation that set aside as<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> Monument the lands including and also bordering the former Mukuntuweap<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument. According to that proclamation, the name change occurred because the<br />
canyon "was named '<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon' by Mormon settlers many years before the name<br />
'Mukuntuweap' was given to the region because it was regarded as a safe refuge in the event of<br />
Indian attacks on neighboring settlements" (see Chapter Two for more complete discussion of<br />
names given to the canyon). The proclamation also placed the supervision, management and<br />
control of the monument under the Director of the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service as an agent of the<br />
Secretary of the Interior. On November 19, 1919, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> Monument was declared a<br />
national park. On June 7, 1924, the Secretary of Interior was authorized to exchange alienated<br />
lands in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> for unappropriated and unreserved lands of equal value and<br />
approximately equal area in the state of <strong>Utah</strong>. On June 13, 1930, additional lands were added to<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. On July 11, 1956, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> Monument were<br />
combined into a single national park unit to be called <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and administered by<br />
the Secretary of the Interior. On February 20, 1960, the boundaries of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> were<br />
extended and lands within the park that were needed for the refinement and construction of U.S.<br />
Highway 91 were made eligible for conveyance to the <strong>Utah</strong> State Road Commission. In<br />
exchange for the lands, the state of <strong>Utah</strong> was required to construct an interchange providing<br />
54
Figure 3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
vehicular access between Highway 91 and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. The lands upon which the<br />
highway lay were then excluded from the national park. On October 21, 1976, the boundaries of<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> were again revised to include additional land that was to be acquired by<br />
donation only.<br />
3.3.2 Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
At the urging of a prominent Mormon family, forty acres within the Kaibab Paiute Reservation<br />
were redesignated by Presidential Proclamation as Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument on May 3,<br />
1923 (see Knack 1993). These lands were placed under the administration of the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
Service. The proclamation provided specifically for Kaibab Paiute use of water from Pipe<br />
Spring "for irrigation, stockwatering and other purposes, under regulations to be prescribed by<br />
the Secretary of the Interior" (Harding 1923). The Secretary of the Interior designated that the<br />
water flow at Pipe Spring was to be allocated in thirds to the Kaibab Paiutes, an area<br />
cattlemen's organization, and the NPS. However, the Paiute's third was dominated by the NPS for<br />
domestic and water use at the monument until 1969 (Fields 1980, Knack 1993). Kaibab Paiute<br />
use of the tribe's allotted water would have threatened activity at the monument, so in 1970 the<br />
NPS drilled a well on Kaibab Paiute land, piped water to Pipe Spring, and made water available<br />
to the tribe. To further assist the tribe, NPS engineers and architects from the Indian Assistance<br />
Division worked in cooperation with tribal members on the design of a structure architecturally<br />
compatible with the visitor center and employee housing units at the monument. The tribe<br />
began construction of the building in 1972. Upon completion, the tribe leased approximately half<br />
the building from the NPS so members could set up a snack bar and gift shop (Fields 1980).<br />
55
Figure 3.2The Fort and Pond at Pipe Springs<br />
3.3.3 U.S. Laws Governing Management of Cultural Resources<br />
Despite the unique relationship between the Kaibab Paiutes and the NPS at Pipe Spring<br />
that evolved from the monument's history and its location within reservation boundaries,<br />
government-to- government relationships between Native Americans and Federal agencies<br />
frequently concern the study, protection, and preservation of cultural resources. This section<br />
describes the Federal laws governing the management of those resources.<br />
Environmental Policy Act<br />
The <strong>National</strong> Environmental Policy Act (NEPA, PL 91-190, 42 U.S.C. 4371, 40 CFR 1500<br />
et seq.) requires completion of an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for any Federal action<br />
determined to have potentially significant environmental impacts. Relevant to the purposes of<br />
this study, NEPA encourages the preservation of historic resources and requires consideration of<br />
social impacts. A report from the Council of Environmental Quality specifically directs the<br />
solicitation of input from affected Indian tribes at the earliest possible time in the NEPA process<br />
(40 CFR 1501.2). The lead agency in the process is also directed to invite the participation in<br />
the scoping process of any affected Indian tribes as well as Federal, state, and local agencies or<br />
other interested persons (40 CFR 1501.7). In addition, the agency preparing the draft<br />
environmental impact statement is directed to request the comments of Indian tribes where effects<br />
may be on their reservation (40 CFR 1503.1). However, the NEPA legislation also clearly<br />
indicates that in those cases where project impacts are entirely social or economic no EIS is<br />
required regardless of the severity of those impacts. NEPA can be an effective means by which<br />
56
to incorporate Native American interests into NPS planning, but concerns have been raised<br />
including the possibility that non-artifactual cultural resources considered only under NEPA<br />
could be vulnerable to Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, thereby eliminating<br />
protection of confidential site locations, and the fact that NEPA requires documentation of impact<br />
but provides no real protection for any specific resource (Stuart 1979). Those early concerns<br />
have been answered by other legislation and also addressed by specific policies of the<br />
implementing agencies. These will be reviewed briefly here.<br />
Early Historic Preservation Legislation<br />
Concern for historic and cultural resources has been expressed in legislation throughout<br />
the twentieth century. In 1906, the Antiquities Act (PL 209, 16 U.S.C. 431-33) authorized the<br />
President of the United States to declare landmarks, structures, and objects of historic or<br />
scientific interest to be national monuments and to reserve land to aid in their protection. The<br />
Act also established the necessity of obtaining permits for the excavation of archaeological sites<br />
on public lands. On August 21, 1935, the Historic Sites Act (PL 74-292, 49 Stat. 666) provided<br />
for the preservation of historic American sites, buildings, objects and antiquities of national<br />
significance and confirmed the role of the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service as the Federal government's<br />
central agency for historic preservation. On October 26, 1949, Congress created the <strong>National</strong><br />
Trust for Historic Preservation to receive donations of sites, buildings, and objects significant in<br />
American history and culture and to preserve and administer these for the public benefit. On<br />
June 27, 1960, Congress provided for the preservation of historical and archeological data<br />
threatened by the construction of a dam (PL 86-523, 74 Stat. 220). The Act requires any agency<br />
of the U. S. involved in construction of a dam to give written notice to the Secretary of the<br />
Interior who shall then order a survey to be conducted to ascertain whether the affected area<br />
contains historical and archeological data which should be preserved in the public interest. If<br />
indicated by the survey, the Secretary shall then see that the data be collected and preserved.<br />
The 1974 amendments to the Act (PL 93-291) added significant scientific and prehistoric data to<br />
the others which would require notification and preservation in the public interest. The<br />
amendments also require consent of "public entities having a legal interest in the property<br />
involved."<br />
<strong>National</strong> Historic Preservation Act<br />
On October 15, 1966, the <strong>National</strong> Historic Preservation Act (NHPA, PL 89-665, 80<br />
Stat. 915, 16 U.S.C. 470 et seq.) increased the scope of historic preservation as public policy and<br />
broadened the duties of the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (Connally 1986). The Act expanded the properties<br />
to be preserved to include those significant in American history, architecture, archeology and culture<br />
(section 101-2). The Act provides assistance to states and established the Advisory Council on<br />
Historic Preservation whose duty it is to advise the President and Congress on matters relating to<br />
historic preservation, encourage public interest and participation in historic preservation, and assist<br />
state and local governments in drafting legislation relating to historic preservation. The Director of<br />
the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service, or his/her designee, serves as Executive Director of the Council. PL 94-<br />
422 of September 28, 1976 amended Section 102 of the NHPA and established the <strong>National</strong> Historic<br />
Preservation Fund. The 1980 amendments to the Act directed the Secretary of the Interior to study<br />
the means of "preserving and conserving the intangible elements of our cultural heritage such as arts,<br />
57
skills, folklife, and folkways..." and to recommend ways to "preserve, conserve, and encourage the<br />
continuation of the diverse traditional prehistoric, historic, ethnic, and folk cultural traditions that<br />
underlie and are a living expression of our American heritage" (PL 96-515, 94 Stat. 2989, 16 U.S.C.<br />
470a). The amendments are explicit in the requirements for the protection of the confidentiality of<br />
the location of sensitive historic resources. They direct the head of any Federal agency to "withhold<br />
from disclosure to the public, information relating to the location or character of historic resources<br />
whenever...the disclosure of such information may create a substantial risk of harm, theft, or<br />
destruction to such resources or to the area or place where such resources are located" (section 304).<br />
<strong>National</strong> Register Bulletin 29, Guidelines for Restricting Information on the Location of <strong>National</strong><br />
Register Properties, provides full detail for agency directors.<br />
The NHPA amendments also demonstrate the shift in U. S. policy toward the recognition<br />
of Native Americans, including for the first time in historic preservation legislation explicit<br />
mention of the Federal government's partnership with Indian tribes in the protection and<br />
preservation of prehistoric and historic resources (section 2). A report, Cultural Conservation,<br />
was prepared to respond to the directives of the Act and submitted to the President and Congress<br />
by the Secretary of the Interior on June 1, 1983 (<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990). That report directed the<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service to prepare guidelines to assist in the documentation of intangible cultural<br />
resources. <strong>National</strong> Register Bulletin 38, Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting<br />
Traditional Cultural Properties fulfilled that purpose with specific inclusion of Indian Tribes<br />
(<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990:2). That bulletin is significant for preservation of Native American<br />
cultural resources because the policies and procedures of the <strong>National</strong> Register can be interpreted<br />
by Federal agencies and others to exclude historic properties of religious significance to Native<br />
Americans from eligibility for inclusion in the <strong>National</strong> Register (<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990:3). On<br />
October 1, 1985, a Joint Resolution recognized the fifty years of accomplishments resulting<br />
from the Historic Sites Act (PL 99-110).<br />
On October 30, 1992, the <strong>National</strong> Historic Preservation Act was again amended to<br />
provide greater authority and assistance to Native Americans. The 1992 amendments<br />
specifically mention the need for Federal agencies to contact and consult with Indian tribes.<br />
Properties of traditional religious and cultural importance to an Indian tribe may be determined to<br />
be eligible for inclusion on the <strong>National</strong> Register, and a Federal agency must consult with any<br />
tribe that attaches religious or cultural significance to such properties. In addition, Indian<br />
tribes are to receive assistance preserving their particular historic properties. Coordination<br />
among tribes, State Historic Preservation Offices (SHPOs), and Federal agencies is to be<br />
encouraged in historic preservation planning, and in the identification, evaluation, protection,<br />
and interpretation of historic properties. Additional language is also included in the<br />
amendments regarding confidentiality and tribes are eligible to receive direct grants for the<br />
purpose of carrying out the Act. The amendments provide for tribes to assume part or all of the<br />
functions of a SHPO with respect to tribal lands.<br />
In response to the 1992 NHPA amendments, a new policy statement, "Consultation<br />
with Native Americans Concerning Properties of Traditional Religious and Cultural<br />
Importance," was adopted by the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation (ACHP) on June<br />
11, 1993. That policy provides explicit principles for application of the amendments, including<br />
that Native American groups who ascribe cultural values to a property or area be "identified by<br />
58
culturally appropriate methods" and that participants in the Section 106 process should learn<br />
how to approach Native Americans in "culturally informed ways" (ACHP 1993:3-4).<br />
Consultation with Native Americans must be conducted with sensitivity to cultural values,<br />
socioeconomic factors and the administrative structure of the native group. Specific steps<br />
should be taken to address language differences and issues such as seasonal availability of<br />
Native American participants as well. According to this policy, Native American groups not<br />
identified during the initial phases of the Section 106 process may legitimately request to be<br />
included later in the process. The Advisory Council's policy statement also reaffirms the US<br />
government's commitment to maintaining confidentiality regarding cultural resources and<br />
states that participants in the Section 106 process "should seek only the information necessary<br />
for planning" (ACHP 1993:3).<br />
Archaeological Resources Protection Act<br />
The Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA, PL 96-95, 93 Stat. 712, 16<br />
U.S.C. 470) was signed into law on October 31, 1979. It extended the protection of archaeological<br />
resources on Federal and Indian land. Archeological resources are defined as material remains of<br />
past human life or activities that are of archeological interest, have retrievable scientific<br />
information, and are over 100 years old. Under ARPA, excavated resources remain the property<br />
of the U.S. government and are subject to inventory and repatriation in accordance with the<br />
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, see below). ARPA provides<br />
the first significant criminal penalties for the vandalism, alteration, or destruction of historic and<br />
prehistoric sites or for any transaction conducted with an archeological resource that was<br />
excavated or removed from public or Indian lands or in violation of state or local law (section 6).<br />
The Act directs Federal land managers to notify any Indian tribe considering a site as having<br />
religious or cultural significance prior to issuing a permit for excavation or removal of<br />
archeological resources from the site. Section 9 restricts the release of information concerning<br />
the nature and location of any archeological resource requiring a permit for excavation or<br />
removal.<br />
In 1984, uniform regulations were promulgated, as required by the Act, by the Secretaries<br />
of the Interior, Defense, and Agriculture and the Chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority (43<br />
CFR Part 7; Carnett 1991:3). Additional regulations may be promulgated by Federal land<br />
managers as needed by their agencies. The January 25, 1988 amendments of the Act (PL 100-<br />
555 and PL 100- 588) strengthened ARPA with requirements that Federal agencies develop plans<br />
for surveying lands not scheduled for projects.<br />
American Indian Religious Freedom Act<br />
Additional legislation which affects tribes and cultural resources includes the American<br />
Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA) of August 11, 1978 (PL 95-341, 42 U.S.C. 1996).<br />
AIRFA reaffirms the First Amendment of the United States Constitution rights of American<br />
Indian people to have access to lands and natural resources essential in the conduct of their<br />
traditional religion. In Section 2, Congress asks the President of the United States to direct<br />
various Federal departments and agencies to consult with native traditional religious leaders to<br />
determine appropriate changes in policies and procedures necessary to protect and preserve<br />
59
American Indian religious practices. The Act requires the NPS, like other Federal agencies, to<br />
evaluate policies and procedures with the aim of protecting the religious freedoms of Native<br />
Americans including "access to sites, use and possession of sacred objects, and the freedom to<br />
worship through ceremonials and traditional rites." During the twelve years since AIRFA was<br />
passed by Congress, all Federal agencies have developed means of interacting with American<br />
Indian tribes having cultural resources potentially impacted by agency actions. The Bureau of<br />
Reclamation has established an Office of Native American Affairs that helps to facilitate<br />
interactions between tribes and facilities. The <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service has published specific<br />
policies concerning American Indians; these will be discussed at greater length below.<br />
Specific guidelines regarding AIRFA are presently being prepared. Until they are<br />
published, most of the guidelines and regulations that address the spirit of AIRFA have been<br />
passed as part of the <strong>National</strong> Historic Preservation Act (NHPA). It is important to note that<br />
while these guidelines and regulations deal with issues of concern in AIRFA, there are a<br />
number of issues that are not covered by NHPA guidelines.<br />
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act<br />
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, PL 101-601,<br />
104 Stat. 3048) became law on November 16, 1990. NAGPRA makes provisions for the return of<br />
human remains, funerary objects and associated sacred items held in Federally-funded<br />
repositories to American Indian, Native Alaskan, and Native Hawaiian peoples who can<br />
demonstrate lineal descent, cultural affiliation, or cultural patrimony. In addition, the Act provides<br />
for formal consultation with, and participation of, indigenous peoples to decide the disposition of<br />
these resources. This process should occur as a result of repository inventories and in the event<br />
that resources are encountered by activities on Federal and tribal lands (Price 1991:32-33).<br />
According to a memorandum from the Executive Director of the Advisory Council for<br />
Historic Preservation (Bush 1991), the NAGPRA will affect the Section 106 review process in<br />
at least three ways: (1) with regard to the conduct of archeological investigations, formal<br />
consultation must occur with appropriate American Indian groups regarding the treatment and<br />
disposition of human remains and other cultural resources recovered during archeological<br />
studies on Federal and tribal lands, and tribes must give their consent to the excavation of<br />
human remains and removal of remains and other cultural resources from tribal land beyond<br />
that normally required of the Section 106 process; (2) in discovery situations, agencies are<br />
encouraged to develop plans to deal with unexpected discoveries of archeological materials<br />
and in the event of inadvertent discovery, all project activities must cease, the appropriate<br />
Federal agency or Indian tribe must be notified, and activities must not resume for 30 days.<br />
Disposition will be resolved in accordance with the provisions set forth in NAGPRA; (3) with<br />
regard to curation, NAGPRA allows for the affiliated American Indian group to decide on the<br />
treatment and disposition of recovered cultural items. This goes beyond the ACHP policy that<br />
simply requires professional curation.<br />
60
3.3.4 <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service and Cultural Resource Policy<br />
The laws described above apply to cultural resources in general, but this section will<br />
examine those laws as they are applied within the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (NPS) in relation to<br />
Native American groups. Early NPS management policies limited the definition of cultural<br />
resources to archeological, historical, and architectural resources. Concern for intangible<br />
cultural resources, particularly for Native Americans who identify locales of traditional<br />
importance that do not exhibit physical evidence of human behavior, began to be expressed by<br />
the late 1970s (Stuart 1979). The September 1984 keynote address by NPS Director Russell E.<br />
Dickinson to the First World Conference on Cultural <strong>Park</strong>s called for park officials to "seek<br />
innovative forms of rapprochement among native communities, government land managing<br />
agencies, and groups who share that concern." Working together requires recognition and<br />
respect, developing permanent working partnerships, recognition of the value of cultural<br />
differences, and recognition that culture means more than objects or structures (Scovill 1987).<br />
Natural and cultural features are now viewed as park resources with traditional subsistence,<br />
sacred ceremonial or religious, residential or other cultural meaning for members of<br />
contemporary park-associated ethnic groups, including Native Americans (Crespi 1987). Bulletin<br />
38 was one NPS response to the need to evaluate and document traditional cultural properties<br />
(<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990). The Bulletin is intended to supplement rather than supplant more<br />
specific guidelines such as those used by Indian Tribes (<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990:3-4). The<br />
Bulletin provides guidance in conducting cultural resources surveys, noting the importance of<br />
background research about what is already recorded and consulting with persons who have<br />
been students in the cultures and traditions of the area under review. The agency conducting a<br />
cultural resources survey has the responsibility for coordination and consultation with Indian<br />
tribes. Recommendations include making contact with knowledgeable groups in the area and<br />
specifically seeking out knowledgeable parties in the affected community outside the official<br />
political structure, with the full knowledge and cooperation of the contemporary community<br />
leaders (<strong>Park</strong>er and King 1990:6).<br />
The NHPA, as amended, provides for the protection of traditional cultural properties as<br />
historic properties under Section 106 and is a new endeavor in cultural resources management<br />
(<strong>Park</strong>er 1993). A special issue of the NPS periodical, CRM (1993), was devoted to the topic.<br />
The July 1994 release of NPS-28 defines cultural landscapes as complex resources including<br />
landforms, soils, and vegetation that are a reflection of human adaptation and resource use. It<br />
specifies that "all cultural landscapes are to be managed as cultural resources, regardless of<br />
the type or level of significance" (NPS 1994:93).<br />
NPS policies (NPS 1988) provide explicit direction for involving Native American groups<br />
in cultural resource management and commitment to creating cooperation with Native<br />
American authorities and seeking to establish both formal and informal lines of communication<br />
and consultation. The NPS Management Policies specifies that the integrity of contemporary<br />
Native Americans necessitates that the NPS consult with affected communities before reaching<br />
decisions about the treatment of traditional associated resources. Accordingly, potentially<br />
affected Native American communities will be given opportunities to become informed about<br />
and comment on anticipated NPS actions at the earliest practical time (NPS 1988:5:4). Each<br />
park with cultural resources is to prepare and periodically update a cultural resource component<br />
61
of the park's resource management plan defining and programming the activities required to<br />
perpetuate and provide for the public enjoyment of those resources. Any action that might affect<br />
cultural resources is to be undertaken only if, in cases involving ethnographic resources,<br />
associated Native Americans and other ethnic groups have been consulted, and their concerns<br />
have been taken into account. In addition, certain contemporary Native Americans and other<br />
communities are permitted by law, regulation, or policy to pursue customary religious,<br />
subsistence and other cultural uses of park resources with which they are traditionally<br />
associated. The policies also state that the NPS will actively consult with appropriate Native<br />
American tribes or groups regarding interpretive programs, repatriation of museum objects, etc.<br />
The NPS will conduct appropriate cultural anthropological research in cooperation with parkassociated<br />
groups to develop interpretive programs accurately reflecting Native Americans.<br />
Discussion of Native American involvement includes both formal tribal leaders and traditional<br />
elders.<br />
The data stored in the memory of Native American elders, extraordinary in quantity and<br />
quality, can only be acquired by setting up intimate and equitable working relationships<br />
with them...Native American elders who are interested in working with NPS personnel<br />
should be contacted immediately, worked with extensively and seriously, and their<br />
information integrated with already available material (Bean and Vane 1987:27-28).<br />
NPS policies require establishment and maintenance of consultative relationships with<br />
Native American groups who have historical ties to specific park lands and direct the Service to<br />
"seek the broadest feasible range of views from members of the involved group, while recognizing<br />
that it must also respect the views of the group's tribal chair or other formal leaders" (NPS<br />
1987:2457). NPS mandates for cultural resource management are further outlined in Cultural<br />
Resources Management Guidelines (NPS - 28). One aspect of this document is the requirement that<br />
"properly selected, sensitized, and trained people shall serve as intermediaries between the NPS and<br />
local groups" (NPS 1981:2-18). Further, the "Native American Relationships Management Policy"<br />
(NPS 1987) presents the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service philosophy regarding Native American relationships<br />
and outlines NPS policy toward American Indians, Eskimo, Aleut, and Native Americans of the<br />
Pacific Islands. The policy expands and clarifies Special Directive 78-1, Policy Guidelines for<br />
Native American Cultural Resources Management, and provides guidance to NPS personnel for<br />
management actions affecting Native Americans. Emphasis is placed on implementation of<br />
activity in a "knowledgeable, aware, and sensitive manner" (NPS 1987:35674). <strong>Park</strong> managers<br />
are directed by the policy to identify and consult with Native American groups traditionally<br />
associated with park lands and other resources.<br />
Neither <strong>Zion</strong> nor Pipe Spring have an extensive history of involvement with Native<br />
Americans regarding cultural resources. Indeed, early interpretations of Pipe Spring focused<br />
almost exclusively on Mormon history with little mention of the Paiutes living in the region. An<br />
early NPS publication of the monument and its history, for example, ignored the existence of the<br />
Kaibab Paiute reservation (NPS 1930). Acknowledgement of the tribe is limited to mention of "a<br />
Piute [sic] Indian guide" who led the 1858 [sic] Mormon party headed by William Hamblin to<br />
the site of "a marvelous spring" and a concluding sentence that the custodian of the monument<br />
"resides within the reservation," with no indication whose reservation that was. Occasional<br />
efforts have been made at each park to involve<br />
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Southern Paiutes (e.g. Fields 1980), but these have not been formal consultation<br />
relationships, governed by legal agreements such as Memoranda of Understanding. Both parks<br />
have begun to seek greater involvement of tribes, including recent efforts to deal with the legal<br />
requirements of NAGPRA. Pipe Spring was the location of a pilot NPS-funded NAGPRA<br />
effort regarding unassociated funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony<br />
(Evans, Dobyns, Stoffle, Austin, and Krause 1994), and <strong>Zion</strong> has contacted the Hopi tribe<br />
regarding human remains taken from park lands (J. Burns, personal communication, 1995). This<br />
study is the first comprehensive effort to establish a relationship regarding Native American<br />
cultural resources associated with the parks.<br />
Figure 3.3 Southern Paiute Elders, <strong>Park</strong> Employees, Botanists, and UofA Ethnographers Working Together<br />
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3.4 Summary<br />
The relationship between the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service and Southern Paiute tribes with regard<br />
to <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and Pipe Spring N.M. is governed by specific laws and regulations. However, the<br />
legal requirements of such a relationship specify only a minimum framework within which<br />
government- to-government relations must be established. In recent years, park service<br />
personnel and tribal representatives have demonstrated a readiness to move beyond minimal<br />
legal compliance to establish a meaningful partnership for the interpretation and preservation<br />
of cultural resources.<br />
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CHAPTER FOUR<br />
SOUTHERN PAIUTE CULTURAL ECOSCAPES<br />
This chapter presents Southern Paiute perspectives on the Northern Colorado Plateau<br />
Ecoregion, emphasizing the Virgin River and Kanab Creek as cultural ecoscapes. This chapter<br />
begins with overview essays written by the Coordinator of the Southern Paiute Consortium.<br />
These essays are followed by discussions of Southern Paiute perspectives on places within these<br />
two cultural ecoscapes and the relationships with one another.<br />
The information in the Virgin River and Kanab Creek ecoscape discussions was taken<br />
from individual and small group interviews with Southern Paiute representatives. Those<br />
representatives were selected by their tribal governments for participation in this study. They<br />
were then contacted by the University of Arizona research team, and interviews were scheduled.<br />
A member of the Southern Paiute Consortium was present at most of the interviews. The<br />
interviews were intended as a learning process; only a few questions initiated the discussions.<br />
Places, times, and topics emerged in the discussions, and questions about them were incorporated<br />
in later discussions. As a result, these initial scoping interviews became richer and more complex<br />
as the process progressed. The information learned from these interviews contributed to the<br />
design of a more structured segment of the study that included onsite visits to places within the<br />
ecoscapes. The information from those visits was integrated with that taken from written<br />
documents and is presented elsewhere in this report. Information about the Virgin River<br />
ecoscape, with a focus on <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, is provided in Chapter Five. A similar discussion<br />
of the Kanab Creek ecoscape, with a focus on Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument, is provided in<br />
Chapter Six.<br />
4.1 A Southern Paiute Homeland Perspective<br />
Angelita Bulletts<br />
Our Homeland: The Colorado Plateau Ecoregion<br />
(adapted from Stoffle et al. 1995)<br />
This land that some consider to be desert, isolated and containing little life, is the home of<br />
the Paiute people. Through the eyes of the Paiute people, this land has beauty that no other place<br />
in the world possesses. It is the place of our creation as a people, and in our belief, it is the place<br />
that our individual life cycles end.<br />
65
Evidence of Paiute presence within the Colorado Plateau Ecoregion is marked by ompi,<br />
or hematite, showing the path of the People and physically visualizing their journeys.<br />
Throughout Paiute history, the Grand Canyon and its surrounding areas have been a place of<br />
prayer, of everyday living and, in the end, a final refuge for a people who were being squeezed<br />
out of their traditional lands by newcomers.<br />
Within the lives of Southern Paiutes, there is an inherent understanding that all things are<br />
placed on this land with the breath of life just as humans. This land is considered to be their<br />
home, just as it is for man, and it is taught that one must consider that rocks, trees, animals,<br />
mountains and all other things are on the same level as man. Each has a purpose in life, and the<br />
one who created every living thing on this earth placed all living things here to interact with one<br />
another. Therefore, it is customary to show respect to everything that must be disturbed. There is<br />
mutual regard between man and these things, each having something to share and each being<br />
dependent on the other for life. It is said that the plants, animals, and, in fact, everything on this<br />
land, understands the Paiute language, and when one listens closely and intently enough, there is<br />
affirmation and a sense of understanding.<br />
Figure 4.1 Southern Paiute elder at Pipe Springs <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
One of the most primary and innate responsibilities of the Southern Paiute people is to<br />
care for and nurture the land which feeds, cures and clothes us. When cultural knowledge can be<br />
employed in a way that maintains, utilizes and enhances the land, then it is to the advantage of<br />
the resources and the people. For instance, plant resources are at a maximum when they are<br />
66
pruned by utilization, and they will reoccur in their most advantageous state. In a traditional<br />
context, it is said that if plants aren't used, then they will disappear and be gone from the People<br />
forever.<br />
It is with our basic knowledge that Paiute people have a responsibility to care for this<br />
land that we have sustained a life through impediments placed here by those who sought to<br />
constrain and disseminate our culture. The prior awareness of life as it should be and how one<br />
day traditional life will be again sustains the Paiute people. It is believed that we will once again<br />
have the opportunity to live as naturally as was intended.<br />
Much of the land that the Colorado River passes through has been the traditional lands of<br />
the Southern Paiute. Submerged under what is today called Lake Powell are Paiute farms that<br />
supplemented the traditional food gathered by the People. Beneath the waters of Lake Mead is<br />
one of the most important natural resources considered by the Southern Paiute, that is salt. When<br />
the U.S. Federal government chose to take traditional lands away from the aboriginal people, it<br />
also took the People's ability to live a traditional lifestyle. The taking away of land also caused<br />
the People to become dependent upon others for sustenance instead of relying on traditional<br />
hunting and gathering skills and tools.<br />
Conceivably, the traditional land of the Southern Paiute may one day be restored back to<br />
a people who will care and nurture the land and its resources. Prior to Euroamerican<br />
encroachment, it is said in tribal oral history, this plateau contained grasses as tall as one's knees;<br />
the children could hide and play within it. After the arrival of the pioneer, use of the land became<br />
a competitive process for range animals and the wildlife that were here prior to the livestock<br />
intrusion. It was only a very short time span until the grasses began to disappear and, in more<br />
time, some species of wildlife disappeared as well.<br />
The traditional culture of the Southern Paiute people has been documented by<br />
anthropologists during this century. This research views Paiute culture as primitive and<br />
simplistic, and, to the outside researcher, this may be what one sees when merely looking in<br />
through a window without having the capacity to be enveloped within the culture. The<br />
complexity of our culture lies in our ability to converse with the animals and the landscape in<br />
this land. It is believed that this ability will prove to be important for all mankind someday.<br />
This entails much more than the simplicity of speech; it entails the knowledge of a higher<br />
communication through the animals and the ability to live humbly within the grandeur of this<br />
land. One of the basic truths of the Southern Paiute people is the need to ensure that care is<br />
maintained for the land; then, in turn, the land will care for the People. This fundamental concept<br />
has enabled the Paiute to live continuously on the Colorado Plateau.<br />
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Materialistically, the Southern Paiute lived very humbly. The land provided all that was<br />
needed to live, though, within literature, it is implied that the Southern Paiute were nomadic with<br />
no real direction, merely living to suit nature's will. In truth though, present Southern Paiute<br />
people view themselves as part of a legacy of people who were the first conservationists, having<br />
the ability to live off the land and prospering within it. Cultural characteristics that include little<br />
or no ceramic development may be categorized as primitive, but Paiute basketry skills were such<br />
that there was no need to advance the art of ceramic technology. As an example, the tightness of<br />
a basketmaker's weaving was such that food stuffs could be cooked by placing hot rocks within<br />
the basket that contained water, resulting in the heating of a broth or boiling of plants or meat.<br />
Farming was practiced near water sources such as springs, rivers and creeks. Within the<br />
Grand Canyon, it is historically documented that Paiute farms were observed during the time of<br />
the Powell expeditions, and, in fact, these were scavenged when the crew's food was no longer<br />
palatable. Through tribal oral history, descendants of the owners of the farm have stated that<br />
their grandfather was there in the rocks observing these men the day that his garden was<br />
trespassed on. Interestingly enough, the majority of researchers in Paiute ethnohistory<br />
continually state that the Paiute people did little or no farming prior to contact with<br />
Euroamericans. This coupled with the little practiced art of ceramics, leads professionals to<br />
believe in the primitiveness of the Southern Paiute. Even today, Paiute people pride themselves<br />
on their gardening expertise, passing fruit and vegetable seeds on from parent to child.<br />
Grandparents take pride in teaching their grandchildren to plant, how to water and care for the<br />
garden.<br />
Insofar as the belief system of the Paiute people can be documented, there is much more<br />
that cannot be told to non-Paiute people. Prophecies of the People explain many of the reasons<br />
why certain aspects of Paiute beliefs cannot be shared with those outside of the culture. During<br />
the<br />
1930's, an anthropologist studied the Paiute people and became one of the premier authorities on<br />
the Southern Paiute culture. Through tribal oral history, there is a story about that situation and<br />
smiles emerge as they recall those who were telling the make believe stories. These interviews<br />
were later documented from the field studies by the anthropologist. Unfortunately, the people<br />
chose to mislead the anthropologist, giving misleading information that was taken as fact and<br />
tradition. They chose to do this rather than to explain that some of the stories and traditional<br />
information must be kept confidential and stay within the culture.<br />
From this study came misleading information of Southern Paiute traditions and, even<br />
today, it generally takes a Paiute person many years to really become comfortable enough with a<br />
researcher and even longer for that Paiute person to speak confidentially with the researcher. It is<br />
with this study that the Southern Paiute Nation can now speak on its own behalf and research can<br />
be conducted with Paiute people leading the way.<br />
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Prior to the coming of the Euroamerican, one of the ways the Southern Paiute utilized the<br />
Colorado Plateau Ecoregion was to make contact, trade and intermarry with the other Indian<br />
people of the area. Through intermarriage, the Southern Paiute formed connections with other<br />
Indian people to protect the land and its resources. Many forms of cultural traditions were<br />
exchanged and passed on to the other tribes, namely basketry, songs and dances, and even<br />
sometimes beliefs. The Southern Paiute viewed the Colorado River as the dividing line with the<br />
other tribes; therefore, the northwesterly portion of the Grand Canyon was safeguarded by the<br />
Paiute and the other side of the river was designated for the other tribes.<br />
The people of the Southern Paiute Nation continue to gather food and medicinal plants in<br />
and around the Colorado Plateau Ecoregion. Through tradition, each band possessed sacred<br />
knowledge about certain portions of the river and, in many instances, it was the responsibility of<br />
the membership to preserve the water sources, plant gathering and garden locations for use by<br />
the People. The Colorado River was divided in the middle with an imaginary line, with one side<br />
belonging to the other tribal groups and the other belonging to the Southern Paiute. In this way, it<br />
was possible for the Paiute people to preserve resources being utilized year after year by the<br />
bands. Even with this imaginary boundary line, the Southern Paiute continued to exchange<br />
culturally significant goods with the other tribes; in fact, in the historic period of time, the<br />
traditions and songs of the Yuman-speaking people and Paiute people co-mingled in the canyon<br />
walls and were brought north to the Southern Paiute Nation. Within a traditional ceremony of the<br />
Southern Paiute, the words of the songs are sometimes spoken interchangeably between<br />
languages.<br />
It is said that songs are derived by spiritual guidance within the homeland that special<br />
places have the ability to speak to Paiute people. In Southern Paiute mythology, there are certain<br />
places in the land of the Paiute that give songs to the person who opens himself up to hearing<br />
them. One need only listen to them speaking. This goes back to the belief that all things in the<br />
land of the Paiute speak to man and if he humbles himself to these things, then he will learn.<br />
4.1.1 Our Connection to This Land: <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong><br />
Monument<br />
Present day <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument are two locations<br />
that have a deep history in Southern Paiute life. The primary life element for Paiute people is<br />
water, and these two areas served as places that were constantly lived in because of the<br />
availability of water. The abundant water supported farming, brought in animals, promoted plant<br />
growth, and was utilized for day to day living.<br />
69
Southern Paiute people believe that we have lived in this area since the time of creation<br />
here and that we were that same people as, or have lived alongside, what anthropologists today<br />
call the Virgin Anasazi. As or together with the Virgin Anasazi, the Paiute forged a living in this<br />
land, and, since creation in this homeland, Southern Paiute people have lived specifically in <strong>Zion</strong><br />
and the area around Pipe Spring. Because of the abundance of animals, plants, and water in these<br />
places, Southern Paiute people thrived and lived along the Virgin River in <strong>Zion</strong> and the<br />
numerous springs on the present day Arizona Strip near and including Pipe Spring.<br />
Today, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument are controlled by the<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service, and that agency has become the caretaker of the natural resources<br />
there. These natural resources are still significant to the Paiute people to perpetuate our<br />
culture. Within the park boundaries, the plants of this area are gathered and utilized still<br />
today because in some instances information has been passed down through the<br />
generations about locations in which to gather plants for medicine, food, and utilitarian<br />
construction.<br />
4.1.2 Plant, Animal, and Water Resources<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> is abundant in plant resources within canyons, along the river, and in the<br />
mountainous areas. As young children, Paiutes are taught to walk along nature, and when plants<br />
must be harvested, they are taught to show respect and talk to them as one does to another<br />
human.<br />
Within Paiute philosophy, plants, animals, humans, mountains, rocks, and water are<br />
viewed as intertwined, and each has a significant purpose to the connectedness of life in this<br />
land. All natural objects are seen as having a life force very similar to humans in that these have<br />
feelings and power that can help if used in a correct and reverent way. The power of an animal or<br />
a plant may be used through a human, but it is power that belongs to that spirit that ultimately<br />
heals. It is in Paiute etiquette to speak to a plant before it is picked, to ensure the plant's spirit<br />
that it will be used in the correct way, explaining that there is a purpose involved and asking the<br />
spirit of the plant to aid in the remedy. It is believed by Paiute people that if a person harvests a<br />
plant without doing these things first, the plant's power will not help or heal.<br />
It is very similar with animals and the respect that must be shown to them when taking<br />
their lives. It must be explained to an animal what it will be used for, and the person must show<br />
gratitude by making an offering to the animal's spirit. Sometimes also gratitude is shown to the<br />
spirits of the mountains for allowing the hunter to be successful since the spirits of the mountains<br />
are the caretakers of the animals. It is they that protect and hide the animals when it isn't proper<br />
to take them.<br />
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All things have a spirit, and water is seen as especially powerful. It is used for prayer and<br />
for purifying, besides its utilitarian value.<br />
4.1.3 Using Natural Resources<br />
All of the above natural resources must be used by Southern Paiute people, it is believed,<br />
or the spirit will know and take them away, making them no longer available. Southern Paiute<br />
people believe that this is what happens in areas today that are managed by Federal agencies and<br />
private land owners. From the Paiute perspective, eventually what happens is that the resources<br />
leave the area because the resource no longer serves a purpose and cannot flourish, just as<br />
humans behave when they are not well taken care of.<br />
For this reason, one of the primary concerns of Paiute people is accessibility to the parks<br />
to care for, speak to, and use the resources of the area. These are seen as an obligation of the<br />
Paiute people to ensure that the resources remain fruitful in the traditional territory. It is improper<br />
to ask an elder to pay at the gate, and much of the time Southern Paiute elders won't enter a park<br />
that is within the traditional land base if they are asked to pay to enter. The basic impropriety is<br />
when the elders are journeying to or within their homeland to offer prayers, and park personnel<br />
ask for payment in order to grant them entrance.<br />
Further, the relationship with the plants of the area is very important to Southern Paiute<br />
people. It is standard <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (NPS) policy that the NPS seeks to preserve natural<br />
resources. Therefore, it is against Federal policy to gather plants in the way that Paiute people are<br />
accustomed. The People gather plants for the same reasons one prunes; therefore, the plants<br />
flourish and remain by multiplication. It isn't the intention of destroying a plant by unearthing all<br />
of a particular species; what is taken is only what is needed. For this fundamental reason, plants<br />
reoccur because of the care and prayer they receive from the Paiute people.<br />
4.1.4 Access for Educational Purposes<br />
Southern Paiute people see their children as the most valuable treasure, and for this<br />
reason it is important that the children don't lose the attachment that they have to the traditional<br />
land base. Many times the present day reservation land base is the only area that the Southern<br />
Paiute child envisions as the traditional land base. This is because of the restrictions the Federal<br />
land managers place on the utilization of the surrounding resources. It is a primary goal of the<br />
Kaibab Paiute and Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> tribal governments to ensure the instruction of<br />
culture through summer camps and field trips to supplement what Paiute children learn at home.<br />
The NPS can help the Southern Paiutes reach their goal by making it easier for Southern Paiutes<br />
and their children to visit and use the parks.<br />
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4.1.5 <strong>Park</strong> Interpretation<br />
It is recommended to the NPS that Southern Paiute philosophy be integrated into the<br />
interpretation of the history of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. The<br />
interpretation of Paiute culture should be disseminated to the public through Paiute interpreters.<br />
Questions that the public may have about the mountain range, canyons, and the use of natural<br />
resources could only be interpreted by the Southern Paiute person who has a basic knowledge of<br />
the history of the People.<br />
Because of the close proximity of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument to the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Tribal headquarters, many park visitors inquire about the Native American presence on the<br />
Arizona Strip. It is therefore further recommended that that park modify the presentation to the<br />
public to include Southern Paiute history, particularly Kaibab Paiute history.<br />
Today, the groundwork is being set for the two parks discussed here to open the area of<br />
interpretation so that the Southern Paiute people may broaden the general public’s viewpoint on<br />
Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument and <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and the ecosystems that surround them.<br />
4.2 Perspectives on the Virgin River Ecoscape<br />
The Virgin River ecoscape is generally bounded by the watershed of the Virgin River,<br />
but its divisions have been established through oral history interviews with Southern Paiute<br />
elders. The following analysis is divided by reaches of the Virgin River ecoscape which are: (1)<br />
Upper Basin, (2) <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, (3) <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon to Ash Creek, (4) Ash Creek to Virgin River<br />
Gorge, (5) Virgin River Gorge to Confluence with Muddy River. No oral history is available for<br />
the East Fork Virgin River so that reach is not discussed in this chapter.<br />
The headwaters of the Virgin River Ecoscape begin on the southern flanks of the<br />
Markagunt Plateau. At this point in the headwaters, erosion has created a gash in the bedded and<br />
colorful sandstones that form this plateau, creating what are commonly called the Pink Cliffs. A<br />
large basin has been created by the watershed of the North Fork Virgin River. This basin drains<br />
through various streams into a single slot canyon called the Narrows located at the northern end<br />
of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. The well traveled and recognized <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon continues to be shaped by the<br />
North Fork Virgin River before it leaves to joins the East Fork Virgin River just south of <strong>Zion</strong><br />
Canyon. The eastern flank of the Markagunt Plateau is drained by a series of small streams that<br />
join to form the East Fork Virgin River. This river flows to the south through Long Valley before<br />
curving sharply to the west where it passes through and continues to shape Parunuweap Canyon.<br />
At the mouth of Parunuweap Canyon, the two branches join to form the main stream of the<br />
Virgin River. From this confluence the Virgin River flows west until it dissects the Hurricane<br />
Cliffs. At this point it joins Ash Creek and flows southwest until joining with the Santa Clara<br />
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River below the town of St. George, <strong>Utah</strong>. Below this confluence, the Virgin River slashes<br />
through the Virgin Mountains, dropping a thousand feet in little more than a dozen miles and<br />
creating the rugged Virgin River Gorge. At 2,000 feet of elevation, the Virgin River travels to<br />
the southwest along the western flank of the Virgin Mountains until it reaches the confluence of<br />
the Muddy River near the historic town of St. Thomas. This analysis ends at this point even<br />
though historically the Virgin-Muddy River traveled a few more miles before it reached the<br />
Colorado River. Today, however, this reach of river is under Lake Mead and thus beyond the<br />
bounds of this study. The information in this section is presented according to the five reaches of<br />
the Virgin River ecoscape discussed above. However, because of the high degree of integration<br />
among reaches, there is considerable overlap throughout the discussion.<br />
4.2.1 General Ecosystem Integration<br />
Virgin River Integration. There is a question as to what extent the Virgin River ecoscape<br />
was socially interrelated from its headwaters to where it joins with the Muddy River just above<br />
the Colorado River near the historic town of St. Thomas. Evidence that it was integrated comes<br />
from a woman elder from Koosharem (Richfield, <strong>Utah</strong>) area who was born in 1927. This woman,<br />
whose family lived far north of the Virgin River headwaters, said:<br />
My dad used to go to <strong>Zion</strong>. I heard of Indian names for <strong>Zion</strong> where he would go<br />
all the time. My mother use to go down to St. Thomas and get salt.<br />
Virgin River Integration. An elderly woman from the Koosharem Paiute group provided<br />
information about how, during her 63 years, she did not use the Virgin River ecosystem. This<br />
woman never visited <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon or the salt mine at St. Thomas, and has only been to Moapa<br />
once, years ago when she was a teenager. The woman and her family have not used the hot<br />
springs in the Hurricane Cliffs even though she has heard of it. She said:<br />
My family go in another direction from here. There is a hot spring near<br />
Monroe, <strong>Utah</strong> where we go. There was a case where an older woman died in a<br />
hot spring – near by (Richfield, <strong>Utah</strong> area), so no one (local Koosharem Indian<br />
people) go there any more. I think it was the fumes that became poison. So now<br />
they go to another hot spring near to Monroe. We also get ompi there.<br />
A hot spring is a sacred area because that is where they go for healing. There<br />
are Carrie Owl stories associated with hot springs – sometimes bad stories.<br />
Carrie Owl was weakened by a hot spring and almost drowned. My relatives<br />
went to Monroe hot springs and offered quarters and silver dollars to that hot<br />
spring.<br />
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Kanab Creek and Virgin River Integration. As to the social integration between the Virgin<br />
River and the Kanab Creek ecoscapes, the same woman elder from Koosharem said:<br />
Indians used to live at Pipe Springs. They had big ceremonies there. My dad<br />
used to go there for Bear Dances.<br />
A man from the Cedar Paiute group said:<br />
I used to play in the springs at Pipe (Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument) when I was<br />
little. [I] lived at Pipe awhile with the Fred Bulletts family including his wife<br />
Julia Bulletts. My mom left me there when she had to go away.<br />
Colorado River, Kanab Creek and Virgin River Integration. A man from the Indian Peaks Paiute<br />
group and his wife from the Kaibab Paiute group spoke about the relationship between the<br />
Virgin River, Kanab Creek, and the Colorado River when they said:<br />
The water from these rivers (Virgin and Kanab) flow underground and come<br />
out in the Colorado River. We are related to these waters. There was as lot of<br />
Indian nations at that time – we lived near the water.<br />
The Indian Peaks people and the older people from all the Paiute groups understand the Colorado<br />
River.<br />
The Colorado River has a song – there you can hear it. Old men (from Indian<br />
Peaks and Cedar area) used to go down there. That spiritual was given to them<br />
in that area. Father-Creator chose them to receive this ability to cure people. A<br />
very spiritual man would lead them down there. He would be responsible for<br />
going there because you don’t know what took place where these people lived.<br />
The Colorado River is really a spiritual area (emphasis added by moving<br />
arms). On both sides (of the Colorado River) they know the power of the place.<br />
I have seen the O’mpi at Hualapai in a home. It was real pure – real strong.<br />
The ompi gathered in the canyon (Grand Canyon) by [my wife] has only been<br />
used for very special occasions. We have given it to Sun Dancers. Lots of<br />
people ask for it because it has been gathered from a very powerful sacred<br />
place in the proper manner.<br />
4.2.2 Upper Basin Reach<br />
Virgin River Headwaters. A man from Kanosh talked about Virgin River headwaters when he<br />
said:<br />
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My dad talked a little about <strong>Zion</strong>s – how the Indian were down there.<br />
We even had Hopi in the Escalante Desert because the Hopi were part<br />
of the Paiutes. Hopi land is Southern Paiute land. A lot of those old<br />
guys hunted between <strong>Zion</strong> and here (Kanosh). We had this land by<br />
treaty rights – it was not lost under termination. We only terminated the<br />
Federal supervision of the Indians.<br />
Virgin River Headwaters. A woman from Koosharem talked about around Cedar Breaks at the<br />
headwaters of the Virgin River, when she said:<br />
My dad would go up on Cedar Mountain. He would hunt and fish. He would<br />
hunt woodchuck and deer. They would live in tents. I went with them when I<br />
was older.<br />
Virgin River Headwaters. A man from the Cedar group talked about being up near the top of the<br />
Virgin River when he said:<br />
At the top of the Virgin River near Webster Flats (see photo 4.2). Indians used<br />
to live there. They even used to have a hole in the ground. They could live down<br />
in that hole. It was on private property, close to a road. The land owner let<br />
them live there, no one knew. I was told about them when I was a young boy.<br />
One Indian stuck his head down into it and saw so many things down there –<br />
grinding rocks. The old man died (the former owner), maybe his sons still own<br />
the area. The Indian used to hunt and fish in this area, but they cannot now<br />
because so much is private property now.<br />
An Indian was tracking a deer in the mountains above Bryce. He tracked a deer<br />
to a hole. He followed it into the ground where he found it was light. He found<br />
a man at a camp setting by a fire who said, "What are you doing going around<br />
in the dark," but to the man it was light. He stayed there for a while. When he<br />
came back the others (Indians) would not believe him. This is an area where<br />
the deer go some years. The Mountain just opens up and closes, protecting the<br />
deer.<br />
Virgin River Headwaters. A man from Indian Peaks Paiute group talked about the upper<br />
Virgin River basin when he said:<br />
Above <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, that was their hunting grounds. In spring time the deer<br />
would go up into this basin. In the fall the deer would go down to <strong>Zion</strong> and<br />
below. <strong>Zion</strong> was a great place for the early Indians.<br />
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Figure 4.2 Webster Flats and Zaion Canyon (background), Just Left of the Cedar Mountain<br />
Virgin River Headwaters. An elderly woman from the Koosharem Paiutes group spoke of the<br />
upper Virgin River drainage:<br />
Me and my relatives traveled to this area and it is all familiar to me.<br />
Upper Santa Clara River. A man from the Cedar group talked about an area just on the<br />
watershed of the upper Santa Clara River when he said:<br />
In those days there was lots of snow -- it would last a long time until late<br />
spring. We used to cut ice blocks off the ponds and could keep them in storage<br />
areas until summer. It was a lot wetter, too. I remember in the Caliente,<br />
Nevada area when there was grass on the hills -- it was real wet then.<br />
Near Newcastle there were huge snakes. Indians used to travel through the<br />
area at night or early in the morning when the snakes were slow. Near<br />
Enterprise (a few miles to the south) Indians were hunting with guns. A big<br />
snake stood up and scared a hunter who dropped his gun and ran away. Isaac<br />
said there were big earthquakes in those times. One of these may have closed<br />
the caves in the ground and that was the end of the big snakes...The huge<br />
snakes used to fly, sometimes they would hit Milfred Mountain and make a big<br />
noise. There is also a big cactus on this mountain. These stories were told by<br />
Isaac Hunkup who was 115 when he died. He saw the first pioneers in the area<br />
and observed the Mountain Meadows massacre.<br />
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4.2.3 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon Reach<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. One elder from the Cedar Paiute group talked about <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon when she<br />
said:<br />
My people came from the Pinto area, near Enterprise. The old people had their<br />
summer homes near what is now New Harmony and <strong>Zion</strong>s. Also, Indians came<br />
from other directions to live there in the summer. But some of the Indians were<br />
massacred there, this is why there are too few...<strong>Zion</strong>s is a beautiful country.<br />
Their summer food was there. I was raised with old people, so that is how I<br />
know.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. A woman from Koosharem talked about <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon when she said:<br />
They had lots of Indians living in <strong>Zion</strong>s -- up in the canyon where it goes up<br />
towards the tunnel. Indians from all over would meet during harvest -- have<br />
lots of Indian food there. It would be a big gathering. Deer hunting also. At that<br />
time they had a lot of plants, now when you look around you cannot find them.<br />
It is like they (the plants) disappeared with the old Indians.<br />
They used to live all the way down to the mouth of the canyon. When the<br />
Mormons came they began to shoot the Indians there and drove them out of the<br />
water and up into the mountains. They (Mormons) took all the water like that --<br />
like up in Richfield and Fish Lake. All the Indians know about these things.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. A man from the Cedar Group said:<br />
The old people said there was a spirit that lived in <strong>Zion</strong>. It was not a bad spirit,<br />
but it was the creator. I get that feeling when I go there. <strong>Zion</strong>s -- when you go<br />
there you know you are not perfect. Some ones of them feel they do not deserve<br />
to be there.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. A 76 year old woman from Kaibab said:<br />
When we go into <strong>Zion</strong> we have a feeling. Like a lot of people are guiding us. We feel at<br />
home down there. We see the deer. Long time ago when we would gather together we<br />
would talk about <strong>Zion</strong>.<br />
All those little places (along the Virgin River) -- that is where the people had their corn<br />
fields. The Mormon settlers, they made a home there. They would kill you. Indians wanted<br />
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to be neighborly, but the Indians were shot by local Mormons. Later on they organized to<br />
drive the Indians out of there (<strong>Zion</strong>). The Indians didn't have guns. They (Mormons) said<br />
the Indians were scared (like the old sign at the head of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon road)--the reason<br />
we were scared is we were scared of the Mormons who lived at the mouth of the canyon.<br />
The Indians were afraid of the Mormons. The Mormons had another story -- saying the<br />
Indians were afraid of the Canyon.<br />
We didn't go there (<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon) to gather often, because the plants belong to the spirits.<br />
We did gather momomp (Datura meteloides ) over there from <strong>Zion</strong> -- it is real strong --<br />
special plant. We gathered it and used it as a medicine to stop foolish behavior during the<br />
change of life. There are lots of other plants in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon -- like cattails (Typha<br />
domingensis), suuv (squawbush - Rhus trilobata), pa'up (Wolfberry - Lycium andersonii).<br />
There is an archway where the water comes out...they lived there and gathered the herbs<br />
and berries. Lots of medicine there. Must give a place or a plant something like a little<br />
rock if wish to pick it.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. A 76 year old man from the Indian Peaks Paiute group spoke about the minerals in<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon that were used by the Indian people, when he said:<br />
There are four Indian paints the cream color is a'vimp, the red color is o'mpi, the black,<br />
and the copper-blue color. The a'vimp is found in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon -- it was used in Indian<br />
wars because it was more powerful. You can drink a'vimp to make you strong in war.<br />
Weeping Rock. One elder spoke of Weeping Rock<br />
That place is called Pah Teepits, which means water seep. It has plants there. They would<br />
camp anywhere in there. They had gardens in there. They would stay there in the winter<br />
because it was a warm place with lots of animals and plants.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. An 80 year old woman from the Shivwits Paiute group spoke of <strong>Zion</strong> canyon from<br />
her own experiences and from those of her father when she said:<br />
Old people had visited these places before it was a park. We always used to<br />
give a blessing in Springdale when we went up there. My dad said that the<br />
Mexicans came through the area. Indians there in <strong>Zion</strong> had a garden and<br />
would feed the Mexicans when they came through. Indian people lived mostly<br />
in Springdale where they could plant and hunt a little. They also lived around<br />
where that Weeping Rock is. They made their homes up there.<br />
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<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. A woman from the Shivwits Paiute group noted the use of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon by<br />
Paiute people when she said:<br />
The older people used to live in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon and near Springdale. Georgie<br />
George was born there. He was Kaibab (Paiute). There was lots of 'em over<br />
there all the time. Mostly the Kaibab people.<br />
The people lived in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon by eating berries and pine nuts and planting<br />
corn along the (Virgin) river. They have lots of deer over there. They used bow<br />
and arrow to hunt.<br />
There was a prayer meeting way up at the end of canyon a long time ago -- it<br />
was organized by C.B. Weeping rock is also important prayer spot. Indians in<br />
them days -<br />
- when they traveled along the way they would pray. That was what my<br />
grandmother would do before we camped. She would cut a piece of bread and<br />
spread out to the four directions. When you don't do that something happened.<br />
There are lots of berries in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon -- elderberries, chokecherries. There is<br />
also i’isi which is used for juice. They used to have these all over <strong>Zion</strong>s but now<br />
hard to get. This is a berry that Paiute people like to collect but the white<br />
people along the (Virgin) river cut these bushes down now and so it is rare.<br />
Also there is the yellow bean mesquite -- called opimp -- we used to collect this<br />
one and use the juice. It was chewed on by children. There are two kinds of<br />
mesquite in the Grand Canyon.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. An elderly woman from Shivwits reservation commented on the cultural meaning<br />
of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon and Weeping Rock -- although an elder expert in her own right, this elder also<br />
learned many of these things from her father -- when she said:<br />
We always had to give a blessing before we went through there. My dad and I<br />
would give it there at Springdale. There was areas where they lived. They lived<br />
mostly in Springdale where they could plant and hunt a little. They lived around<br />
where that Yahadid tumpi (crying rock - Weeping Rock) is. Some of them would<br />
make their homes there. The Springdale area was the most valuable area on the<br />
Virgin River because it was where they lived mostly and made their farms.<br />
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Figure 4.3 Seeps, such as this one at <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, are Habitats that are Dependent on Water and Contain a<br />
Unique Combination of Plants<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. An elderly woman from Kaibab commented on the importance of plants to her<br />
from the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon when she said:<br />
Food is everywhere at <strong>Zion</strong>s. I used to go up there with my dad and Maggie.<br />
The old people used to yell, "Oh! stop there, look at all that food -- we should<br />
get some of that." But sometimes we could not get it because it belonged to the<br />
white man. So we went on by when it was getting ready to be picked, but we had<br />
to go on by. No one now goes out to pick food...we get food at the super market.<br />
We used to gather ku'u -- we used to gather sacks and all those people up there<br />
did too. We got bags of it and we were glad to get it. But they (the park<br />
80
angers) used to tell us to get away from there ... "You are not allowed over<br />
there...Get away." They (the park rangers) would even do that with the i’isi,<br />
even though the white man didn't know what to do with it. They just ran us out.<br />
I’isi is our cool-aid.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. An elderly Kaibab Paiute woman expressed her desire to gather the plants in <strong>Zion</strong><br />
Canyon when she said:<br />
What I would like to get down there is willows. I used to make baskets. I would<br />
like to teach my grand children something more about it. They would need<br />
willows. The colors are hard to find. My mother used to go to Moapa to get the<br />
yellow fiber. Devils claw is for the black. The red is from the root of that large<br />
cactus (Joshua tree). The green is from that yucca. The Moapa yellow plants<br />
were covered over when they bulldozed for the housing.<br />
4.2.4 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon to Ash Creek Reach<br />
Tsing wantu. A man from Indian Peaks noted a named place downstream from the mouth<br />
of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon at an unspecified location. It is on the inside of a big curve in the Virgin River<br />
and is called Tsing wantu, meaning gravel. This place is known, but its meaning was not<br />
revealed.<br />
A'tank suv. According to a woman from Kaibab there is a place along the Virgin River<br />
where the rocks form three women. The name means "it looks like women standing that way."<br />
No further information was revealed about the meaning of this place.<br />
Hot Springs. A woman from Koosharem talked about the hot springs when she said:<br />
I used to go there when I lived in Sham (Shivwits Indian Reservation). The<br />
Indians went there. It had healing power. The Indians used to sit there and pray<br />
for being healed. This was 49 years ago. It was an old Indian place.<br />
Then you had to pay 50 cents to use it. It was all cemented in. Before that when<br />
old Indians used it they didn't have to pay. They just went over there when they<br />
were sick.<br />
Hot Springs. A man from the Cedar group talked about he hot springs when he said:<br />
The hot springs was a place where the Indian went to pray, then they'd sit in it<br />
81
and drink the water. This was a religious area -- for healing. I went to the<br />
spring when I was a kid. I took my kids down there when they were little. You<br />
get a great spirit down there. I had to stop going because it was expensive.<br />
Hot Springs. A man from Indian Peaks talked about the hot springs when he said:<br />
The hot springs is well known among the Paiute Nation. That is where they<br />
came from far for to use it. It is called Piki Kwanaar (means bad smell or odor)<br />
is the name for the hot spring. They talk down there -- talk to that water. When<br />
they go in there they pick up some small trinket or small beautiful rock along<br />
the way to give to the spring. You can drink a little bit of it (the mineral water)<br />
for a cure.<br />
The name Tempe Pah is nonsense. The owner did not keep up his word -- "Any<br />
time your people want to come, it is ok." But next year he charged us $2.00.<br />
That was the last time we went there. He didn't keep up his word and that is<br />
why he is having trouble down there.<br />
The Indian people have respect for that water down there, but it is not being<br />
respected. It is sacred water -- is most important. Our people all come there.<br />
Hot Springs. A woman from Kaibab talked about the hot springs when she said:<br />
My grandmother used to come from Kaibab to that hot spring. She would be<br />
talking and talking like she was talking to someone. It was all time. When ready<br />
to go in she would throw her gift rocks into it -- a gift. This was when I was 8<br />
or 9 years old (approximately 70 years ago or about 1925). We traveled in a<br />
wagon. The spring was not developed then and it was free. It was two caves,<br />
each having water coming out. It really scared my husband once -- he was not<br />
prepared for it. It was too strong.<br />
4.2.5 Ash Creek to Virgin River Gorge Reach<br />
Confluence with Santa Clara. A woman from Kaibab talked about a culturally important place<br />
along the Virgin River where it meets with the Santa Clara River, when she said:<br />
In St. George, the college (Dixie College) was built on a very sacred gathering<br />
place. We would come from all over on Christmas day. It was a big social<br />
gathering. But the college was built right on that place. White people do not<br />
care.<br />
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An elderly couple from the Indian Peaks Paiutes group gave the name Parusa Uwinwa for the<br />
Virgin River gorge.<br />
A woman from Koosharem talked about the Virgin River Gorge area, when she said:<br />
Sham people (Shivwits Reservation ) used to go over there to hunt Mountain<br />
Sheep. Ray Mose and Norbert Zungia ran away from school at Ft. Mohave and<br />
hid out in the Virgin River Gorge area. They found a cabin with food in it and<br />
lived in this. The school never found them.<br />
4.2.6 Virgin River Gorge to Confluence with Muddy River (St. Thomas)<br />
Tasa. Above Bunkerville, Nevada along the western side of the Virgin River is a mountain that is<br />
called Tasa. A woman from the Shivwits Paiute group mentioned this place when she said:<br />
My grandfather's mother's father lived in Tasa which is a mountain above<br />
Bunkerville. Those people planted here along the Santa Clara River and then<br />
spent the winters over there in that Tasa area. They would have a spring over<br />
there for water. There is a man named Tom who still owns the water right there<br />
but the BLM is trying to take it away from him.<br />
Those old people who lived at Tasa went down to get salt at that cave (near St.<br />
Thomas).<br />
Salt Cave. A woman from the Shivwits Paiute group commented on use of the St. Thomas salt<br />
cave when she said:<br />
My dad used to get salt down there with Fred Fisher. The salt was in a cave<br />
and it look like ice. We used it just for food. Used to pray before they took it<br />
from the cave. It was on the Virgin River. Last time we went to get the salt was<br />
when I was a little girl. There was a memorial service for Frank Fisher in<br />
1939. While we were there we went to get the salt. Then the water rose from the<br />
dam and covered the cave.<br />
My family lived all the way in Cedar (City) then, but visited at Moapa because<br />
Frank Fisher was my mother's uncle. My mother's father and mother's brothers<br />
were from Needles, but they came to the Shivwits reservation and later went all<br />
the way to Cedar (City). My mother was born just below what is now the<br />
Gunlock dam (on the Santa Clara River). The place is now just weeds.<br />
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Salt Cave. A 78 year old woman from Kaibab said that she saw the salt mine at St. Thomas when<br />
she was ten years old. She would go to Moapa and stay with Harrett Homes and Jim. She would<br />
go with them. The salt is called owavi and it would come out in big chunks. We would grind it<br />
up. At that time St. Thomas was bigger than Overton, Nevada -- they had a big store there (St.<br />
Thomas) then. The salt cave was deep -- the older ones (people) would go in there -- they would<br />
talk along thanking the Creator and explaining how they would use the salt.<br />
Salt Cave. An elderly man from Shivwits commented on the importance of the salt mine near<br />
St. Thomas when he said:<br />
Old folks got rock salt down to St. Thomas. Some of my family went down there<br />
through Glendale. I was down to the mine when I was small. It was an<br />
important place to the Indians then.<br />
There were Indian families living in the St. Thomas area then. They were from<br />
Moapa.<br />
Salt Cave. An elderly woman from Kaibab commented on the use of salt and the ownership of<br />
the land around this portion of the Virgin River when she said:<br />
My grandfather, Joe Pagen Pockets -- used to go to get the real crystal-like salt<br />
down there (St. Thomas salt cave). They used to dry lots of meat -- deer and<br />
pork -- all the live stock. My grandfather's land was down through Mt.<br />
Trumbull towards Moapa. They had a cave where they stored their meat.<br />
Nothing would spoil. When we went there we would camp through the Virgin<br />
Mountains. Would camp all through there. We would come from Kaibab.<br />
Parashant is my country through my grandfather on my father's side. Joe<br />
Pagen Pockets was my grandfather on my mother's side. That land (near St.<br />
Thomas) is my inheritance -- the land was not made into a reservation then. So<br />
the area where they gathered was where they said they owned this land<br />
(emphasis added by lady). So this is my inheritance.<br />
4.3 Perspectives on Kanab Creek Ecoscape<br />
Kanab Creek, called Kanav 'uip (literally willow canyon) is a culturally special ecoscape<br />
within the Grand Canyon regional landscape. Physically the Kanab Creek ecoscape is defined by<br />
steep-sided canyons and streams. Culturally the Kanab Creek ecoscape is defined by its<br />
contribution to the aboriginal adaptation of Southern Paiute people and to their ethnic groups'<br />
survival during the<br />
84
historic period. Oral history accounts indicate that this ecoscape should be divided into the<br />
following reaches (1) upper basin (Alton to below Kanab at the confluence with Johnson Wash,<br />
(2) Kanab Creek - Johnson Wash confluence to the Colorado River, and (3) Skumtumpah Creek<br />
to Johnson Wash - Kanab Creek confluence. There was no oral history on the first and third<br />
reaches, so these are not discussed in this essay. However, ethnographic interviews were<br />
conducted there and are presented in Chapter Four.<br />
The Kanab Creek ecoscape (See Map E) is one of the most extensive canyon and stream<br />
ecosystems to join the Grand Canyon regional landscape. The greater Kanab Creek ecosystem,<br />
as defined by hydrology, is more than 60 miles north to south and 40 miles east to west. Kanab<br />
Creek begins in the mountains of southern <strong>Utah</strong> and flows to the south. The Kanab Creek<br />
ecoscape, as further defined by steep sided canyons, is significantly smaller, being about 30<br />
miles from the Colorado River to where canyon walls begin to appear at a location now on the<br />
Kaibab Paiute Indian reservation and about 30 miles from the upper portion of Snake Canyon in<br />
the east to the upper portion of Hack Canyon in the west.<br />
Aboriginally the Kanab Creek ecoscape fell within the territory or district of a local group<br />
of Southern Paiutes called the Kaibab Paiutes. Riverine and spring oasis farming were central to<br />
Kaibab Paiute aboriginal adaptation in this district, and the permanent waters of Kanab Creek<br />
were a key oasis. Kaibab Paiute people farmed the length of Kanab Creek oasis from Long<br />
Valley in the north to the delta on the Colorado River. Plants were also gathered in this special<br />
ecosystem; in fact, the term Kanab comes from the Paiute term kanav (willow). Similarly Kanav<br />
'uipi (willow canyon) refers to the large expanse of willows which grew near Paiute residences<br />
along this creek. Animals of all kinds lived and were hunted in this topographically unique<br />
ecosystem, making it even more valuable to Kaibab Paiutes. Finally, the Kanab Creek ecoscape<br />
defined one of the major north-south access trails from the mountains of southern <strong>Utah</strong> to the<br />
water boundary defined by the Colorado River. Along this trail was a two-way flow of goods and<br />
materials drawn from neighboring Indian tribes to the south, as well as the transhumant<br />
movement of plants and animals found at various ecology zones.<br />
The Kanab Creek ecoscape is a persistent region of refuge for Southern Paiutes,<br />
especially because it was used as a protected area between 1870 and 1900. This was a period<br />
marked by the<br />
1870 treaty between the Mormons and the Western Navajos. After this treaty, Mormon reliance<br />
on Southern Paiute labor declined, and the Southern Paiutes were systematically excluded from<br />
labor positions in Mormon settlements. After 1870, Southern Paiute people were increasingly<br />
driven into lower Kanab Creek where they farmed in relative isolation until the turn of the<br />
century. It was here, while in hiding from Europeans, that many Southern Paiutes gathered for<br />
the Ghost Dance ceremony in 1890, making white pictographs on the protective walls of Kanab<br />
Creek to commemorate the event.<br />
85
Kanab Creek is an ecoscape for Southern Paiutes because it represents a unique<br />
combination of the topography, plants, and animals which served a key role in their aboriginal<br />
adaptive strategies. Because of events during the historic period, Kanab Creek ecoscape also<br />
acquired special cultural importance to Southern Paiute people as a region of refuge.<br />
4.3.1 Bedrock Canyon Reach (Confluence Kanab Creek and Johnson Wash to Colorado<br />
River)<br />
Ghost Dance Site. There is a place in the upper portion of this reach where a Ghost Dance<br />
ceremony occurred. The Ghost Dance movement sought to restore dead animals, destroyed<br />
botanical landscapes, and dead ancestors to their aboriginal condition, so as to shift power from<br />
Euroamericans (who would not survive the event) back to Indian peoples. According to Indian<br />
visions, the millennium would occur more quickly if Indian people performed the Ghost Dance<br />
ceremony.<br />
The ceremony in Kanab Creek probably took place in 1890 when the second Ghost<br />
Dance movement passed through Southern Paiute society. At this site is an extensive set of white<br />
paint figures which are interpreted as being related to the ceremony. A Kaibab Paiute woman<br />
talked about the importance of this site to contemporary people when she said:<br />
History is written here -- the headless people are about the killing of Paiute<br />
people.<br />
Another Kaibab Paiute woman noted that:<br />
This is a good record of events, a part of history that took place including<br />
ceremonies. The whole panel is connected.<br />
Farming Site. There is a place along Kanab Creek which is interpreted as a place where<br />
Paiute people used to live and farm. This place is composed of areas for farms and homes, and<br />
rockshelters that contain several kinds of rock paintings associated with various types of<br />
paintings. One Kaibab Paiute elder noted the meaning of this place when she said:<br />
They lived here -- had good and bad experiences. There is a farming area in<br />
front of the rock shelters. The rocks have been cleared away from the bottom.<br />
The stenciled flowers could be squash plants in bloom. There is a counting<br />
system that is related to the farming system in the way of weeks when to plant<br />
and how long before harvest. The person who stencil painted the flowers was<br />
taken with the beauty of the flowers. There were Paiute villages below here<br />
with whole families in them. The deer were here and important to this<br />
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community. Any ceremony conducted at this location was giving thanks of<br />
offering from crops.<br />
Shaman's Cave Site. There is a cave in Kanab Creek that has many multi-colored rock<br />
paintings. The place and paintings have been interpreted as being associated with Southern<br />
Paiute shamans. The Kaibab Paiute people who visited have asked not to be quoted about this<br />
site, so documents from the early 1900 are used to further understand shamans in Kanab Creek.<br />
The place where these rock paintings are located, the kinds of rock paintings that are<br />
here, and especially the presence of one special rock painting (see Figure 6.28) called a possible<br />
knotted string, suggest that this place is part of a Southern Paiute songscape (see Chapter Four).<br />
The<br />
Southern Paiute people have two major categories of songscapes. One is connected with the trail<br />
to the afterlife. The other is connected to a traditional Southern Paiute system of trails which<br />
specialists followed when carrying messages, goods, and services. A knotted string, called<br />
tapitcapi (literally "the knotted") was sent out via specialists or runners to other Paiute people to<br />
inform them of events (Laird 1976:26-27). Perhaps the best account of these trails is provided by<br />
Carobeth Laird who was married to one of the last ritual runners from the Chemehuevi Southern<br />
Paiutes (1976:47-49).<br />
The trails were specifically created by the Southern Paiute people for travel by<br />
Chemehuevi Paiute runners. Because they passed from water source to water source across the<br />
rugged terrain of the Mohave Desert regional landscape, the trails were quite complex. They<br />
were often traveled at night as well. In order to remember the trail routes, the runners would<br />
learn a song that told the way. The trail songs described the path to be followed as well as<br />
encouraged the runner by recounting stories of mythic beings who traveled or established the<br />
same trail. The trail songs were so critical that ownership was limited to specific individuals and<br />
families, who maintained the songs and passed them from generation to generation as a heritage<br />
(Laird 1976:19-20, 268-276).<br />
One final bit of information about the religious importance of the Kanab Creek ecoscape<br />
comes from the 1932 to 1934 study of the Southern Paiutes by Isabel Kelly (1939:151-152). In<br />
her analysis of Paiute shamanism, she recorded the names of recent, but deceased shamans.<br />
Kelly's informants knew the names of twenty shamans from the Kaibab Paiute district, only two<br />
of these being women. One of these women shaman was named Tcantuya (slashed forehead).<br />
She lived in Kana diuip (willow canyon; Kanab Creek) and was the only shaman known by<br />
Kelly's informants to have lived in the Kanab Creek area. Tcantuya must have been powerful to<br />
singlehandedly attend to all spiritual needs of the people living in her area. It can be assumed that<br />
she practiced with her Kanab Creek people in the late 1880s before all the Indian people in the<br />
district were moved to the new Kaibab Paiute reservation in 1907.<br />
87
4.4 Conclusion<br />
Southern Paiute people see these two riverine ecosystems simultaneously as complete<br />
entities consisting of culturally meaningful components, and as parts of bigger ecoregions. These<br />
perspectives can serve as an introduction to the following more detailed chapters on these<br />
ecosystems and can be briefly summarized as follows:<br />
Virgin River Ecoscape: Main Stream<br />
The Virgin River Ecoscape drains the southern slope of the Markagunt Plateau along a<br />
geologic landscape known as the Pink Cliffs. Water from this area flows along the North<br />
Fork Virgin River, considered in this report to be the main stream. The East Fork Virgin<br />
River drains the eastern end of the Markagunt Plateau and a portion of the Paunsaugunt<br />
Plateau where it shares a watershed divide with the Kanab Creek Ecoscape.<br />
Upper Basin This area was used for hunting, gathering, and living. It contains a place<br />
where whole deer herds can hide within a mountain. Within this<br />
mountains another world which is like the surface world, but which exists<br />
below the ground. The two worlds have opposite dimensions, when one is<br />
day the other is night. Indian people can pass between the upper and lower<br />
worlds.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon This area was used for farming, hunting, gathering, and year round living.<br />
The area contains places of special cultural significance; some because<br />
they are powerful places, others are significant because historic events<br />
occurred here.<br />
Springdale to<br />
Hot Springs<br />
Hurricane to<br />
Virgin River<br />
Gorge<br />
Virgin River<br />
Gorge<br />
This area contains aboriginal farms and communities. The hot spring is<br />
very special and much is known about this place from direct experience.<br />
This area contains the "home of the wind" which has been<br />
transliterated as Hurricane. Farming activity and communities were<br />
located in Quail Creek as well as along the Virgin River.<br />
This area was a place of hunting and ceremony, but became a region of<br />
refuge during the historic period.<br />
88
Virgin RiverGorge to<br />
Muddy River This area contained farms, communities, and hunting and gathering<br />
areas. A traditional trail passed along the west side of the Virgin<br />
River. Another traditional trail came from Pipe Spring, passed south<br />
of the Virgin Peak Ridge and on to the confluence of the Virgin and<br />
Muddy Rivers. The major Southern Paiute salt cave was located<br />
downstream from the confluence of the Muddy River across from the<br />
historic town of St. Thomas, Nevada.<br />
Figure 4.4 Southern Paiute Elder Points to a Grinding Stone<br />
89
Kanab Creek Ecoscape: Main Stream<br />
The Kanab Creek Ecoscape shares much of its western watershed boundary with the<br />
Virgin River Ecoscape. The Kanab Creek Ecoscape begins on the southern flank of the<br />
Paunsaugunt Plateau. From here water flows south along two major drainages: Kanab<br />
Creek and Johnson Wash. Additional water flows from the east into Kanab Creek from<br />
the western flank of the Kaibab Plateau, especially through Snake Gulch and Jumpup<br />
Canyon. From the west, water flows into Kanab Creek from Antelope Valley, especially<br />
through Bulrush Wash, and from the Kanab Plateau, especially through Hack and Grama<br />
Canyons. The Kanab Creek Ecoscape ends when Kanab Creek flows in to the Colorado<br />
River.<br />
Alton to<br />
below Kanab This is an area of hunting and gathering ending at the agricultural<br />
fields near Kanab. The upper portion of Kanab Creek contains lakes used<br />
for ceremonial purposes. Pipe Spring was one of a number of similar<br />
places that combined shelter (Hart Canyon, Moccasin Canyon), natural<br />
resources, and water for agriculture. Many places of historic<br />
significance occur within this portion of the ecoscape. Pipe Spring<br />
acquired special significance because surrounding this spring is the only<br />
portion of aboriginal land in the Kanab Creek ecoscape that was reserved<br />
for Paiute people.<br />
Below Kanab to<br />
Colorado River This area contained farming, hunting, gathering, and ceremonial<br />
places. A Ghost Dance ceremonial area is found near a major source of<br />
white paint. A ceremonial cave is found deeper in the canyon. The<br />
bedrock canyon of Kanab Creek became a region of refuge for Southern<br />
Paiutes after 1870. An aboriginal trail existed along the length of the<br />
bedrock canyon. The confluence of Kanab Creek and the Colorado River<br />
was an area of cultural significance.<br />
The streams and washes which flow down side canyons into main stream canyons and<br />
valleys all contribute to the overall cultural meaning of the Virgin River and Kanab Creek<br />
ecosystems. These tributaries of the main stream are the focus of Chapters Five and Six.<br />
90
CHAPTER FIVE<br />
ZION NATIONAL PARK-VIRGIN RIVER ECOSCAPE<br />
SITE ANALYSIS<br />
According to Southern Paiute oral tradition, they have lived in and around what is now<br />
called <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> since they were created. According to some archaeologists, linguists,<br />
ethnographers and the Paiute people themselves, Paiutes were either living with or actually were<br />
a people called the Virgin Anasazi who lived in <strong>Zion</strong> long before 1250 AD, a date some<br />
archaeologists suggest for their arrival in the area. Today, the traditional Paiute lands contained<br />
within the park are perceived as being very culturally significant. <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. lands, however, are a<br />
part of other Paiute places that contribute to the overall cultural significance of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. This<br />
analysis takes an ecosystem approach in order to discuss how Southern Paiute cultural resources<br />
fit within the Virgin River ecosystem. The purpose of this chapter is to describe the results of the<br />
ethnohistoric and ethnographic overview of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and the Virgin River ecoscape within<br />
which the park is located.<br />
5.1 Study Methodology<br />
This chapter is based on both documents and interviews with Southern Paiute people<br />
while they visited places in the Virgin River ecoscape. Previous chapters have either focused on<br />
documents or interviews, however, this chapter mixes these to present a fine grained analysis of<br />
the Virgin River ecoscape.<br />
5.1.1 Documents Search<br />
Documents were reviewed to obtain information about the historical and current<br />
relationships between <strong>Zion</strong> and the Southern Paiute people. Documents were collected from: (1)<br />
the <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> natural and cultural resource library and the park archives, (2) the<br />
University of Arizona library, and (3) the Southern Paiute files of the researchers. Primary<br />
sources were consulted as available. However, the scope of this project prevented exhaustive<br />
searches in other locations where certainly other important original information about Southern<br />
Paiute cultural resources is to be found. In general, the document information presented in this<br />
chapter does not duplicate documents used elsewhere in this report. In a few cases, however,<br />
portions of key quotes are used again to reinforce a point critical for understanding the cultural<br />
significance of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. and the resources of the Virgin River ecoscape.<br />
5.1.2 Onsite Visits<br />
Fieldwork involved onsite visit to places in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and elsewhere in the<br />
Virgin River ecoscape. These onsite visits were designed to elicit contemporary Southern Paiute<br />
concerns for places, and the cultural resources those places contain. The fieldwork also was<br />
designed to obtain recommendations from tribal elders about how the NPS could best protect<br />
91
these places and resources in consultation with <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> personnel.<br />
The <strong>Zion</strong> onsite visits were conducted in two sessions. The first session occurred between<br />
June 4-6, 1995. Four Southern Paiute elders participated in this session. One elder represented<br />
the Cedar Band of the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (PITU); a second elder represented the Indian<br />
Peak Band of PITU; the third elder represented the Koosharem Band of PITU; and the fourth<br />
elder represented the Kaibab Paiute Tribe. During the second <strong>Zion</strong> session, which occurred<br />
between June 7-9, 1995, three elders represented the Kaibab Paiute Tribe and one elder<br />
represented the Shivwits Band of PITU.<br />
Ideally, the process of cultural resource assessment studies entails separate studies of<br />
specific, bounded cultural domains, or categories of knowledge regarding certain resource<br />
domains such as plants, animals, water, culture history, and the like. These knowledge domains<br />
may either be widely shared among culture bearers or widely dispersed among occupational<br />
specialists, elders, women, men, and religious leaders. A comparative analysis of ethnobotanical<br />
studies of Southern Paiute plant significance demonstrates that the number of interviews and the<br />
age and gender of participants, affect the researcher's ability to obtain systematic plant use data.<br />
These factors are determined by the scale of the research project and the availability of<br />
participants.<br />
Figure 5.1 The Project Botanist<br />
The sites included in the <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> onsite visits varied considerably in size and<br />
in the focal point that defined the site. Definition of the extent of the site was developed by<br />
consultation between the ethnographers and the project botanist. At Crater Hill and Parunuweap<br />
92
Canyon, areas with dispersed archaeological sites, the entire area through which the group hiked<br />
was considered to be the study site. At narrowly focused sites, such as Weeping Rock, Emerald<br />
Pools, and the Cave Valley rock art sites, the study site was confined to the area immediately<br />
surrounding the focal point.<br />
Once the study site was defined, the project botanist (Art Phillips) covered the study site<br />
as completely as possible. The project botanist prepared a list of all plant species observed,<br />
noting particularly all culturally significant species encountered, as identified by SPC consultants<br />
on previous projects in the region. New culturally significant species identified during this<br />
project were noted, and common and scientific names were provided to ethnographers. Welsh et<br />
al. (1993) is used as a standard reference for nomenclature for the lists; other references used to<br />
identify plants in the field are Kearney and Peebles (1960), Nelson (1976), and Welsh (1990).<br />
The botanist also prepared an overview environmental description of the study sites, including<br />
the exact location, elevation, general could be ascertained, and a brief description of the<br />
vegetation association and most important species. Finally, the botanist collected herbarium<br />
specimens of culturally significant plants. Specimens of each species were collected once or<br />
twice, either the first time encountered or as collectable specimens were found. Time constraints<br />
prevented collecting each plant known to be significant to Southern Paiutes at every site, or all<br />
species encountered, including those having no known significance. Plants were pressed in a<br />
standard plant press at the first opportunity, at least every evening. Three or four sheets of each<br />
species were collected, for deposit at the SPC Cultural Resources office, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, and<br />
the Northern Arizona University Herbarium. Collecting permits were provided by the <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong> Service for collecting at <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>.<br />
One of the places (Birch Creek) was visited at the request of Jack Burns, the Cultural<br />
Resource Specialist at <strong>Zion</strong>. The place is under consideration for development, and therefore is<br />
part of an Environmental <strong>Assessment</strong> (EA) sponsored by the <strong>Park</strong>. The site was visited to<br />
document potential ethnographic concerns. However, as it was very late in the EA process, the<br />
Southern Paiute interviews conducted at this place should be considered only as a part of a<br />
scoping visit. Further systematic work is required to adequately document Southern Paiute<br />
concerns for places potentially affected by development, and which are therefore the subject of<br />
this and other EA and EISs.<br />
A total of ten places were visited in the Virgin River ecoscape that contains <strong>Zion</strong><br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. Two of these places are located outside of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> boundaries. The<br />
upper East Fork Virgin River was visited on June 2, 1995. Four Kaibab Paiute elders participated<br />
in this visit. Pah Tempe Hot Springs, located where the Virgin River breaks through the<br />
Hurricane Cliffs, was visited on June 9, 1995, with three Kaibab elders and one Shivwits elder. A<br />
total of 32 interviews was conducted with Southern Paiute elders during both <strong>Zion</strong> field sessions.<br />
5.2 <strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong> of <strong>Zion</strong><br />
<strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> lies within the Virgin River ecoscape, which is defined by Southern<br />
Paiutes today as one of their most important cultural landscapes (see Chapter Four). The park<br />
includes two major canyons formed by the north and east forks of the Virgin River, mountains,<br />
valleys, and mesas. Southern Paiutes utilized the region in and around <strong>Zion</strong> for farming, hunting,<br />
93
visiting medicinal springs, and gathering plant and mineral resources. By 1861, when Mormon<br />
settlers moved into the canyons along the Virgin River, only a few Paiutes were still farming<br />
there. Written documentation of Southern Paiute occupation and use comes primarily from<br />
Mormon accounts (e.g. DeMille 1982), but also from the reports and diaries of explorers (e.g.<br />
Gregory 1948).<br />
5.2.1 General <strong>Overview</strong><br />
A brief chronology of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory in southwestern <strong>Utah</strong> was provided<br />
in Chapter One. The effects of the events described there were somewhat altered by the<br />
topography of the Virgin River ecoscape and the establishment of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. Table 5.1<br />
identifies five significant periods in Southern Paiute history at <strong>Zion</strong>. This report is a major effort<br />
within the most recent period when park service officials are seeking to establish government-togovernment<br />
relationships with Native Americans, including Southern Paiutes. Archaeologists<br />
first recorded Native American prehistoric sites in the 1930s, but the majority of archaeology<br />
work done with <strong>Zion</strong> has been conducted in response to proposed development projects and<br />
boundary changes (NPS 1994). Broader cultural resource issues have only recently begun to<br />
receive significant attention. <strong>Zion</strong>'s most recent Resource Management Plan (NPS 1994)<br />
provides considerably greater emphasis on cultural resources than did earlier versions (e.g. NPS<br />
1987).<br />
Figure 5.2 <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
94
Table 5.1 Significant Periods of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory at <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
Time Period<br />
Creation<br />
European and Euro-American<br />
Activities<br />
Pre-1520 None recorded. Aboriginal period.<br />
Encroachment<br />
1520-1865<br />
Europeans and their diseases enter<br />
the region.<br />
Southern Paiute Response<br />
Southern Paiutes occupy core areas of primary<br />
residence within an extensive territory of seasonal<br />
use areas. They farm along the Virgin River and its<br />
tributaries and harvest wild cultigens and hunt<br />
game in the surrounding uplands.<br />
1865-1869<br />
Lost Time<br />
Euro-American trappers and<br />
traders travel frequently along the<br />
Old Spanish Trail, passing along<br />
the Virgin River below <strong>Zion</strong>.<br />
Southern Paiutes move away from the Virgin River<br />
where it is near the Old Spanish Trail. Disease<br />
causes major disruption of traditional<br />
organizational patterns. Leadership is transferred to<br />
Tonaquint. Paiutes continue to farm along both the<br />
eastern and northern forks of the Virgin River in<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap Canyons and at Rockville.<br />
1870-1902<br />
Mormons occupy <strong>Zion</strong> and<br />
Parunuweap Canyons and establish<br />
numerous small towns. When<br />
small towns are abandoned, the<br />
population becomes concentrated<br />
at places like Rockville, just south<br />
of <strong>Zion</strong>, but Mormons continue to<br />
farm within the canyons.<br />
Individual Southern Paiutes relinquish what<br />
remains of their control over their farms and the<br />
rivers in <strong>Zion</strong>. Some continue to live in the area<br />
and work as hunters, farmers, and guides for the<br />
Mormons. Others leave and join labor gangs<br />
working in nearby mines, etc.<br />
Reservation<br />
1903-1989<br />
Any Mormons still living or<br />
farming within the canyons are<br />
removed as <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> is<br />
established and expanded. The<br />
park is established to protect the<br />
erosional features of the area, but<br />
the Mormons establish a strong<br />
presence there.<br />
Religious ceremonies, such as an<br />
Easter pageant, are held within the<br />
park.<br />
Southern Paiutes generally remain excluded from<br />
the park due to governmental restrictions and<br />
Mormon use. Some reenter the park to work on<br />
building the road and live at the CCC camps during<br />
the 1930s. Many avoid the park because they have<br />
to pay a fee to drive through. Some Southern Paiute<br />
elders participate in handicraft demonstrations, etc.<br />
at <strong>Zion</strong>.<br />
95
1989-1996<br />
A cultural resources program is<br />
established at <strong>Zion</strong>. <strong>Park</strong> service<br />
officials seek to establish formal<br />
government- to-government<br />
relationships with Native<br />
Americans with cultural affiliation<br />
to the park and/or resources there.<br />
The Southern Paiute Consortium enters into a comanagement<br />
agreement with the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
Service for an ethnographic overview and<br />
assessment of <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring.<br />
5.2.2 The Encroachment Period (1520 - 1865)<br />
By 1776, Southern Paiutes were found living and farming along the Paruru, later named<br />
the Virgin River by Father Escalante, below <strong>Zion</strong>. These Southern Paiutes were observed<br />
because the Old Spanish Trail followed the Virgin River from its intersection with Ash Creek to<br />
below its intersection with the Muddy River. The Spanish Trail was so-named because it was the<br />
route followed by Father Escalante during his 1776 expedition (Bolton 1950) and was later used<br />
by miners, trappers, and explorers throughout the nineteenth century (see Wheeler 1877). Most<br />
early travelers kept few if any records. Governmental restrictions on trading with American<br />
Indians made it unlikely that private traders would leave any record of their activities. Historians<br />
have nevertheless inferred, from the occasional records that have been uncovered, that trade<br />
between the Spanish and the Utes was apparently continuous during the entire period from 1765-<br />
1776 (Hill 1930).<br />
Fairly unique in his time, explorer Jedediah Smith recorded his interactions with the<br />
Paiute Indians who were farming along the Santa Clara River and his discovery of Indian<br />
artifacts in a salt cave on the Virgin River in 1827 (Shutler 1961:1). In the fall of 1830, trappers<br />
George C. Yount and William Wolfskill travelled along the Virgin River to its confluence with<br />
the Colorado, apparently following Smith's trail (Camp 1923; Woodbury 1931). The results of a<br />
trading expedition through the area around 1841 have also been recorded (Adams 1930), as have<br />
the findings of members of the Fremont expedition who traversed the region in 1844 (Fremont<br />
1845). During his 1949-50 exploration of the Virgin River, explorer Parley P. Pratt noted that the<br />
Indians were raising good crops by irrigation (Larson 1950:36).<br />
Unfortunately, the heavy use of the Spanish Trail yielded relatively little information<br />
about Southern Paiute lifestyles along the Virgin River near <strong>Zion</strong>. The lack of traveler accounts<br />
may have occurred because in the late 1700s the Spanish Trail from Santa Fe to California was<br />
often used for illegal commerce. Another reason was that many of the traders over the Spanish<br />
Trail were not literate or did not have a sense of making history as did later travelers. A third,<br />
and perhaps principal reason for the absence of information, is that early travelers brought<br />
diseases and hostile interactions to Southern Paiutes, who were forced to move away from major<br />
corridors of Euroamerican travel.<br />
Significant Euroamerican encroachment into this region began much earlier than in other<br />
areas occupied by Southern Paiutes. By the arrival of Escalante in 1776, Paiutes who were met<br />
near Coal Creek, a few miles above Cedar City, <strong>Utah</strong>, would "only trade for red clothes," an<br />
indication that they had been in some contact with Europeans (Bolton 1950:201). Whereas<br />
elsewhere written documentation is available from sources such as Mormon diaries and<br />
96
newspaper accounts, by the time the Mormons arrived near <strong>Zion</strong>, the patterns of Southern Paiute<br />
life had already been severely altered. In addition, by the time anthropologists began<br />
interviewing Southern Paiutes in the 1930s, several generations had passed since Paiutes had<br />
lived and farmed in and below <strong>Zion</strong>. Consequently, much of the discussion of the Southern<br />
Paiutes living along the Virgin River during the Creation period is speculative.<br />
Southern Paiute Groups in the Virgin River Ecoscape. The first recorded mention of a<br />
group of Southern Paiutes along the Virgin River is Escalante's discussion of the "Parrusis"<br />
Indians he found living at the confluence of the Virgin River and Ash Creek raising corn and<br />
other garden crops in irrigated fields. These Indians, the Parussits, were a subgroup of Paiutes<br />
(Palmer 1928a). Their name was derived from Parussi, the Paiute name for the Virgin River,<br />
meaning whirling water (see Palmer 1928a, Palmer 1928b, and Martineau 1992 for discussions).<br />
Thus, Parurutsits refers to Virgin River Paiutes. Martineau (1992:162) states that both the<br />
Parurutsits and the Tonaquint people, members of the Shivwits/Santa Clara district, were referred<br />
to as "Farm People." Presnall (1936:5,11) distinguishes the "Pa-roos-itsn," the Paiutes living<br />
along the lower part of the Virgin River, from the "I-oo-goo-intsn," and he also refers to the<br />
Paiutes who lived at the confluence of the Virgin River and Ash Creek as the "To-ker-ats."<br />
Nearly all the historical data of the early settlement of the Virgin River indicate that the<br />
Paiutes recognized political leadership. Mormon accounts from the 1850s describe a multi-level<br />
system of political organization among the Southern Paiute people at the time the Mormons<br />
began to colonize the Santa Clara and that the highest-level political leader was Chief Tutsigavits<br />
(e.g., Bleak 1928:129, Hamblin 1951:15, Brooks 1972:104). One Mormon account described the<br />
subgroups as follows:<br />
(T)he Pah-utes, in the south, were broken up into fragmentary bands, each with its<br />
own chief, but recognizing no general leadership. The Moapas, occupying the<br />
Muddy valley and lower Rio Virgin, were led by To-sho; the Tonaquint and Parusche<br />
Indians, on the Santa Clara and Upper Virgin, by Tut-se-gavit; the Kai-bab<br />
(Mountain That Lies Down) Indians, by the father of Kanab Frank, whose name<br />
the writer has forgotten, while a branch of this same tribe, which extended to the<br />
San Juan River... (Ivins 1916:2).<br />
Woodbury (1950:117) also argues that "the Virgin River Indians (the Parrusits) were<br />
dominated by a chief of the band living on the Santa Clara sometimes referred to as the<br />
Tonaquintits." Although the individual accounts were frequently inaccurate and none can be<br />
accepted as the work of trained ethnographers, the consistent references to the various local<br />
groups deserve attention.<br />
Based on the review of all references to the Paiutes who once lived near and within <strong>Zion</strong>,<br />
there appear to have been two groups living along the Virgin River, the Parurutsits and members<br />
of the Ua'ayukunants district. The Parurutsits lived in the region along the Virgin from Ash<br />
Creek to the Santa Clara River and were members of the Shivwits/Santa Clara district.<br />
According to Palmer (1928b:44),<br />
(T)he Parrus tribe was well known to all the older Indians I have interviewed, but<br />
they are now all gathered to their fathers on the happy hunting grounds. There<br />
were also small bands living at what is now Berry Springs and Washington fields,<br />
on the Virgin River that were called Parrusis or more correctly Parrus-its.<br />
97
The Ua'ayukunants lived upstream from the headwaters of the Virgin River to just below<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. Because they were part of the same regional subtribe, Yanawant, as the<br />
Tonaquints and Parurutsits who lived along the Santa Clara River, their response to European<br />
and Euroamerican encroachment was reorganization rather than disappearance, as Palmer and<br />
others have suggested.<br />
The Virgin River and its tributaries experience alternating cycles of deposition and<br />
erosion. Nevertheless, the Shivwits/Santa Clara and the Ua'ayukunants people had developed<br />
irrigated agriculture and were identified both within the Southern Paiute nation and beyond as<br />
farmers. For instance, in the summer of 1857, a Mormon settler who visited the Santa Clara<br />
River observed "13 Indian dams across the stream above the Santa Clara Fort" (Brooks 1950:32).<br />
Numerous references have been made to these as distinct groups of people living along the<br />
Virgin and Santa Clara Rivers who appear to have had equal status with other districts such as<br />
the Kaibab people (Palmer 1928, 1946; Presnall 1936). For instance, a Paiute legend describes<br />
how the Ua'ayukunants were preparing for the annual meeting of the council of chiefs.<br />
According to Palmer's (1946:29-30) rendering of the tale, "Three more sleeps and I-oo-goone<br />
will be filled with our friends. The Kaibab-its are coming. The Uint-kar-its are coming. The<br />
Shivwits and Tono-quints and many bands of Pah-roos-its are on their way. "<br />
These groups had their own leaders. Among the most well-known of the Parurutsits<br />
leaders was Chief Toquer who, as early as 1852, interacted with the Mormon settlers (Wakeling<br />
and Jackson 1950, Brooks 1950b). Similarly, William W. Seegmiller, an early settler, concluded<br />
that Mukuntuweap, a name Powell applied to <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, was actually the name of Mukun, a<br />
chief of the Virgin River Indians (Woodbury 1950:114). Tony Tillahash, a Southern Paiute who<br />
was raised at Shivwits, differentiated between Mukuntuweap, the name that Paiutes applied to<br />
the lower part of Parunuweap Canyon, and Muhuntuweap, the name applied to lower <strong>Zion</strong><br />
Canyon. Tillahash asserted that "Muhuntuweap simply means the land of Muhun, Tony's<br />
maternal grandfather" (Presnall1936:4). According to Tillahash, Paiutes used the name "I-oogoon",<br />
which means a quiver made of sand rock, to "designate all the circle of white sandstone<br />
cliffs which from Grafton are seen to encompass the <strong>Zion</strong> region" (Presnall 1936:4). The Paiute<br />
group inhabiting this entire region was called the Ua'ayukunants.<br />
Impacts of Slave Raiding. By the early 1800s, Southern Paiutes were being impacted by slave<br />
raids conducted by the Ute Indians. By that time, the Spanish and the Utes had forged a solid<br />
relationship (Snow 1929). The Old Spanish Trail was a commonly used route for the slave<br />
traders:<br />
After the Spanish Trail accomplished its purpose of tying the long arms of the<br />
empire together north of the Grand Canyon, it was necessary that the road be kept<br />
open. Roads are kept open by the business and traffic that flows over them. . . The<br />
chief products of the trail were Indian slaves and peltries. This traffic had its<br />
clearance at Santa Fe, the capital of the Province of New Mexico, where licenses<br />
for trapping and hunting were issued which included the right to capture or trade<br />
for Pahute Indian slaves (Palmer in Knell 1950:19).<br />
98
Accounts of the extent and impacts of the slave market on the Paiutes are common. A<br />
Native American woman who accompanied a trading expedition traveling south from the Pacific<br />
Northwest recorded the following after entering Paiute territory six days south of the Great Salt<br />
Lake:<br />
Their great enemies were the Spaniards of Taos and California, who always when<br />
they could, robbed them of their women and children, leaving nothing but the<br />
men and the aged women, thus making their desolation more disconsolate. Their<br />
captive women were led to breed with their captors and to work them and sell<br />
them like cattle. For these reasons they always fled from us until they knew what<br />
we were, although some of us were of similar brand (Adams 1930:9).<br />
After his 1853 expedition to the Pacific, G. H. Heap recorded the following:<br />
Yearly expeditions are fitted out in New Mexico to trade with the Pah-<strong>Utah</strong>s for<br />
their children and recourse is often had to foul means to force their parents to part<br />
with them. So common is it to make a raid for this purpose, that it is considered as<br />
no more objectionable than to go on a buffalo or a mustang hunt (Heap 1854).<br />
In 1854, Jacob Hamblin was called upon to help the Southern Paiutes resist Ute raids:<br />
It had been the habit of this Ute chief to raid the Paiute band nearly every winter,<br />
and when word came that he was on his way, the Indian were filled with fear. The<br />
chief, Tutsegavit, came to the Mormon missionaries and asked if they would help<br />
fight Sanpitch (Brooks 1944:14).<br />
Problems with slave raids continued to be reported by both Mormon missionaries and Indian<br />
agents throughout the 1850s and into the 1860s (e.g. Ives 1861).<br />
Impacts of Disease. In many cases, Europeans and Euroamericans entered Southern Paiute<br />
territory and brought significant changes, many which they did not intend and most of which<br />
they were largely unaware. For example, diseases were brought to the region by both Native<br />
American and foreign traders and explorers, and these caused massive disruption and dislocation<br />
long after their carriers had moved on or died. Even efforts by the Mormons to rescue children<br />
destined for the slave markets had often devastating results:<br />
A surprising number of Indian children in white homes died in childhood or early<br />
adolescence; they seem to have had little resistance to white man's diseases,<br />
especially measles (Brooks 1944:33).<br />
Communicable diseases were undoubtedly spread to Southern Paiutes in the sixteenth,<br />
seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The first recorded evidence of the impacts of such<br />
diseases was Jedediah Smith's report of seeing burned Paiute lodges on the Santa Clara River but<br />
no people or sign of their presence (Morgan 1953). Smith was evidently recording the Southern<br />
Paiute response to the 1826 measles epidemic among Pueblo peoples that spread to Southern<br />
Paiutes through trade (Stoffle, Jones, and Dobyns 1995). Mormon settlers did not enter the<br />
immediate vicinity of <strong>Zion</strong> until 1858, but they had begun to occupy Southern Paiute territory<br />
99
elsewhere as early as 1851. They rapidly colonized the region, especially the riverine oasis<br />
agricultural areas. For example, in nineteen villages established between 1851 and 1871,<br />
Mormon families irrigated fields that had previously been controlled by Paiutes (Stoffle, Jones,<br />
and Dobyns 1995).<br />
The Parurutsits and Ua'ayukunants were among the first Paiute groups to be severely<br />
impacted by European and Euroamerican encroachment because heavy travel occurred through<br />
and near their homes, and they were closely associated with riverine environments through<br />
which diseases could spread very rapidly. It is likely that, after suffering severe population loss<br />
and being unable to return to their homes, their members became consolidated under the<br />
Shivwits/Santa Clara leaders because of their association with a riverine lifestyle. Because their<br />
populations and farming centers had been significantly altered by the time the Mormons actually<br />
arrived near <strong>Zion</strong> and because the new settlers were eager to gain control over the riverine<br />
systems, the Mormons and other Euroamericans ignored the evidence that these people were<br />
farmers and argued that they were unable to use the land effectively (see Stoffle and Evans<br />
1976). A common sentiment of the period is expressed in the following excerpt from the report<br />
of the U. S. Geographical Surveys of the early 1870s:<br />
Reflection makes it apparent that not only is the large area reserved greatly in<br />
excess of any actual need of the Indian, especially when their roving and<br />
predatory habits are abandoned, but also that these large tracts impede the<br />
harmonious and homogenous settlement of these regions, now being availed of<br />
for farms, homes, mines, mills, and workshops…it is safe to assume that the land<br />
that might be spared by the Indian could be made the home of 3,000,000 farmers<br />
and stockgrowers… (Wheeler 1889:214).<br />
Assuming from the start that the Paiutes had little social or political organization, the distinctions<br />
between the various subgroups went largely unnoticed; small groups and individuals were<br />
usually identified merely as "Paiutes" with no subgroup affiliation. Yet, according to Woodbury<br />
(1950:121):<br />
At the time of the white settlement of the Virgin River Valley in the 50's and 60's,<br />
there were perhaps a thousand Parrusits in various bands along the stream with<br />
their principal camping places near Rockville, Virgin City, Toquerville,<br />
Washington Fields and Santa Clara. These all appear to have recognized the<br />
leadership of Chief Tut-se-gavits, head of the Tonaquint band living on the Santa<br />
Clara Creek, and to have been held together under regular tribal control.<br />
A Mormon settler wrote, “The Indians (I-oo-gune-intz), one of a dozen little bands of the Ute<br />
Indians who inhabited Rockville, became an accepted part of the community.” (Hall in Brooks<br />
1950b:33).<br />
100
5.2.3 The Encroachment Period (1865 - 1869)<br />
Although Mormon settlers had begun producing cotton along the Santa Clara River by<br />
1855, documented Euroamerican entry into <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon did not occur until 1858 when the<br />
Mormons began seeking new sites to establish communities (see <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon below). In that<br />
year, Brigham Young sent scouts to explore the region between California and Salt Lake City<br />
and identify sites for hundreds of small towns that were to become part of the "Mormon<br />
Corridor." The corridor was part of a colonization scheme that was designed to enable Mormon<br />
converts to travel safely through the region under constant care of other Mormons. A road<br />
through the area was begun in 1859 (Markoff<br />
1982).<br />
By the time Mormon settlers began to settle along the Virgin River, Southern Paiute<br />
populations had been impacted by the extensive travel in the region and Mormon colonization of<br />
nearby areas such as the Santa Clara River. The Paiute social and political system was under<br />
significant stress, and the settlers who moved into the <strong>Zion</strong> region received little resistance:<br />
The coming of the Mormon pioneers gradually upset the Paiute government. The<br />
whites frequently settled on Indian camp sites and occupied Indian farming lands.<br />
Their domestic livestock ate the grass that formerly supplied the Indians with<br />
seed, and crowded out deer and other game upon which they largely subsisted.<br />
This interference with their movements and the reduction in the food supply<br />
tended eventually to bring the Indians into partial dependence on the whites<br />
(Woodbury 1950:122).<br />
The Establishment of Towns and Irrigation Ditches. Several towns, including Grafton,<br />
Adventure, and Northrop, were established near <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon beginning in 1859. In 1861, the<br />
town of Shunesberg was established on the site of an abandoned Paiute village through the<br />
purchase of land from a Paiute farmer (see Parunuweap Canyon below). These towns were<br />
established quickly because groups of families were sent into the region with specific<br />
instructions about where to settle and how to organize their settlements. Nevertheless, they faced<br />
significant challenges, particularly in their attempts to irrigate along the river and its tributaries.<br />
Mormons were attempting to settle along the Virgin River during a period of deposition, so<br />
farming was difficult in many places because of frequent and massive floods; Mormon accounts<br />
are full of tales about how dams and farms were washed away (see Bradshaw 1950):<br />
101
Figure 5.3 Modern agriculture and homes along Ash Creek and the Hurricane Cliffs where<br />
Southern Paiutes traditionally farm.<br />
The Virgin River taxed to the utmost the strength and patience of those who<br />
stayed. Summer floods and the high waters of the melting snows made their<br />
efforts to get the water on to the fine land on the left bank of the stream a<br />
perpetual nightmare. The first dam was built in 1857; it was washed out twice that<br />
season. This misfortune was repeated in 1858, and in 1859 the structure was<br />
destroyed three times. This process was repeated for about thirty years with<br />
monotonous regularity (Larson 1950:39).<br />
The pioneers soon learned that the Virgin River carries a tremendous load of silt<br />
in times of high water and flood, and the only remedy they knew was the<br />
expenditure of an abnormal amount of "elbow grease" at monotonously regular<br />
intervals which seemed to come all too often. The [Virgin] ditch was six miles<br />
long, three feet deep, and six feet wide, and the tunnel was over 900 feet in length.<br />
The ditch broke incessantly (Larson 1950:42). For example, heavy rain began in<br />
late December 1861 and continued nonstop for more than a month. Several towns<br />
and the irrigation dams and ditches that supported their farms were completely<br />
destroyed. Some of these, such as Grafton and Adventure, were abandoned after<br />
the floods and reestablished on higher ground.<br />
The Mormon settlers' efforts to control the floods brought significant changes to the<br />
riverine system and appear to have increased downcutting and erosion in many places. For<br />
example, several Mormon accounts describe Ash Creek as a small, narrow stream when the<br />
settlers arrived:<br />
102
When they first came here our Ash Creek was a ditch one could jump across, but<br />
the storms and erosion have caused it to become as it is now (Wakeling and<br />
Jackson1950:257).<br />
In 1859, the Virgin River, at the site where Virgin City was established, was also significantly<br />
altered by the attempts to create dams in the wrong places:<br />
The river was dammed by the simple expedient of placing a big log athwart the<br />
stream, the ends of the log resting in slots cut in the sod of the river's banks.<br />
Smaller trees were then placed in the river with the butt ends resting on th [sic]<br />
log and the limbs pointing up-stream. The dam and ditch at Virgin were destroyed<br />
by the great flood of 1862, and much of the good farming land was washed away<br />
(Larson 1950:41).<br />
The settlers difficulties in farming along the river increased their impacts on the Southern<br />
Paiutes who continued to live in the area. For example, the town of Rockville was established in<br />
1862 on a Paiute campsite after the town of Adventure was destroyed by Virgin River floods in<br />
January of that year. At that time, Paiute camps were also located across the Virgin River from<br />
Northrup, in the foothills across from Rockville, and at the lower end of Springdale. When the<br />
settlers first arrived at Rockville, they recorded the presence of 200-300 Paiutes, apparently<br />
Ua'ayukunants, living in the vicinity (Bradshaw 1950:286, Brooks 1950a, Brooks 1950b).<br />
According to one Mormon account:<br />
At first the Indians were quite suspicious of the whites, thinking that they were<br />
going to steal their land and push them out of their homes. By following the<br />
advice of Brigham Young to feed the Indians instead of fight them, the people in<br />
Rockville and surrounding communities were able to make friends with them and<br />
for some years they lived in peace together. Sometimes the Indians would attend<br />
the ward gatherings (Bradshaw 1950:286).<br />
By repeatedly occupying and taking control of most of the region's resources upon which the<br />
Paiutes depended, the Mormons caused the Paiutes to disperse. According to a descendant of the<br />
earliest settlers:<br />
[The Indians] were kind of scattered down here. There were Indians off and on<br />
through here. I think they were more out here on the plain, on the Strip. They used<br />
to come in here in Rockville. I heard them stay and raid the crops. They came<br />
from out in the direction of the plain. One of the Millets, a big fellow, came in<br />
here. He took those Indians out. They were scared to death of him. He was a big<br />
strong man. He picked a couple of them up and batted their heads together and<br />
after that they just cleaned right out. That was one man they were really scared of.<br />
I don't think they had too much trouble. They gave the Indians a lot here, to have<br />
peace (A. DeMille 1982:14).<br />
Also in 1862, the town of Springdale was established, and a few settlers built their homes<br />
and began farming within <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon (see <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon below). An influx of new settlers in<br />
103
the fall of 1862 caused the expansion of the remaining towns. However, insufficient crops in<br />
1862 and 1863 drove many settlers away so that, by 1864, a church census recorded 765<br />
individuals from 129 families distributed along the upper Virgin River (Woodbury 1950:154).<br />
Impacts to Resource Access<br />
The Mormon settlers caused tremendous impacts to the remaining Southern Paiutes.<br />
Extensive trade networks had made it possible for Paiutes to exchange agricultural products with<br />
resources that were gathered and hunted in other parts of Southern Paiute territory. The loss of<br />
major agricultural centers was a significant disruption. Then, in addition to occupying key<br />
farming sites, Mormon ranching practices caused serious damage to the other resources upon<br />
which Southern Paiutes depended. Livestock, in particular, destroyed the uncultivated plants that<br />
were harvested and served as a mainstay of the Paiute diet:<br />
Among the plants, grass seed was a staple article of diet. It could be gathered in<br />
those days almost anywhere, though the grass has largely disappeared since the<br />
advent of the white man's horses, cattle and sheep (Woodbury 1950:119).<br />
The livestock business flourished for several years near <strong>Zion</strong> as settlements along the Virgin<br />
River established cattle and sheep herds. Mormon settlers depended on their livestock for work<br />
and food. In addition, Church members frequently paid their tithing in livestock, so the Church<br />
owned many cattle. As the livestock herds increased in size, the settlers had to extend their<br />
grazing ranges. According to one account:<br />
The up-river settlements, Springdale, Rockville, Grafton, and Virgin, all took<br />
quite a prominent part in the livestock business. They had the advantage of the<br />
Kolob Mountains for summer and the Hurricane Valley for winter, so that the two<br />
ranges together made it very ideal for the business. These people took advantage<br />
of their opportunity and almost every man had from a few head to several hundred<br />
head of cattle, from which they derived a good revenue (Fawcett 1950).<br />
Other domesticated animals, although fewer in number, created impacts as well. For example,<br />
one individual reported that the settlers kept pigs on the rim of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon and "brought them<br />
down in the fall of the year when there were a lot of acorns" (D. DeMille 1982:11).<br />
Interactions between Southern Paiutes and Mormon Settlers<br />
Disease also continued to cause depopulation. For example, a malaria epidemic struck<br />
settlements along the Virgin and Santa Clara Rivers in the late 1850s (Larson 1950:39).<br />
Woodbury (1950:122) provides the following quote from a Kaibab elder:<br />
When white man come, lotsa Injuns here; alla same white man now. Injuns heap<br />
yai- quay [meaning lots of them die]; maybe so six, maybe so five, maybe so two<br />
in night. Purty soon all gone. White man, he come; raise'm pompoose. Purty soon<br />
lotsa white man.<br />
104
By June 1866, due to the Black Hawk Indian Wars that caused the withdrawal of<br />
Mormon settlers from many small towns, only three of the fifteen or sixteen Mormon settlements<br />
that had been established throughout southern <strong>Utah</strong> and northern Arizona remained.<br />
Although many Mormon diaries and newspaper accounts describe the Paiutes as starving<br />
and desperate people, scattered through these reports are statements attributing the survival of the<br />
early settlers to the assistance they received from the Paiutes in both hunting and farming:<br />
I was talking to Frank Petty's boy, Frank, in Cedar City. He was telling me about<br />
his grandfather. He said his father was a gunsmith and he had quite a few guns.<br />
He would give the guns to the Indians and furnish them with so many rounds of<br />
ammunition, powder. In return for that the Indians would hunt deer and they<br />
would take a share of the deer. He said that really helped those early pioneers get<br />
through. He said it helped the Indians and it helped them (D. DeMille 1982:4).<br />
A small group of Indian missionaries led by Jacob Hamblin established<br />
themselves at Santa Clara, or Tonaquint Station as they called it, in December of<br />
1854. Assisted by the Indians, in February they built a dam in the Santa Clara,<br />
plowed the land, and planted wheat and vegetables (Larson 1950:37).<br />
The Southern Paiutes at times organized resistance against the Mormon settlers, but their<br />
populations along the Virgin River were so reduced by the time the Mormons began to establish<br />
their settlements that only limited resistance was possible. When other Indian groups,<br />
particularly the Navajo, crossed the Colorado River to raid Mormon settlements and Paiute<br />
camps, many Paiutes joined the Mormons to resist these attacks and thereby gained some<br />
bargaining power. However, after the Mormons negotiated a peace agreement in 1872, the Paiute<br />
warriors were no longer needed by the Mormon settlers, and the Paiutes were overwhelmed by<br />
their Mormon competitors (Stoffle and Evans 1976).<br />
5.2.4 Lost Time (1870 - 1902)<br />
The Virgin River and <strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap Canyons were included in the U. S.<br />
geographical surveys of the early 1870s. In 1872, Major John Wesley Powell and other members<br />
of the U. S. Geological Survey visited <strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap Canyons (Wheeler 1889, Gregory<br />
1948). Although their numbers were greatly reduced, Paiutes continued to inhabit the country<br />
around Santa Clara Creek and parts of the Muddy and Virgin Valleys (Wheeler 1889:54). The<br />
Shivwits were living along the valley of the Colorado River, in the Grand Wash, and in the<br />
canyons and valleys leading into it. By 1880, their tribal organization had broken down to such<br />
an extent that surveyors reported the Shivwits Indians to be "a small nomadic tribe, who live<br />
along the narrow cañon valleys, planting small patches of corn, wheat, and watermelons,<br />
subsisting in part by the chase and upon roots, mice, etc," (Wheeler 1889:285). Similar accounts<br />
of wandering Paiutes led Mormons and U. S. government officials to almost completely ignore<br />
their existence.<br />
The Mormons did not develop mining during the initial colonization of southern <strong>Utah</strong>,<br />
and in 1872, the U.S. surveyors found only surface mines developed (Wheeler 1889:54).<br />
105
However, mountain mines had already been opened in several locations by that time, and the<br />
route to Pioche, Nevada was the principal route for east-west communication and travel<br />
(Wheeler 1889:55). Mining attracted many additional people to the region. In addition, Southern<br />
Paiute labor gangs became tied to mines throughout the region by the 1880s.<br />
By the 1880s, visits to <strong>Zion</strong> were becoming more common and the region was gaining national<br />
attention for its geologic features. Mormon settlers continued to farm in <strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap<br />
Canyons until the 1900s.<br />
5.2.5 The Reservation Period (1903 - 1996)<br />
By the time the U.S. government sought to provide assistance to the Paiutes living in the<br />
Virgin River ecoscape, their land base had largely been lost and their tribal organization had<br />
been significantly altered. Nevertheless, the Southern Paiutes continued to recognize local and<br />
national leaders. For example, members of a special U. S. Commission appointed to examine the<br />
condition of several tribes, including Southern Paiutes, attempted to meet with both principal and<br />
subordinate Paiute chiefs (U.S. House of Representatives 1874). It would be more than<br />
generation before one of these political leaders (Shem) would have the chance to be officially<br />
recognized as a leader and he and his people begin a new life on reserved lands (Shivwits Indian<br />
Reservation) with a reserved water right (Santa Clara River).<br />
In February 23, 1891, the Fifty-Second Congress set aside lands, water, and funds for the<br />
first and only reservation ever to be established in the Virgin River ecosystem. This Act of<br />
Congress (Public No. 105) said:<br />
For the temporary support of the Shebit tribe of Indians in Washington County,<br />
<strong>Utah</strong>, and to enable them to become self-supporting, the purchase of<br />
improvements on lands situated near the Santa Clara River on which to locate said<br />
Indians. The purchase of animals, implements, seeds, clothing and other necessary<br />
articles, for the erection of houses and for the temporary employment of a person<br />
to supervise these purchases and their distribution to the Shebits, ten thousand<br />
dollars. This item to be immediately available.<br />
In response to the Congressional act, John Nobel, Secretary of the Commissioner of Indian<br />
Affairs sent Special Agent George W. <strong>Park</strong>er to visit these Indians to examine the land where<br />
they were residing and see whether it was suitable to make allotments, and whether there was<br />
enough unappropriated public land there for that purpose (Nobel letter dated April 13, 1891).<br />
<strong>Park</strong>er reported that the lands on the Santa Clara River above the Mormon village of Santa Clara<br />
were non- surveyed, and therefore it was only necessary for the U.S. Federal government to buy<br />
improvement of the settlers, but not necessary for the U.S. Federal government to purchase the<br />
land (Nobel letter dated April 13, 1891).<br />
In May of 1891, the Federal government acquired without purchase some one hundred<br />
acres of land on the Santa Clara River and designated Anthony Ivins, a prominent Mormon<br />
leader, as the agent to relocate the Indian people from throughout Washington County, <strong>Utah</strong> and<br />
the Shivwits Plateau onto that Indian farm. Ivins reported in a letter dated June 10, 1891, to the<br />
106
Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the three Mormon families (Abram Woodbury,<br />
Laura Knight, and Elizabeth Conger) vacated the improvements and premises referred to about<br />
May 1st, and that he took possession of the same and put a few of the most reliable of the Shebit<br />
Indians to work cleaning the canals, and that the prospect was good for a fair crop of beans, corn,<br />
melons, and etc. According the Ivins' letter:<br />
I am furnishing the Indians who are at work with a little flour and have promised<br />
them a beef tomorrow. This is necessary as they have nothing to subsist upon<br />
until their crops mature.<br />
Ivins wrote on August 24, 1891, about the status of the new Shibet Reservation:<br />
That you may more fully understand the character of these lands upon which it is<br />
designed to locate the Shebits, and where the greater part of the tribe are now<br />
engaged in farming, I will say that the Santa Clara River at this point and in fact<br />
throughout its...course, flows through a narrow canyon and the farming lands<br />
along it's banks are of necessity and at best long and narrow strips of land. From<br />
the farms formerly occupied by Laura Knight to the farm occupied by Abraham<br />
Woodbury it is about six miles. At many points between the two farms the canyon<br />
though which the river flows is so narrow that (frislets) have carried away all of<br />
the land that would have been available for agriculture there.<br />
Later in this same letter, Ivins records his effort at influencing the political organization of the<br />
Shivwits people gathered on the new reservation. He notes that:<br />
These Indians have no acknowledged head and seeing the necessity of some<br />
controlling spirit to counsel and advise with them I called them together and<br />
explained to them the necessity of choosing a chief and told them if they would<br />
select one of their number to be their acknowledge head I would ask you<br />
[Commissioner of Indian Affairs] to appoint him. There were 24 indians present<br />
entitled to vote and among them 10 candidates for the office. The highest number<br />
of votes cast for one man was 5 but on the second ballot they went unanimously<br />
for "Shem". He is the best Indian in the tribe and if you think it wise to appoint<br />
him I believe it would have a good effect.<br />
Even though a much larger block of land was set aside by Congress in 1891, the full reservation<br />
was not established until a presidential order was passed on April 21, 1916. That order<br />
reaffirmed that 26,800 acres were withdrawn from all forms of disposal and set aside as a<br />
reservation for the Shebit or Shivwits Indians. It also reaffirmed that on September 29, 1891, the<br />
Department, upon the recommendation of the Indian Office, had directed the General Land<br />
Office to permit of no fillings or entries on a certain tract of unsurveyed land in Washington<br />
County, <strong>Utah</strong>, occupied and used by the Shebit tribe or band. So after almost a generation, the<br />
full reservation was established.<br />
107
The process by which the Shivwits Reservation was established reveals much about the<br />
lives of Southern Paiutes living in the Virgin River ecoscape in the late 1800s. First, even though<br />
Southern Paiutes farmed along mainstream waterways like the Virgin River, the Santa Clara<br />
River, and Ash Creek and farmed many springs, none of the territorial rights of these Indian<br />
people were respected by travelers or settlers. In most cases the farmers at a location, when first<br />
observed, hung on to whatever land they could despite encroachment. For example in 1776<br />
Father Escalante observed maize fields with well-dug irrigation ditches on Ash Creek, which<br />
according to Warner and Chavez (1995:95) was just a short distance south of the town of<br />
Toquerville. Remnants of this band, headed by Chief Toquer in the mid-1800s, were reduced to<br />
poverty and finally went down to Shivwits after the reservation was established. According to a<br />
local account:<br />
In Toquerville, there was an Indian camp quite a long way out of town. It was<br />
there for years and years. It just had teepees and camping. They would come into<br />
Toquerville every day with their little sacks over their shoulders begging. . . [The<br />
Mormons] tried to teach them different, but finally they (the Paiutes) left. I think<br />
they went down to the Shivwits, down below St. George, to that reservation (I.<br />
DeMille 1982:12).<br />
In many places in the Virgin River ecosystem there are similar stories of Indian camps<br />
persisting on the edge of the Mormon communities that had assumed control of Indian land and<br />
water. Often the Mormon settlers, like those on the Santa Clara River, did not extinguish Indian<br />
title to the land, instead it was taken by force and the Paiutes were moved to a more marginal<br />
location.<br />
When the Shivwits Reservation was established as official Indian land, Southern Paiutes<br />
from throughout the Virgin River ecoscape relocated there. According to the Government<br />
Supervisor of the Shivwits Reservation in 1939, the population of that reservation included<br />
families from throughout southwestern <strong>Utah</strong> and adjacent portions of Arizona and Nevada<br />
(Anonymous 1939). At that time, the term Shivwits referred to the Indian population of the entire<br />
Virgin River ecoscape.<br />
Though <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. was largely inaccessible to Southern Paiutes because of the presence<br />
of Mormon settlers and the establishment of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> Monument and later the national<br />
park, the significance of <strong>Zion</strong> lands and resources was remembered through stories and legends<br />
that were passed down orally. Some of these stories were recorded during the early 1900s by Dr.<br />
William R. Palmer, a Mormon merchant and banker who worked to secure land near Cedar City<br />
for other Southern Paiutes living in southern <strong>Utah</strong> (Palmer 1978 [1946]). Where possible,<br />
Southern Paiutes continued to enter <strong>Zion</strong>, although many were unable or unwilling to pay<br />
entrance fees (see Chapters Two and Eight).<br />
5.3 Specific Places and Resources within <strong>Zion</strong> N.P.<br />
Southern Paiutes recognize all the land and resources within <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. to be culturally<br />
significant. Nevertheless, certain places and resources within the park have special meaning and<br />
significance. These places and resources will be discussed in the following sections.<br />
108
5.3.1 <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon<br />
The Southern Paiutes referred to the canyon formed by the north fork of the Virgin River<br />
by several names. According to Tony Tillahash, the entire canyon from the site where Springdale<br />
now sits to the headwaters of the Virgin River under the Pink Cliff was called Mauoweap,<br />
meaning "brushy canyon," and its lower portion was named Muhuntuweap, after his maternal<br />
grandfather (Presnall 1936). Tillahash specifically refuted Palmer's (1928a) identification of the<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon as I-oo-gune and the river flowing through that canyon as Mukunt-o-weap; instead<br />
Tillahash used Mukuntuweap to refer to the lower portion of Parunuweap Canyon. In any case,<br />
because John Wesley Powell believed that the Paiutes called the canyon Mu-koon-tu-weap<br />
(Powell 1875), so Munkuntuweap <strong>National</strong> Monument was the first name given to the canyon<br />
when it was set aside by presidential proclamation in 1909. The name was changed to <strong>Zion</strong><br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument when the monument was enlarged in 1918 (see Chapter Two). The other<br />
major canyon of the Virgin River, Parunuweap, has retained the original Paiute name for the<br />
canyon itself. Both branches of the Virgin River the one flowing through <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, known<br />
today as the North Fork Virgin River, and the one flowing through Parunuweap Canyon called<br />
the East Fork Virgin River, were called Pa'russ by the Southern Paiutes.<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon is the principal canyon in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, surrounding the north fork of<br />
the Virgin River. The first recorded Euroamerican visit to the canyon was made by Nephi<br />
Johnson, a Mormon scout, in 1858. Johnson was guided into the canyon by a Paiute guide who<br />
reportedly insisted he could not remain in the canyon after dark (Woodbury 1950; Crawford<br />
1950:345-346, Bleak 1928). Stories about Paiute fear of the canyon were commonly told by park<br />
personnel for many years, and even recorded as "truth" in two brass interpretative plaques, one of<br />
which was displayed for years just before the Narrows walk and the other which is still in place<br />
below the Great White Throne. As early as 1928 it had been argued that "they [these stories of<br />
Paiute fears of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon] seem to have no foundation in fact" (Palmer 1928a:17; see also<br />
Presnall 1936:6). Instead, Muhun and his family lived and raised crops such as corn and squash<br />
within the canyon (Palmer 1928a:17; Presnall 1936:6). In Southern Paiute stories, <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon<br />
is an important meeting place for Southern Paiutes and their tribal leaders (Palmer 1946:14, 29-<br />
30). Paiute people today perceive of these "fear" stories as attempts by "White people" to<br />
stereotype Paiute people as "savages" who would be ignorant enough to scare themselves away<br />
from places of religious importance, agriculture, hunting, and gathering.<br />
Southern Paiutes were completely extirpated from <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon in 1862, as Mormon<br />
settlers established farms deep within the canyon and named their new settlement <strong>Zion</strong>.<br />
According to one early settler, the Virgin River "flowed through a narrow meandering channel<br />
through the timber, brush and grass and that much of the valley bottom was timbered (ash,<br />
boxelder, cottonwood, squawbush and rosebushes) and that it was such hard work to clear out<br />
the brush so that they could cultivate..." (Woodbury 1927). In addition to those who lived within<br />
<strong>Zion</strong>, settlers from the towns down river from the canyon began to cultivate land and harvest<br />
timber in the upper portion of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon (Woodbury 1950:158, R. DeMille 1982:1):<br />
Yes, all they had to do was just go plow it and decide that it is theirs. They didn't<br />
own any of it. They raised pretty good corn up there. Grandfather Hirschi was<br />
noted for corn up in <strong>Zion</strong> (R. DeMille 1982:2).<br />
109
A road was built up into the canyon to enable settlers to transport goods.<br />
Most of the small towns around <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon were abandoned within a few years. For<br />
instance, during the Ute Black Hawk War, residents of Duncan, Shunesburg, Grafton, Northrop,<br />
Springdale, and <strong>Zion</strong> were given orders from the church leaders to consolidate their population<br />
by moving into the larger settlement of Rockville. After the conflict ended, most of the villages,<br />
including <strong>Zion</strong>, were reoccupied (Deseret News April 18, 1868).<br />
In 1872, John Wesley Powell explored the area in and around <strong>Zion</strong>. He recorded<br />
Southern Paiutes still farming along the Virgin River near what is today the town of Hurricane,<br />
but the Paiutes no longer had access to the canyon. The town of <strong>Zion</strong>, located at the mouth of<br />
Behunin Canyon and having about a dozen Mormon families at its peak, was abandoned by<br />
1875. Nevertheless, several of the individuals who had established farms within the canyon<br />
continued to return there to farm and raise livestock, so Paiute use was still restricted. The<br />
combined timber cutting and livestock operations denuded the area of vegetation and also<br />
contributed to the Virgin River floods. An early settler described such impacts:<br />
The thing is, before the <strong>Park</strong> was in there, they ran cattle in that country and there<br />
wasn't the vegetation in that place that there is now. It was all eaten off. They had<br />
that place fenced and there just wasn't any vegetation in it, because these old<br />
hungry cows would eat everything off. When the <strong>Park</strong> came in, why they just<br />
stopped all that. . . they had big sheep herds back on top. They didn't have the<br />
foliage in there to hold the water back that they have at the present time. They get<br />
floods now, but they don't get them like they used to, because there's more<br />
undergrowth to keep this water there, to keep it from running off (Crawford<br />
1982:11, 13).<br />
In the early 1900s, a Mormon settler purchased a sawmill and constructed a cable on the<br />
rim of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon to lower sawed lumber into the canyon for use by settlers in the towns below<br />
(DeMille 1982:10). A shingle mill was established in <strong>Zion</strong> near the foot of the Great White<br />
Throne, using first cottonwood logs and later pine logs brought into the canyon by the cable. The<br />
Cable Mountain Draw Works continued in use after the designation of <strong>Zion</strong> as Munkuntuweap<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument in 1909; it was operated, albeit sporadically, until 1927. In addition,<br />
although some areas were closed after the park was created, settlers were issued permits to run<br />
cattle, sheep, and horses within the park boundaries:<br />
At one time we had a permit to run some [cattle] on the <strong>Park</strong> area. That was on<br />
the west side of the <strong>Park</strong> where there were no tourists. I don't believe that there<br />
are very many people who ever went in where we had those cattle. We would run<br />
them up in there and broke trail, like the slopes are in <strong>Zion</strong>. There would be a<br />
little crease and we drilled holes down in the rock below. We put iron pegs in and<br />
dirt and rocks in there. We made the trail to get in there. It opened up into a big<br />
valley. There were a lot of cougar tracks in there (C. DeMille 1982:5).<br />
They used to run horses up on top of <strong>Zion</strong>, where the Cable comes down, what<br />
they call the Cave Creeks up there…I trapped out on the mountains south of here<br />
110
(Rockville) where they had about 3,500 head of Angoria [sic] goats in the<br />
wintertime on what they call Little Creek Mountain. I'd go from there to Kolob in<br />
the summertime and the sheep men would furnish me a pasture for my horses and<br />
they also gave me $15 a month for gasoline for my car (F. DeMille 1982:4, 6).<br />
Construction of buildings and roads for the national park eliminated all evidence of the town of<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> (Carr 1972).<br />
Quitch-o-wer<br />
One of the largest peaks in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon was called Quitch-o-wer by the Southern Paiutes<br />
who lived there. According to Palmer (1928a), this name means sharp pointed. This peak, which<br />
rises above the canyon, is the setting for a Paiute story. The story explains that the cliff at the<br />
foot of Quitch-o-wer is a stone image of a fearless Paiute hunter (Palmer 1946:33).<br />
Pa-ron-tink-an<br />
In the vicinity of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon is a great escarpment called Pa-ron-tink-an, which Palmer<br />
(1928a) translates to mean "Shelter Mountain." The mountain was so named because of the many<br />
overhanging rocks, holes, and shallow caves that were used for shelter during stormy weather.<br />
Mah-want<br />
The White Throne in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon is named after Mah-want. One Southern Paiute<br />
consultant talked about this geological feature when she was in <strong>Zion</strong>:<br />
I hear them people say, "Let's go down to <strong>Zion</strong>," you know like that, and it means<br />
a whole, whole area here at <strong>Zion</strong>. But if they say "White Throne," it's a different,<br />
just one. <strong>And</strong> he's that rock is named after mah-want. A lot of them call it our<br />
father's name, Sinavawa or something like that, but in my way, the way I<br />
understand it, it's mah-want because it's white you know, the way it's formed.<br />
(CG4).<br />
5.3.2 Parunuweap Canyon<br />
Southern Paiutes referred to the eastern fork of the Virgin River in its upper narrow gorge<br />
as Parunuweap, meaning "water in narrow canyon" (Presnall 1936:5). Below Parunuweap, the<br />
canyon was called Mukuntuweap, meaning "straight canyon" (Presnall 1936:4). Today, the entire<br />
canyon containing the east fork of the Virgin River is called Parunuweap Canyon.<br />
In Parunuweap Canyon, evidence of Southern Paiute occupation, including the people<br />
referred to by archaeologists as Virgin River Anasazi, dates back to at least 1250 AD. On his<br />
1858 scouting visit to <strong>Zion</strong>, Nephi Johnson also visited Parunuweap Canyon and reported that a<br />
settlement could be made there (Woodbury 1950). One of the best known Southern Paiute<br />
111
farmers in <strong>Zion</strong> country was a man called "Shunes," after whom the town of Shunesburg was<br />
named. Several accounts tell the story of Oliver DeMille's purchase of Shunes' farm in 1861.<br />
According to settlers' accounts, the purchase of Paiute farms was not unusual. For example, the<br />
Sullivan Ranch, thirty miles south of St. George was bought from Indians (Fawcett 1950).<br />
Although there is no legal record of Shunes' sale, there appears to be no question that DeMille<br />
did not pay much for the land. For example, Carr (1972:136) states:<br />
The settlers didn't pay Shunes very much, so he accepted it as down payment and<br />
continued living among the pioneers…<br />
Jones (1956) claims:<br />
According to Julius Madsen, a Springdale resident and former LDS bishop who<br />
possesses many old letters and records, one legend has the purchase price as being<br />
one horse. However, there are no records to substantiate this account.<br />
According to Mormon accounts, Shunes remained in the vicinity of his former farm after it<br />
passed into Mormon hands. He and other Paiutes continued to interact with the settlers. One of<br />
the descendants of the early Mormons talked of an individual whose grandparents were among<br />
the first settlers at Shunesburg:<br />
He was telling me how many whites would turn over rifles and ammunition to the<br />
Indians to help them get food, deer and game. It helped them both. He said that if<br />
it hadn't been for that, he's sure that some of them couldn't have survived, because<br />
it's so hard to grow crops in an area where it's not an agricultural area (D. DeMille<br />
1982:15).<br />
Woodbury (1950) noted that Shunesburg was built on the site of an abandoned Paiute village<br />
(see photo 5.5). He notes that the reasons for the abandonment were never recorded, but inquiry<br />
about the region apparently prompted Paiutes to talk about supernatural beings, among them<br />
"Wai- no-pits, "who lurked in gloomy shadows and was always intent on evil" (Woodbury<br />
1950:113). Furthermore, "Wai-no-pits might visit a camp and bring sickness to it. He might<br />
cause an accident or waylay the Indians with all sorts of dire calamities. Wherever his presence<br />
was suspected it was best to run away" (Woodbury 1950:113). Woodbury's suggestion that<br />
Paiute people abandoned a village based on irrigated agriculture because there were evil spirits in<br />
the area is similar to the Paiute- Never-Stayed-Overnight-In-<strong>Zion</strong> canyon story. Neither address<br />
more telling arguments based on causes like depopulation from diseases (Stoffle, Jones, and<br />
Dobyns 1995). Whatever the reason for the abandonment of this village, by the time the Mormon<br />
settlers arrived to establish their new town, they found some Paiutes remaining in the area and<br />
laying claim to the land and water.<br />
112
Figure 5.4 Parunuweap Canyon<br />
Figure 5.5 Shunesburg<br />
113
The town of Shunesburg was deserted in 1866-1867 during the Black Hawk Indian wars,<br />
but settlers moved back into the area and added new buildings in 1868. The settlers built<br />
elaborate irrigation canals along the river. During the early 1870s, mail from St. George to<br />
Kanab traveled through Shunesburg via a set of wires installed at the 1,500 foot cliff at the head<br />
of Shunesburg canyon (Woodbury 1950:162). John Wesley Powell's geographical surveys led<br />
him through Parunuweap Canyon and down the Wriggle Trail in 1872, and the explorers visited<br />
the town of Shunesburg (Wheeler 1889:51).<br />
Irrigated farming in Parunuweap Canyon dates to at least 1200 AD. At Shunesburg, the<br />
Mormon settlers constructed ditches to divert water from both Shunes Creek and the east fork of<br />
the Virgin River, and by 1864 five irrigation canals had been dug there. The grandson of one of<br />
the original Shunesburg settlers gave this account:<br />
They had no engineering or anything for making these ditches, but they were<br />
really good at it. Their grades on the ditches and everything worked. It went for<br />
miles up into Parunuweap. The ditches are still in that country. You can still see<br />
the outlines of the ditches and a few cottonwood trees that are still standing along<br />
the bank or they've fallen over. But that's when they had those big floods…It got<br />
so bad that they could hardly do anything there because all the large floods from<br />
all the drains started cutting all the farms away. Most all of the people moved<br />
away (D. DeMille 1982:2).<br />
According to recent geomorphological studies, the east fork of the Virgin River<br />
experienced two major downcutting episodes, one in 1300 A.D. (Hereford, Jacoby, and McCord<br />
1995) and another in 1892-1893. These episodes were likely caused by climatic factors and<br />
certainly caused negative effects on the irrigation canals. For example, Gummerman (1988)<br />
argues that the downcutting probably caused the Anasazi abandonment of the area by lowering<br />
the water table and destroying farmland. In addition, the overgrazing by Mormon cattle may<br />
have worsened the problems the settlers experienced.<br />
Virgin River flooding caused hardships for the Shunesburg settlers, and by 1900 only the<br />
DeMille family remained in Parunuweap Canyon. Eventually, farming was no longer viable in<br />
the canyon. Nevertheless, in the 1940s and 1950s, settlers were using the Canyon to transport<br />
sheep up to the rim:<br />
We were bringing some sheep up this other fork of the canyon, Parunuweap, I<br />
guess they call it. They'd built a trail up there for the sheep to go up on the right<br />
hand side, but the horses, they thought it a lot better to go up the old trail on the<br />
left…(F. DeMille 1982:3).<br />
Parunuweap Canyon has been nominated as an Archaeological District because of the<br />
prehistoric features found there (see Shunesburg and Parunuweap Canyonsite below). According<br />
to Mormon oral histories, the Mormon settlers did not become aware of the presence of these<br />
features until the 1920s or 1930s, after <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> had been established (DeMille 1976).<br />
At that time, Parunuweap was not within the park boundaries. Shortly after the discovery, an<br />
archaeological investigation in <strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap Canyons was led by Ben Wetherill through<br />
114
funding from the Civil Works Administration (Wetherill 1934a, 1934b, Schroeder 1955). Recent<br />
investigations of sedimentary terraces within the canyon have indicated that major deposition<br />
episodes occurred around 1300 and the late 1800s (Hereford, Jacoby, and McCord 1995). The<br />
links between these episodes, the occupation of the canyon, and subsequent downcutting require<br />
further investigation (see Naylor 1995).<br />
5.3.3 Trails, Travel, and Trade<br />
Another important aspect of Southern Paiute, and other Native American, occupation of<br />
the <strong>Zion</strong> and Parunuweap Canyons was the trail system that allowed individuals to move from<br />
one place to another. Southern Paiutes traveled to gather plants, hunt, collect minerals, and trade.<br />
In his diary, Escalante mentioned the sulphur springs located on the Virgin River between La<br />
Verkin and Hurricane that was an important healing site for Southern Paiutes from throughout<br />
the region (see Pah Tempe Hot Springs below).<br />
Despite some early claims that Mormons "made" trails through <strong>Zion</strong> (Deseret News<br />
1866), Mormons who lived in the area described traveling to places like Long Valley, taking<br />
cattle up on the mountains for summer grazing, and carrying mail between settlements by using<br />
old Indian trails (Crampton 1965, Woodbury 1957, Gillette 1970, DeMille 1977). The East and<br />
West Rim Trails, and the "Wiggle Trail" at the head of Shunes Creek Canyon, for example, were<br />
all Indian trails:<br />
In Jesse N. Smith's account of the exploration he gives no names but it seems<br />
clear that the explorers had happened upon the trail, undoubtedly first used by the<br />
Indians, which dropped over the south rim of Shunes Mountain to the bed of<br />
Shunes Creek, a trail used later to a considerable extent as a route between<br />
Mormon settlements along the upper Virgin River and those in the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon<br />
areas. A party of the Wheeler Survey in 1872 traversed approximately the same<br />
route…(Crampton 1965:86).<br />
The trip from the Kolob Terrace to Springdale was accomplished by traveling through <strong>Zion</strong><br />
Narrows. The use of Indian trails contributed to the disruption Paiute life in the region. For<br />
example, the "Wriggle Trail" that climbs the walls of southern <strong>Zion</strong> became the mail route from<br />
the lower Virgin River communities to the Long Valley settlements during the 1870s. The mail<br />
route covered a distance of 65 to 70 miles and was traveled regularly.<br />
When asked if the canyons were connected with other places, Southern Paiute consultants<br />
described travel between all places of cultural significance by established trails. The presence of<br />
trails was a clear indications of the interconnections between places within and between riverine<br />
ecosystems.<br />
5.3.4 Resource Use<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> also is recognized as a source of important plant, animal, and mineral resources.<br />
Southern Paiute resource use has been documented in historic and contemporary studies. This<br />
ethnographic overview and assessment did not provide sufficient time or resources for<br />
115
conducting comprehensive ethnographic studies of resource use within <strong>Zion</strong> or the Virgin River<br />
ecoscape. Instead, places were visited as representative examples of Southern Paiute interactions<br />
with the land and resources of the park and the surrounding ecoscape. To determine the<br />
significance of specific resources at particular locations within the park, to gain information for<br />
use in planning, for example, specific studies are needed. However, a summary of known<br />
resources that are culturally significant to Southern Paiutes can provide guidance about how to<br />
plan future work. Therefore, this section presents information, from historic and contemporary<br />
sources, about plants, animals, and minerals that are found within <strong>Zion</strong> and are or have been<br />
recognized by Southern Paiutes.<br />
A first measure, albeit limited, of cultural significance is whether or not a thing is named<br />
(Berlin 1978, Hunn 1982, Hays 1982). Things that are named are recognized. Selective<br />
recognition is critical to survival in environments that contain far more information than can be<br />
perceived or processed by human perceptual and cognitive systems. In addition, the degree of<br />
specificity of a name, whether that name refers to any of a variety of similar things such as cacti<br />
or whether that name refers to only one type of cactus, provides additional information about<br />
what is being named. For example, local species of animals that have limited cultural importance<br />
tend to be lumped together while those with greater significance are given separate names.<br />
Southern Paiutes show a general tendency for naming animals generically in fairly broad<br />
categories that do not distinguish among species or sometimes even genera (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
For example, they use deer, fish, eagle, duck, and squirrel to name groups of similar animals.<br />
This tendency also has been observed in the naming of plants and is consistent with the practices<br />
of many cultural groups that have been the subject of ethnobiological studies. The grouping of<br />
animals and plants into genus was devised during the development of a global classification<br />
system as a means of organizing an unmanageable number of organisms. People perceive<br />
differences among organisms based on characteristics such as appearance and taste, and in many<br />
cases animals and plants cannot be perceptually distinguished at the species or even the genus<br />
level. When only one species within a genus exists within any given local community, there is no<br />
need to distinguish between genus and species (Atran 1990). Often, in cases where species are<br />
distinguished, they are separated by ecological or geographical variation.<br />
The following sections provide tables of the plants and animals known to live within <strong>Zion</strong><br />
that are also known to be or have been significant to Southern Paiutes. The information in these<br />
tables has been taken from historic and contemporary sources, and the sources of information<br />
about each plant or animal is provided. In the tables, plants and animals are generally listed<br />
alphabetically by scientific name. Representatives of the same genus have been grouped<br />
together. In addition, where Southern Paiutes recognize genera to be related, these genera have<br />
been grouped together and listed alphabetically. For example, the pinyon jay (Gymnorhinus<br />
cyanocephala) and Steller's jay (Cyanocitta stelleri) have been listed directly under the scrub jay<br />
(Aphelocoma coerulescens). In each case, all Southern Paiute names for a plant or animal within<br />
a particular genus (e.g., Cyanocitta) have been listed next to the genus name. When a name is<br />
known to be used only for one species of that genus, then it is included by the particular species<br />
name. The table organization thus responds to the Southern Paiute tendency to group plants and<br />
animals together for naming and also the uncertainty regarding the species that were the subjects<br />
of historic studies.<br />
116
Plants<br />
A comprehensive list of vascular plants that are found in <strong>Zion</strong> and also recognized by<br />
Southern Paiutes was created (see Table 5.2). Using historic and contemporary sources, it was<br />
found that approximately 157 of the 379 genera listed in the "Vascular Plant List for <strong>Zion</strong><br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>" are currently known to be culturally significant to Southern Paiutes. More<br />
detailed information about these Southern Paiute plants is available in the general resources<br />
directory located in Chapter Seven.<br />
Animals<br />
A comprehensive list of vertebrate animals that are found in <strong>Zion</strong> and also recognized by<br />
Southern Paiutes was created (see Table 5.2). Twenty-nine of the fifty-two genera included on<br />
"Selected Mammal List for <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>" (55.8%) are included in Table 5.2 because either<br />
historic or contemporary information, or both, has been collected about them. In addition, the<br />
table includes eight of the twenty-one genera of reptiles (38%), seventy-three of the 172 genera<br />
of birds (42.4%), two of the five genera of amphibians (40%), and one of the six genera of fish<br />
(16.7%) named on the respective animal lists for the park. A general resources directory located<br />
in Chapter Seven contains additional information, when available, about the significance of<br />
certain animals to Southern Paiutes.<br />
Minerals<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> and the Virgin River ecoscape provided minerals that were used by Southern<br />
Paiutes. Salt was available in a cave located downstream from <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon near what was St.<br />
Thomas, Nevada prior to its flooding by Lake Mead. Reports of Paiute use of the St. Thomas salt<br />
cave date back to 1827 when Jedediah Smith noticed it. Likewise, in 1830 when George Yount<br />
and William Wolfskill attempted to follow Smith's route, they followed the Virgin River and<br />
"within twenty-five miles of its mouth some Indians brought them salt" (Camp 1923:39). The<br />
salt cave was officially recorded during an 1869 reconnaissance through the region by U. S.<br />
army engineers (Wheeler 1875).<br />
5.4 Site-by-Site Discussion<br />
Southern Paiutes describe culturally significant places according to the archeological<br />
features, water, plants, animals, minerals, and traditional cultural properties located there. A<br />
sample of the places within <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and other locations that were outside the park but<br />
critical to the interpretation of park significance were visited by Southern Paiute tribal elders.<br />
These individuals, representing the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe,<br />
talked about all aspects of the site during their visits, so, for each site included in this chapter,<br />
information about whatever features they perceived to be significant to the site is presented.<br />
This section documents the results of the onsite visits with Southern Paiute tribal elders to<br />
places in the Virgin River ecoscape. The majority of locations visited are in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>.<br />
The key Virgin River water source cuts through <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, a very significant area to Southern<br />
Paiute people. The site visits were conducted between June 4-9, 1995. The visits were conducted<br />
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with the assistance of Mr. Jack Burns, Cultural Resource Specialist at <strong>Zion</strong> N.P.<br />
Place discussions for <strong>Zion</strong> are arranged in an order that best reflects the Virgin River<br />
ecoscape. That is, places are generally presented from highest to lowest elevation. Places around<br />
the perimeter of <strong>Zion</strong> are discussed first, from northeast to northwest in clockwise fashion,<br />
followed by a north-south discussion of sites in the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon Corridor.<br />
Each of the places visited and the Southern Paiute cultural resource concerns at each<br />
place in the <strong>Zion</strong>-Virgin portion of the study area are discussed. Following a general site<br />
description that includes an overview of (a) general ecology, (b) soils, (c) plant communities and<br />
vegetative associations, a list of Southern Paiute plants observed and/or collected by the project<br />
botanist is presented in the overall species inventory for each place. The plant inventory list for<br />
each place is followed by a botanical interpretation that assesses the health of the plant<br />
communities and general microenvironment. This general site description is then followed by<br />
archaeological site descriptions where applicable. These site descriptions are taken largely from<br />
the archaeological site forms and archaeological reports on sites in <strong>Zion</strong> N.P.<br />
Following the overviews for each place, the discussion turns to the Southern Paiute<br />
interpretations of the place and the features present at each place. For purposes of this report,<br />
features are categories comprised of particular cultural resources. Features of places are divided<br />
into (1) water sources, whether river, spring, waterfall, seep or some combination thereof, (2)<br />
plants traditionally used for various purposes, (3) animals traditionally used for various<br />
purposes, (4) evidence of previous Paiute occupation and use, consisting of archaeology sites,<br />
artifacts, rock art and other material remains, and (5) physical and geologic features on the<br />
landscape such as mountain peaks and rock formations that were traditionally visited for various<br />
purposes. The culturally significant Paiute plants can be found in the species lists for each site in<br />
bold print.<br />
The discussion at each site includes (1) Southern Paiute use and occupation of the place,<br />
(2) the features observed by Southern Paiute consultants at the place, (3) consultants' perceptions<br />
of condition and effects caused by natural and human factors on the features at the place, and (4)<br />
recommendations for protection of features and the place as a whole. For each feature identified<br />
as being an important component of the place, ethnographic data on traditional use and perceived<br />
condition and impact of various factors is presented. Finally, recommendations for the protection<br />
and management of each place and its features are discussed.<br />
Although this study was designed as a cultural resources overview rather than in-depth<br />
ethnographic study of particular resources, such as plants and animals, in some locations<br />
Southern Paiute consultants identified resources that were previously unrecorded as significant to<br />
Southern Paiutes. Where that occurred, it is noted in the site discussion.<br />
5.4.1 Upper Virgin River, East Fork-Site #3<br />
This place was visited on June 2, 1995. Four elders from the Kaibab Paiute Tribe<br />
evaluated the place and the cultural resources there. Four interviews were conducted at the place.<br />
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Figure 5.6 Upper Virgin River<br />
Site Description<br />
The upstream Virgin River study site is located on the east bank of the East Fork Virgin<br />
River about 1.5 miles south of Mt. Carmel Junction, Kane County, <strong>Utah</strong>. The site is at an<br />
elevation of 5,250 feet along a gravel road about 0.5 mile south of its junction with US 89 at the<br />
point where the main highway crosses the Virgin River. (Legal description of the location is<br />
T41S R8W Sec. 36<br />
NE4). The interview site is within the floodplain of the river, on alluvial soils near the road. On<br />
the west side of the river are steep slopes and bedrock outcrop cliffs reaching to the riverbed; on<br />
the east side, slopes are gentler and the transition from soils and plant communities along the<br />
canyon floor to upland woodland is more gradual. Although all interviews took place along the<br />
floor, adjacent upland areas were easily visible.<br />
Soils in the floodplain are of alluvial origin, and consist of sand, silt, and gravels of<br />
undetermined depth. Bedrock outcrops along the west bank are sandstone of undetermined<br />
formation, probably Navajo Sandstone. High above the river and above the sandstone are layers<br />
of limestone.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The general flora of the area is Great Basin Conifer Woodland, dominated by Colorado<br />
pinyon and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper. The woodland with its associated shrubs is present on the slopes above<br />
the alluvial valley floor. The floodplain is a complex of vegetation types dependent upon the<br />
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height above the river, kinds of material deposited by the last flood, and the amount of time since<br />
a given area has been inundated. upper portions of the floodplain have a well-developed Great<br />
Basin Desertscrub dominated by big sagebrush. Sandy areas in the floodplain support sand<br />
sagebrush (Artemisia filifolia). A few large, old cottonwoods (Populus fremontii) are present in<br />
the upper part of the floodplain, probably signifying an old river channel or upper margin of a<br />
flood. Along the present river banks are a scattering of sapling cottonwoods along with coyote<br />
willow and arroyo willow (Salix laevigata) and tamarisk (Tamarix chinensis). The Indian plants<br />
found in this location are listed in bold print below along with other plants observed at this<br />
location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientifican Name Common Name<br />
Amelanchier<br />
utahensis<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Penstemon lentus Abajo Penstemon<br />
Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Pinus edulis Colorado Pinyon<br />
Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Populus fremontii<br />
Fremont<br />
Cottonwood<br />
Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Psoralea Dune Scurfpea<br />
Bromus tectorum<br />
Cercocarpus<br />
montanus<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus<br />
Cheatgrass<br />
Birch-leaf Mountain<br />
Mahogany<br />
Purshia<br />
tridentata<br />
Rhus trilobata<br />
Bitterbrush,<br />
Buckbrush<br />
Squawbush<br />
Rubber Rabbitbrush Salix exigua Coyote Willow<br />
Descurainia pinnata Tansy mustard Salix laevigata Red Willow<br />
Eleagnus<br />
angustifolium<br />
Juniperus<br />
osteosperma<br />
Russian Olive<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> Juniper<br />
Senecio<br />
multilobatus<br />
Sisymbrium<br />
altissimum<br />
Unita Groundsel<br />
Tumble Mustard<br />
Melilotus indicus Yellow Sweet-Clover Sphaeralcea sp Globemallow<br />
Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian Ricegrass<br />
Tamarix<br />
chinensis<br />
Tamarisk, Saltcedar<br />
Penstemon eatonii Eaton beardtongue Typha sp Cattail<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
All of the elders agreed that the place was traditionally used by Southern Paiute people.<br />
The place was used for permanent settlements with irrigated gardens along the river, hunting,<br />
camping, plant collecting--especially squawbush (suuv) and willows (kanav) for baskets and<br />
medicinal plants, as well as food plants such as squawbush berries (i'is)--and perhaps ceremonial<br />
dances. Elders recall that there once were dense concentrations of Indian people and settlements<br />
in this portion of the East Fork Virgin corridor.<br />
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In Southern Paiute history, this place is also along a former migration route for intergroup<br />
travel from Richfield and Alton in the north and Kanab and Kaibab in the south. It was also<br />
recalled that many Paiute people died from disease, hardship and newcomer atrocities during the<br />
forced eviction from Long Valley that accompanied Mormon settlement of the area. Despite this<br />
forced abandonment, Paiute people continued to occupy the area at the time the highway was<br />
built, and many Paiute people worked on the construction of the road. One elder's family lived<br />
alongside the highway. They came to the area to work construction and spend the winter when it<br />
was cold and when agricultural production was low at Kaibab. According to one elder, San Juan<br />
Paiute people continue to travel to this area to collect squawbush and willows for basketmaking<br />
because the availability of these plants is low in the Willow Springs area.<br />
In recent times, Paiute people have come to this place for family outings and picnics. One<br />
elder noted that on several occasions, Navajo people are seen camping at the location as well.<br />
Features<br />
The river, numerous plants, animals, trails, and the geologic features were identified as<br />
being traditionally used and key components of the importance of this place.<br />
Water. As with most Southern Paiute places, water is a key resource. At the location<br />
between Orderville and Mt. Carmel, the Virgin River was key to Paiute irrigated horticultural<br />
settlement all along the corridor. Water is also used for human and animal consumption.<br />
Plants. Plants identified by the elders include squawbush berries (i'is), cattail (to-oiv) and<br />
acorns (kwiav) for food; sage (sangwav), cedar (wa'ap), and snapdragon for medicine and<br />
ceremony, a species of sage for seasoning rabbit meat, and squawbush (suuv) and willow (kanav)<br />
for making baskets.<br />
Animals. Animals identified as being important components of this place include deer,<br />
rabbit, cottontail, squirrel, and coyote. All of these animals except the coyote were traditionally<br />
hunted for food and clothing. Animals were also used in ceremony, medicine, and manufacture<br />
of implements. The habitat was viewed as being optimal for animal populations, given the<br />
abundant water and feed present at the location.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. Paiute people would have traveled along a<br />
trail above the river. Paiute people moved back and forth through the corridor to visit relatives<br />
and harvest seasonally available resources:<br />
. . . He done most of his living, my grandfather, up in Orderville. He used to just<br />
live there, and he'd go about his Indian ways. Where we had been to the Johnson<br />
road, we used to go over there too with. . . a whole group of the people from<br />
home. They would all travel over that way because some older people used to live<br />
in Orderville, long ago. Before, with Johnson and Orderville, and all that, is all in<br />
one group that the Indians used to gather their things at. They would start from<br />
Kanab and go around. . . and for certain days you would camp certain place and<br />
they would gather some things, some other fruits and vegetables, and then they<br />
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would move on and gather something else at another place. They were very busy<br />
people, 'cause I used to travel and [another individual] used to travel quite a bit too<br />
with her grandparents. But I used to go with my aunt because my mother and<br />
father were too busy at home with their own farming. (CG003)<br />
Hunting campsites may be located in the uplands.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains and rock formations are important in<br />
ceremony. One practice mentioned involves the ceremonial disposal of a newborn baby's<br />
umbilical cord.<br />
[A] lot of Indian people are interested in the rock formations that they see. When<br />
your baby or your child is born, you know the belly button of the child comes off,<br />
an Indian person will get the little child’s belly button and put in a buckskin and<br />
sew it. [They will even] put a little bead work on it if they want to. Then they go<br />
find a favorite place like the mountains or the valleys, [where] they hope that their<br />
child will create into something. Some kind of a place like that I was thinking of<br />
that when I was looking at those [rocks], that that would be a good place for a<br />
baby’s thing to be put away, so that she could inherit whatever’s there for their<br />
lifetime. That’s old belief that the Indian had when they did that, they took their<br />
child’s belly button, then they go put it away for them, so when they put it safe,<br />
the child will always remember where he puts his things, and where he left his<br />
things and he will never have to dig through everything to go look for things<br />
(CG003).<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The development of roads and towns in the area have affected the place in terms of<br />
aesthetics. The river water is seen as being adversely affected by pollution in the forms of<br />
agricultural runoff from local and upstream farms as well as sewage disposal into the river by<br />
Glendale and Orderville. Elders said the water was clearer and cleaner during the period of<br />
Paiute occupation. Contaminated water is seen as adversely affecting the animal populations,<br />
despite good forage for feed. It is believed that many may be being poisoned from drinking river<br />
water. Another factor affecting the animals is indiscriminate hunting by non-Indians. Killing of<br />
female deer, for example, has served to thin herds. Elders noted that at one time deer were<br />
plentiful at this spot.<br />
Primary impacts on plants include lack of rainfall as well as grazing by local livestock.<br />
The area has a history of livestock grazing and ranching, including sheep, horses, and cattle.<br />
Most of these properties were owned by the Esplin family. One elder mentioned that he used to<br />
work as a cook for Navajo herders who ran cattle through this area. Beginning in 1959, he<br />
worked for the Esplin family, herding sheep and cattle.<br />
Another significant impact to plants is the fact that Indian people are no longer there to<br />
manage them. Plants such as squawbush require pruning to encourage straight branch growth the<br />
following season. This is a traditional practice of Paiute people, especially basket makers, who<br />
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ely on collecting young, straight shoots of squawbush for use in making baskets. The absence of<br />
Indian managers has resulted in the squawbush community becoming overgrown and becoming<br />
tangled.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people desire to have continued access to the place to have family outings and<br />
picnics without being disturbed by outsiders. The place should be protected as it is without<br />
further disturbance. Strategies to eliminate agricultural and sewage inputs to the river should be<br />
formulated and efforts to clean up the river should be undertaken.<br />
5.4.2 Shunesburg and Parunuweap Canyonsite #s 9a and 9b Site Description<br />
Site Description<br />
The ruins of the 1860s settlement of Shunesburg are on private land which is crossed<br />
between the end of the road and the <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> boundary. Interviews for the Parunuweap<br />
area were conducted in two areas, in the vicinity of the Shunesburg ruin (9a) and on NPS land up<br />
to about one mile east of Shunesburg in Parunuweap Canyon (9b).<br />
The Shunesburg site includes the terrace high above the East Fork Virgin River with the<br />
still standing home and extends for a few hundred meters to the east along a ridge to a lower part<br />
of the terrace, which ends abruptly with a steep, unstable bank down to a wash at floodplain<br />
level. The Shunesburg "castle" is at the higher, west end of the terrace at an elevation of 4350<br />
feet, 0.1 mile north of the river, in Washington County, <strong>Utah</strong>, legal description T42S R10W Sec.<br />
3 SW4 SW4.<br />
The NPS boundary is about 0.5 mile east of Shunesburg, and the study site extends from<br />
the boundary across two terraces to the east side of Stevens Canyon. Archeological sites are<br />
present on the tops of the terraces and in rock shelters provided by boulders at the upper part of<br />
the terraces. These boulders have eroded from the Springdale Formation sandstone cliffs above<br />
and are embedded in the terraces. Average elevation of the terraces is 4,400 feet, and the legal<br />
description of the location is T42S R10W Sec. 3 SE4.<br />
Soils on the Parunuweap Canyon terraces are generally red and sandy, originating, along<br />
with sandstone rocks on the terraces, mostly from the cliffs above. The outer edges of the<br />
terraces are truncated, and the steep, unstable cliffs fall about 50 feet to the present base level of<br />
the floodplain.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The site is on a terrace about 100 feet above the river at its highest point. Similar terraces<br />
are present on the north side of East Fork Virgin River throughout the Site 9 a and b study area.<br />
They are probably of Pleistocene alluvial origin, and are sharply truncated at the outer edge by<br />
the downcut Virgin River floodplain. The terraces alternate with recently incised drainages<br />
which lead from the steep Springdale and Navajo sandstone cliffs less than 1/4 mile to the north<br />
to the present level of the floodplain, separating the terraces with sharply incised, rocky<br />
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drainages and unstable, actively eroding sides. Soils at the Shunesburg site are sandy-silty on the<br />
upper part of the terrace, sandy with sandstone rocks on the ridge, and mostly sandy on the<br />
lower, eastern terrace.<br />
The area around the townsite is dominated by four-wing saltbush, snakeweed, and pale<br />
wolfberry (Lycium pallidum), all indicative of its previous disturbance. The lower terrace has<br />
dense four-wing saltbush, while the ridge connecting it with the higher terrace has a greater<br />
diversity of shrubs, including blackbrush (Coleogyne ramosissima), narrowleaf yucca (Yucca<br />
angustissima), and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper.<br />
Scattered singleleaf pinyon and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper trees are present mostly in the upper portion<br />
of the terraces, while the flat, sandier areas are dominated by blackbrush and four-wing saltbush<br />
typical of low elevation Great Basin Desertscrub. A wide variety of other desert shrubs is<br />
present. Below the terraces, sand sagebrush and arrowweed (Tessaria sericea) occur on the upper<br />
floodplain, and cottonwoods and coyote willow are continuous along the river. The Paiute plants<br />
at the Shunesburg townsite are listed in bold print below along other plants observed at this site.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Astragalus nuttallianus Small-Flowered milkvetch Hilaria jamesii Galleta<br />
Astragalus praelongus Rattleweed locoweed Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper<br />
Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Langloisia setosissima Mohave langloisia<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Lycium pallidum Pale wolfberry<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Marrubium vulgare Common horehound<br />
Colegyne ramosissima Blackbrush Mirabilis multiflora Colorado four-o'clock<br />
Cucurbita foetidissima Coyote gourd Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Datura meteloides Sacred datura Opuntia erinacea Mohave prickly pear<br />
Encelia frutescens Bush encelia Opuntia phaeacantha Engelmann prickly pear<br />
Eriogonum inflatum Desert Trumpet<br />
Prosopis glandulosa<br />
var. torreyana<br />
Torrey mesquite<br />
Erioneuron pulchellum Fluffgrass<br />
Psorothamnus<br />
fremontii<br />
Indigo bush<br />
Erodium cicutarium Storksbill, heronbill Sisymbrium altissimum Tumble mustard<br />
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Euphorbia<br />
albomarginata Rattlesnake weed Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
Gaillardia pinnatifida Hopi blanketflower Yucca baccata Banana yucca<br />
Gutierrezia sarothrae<br />
Snakeweed<br />
The species list for Parunuweap Canyon includes the plants listed below. Paiute plants are<br />
bolded.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Amelanchier utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Lepidium lasiocarpum Desert pepperweed<br />
Artemisia dracunculus Tarragon Lycium andersonii <strong>And</strong>erson wolfberry<br />
Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Lycium pallidum Pale wolfberry<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana Water sage Melilotus indicus Yellow sweet-clover<br />
Astragalus nuttallianus Small-flowered milkvetch Mirabilis multiflora Colorado Four-o'clock<br />
Astragalus praelongus Rattleweed locoweed Oenothera pallida Pale evening-primrose<br />
Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Baileya multiradiata Desert marigold Opuntia erinacea Mohave prickly pear<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Opuntia phaeacantha Engelmann prickly pear<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early Indian paintbrush Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus Rubber rabbitbrush Penstemon palmeri Palmer beardtongue<br />
Colegyne ramosissima Blackbrush Petalostemon searlsiae Searls prairie-clover<br />
Datura meteloides Sacred datura Pinus monophylla Singleleaf pinyon<br />
Echinocereus<br />
engelmannii Engelmann hedgehog Plantago patagonica Pursh's plantain<br />
Elymus elymoides Squirreltail grass Populus fremontii Fremont cottenwood<br />
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Encelia frutescens<br />
Bush encelia<br />
Prospis glandulosa var.<br />
torreyana<br />
Torrey mesquite<br />
Ephedra nevadensis<br />
Nevada Indian tea<br />
Psorothamnus<br />
fremontii<br />
Rhus trilobata var.<br />
simplicifolia<br />
Indigo bush<br />
Equisetum leavigatum<br />
Smooth scouring rush<br />
Squawbush<br />
Eriastrum eremicum Desert eriastrum Rumex hymenosepalus Wild rhubarb<br />
Eriogonum inflatum Desert trumpet Salix exigua Coyote willow<br />
Erodium cicutarium Storksbill, heronbill Salsola iberica Russian thistle<br />
Euphorbia<br />
albomarginata Rattlesnakeweed Salvia dorrii Purple sage<br />
Gaillardia pinnatifida Hopi blanketflower<br />
Sphaeralcea<br />
grossulariaefolia Globemallow<br />
Guiterrezia sarothrae Snakeweed Stanleya pinnata Prince's-plume<br />
Heterotheca villosa Hairy goldenaster Stipa comata Needle-and-thread grass<br />
Hilaria jamesii Galleta Tessaria sericea Arrowweed<br />
Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
Langloisia setosissima Mohave langloisia Yucca baccata Banana yucca<br />
Archaeological Site Descriptions<br />
Four archaeological sites were visited during the trip to Parunuweap Canyon. A fifth site<br />
was photographed by an ethnographer, accompanied by the <strong>Zion</strong> Cultural Resource Specialist.<br />
All sites visited were on the north side of the canyon. Sites on the south side of the river were<br />
pointed out by the <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. cultural resource specialist. Three sites are located on terraces<br />
below the talus slopes. The terraces are interspersed by drainages on the north side of the canyon.<br />
These sites are potentially adversely affected by erosion by recent flooding episodes (1993;<br />
Naylor 1995). The fourth site consists of a rockshelter or overhang near the edge of a rock<br />
outcrop. Immediately northwest of this rockshelter is a boulder overhang from which a burial<br />
was excavated in 1934 by Ben Wetherill. The fifth site contains significant rock art.<br />
In addition, interviews were conducted with elders at the Shunesburg town site<br />
immediately west of the park boundary at the head of the canyon. The remnants of the 1860s<br />
settlement include the house frame and the rock walls of the irrigation canal system constructed<br />
in the canyon.<br />
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The canyon is currently being nominated to the <strong>National</strong> Register of Historic Places. It is<br />
being nominated as an archaeological district because of its prehistoric and historic<br />
archaeological value.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Parunuweap Canyon was clearly a major locus of Southern Paiute irrigated agricultural<br />
settlement. According to one elder, the name derives from a Paiute term (Parunu'uip) that<br />
describes the shape of the canyon and the fact that the water from the east Fork Virgin flows<br />
through it. Settlements were likely located on the benches and terraces above the floodplain that<br />
appear to have been more or less continually occupied from prehistoric times by people known<br />
to archaeologists as Anasazi up through the historic period by Southern Paiutes. Archaeological<br />
remains attest to such occupation and use.<br />
Features<br />
Water. All of the elders agreed that the river served to provide irrigation water to Paiute<br />
fields on the sandy riverbanks and bottomlands, as well as in the floodplain. River water was also<br />
harvested and used to pot irrigate crops of corn, squash and watermelon.<br />
Plants. A wide variety of plants was identified by elders as being traditionally used for<br />
various purposes. Yucca, squawbush, sacred datura, horehound, wild gourd, wild rhubarb,<br />
mesquite, sagebrush, buckbrush and Indian ricegrass were specifically mentioned. The roots of<br />
yucca (uusiv) were used for soap and shampoo, and the fruits (uus) were eaten. Squawbush<br />
shoots and young branches (suuv) were used to make baskets; the berries (i'is) were eaten or<br />
mashed and made into a punch-like beverage. Jimsonweed or sacred datura (momomp) was a<br />
ceremonial plant used by medicine men; one elder stated that small doses were also given to<br />
difficult children as a punishment for the purpose of making them obey their elders and behave.<br />
The leaves of horehound were brewed into a tea for curing stomach disorders. The seeds of<br />
Indian ricegrass were collected and ground for eating. The leaves of wild rhubarb were eaten as<br />
greens. Mesquite beans ('op, 'opimp) Wild gourd was important for making ceremonial rattles.<br />
Sagebrush (sangwav) was used both for medicine and in ceremonies. Buckbrush (unap) was used<br />
for medicine and fuelwood.<br />
Animals. Elders named a number of animals that would have been present and hunted by<br />
Paiute people. Foremost among these was mountain sheep. Others include rabbit, cottontail,<br />
deer, coyote, squirrel, gopher, and birds such as mourning doves and hummingbirds. Insects such<br />
as grasshoppers and fish were also mentioned. Besides being used mainly for food and clothing,<br />
deer antler and mountain sheep horn were important in ceremonies. One elder pointed out that<br />
this place may have been a location where the mountain sheep dance was held. Animal bone was<br />
used to make a variety of tools. Animals would have been hunted on the ledges above the<br />
Springdale formation and on the rims of the canyon walls on both sides of the river.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The archaeological sites and artifacts<br />
indicate former Southern Paiute presence and use of the Parunuweap Canyon environment.<br />
Elders observed grinding stones, mortars, remnants of rock-walled rooms, rock art on a free-<br />
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standing boulder, flakes, ceramic sherds, arrowpoints, and rockshelters--one of which contained<br />
a burial that was excavated in the 1930s.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains were important features of this place. One<br />
set of mountains located to the south and west of Parunuweap Canyon, Eagle Crags, was<br />
specifically mentioned by one elder as having the name "Three Indian Sisters" (see photo 5.7).<br />
The name stems from the time that Mormon settlers stole or kidnapped Indian women. It is<br />
recalled that three women escaped into the mountains where the named peaks are located. One<br />
elder commented on the mountains<br />
It seems like, it’s just like their human, you know, maybe some of them got<br />
names, like that one over there, across from us, that’s what they call tee-he-nanam-butzn,<br />
that means some kind of sisters, "three Indian sisters" (mountain). I<br />
think long time, when white settlers came and they were taking the Indian ladies,<br />
and three of them they took off and went up that way with their children, I think<br />
that’s where they call it that name, I think my uncle was telling me that, they done<br />
that so they turn into that kind in the legend. (CG008)<br />
Mountains in general are a focus of worship. The canyon walls themselves provided protection<br />
from natural elements such as wind and from enemies.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The primary impacts to Parunuweap Canyon as perceived by the elders are environmental<br />
and human. Some perceive the environment as more desiccated and dry than in the past, and they<br />
are aware that the risks of fire and flood exist. Erosion threatens some of the archaeological sites<br />
on the terraces. The other major impact is the early excavation of some of the sites throughout<br />
the canyon, particularly the removal of the burial by Wetherill. As one elder put it:<br />
. . . white people have come in and taken things out--pottery, burial. . . the burial<br />
should be returned to the Paiute Nation.<br />
The canyon has been closed to public access for the past two years. Despite this, elders perceive<br />
that tourists may be entering the canyon somehow and taking other surface archaeological<br />
materials.<br />
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Figure 5.7. “Three Indian Sisters” (Eagle Crags)<br />
Recommendations<br />
Elders stated that Paiute people would like to come back to this place to visit, camp and<br />
teach younger Paiute people about traditional lifeways and the kinds of environments in which<br />
their ancestors lived, without having to pay entrance fees. They would also like to harvest<br />
resources such as willows for basketmaking and the wild gourd to make ceremonial rattles<br />
because the gourd plant is rarer in availability further up north. The elders commend the NPS for<br />
their protection efforts and recommend that access to the public remain closed. The place and the<br />
features it contains should be left as they are. The elders would, however, like to be more closely<br />
involved in a co-management situation with the NPS rangers (see Chapter 8).<br />
5.4.3 Crater Hill-Site #5<br />
Crater Hill is a volcanic cinder cone located in the southwestern portion of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong><br />
<strong>Park</strong>. This place contains abundant evidence of Southern Paiute occupation and use. The place is<br />
situated at approximately 4000 feet in a pinyon-juniper environment.<br />
Site Description<br />
The Crater Hills site is located in the southwestern part of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> in<br />
Washington County, <strong>Utah</strong>, at an elevation of 4340-4400 feet. The study extends along a littleused<br />
trail about 0.5 mile north of the northern base of Crater Hill extending from the <strong>Park</strong><br />
boundary eastward for about 0.75 mile along an unnamed tributary of Coalpits Wash south of a<br />
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idge in the center of Sec. 16, T41N R11W. Interviews were conducted at a point about 0.25 mile<br />
east of the <strong>Park</strong> boundary in NE4 SW4 Sec. 16, and at a point in SE4 NE4 Sec. 16.<br />
Archeological sites including remnants of walls, grinding stones, and lithic scatters, were<br />
encountered throughout the study area and were the stimulus for the selection of the site as a<br />
study area.<br />
The site has relatively flat topography dissected by steep, narrow drainages. The<br />
drainages are 4-10 feet in depth and have flat slabs of Shinarump formation sandstone along the<br />
floor. Soils through most of the area are deep and sandy. In places there is a strong gray clay<br />
component to the soil, probably Shinarump shales, and Shinarump conglomerate gravels and<br />
petrified wood are abundant, especially in areas with clay soils. There is some active erosion<br />
along the drainages and some archeological materials are apparently being lost as the washes<br />
widen and erode upstream. General drainage in the area is gently eastward toward Coalpits<br />
Wash.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The area represents a transition from Great Basin Desertscrub to Great Basin Conifer<br />
Woodland. Old growth singleleaf pinyon (Pinus monophylla) and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper dominate and the<br />
woodland increases in density eastward through the area, with big sagebrush in openings and<br />
especially abundant in the western portion of the area. For the first few hundred meters the trail<br />
passes through disturbed old-field habitat with dense cheat grass and few shrubs and trees.<br />
Annuals and herbaceous perennials are fairly abundant and of numerous species; except for big<br />
sagebrush, shrubs are scattered. Squawbush and one occurrence of purple sage (Salvia dorrii) are<br />
most notable. There is considerable open ground, both in sandy and shaley portions of the area.<br />
Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other plants observed at this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Opuntia<br />
Engelmann pricklypear<br />
Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush<br />
phaeacantha<br />
Asclepias asperula Antelope horns milkweed Opuntia whipplei Whipple cholla<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Orobanche ludoviciana<br />
Broomrape, wild<br />
asparagus<br />
Calochortus<br />
flexuosus<br />
Weakstem mariposa<br />
Penstemon<br />
pachyphyllus Thickleaf beardtongue<br />
Calochortus nuttallii Sego lily Penstemon palmeri Palmer beardtongue<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early Indian paintbrush Physaria newberryi Newberry twinpod<br />
Chaenactis<br />
macrantha Showy dusty-maiden Pinus monophylla Singleleaf pinyon<br />
Bitterbrush,<br />
Cryptantha fendleri Fendler cryptanth Purshia tridentata buckbrush<br />
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Descurainia pinnata Tansy mustard<br />
Rhus trilobata var.<br />
simplicifolia Squawbush<br />
Echinocereus<br />
triglochidiatus Claretcup cactus Salvia dorrii Purple sage<br />
Euphorbia<br />
albomarginata Rattlesnake weed Senecio multilobatus Uinta groundsel<br />
Gilia scopulorum Rock gilia<br />
Sisymbrium<br />
altissimum<br />
Tumble mustard<br />
Gutierrezia<br />
sarothrae Snakeweed Sonchus oleraceus Common sow-thistle<br />
Helianthus annuus Common sunflower<br />
Sphaeralcea<br />
grossulariaefolia Globemallow<br />
Hilaria jamesii Galleta Stanleya pinnata Prince's-plume<br />
Hymenoxys cooperi Cooper's hymenoxys Streptanthus cordatus Heartleaf twistflower<br />
Juniperus<br />
osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper<br />
Swertia<br />
albomarginata<br />
White-margined<br />
swertia<br />
Lupinus flavoculatus Yellow-eye lupine Tragopogon dubius Goatsbeard<br />
Mirabilis multiflora Colorado Four-o'clock Vulpia octoflora Sixweeks fescue<br />
Zigadenus<br />
Opuntia erinacea Mohave prickly pear paniculatis<br />
Foothills death camas<br />
Archaeological Site Description<br />
A series of archaeological sites were visited by Southern Paiute elders near Crater Hill.<br />
The sites are located in pinyon-juniper woodland approximately one-half mile north of Crater<br />
Hill itself. The sites are situated on a flat plain between two ridges. The sites appear to be<br />
temporary hunting camps with associated food processing. The sites are characterized by<br />
ceramic and lithic scatters. The presence of metates suggests that food processing also occurred<br />
at the sites. Hunting is evidenced by lithic debitage. Two projectile points were recovered from a<br />
surface survey conducted at one site. Paiute grayware utility vessels with thumbnail impressions<br />
are among the ceramic remains.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Elders stated that the Crater Hill area was used by Paiute people, primarily for hunting,<br />
camping, and collecting plant foods. It was suggested that Paiute people may also have planted<br />
irrigated gardens along Coalpits Wash and tributary drainages. The area appears to be an ideal<br />
location in which Paiute people hunted and harvested pinenuts.<br />
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Features<br />
Water. The Coalpits Wash drainage and an unnamed spring were mentioned as important<br />
sources of water for humans and animals. Water was also important in ceremonies and dances<br />
related to hunting in this area. As with other important natural resources, Paiute people prayed<br />
prior to and while harvesting water to give thanks for its availability.<br />
Plants. Numerous plants were mentioned by elders at Crater Hill. These include pinenuts,<br />
purple sage, squawbush, cedar, sagebrush, Indian ricegrass, sego lily, and Palmer's penstemon,<br />
known by Indian people as "grandmother's nightcap." Berries, bulbs, roots, seeds, and nuts were<br />
processed and eaten. Sagebrush, cedar, and purple sage were used for medicinal purposes as well<br />
as in ceremony. Purple sage was smoked. The grandmother's nightcap plant was used as a<br />
medicine for sore throat. Squawbush shoots were used for basketmaking, and cedar bark was<br />
used for making hunting clothes and cradleboards.<br />
Animals. Elders mentioned several animals as being important to Paiute people in this<br />
area. These include deer, porcupine, rabbit, cottontail, quail, mountain sheep, and woodchuck.<br />
Eagles were also mentioned as possibly being present. Insects mentioned include cicada and<br />
beetles. Other than uses for food and clothing, deer bones were used to make tools and antlers<br />
were used in ceremonies. Horns and hooves were also used for ceremonial purposes. Porcupine<br />
fat was boiled and used for medicinal purposes. Leg bones of eagles were fashioned into whistles<br />
for use in the Sun Dance.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The flakes, points, grinding stones,<br />
ceramic sherds, and cores are solid evidence that Paiute people camped in the area and used its<br />
resources. Such camps are ideal for hunting and food processing. Winter storage of foodstuffs<br />
may also have occurred here.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. Crater Hill and the surrounding mountains were likely<br />
important in religious terms. Volcanic cinder cones frequently have religious significance.<br />
Burials may be located in the mountains. In addition, the owner of the deer, kainasav, is a<br />
spiritual being that is present in areas such as these. He has the power to call the animals<br />
together, appear and disappear, move very fast, and change form. The area left elders with a<br />
spiritual feeling.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The major impacts to the area mentioned by elders are the recent lack of water, erosion,<br />
and perceived pothunting by tourists. Elders noted that the plants did not look well-watered. The<br />
dry conditions are perceived to place the area at risk of fire damage. It is clear that tourists and<br />
others have disturbed the area. A No Hunting sign has been shot full of holes at the hiker's gate<br />
(see photo<br />
8.3). Based on long experience, elders realize that tourists and others remove artifacts from the<br />
surface to keep as souvenirs or sell. Such removal of artifacts by outsiders is contrary to Paiute<br />
beliefs that such items were intentionally left for other Indian people to use, as well as for the<br />
spirit of the owners to come back and use.<br />
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Recommendations<br />
Paiute people would like to have access rights to hunt game and harvest plant resources,<br />
especially pinenuts, from this area without having to pay fees for entry and harvesting. They<br />
recommend that access be restricted and the place left as it is. Erosion is seen as a largely<br />
uncontrollable natural process that should be allowed to take its course.<br />
5.4.4 Cave Valley-Site #11<br />
Figure 5.8. Crater Hill<br />
Cave Valley is located in the north-northwest portion of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. Actually, the southern<br />
part of the valley is within park boundaries. The valley is southwest of the Kolob Reservoir and<br />
the Lower Kolob Plateau. Hop Valley extends to the north of Cave Valley.<br />
Site Description<br />
This site is in the northwestern portion of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> on the Lower Kolob<br />
Plateau, at an elevation of 6000 feet. The site is in a shallow cave in a highly dissected sandstone<br />
knoll projecting into Cave Valley and contains elaborate petroglyphs and pictographs. Legal<br />
description of the locality is T40S R11W Sec. 16 NE4 NE4 NW4.<br />
The site is in an area of rounded, highly eroded Navajo Sandstone outcrops formed along<br />
the eastern edge of the escarpment marking the eastern side of Cave Valley. The escarpment is<br />
very irregular, with outliers of intricately shaped sandstone projecting west from the main<br />
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escarpment. The site is on the north side of one of these projections. The cave is at the western<br />
end of a north-facing alcove with sculptured sandstone knobs, approximately 200 feet above the<br />
sandy flats that form the floor of the valley. Soils are poorly developed and sandy throughout the<br />
area; they are wind blown when dry, and sand which has drifted up to the cave provides access to<br />
the site.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
Photo 5.9. Southern Paiute elder standing in the entrance to the cave<br />
Great Basin Desert Scrub strongly dominated by big sagebrush is the natural vegetation<br />
on the valley floor where clearing for agriculture has not occurred. Groves of Gambel oak are<br />
scattered near the sandstone knolls, especially in shaded north-facing sites. Directly below the<br />
cave, at the upper edge of the alcove, is a dense grove of chokecherry (Prunus virginiana) and<br />
boxelder; these are replaced by Gambel oak in more exposed sites directly below. Various shrubs<br />
and herbs not found on the flats below occur among the trees and on outlying small sandstone<br />
outcrops. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other plants observed at this<br />
location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Abronia fragrans Fragrant sand- verbena Heuchera rubescens Red alumroot<br />
Pale evening-<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder Oenothera pallida primrose<br />
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Allium biceptrum Palmer's onion Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Artemisia dracunculus Tarragon Penstemon eatonii Eaton beardtongue<br />
Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Penstemon humilis Low penstemon<br />
Brickellia californica California brickell-bush Phacelia heterophylla Varileaf phacelia<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Prunus virginana Choke cherry<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early indian-paintbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
Celtis reticulata Netleaf hackberry Rubus leucodermis Black raspberry<br />
Cercocarpus intricatus<br />
Littleleaf mountainmahogany<br />
Senecio multilobatus Unita groundsel<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus<br />
Rubber rabbitbrush<br />
Sisymbrium<br />
altissimum<br />
Tumble mustard<br />
Cirsium arizonicum Arizona thistle<br />
Tradescantia<br />
occidentalis<br />
Spiderwort<br />
Desurainia pinnata Tansy mustard Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
Fraxinus anomala<br />
Singleleaf ash<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Cave Valley (Paiute tukani yuax/yuak) was interpreted to have been a multipurpose place<br />
that was occupied and used for a variety of purposes. People would have lived and collected<br />
plants in the upland valley, camped and hunted animals on the ridges and in the hills, and<br />
conducted ceremonies in or near the caves in the location. Paiute people may have planted fields<br />
in the washes. Cave Valley is along a travel route from Indian Peak and other areas which Indian<br />
people used when travelling to and from <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon and points south.<br />
Features<br />
Water. The unnamed spring at the base of the hills, southeast of Cave Knoll along Pine<br />
Spring Wash, was mentioned as an important component of the place. People and animals<br />
obtained their water from this spring. Spring water was also used in mixing medicines.<br />
Plants. A variety of plants were mentioned at this place as being important resources.<br />
Pinenuts, Indian ricegrass, wild onions, and chokecherry were eaten. Sagebrush was used as a<br />
medicine and in ceremonies as an incense. Wood from various bushy plants was used for fuel<br />
and construction.<br />
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Animals. This upland valley would have been optimal for game hunting. A number of<br />
animals were mentioned by elders as being important game animals that were hunted in this area.<br />
Mountain lion, coyote, and deer tracks were observed. Deer, antelope, mountain sheep, bobcat,<br />
hummingbird, rabbits, raccoon, lizards, and perhaps eagles were mentioned as being important.<br />
All but the coyote, hummingbird, and eagle were hunted for food. Hides were used for clothing.<br />
Antlers, horns, hooves, and bones (particularly eagle) were used for medicinal purposes as well<br />
as in ceremonies. Bones were used to make tools as well.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The most prominent archaeological feature<br />
visited in Cave Valley is a large cave with abundant rock art (42WS69) on the north side of a<br />
rock outcrop south of Cave Knoll (see photo 5.10). This cave is the type site for the Cave Valley<br />
rock art style studied by archaeologists. Evidence of fire, food processing, and food storage or<br />
rooms (mortar) is also present in the alcove at the rear of the cave. A chert biface and two points<br />
were also documented by archaeologists.<br />
Figure 5.10. Cave Valley style pictographs<br />
The rock art consists of red, yellow, green, black and white figures in what archaeologists<br />
have enumerated as five panels made at different times. The vast majority of figures are human,<br />
with some animal figures as well. Some of the panels have been subjected to vandalism in the<br />
form of graffiti. There was no detailed interpretation of figure sets or individual figures due to<br />
the darkness of the cave and the obscure nature of the pictographs. Elders simply interpreted the<br />
series of panels as telling a story that informed subsequent visitors that they had been there.<br />
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Elders interpret the cave as having been used either by a group of people or a solitary<br />
medicine man. One elder believed the cave was inhabited and used by the ancient Paiute<br />
(hinum). Based on what she observed, another elder provided an extended interpretation on the<br />
use of pigments and the function of the cave:<br />
They probably did that [camp and have ceremonies] too, because of the things we<br />
see around here, you can see the rock writings and where they have been. For<br />
instance, the different colors of drawing, they probably been to a place where it<br />
had that coloring of the dirt. You know they used to make medicine out of the<br />
colors they gathered and they used those for their ceremonies. They danced and<br />
they gave thanks to the creator, that they used a lot of the paints for their<br />
ceremony use and their medicine use. Wherever you go, they have always spread<br />
the land in four ways, to the south, and the north, and the west and the east, so that<br />
there’s the reason why they had plenty of food. They fed the earth and (?) food<br />
was given back to them in a way that they could gather it and make use out of it.<br />
Like I was telling them, perhaps if we followed that drawing on there, perhaps<br />
we’d follow that to (?) or a different kind of animal or a different kind of (?) or<br />
colors that we use for medicine.<br />
Ceremony use, I was telling them, this thing here, this big old rock, sometimes,<br />
when a woman has a child, a brand new child, they don’t allow them with their<br />
family because you know how women bleed. After their child is born they should<br />
live separately, away from their family, that they need to be by themselves until<br />
the bleeding stops. I was telling them perhaps that this looks like it was that kind<br />
of rock, that we’re sitting on.<br />
They stayed here because of bleeding, you know, it’s very sacred among the<br />
Paiutes, that bleeding is something that on a woman, they should be alone with it,<br />
and not let any young people be around because of the blood that comes from<br />
them might spoil the man hunting. His aim and things like that. They will never be<br />
any good anymore if they go with a woman that’s bleeding. Even today it’s like<br />
that among the Indians, that you shouldn’t be among medicine people when<br />
they’re on, when they got, when they’re menstruating. . . they light these fires that<br />
they had in here, you can see they had fire in here, where the rocks were heated.<br />
They were warmed for the child and the woman. It seems like from these rocks<br />
that it could’ve been like that; of course, when she gets better then the family<br />
could join her in here or either in another cave, that’s what my grandfather used to<br />
tell us. He had that cave himself and you know his wife, when she was<br />
menstruating she had to go home and not stay there with her husband when she<br />
was bleeding. This kind of a rock was something that was sacred for the woman<br />
was what he told my sister, my sister was acquainted with it, with my grandfather,<br />
and that kind of advice and what they did was among all the Indian people<br />
(CG009).<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains and caves were the focus of ceremony and<br />
worship in the area. The pointed sandstone rock columns at the head of the outcrop are<br />
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interpreted to be trail guides used by travelers to chart their route of travel or as a landmark<br />
pointing out a place to stop. Indian people relied on such geologic features and incorporated<br />
them into their mental maps of a region through which they traveled.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The Cave Valley area is a mix of private property and <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> transects or parcels.<br />
Private property is mainly livestock farms and ranches. Tourists do hike to the Cave Valley site<br />
in park boundaries. There have been incidences of RVs driving right up to the outcrop. In<br />
addition, a 300+ foot well shaft has been drilled at the outcrop around the bend from the cave.<br />
Elders pointed out the impacts of cattle grazing, tourist hiking and camping, and well drilling as<br />
adversely affecting the place. Weather and vandalism are seen as the main impacts to the rock art<br />
cave. They expressed concern over increasing tourism potentially impacting the cave and the<br />
rock art it contains. Houses and the boundary fence adversely impact the aesthetics and viewshed<br />
of the place. Cattle grazing is seen as adversely affecting the plant communities. Well drilling<br />
will result in the spring being shut down.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Elders stated that Paiute people would like to have access to this place to teach younger<br />
people about traditional lifeways, conduct religious ceremonies, hunt, and gather plants. One<br />
elder recommended that a special time be set aside for Indian access and use of the area without<br />
the fee requirement because the place once belonged to Paiute people. Because the site is located<br />
in a backcountry section of the park, all visitors can access it without paying a fee. Elders<br />
commented on the difficulty in protecting a relatively isolated area such as Cave Valley,<br />
although they perceive the NPS is doing the best that it can. One elder recommended that the<br />
area be closed off to public access to avoid future vandalism and destruction observed at other<br />
locations in the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon corridor.<br />
5.4.5 Lamb's Knoll-Site #12<br />
Lamb's Knoll is located on the west side of the road, southwest of the Cave Valley<br />
location visited. The elder's site visit was focused on a rock art panel and two caves that also<br />
contain rock art.<br />
Site Description<br />
This site is on the southeast face of Lamb's Knoll, less than a mile southwest of the<br />
previous site. Rock art is located on a free-standing boulder and in two alcoves or shallow caves<br />
at an elevation of 5920 feet in T40S R11W Sec. 16 SW4 NW4 SW4. Lamb's Knoll is an isolated<br />
monolith of Navajo Sandstone which is highly dissected with vertical cracks, rounded<br />
projections, and caves. South of the base of the hill are rounded sand hills with sandstone<br />
boulders that have eroded from the monolith; the sand hills are dissected by well-defined<br />
drainages. Soils are very sandy.<br />
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Botanical Interpretation<br />
At the base of the knoll, where moisture availability is somewhat increased by runoff from the<br />
bare sandstone slopes, shrub live oak is abundant, forming thickets in places. Singleleaf pinyon<br />
and several species of shrubs also occur at the cliff base. Shrub live oak and squawbush<br />
predominate on the sand hills away from the cliff, with big sagebrush in open areas and sand<br />
sage on tops of hills and in some drainages. Narrowleaf yucca and <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry are<br />
abundant in places. In general, vegetation at the Lamb's Knoll is more xerophytic than at the<br />
Cave Valley site. This is a result of the south-facing aspect of the Lamb's Knoll site as opposed<br />
to the shaded, cooler north-facing aspect of the Cave Valley site. Paiute plants are listed in bold<br />
print below along with other plants observed at this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Adiantum capillusveneris<br />
Maidenhair fern Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Amelanchier utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Opuntia phaeacantha<br />
Engelmann pricklypear<br />
Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Penstemon eatonii Eaton beardtongue<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana Water sage Penstemon palmeri Palmer beardtongue<br />
Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Perityle tenella Jones' rock-daisy<br />
California brickellbush<br />
Brickellia californica<br />
Phacelia heterophylla Varileaf phacelia<br />
Bromus rubens Red brome Pinus monophylla Singleleaf pinyon<br />
Bitterbrush,<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Purshia tridentata buckbrush<br />
Celtis reticulata Netleaf hackberry Quercus turbinella Shrub live oak<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
Rhus trilobata var.<br />
nauseosus<br />
Rubber rabbitbrush simplicifolia<br />
Squawbush<br />
Ephedra viridis Indian tea Senecio multilobatus Uinta groundsel<br />
Gutierrezia sarothrae Snakeweed Stipa speciosa Desert needlegrass<br />
Tradescantia<br />
Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper occidentalis<br />
Spiderwort<br />
Marrubium vulgare Common horehound Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
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Archaeological Site Description<br />
The rock art sites visited at Lamb's Knoll are numbered 42WS202, 42WS203, and<br />
42WS2248. The first panel is a partially fractured slab of a large boulder with numerous figures<br />
made in red pigment. The first cave (42WS202) contains cultural materials such as mortar<br />
remnants from rooms or structures, grinding stones, and incised petroglyphs (human and animal<br />
figures, as well as undetermined images). The second cave contains materials associated with<br />
habitation such as a grinding stone fragment, mortar remnants of rooms or storage cysts, and an<br />
indiscernible pictograph.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Lamb's Knoll was used by Paiute people in similar fashion to the Cave Valley location.<br />
People lived and collected plants in the upland valley, camped and hunted animals on the ridges<br />
and in the hills, and conducted ceremonies in or near the caves in the location. Paiute people may<br />
have planted fields in the washes. Lamb's Knoll is also along a travel route from Indian Peak and<br />
other areas which Indian people used when travelling to and from <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon and points south.<br />
Features<br />
Water. The seep in the second cave as well as the springs across the road were mentioned<br />
as important water sources.<br />
Plants. Several plants were mentioned as being important at the location. Yucca and<br />
cactus fruits were eaten, as were the berries of squawbush and chokecherry. Pinenuts and various<br />
unnamed roots were also eaten. Squawbush shoots were collected for making baskets. Yucca<br />
roots were also used as soap. Sagebrush was collected for use in medicine and ceremony.<br />
Animals. Deer, coyote, mountain lion, and rabbits were mentioned as important animals.<br />
All except the coyote were hunted for food and clothing.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The rock art panel and caves are<br />
interpreted as evidence that Paiute people occupied and used the area. One elder perceived the<br />
rock art at the Lamb's Knoll locations to be identical to that at the Cave Valley location. The<br />
similarity suggested to him that all of the caves in the region were used by Paiute people.<br />
Another elder stated that people would move from cave to cave when travelling through the area.<br />
The rock art would have been produced as a part of a ceremony, especially those made with red<br />
hematite (ompi). No detailed interpretations of the figures were elicited.<br />
Physical\Geologic Features. As with Cave Valley, the pointed sandstone columnar<br />
outcrops and buttes served as landmarks in the mental maps of Paiute travelers. One elder<br />
mentioned that such features talked to travelers so that they would know in which direction to<br />
proceed.<br />
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Perceived Impacts<br />
The hematite rock art panel is being impacted by its open exposure to the elements (rain,<br />
wind, dust). The first cave visited has been subjected to extensive vandalism, pothunting, and<br />
target shooting. The vegetation at the entire location has been subjected to grazing by sheep and<br />
cattle. Paiute elders were acutely aware of the natural and especially the human impacts on the<br />
location. In their view, these impacts have had a severely negative affect on the condition of the<br />
location.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people would like to have access to this place to teach younger generations about<br />
traditional lifeways. Elders recommended that access to the caves be permitted, but entry into<br />
them be prohibited. One elder suggested constructing iron gates at the cave entrances to prevent<br />
tourists and other outsiders from entering and continuing to vandalize the caves and the rock art<br />
they contain. Another suggested that signs at the entrances which point out the sacred nature of<br />
the caves be put up. There should be no trail construction or improvement to the social trails that<br />
exist. Any plans to post signs on or near the road directing potential visitors to the caves should<br />
be discarded.<br />
5.4.6 Weeping Rock-Site #7<br />
This place is located at the northern end of the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon corridor, north of Hidden<br />
Canyon and east of the Virgin River, Angels Landing and the Organ. Paiute elders visited<br />
Weeping Rock on June 5, 1995 and commented on its importance to Paiute people.<br />
Site Description<br />
Weeping Rock is a large hanging garden in a Navajo Sandstone grotto on the east side of<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon about 2 miles by road north of <strong>Zion</strong> Lodge. The site is at an elevation of 4400 feet<br />
in lower Echo Canyon, about 0.2 mile from its confluence with North Fork Virgin River. The<br />
site is a popular developed NPS attraction site.<br />
Hanging gardens form where seeps and springs issue forth from cracks in the porous<br />
Navajo sandstone at places where water percolating through the sandstone encounters a harder<br />
layer. The moist sandstone flakes off around the seep, eroding the cliff faster in the moist area<br />
and developing a grotto, often with an arched overhang of resistant rock layers above. At<br />
Weeping Rock there is also a waterfall above the overhang, where Echo Canyon Creek falls to<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Canyon. The seep is active throughout the year, allowing the assemblage of hanging garden<br />
plants to develop and persist.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The hanging garden itself supports maidenhair fern (Adiantum capillus-veneris), two<br />
species of columbine (Aquilegia chrysantha and A. formosa), and other species characteristic of<br />
these specialized habitats. Along the creek below the waterfall is a dense grove of velvet ash and<br />
141
other deciduous trees. Common reed (Phragmites australis) was present at the outer edge of the<br />
grotto, just beyond the drip line from the falls. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along<br />
with other plants observed at this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Rocky Mountain<br />
Acer grandidentatum<br />
maple Linum lewisii Blue flax<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder Melilotus indicus Yellow sweet-clover<br />
Adiantum capillus-veneris Maidenhair fern Mimulus cardinalis<br />
Cardinal<br />
monkeyflower<br />
Apocynum suksdorfii Indian hemp Penstemon palmeri<br />
Palmeri<br />
beardtongue<br />
Aquilegia chrysantha Golden columbine Phragmites australis Common reed<br />
Aquilegia formosa Western columbine Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana Water sage Rhus trilobata Squawbush<br />
Celtis reticulata Netleaf hackberry Rosa woodsii Woods wild rose<br />
Cirsium arizonicum Arizona thistle Salix exigua Coyote willow<br />
Epipactis gigantea Helleborine orchid Smilacina stellata Solomon's seal<br />
Equisetum laevigatum<br />
Smooth scouring<br />
rush Tamarix chinensis Saltcedar, Tamarisk<br />
Fraxinus pennsylvanica ssp.<br />
velutina<br />
Velvet ash<br />
Toxicodendron<br />
rydbergii<br />
Poison-ivy<br />
Juniperus scopulorum<br />
Rocky Mountain<br />
juniper Vitis arizonica Canyon grape<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Weeping Rock can best be described as a Southern Paiute shrine. Weeping Rock is a holy<br />
place. Paiute people traditionally used Weeping Rock to visit and pray and heal illness with<br />
water from the spring. In this way, Paiute people received the blessing of the spring and the<br />
spirits associated with it and the Great White Throne. Paiute people from Cedar Mountain to<br />
Kaibab visited this place for various medicinal and ceremonial purposes.<br />
Features<br />
Water. The spring water is believed to have medicinal and ceremonial properties, in<br />
142
addition to being used for drinking. People used the waters to wash themselves or bathe.<br />
Plants. Plants associated with the spring at Weeping Rock were collected for food,<br />
medicine, ceremony, and manufacture. Moss was specifically mentioned as being used for<br />
medicinal and ceremonial purposes. It can be chewed like a gum. Berries were also mentioned as<br />
being used for food.<br />
Animals. Animals mentioned as important to the place include woodchuck. Other animals<br />
were hunted near the spring in the winter. Animals were used for food, medicine, ceremony,<br />
clothing and tools. Animals may have been washed in the spring water in preparation for<br />
cooking.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. There is little if any archaeological<br />
evidence of previous Paiute occupation and use at this place. Therefore, due to its traditional<br />
significance and ongoing importance in Paiute culture, it may qualify for designation as a<br />
Traditional Cultural Property (TCP). One feature at the place is a series of steps, leading up from<br />
the spring, which have been described as Anasazi/Paiute steps.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. Weeping Rock itself, along with peaks and formations such<br />
as the Great White Throne and Angel's Landing are important religious features associated with<br />
the place. The Great White Throne is a kind of formation that was used for worship, seeking<br />
power, and teaching younger people about the importance of the place.<br />
Fugure 5.11 Southern Paiute elders at Weeping Rock<br />
143
Perceived Impacts<br />
Other than tourist traffic, the place was described as being in generally good condition.<br />
Elders recognize the effort of NPS rangers to protect and preserve the integrity of the place<br />
despite growing tourist traffic to the location. One concern is potential efforts to increase or<br />
make access to the place easier.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people would like the NPS to allow them free access to this place for worship and<br />
ceremony. They recommend that the place continue to be protected and preserved as is currently<br />
being done, with caution taken that increased tourism not jeopardize the integrity of the place.<br />
Paiute people support visitation by others, as long as they are careful to respect and preserve the<br />
place. They recommend, however, that Weeping Rock be closed to the public during the time<br />
that Paiute people are there conducting ceremonies or other traditional religious practices.<br />
5.4.7 Middle and Lower Emerald Pools-Site #s 10a and 10b<br />
The Emerald Pools are located in the north-central portion of the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon corridor,<br />
southwest of Weeping Rock. They are situated in a tributary alcove west of the North Fork<br />
Virgin. From the rim of the ledge, there are a series of three pools at the bottom of ledges in steplike<br />
fashion, fed by several springs and waterfalls. The upper pool was not visited. The middle<br />
pool and the lower pool below it were visited on June 7, 1995.<br />
Site Description<br />
The Emerald Pools are about 3 miles north of the Visitor Center along the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon<br />
road in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. The area is on the west side of <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon across the river from<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> Lodge, from which it is accessible by a foot bridge. It consists of three separate sites,<br />
Upper, Middle, and Lower. Hiking trails lead to all of them. Visits with different Southern Paiute<br />
Elders were made to Middle and Lower Emerald Pools, the former designated as Site 10a and the<br />
latter as Site 10b.<br />
Middle Emerald Pool is located at an elevation of 5200 feet, along Heaps Canyon. It is<br />
near the precipice at the top of the waterfall that forms Lower Emerald Pool. The study site<br />
includes an area along the trail near the middle pool and a distance of about 200 meters upstream<br />
along the narrow, rocky canyon. The site has a narrow, moist, shaded canyon which flows east<br />
through an area of rugged topography and high Navajo Sandstone cliffs. The canyon floor has<br />
large sandstone boulders that have eroded from the high walls above. Soils in the canyon are<br />
predominantly sandy and secondarily silty.<br />
Lower Emerald Pool, located at the base of a waterfall, has a large grotto within which is<br />
a hanging garden. This lower pool is quite different from the middle pool above. There are<br />
actually two falls cascading over the precipice, from Heaps Canyon and Behunin Canyon,<br />
joining at the base of the falls as a single creek flowing about 1/4 mile to North Fork Virgin<br />
River.<br />
144
Figure 5.12. Lower Emerald Pool<br />
The predominant feature of the site is the large Navajo Sandstone amphitheater, about<br />
500 feet across and 100 feet high from the edge of the overhang to the creek bed below. The<br />
walkway, where interviews were conducted, passes behind the falls along the base of the grotto<br />
adjacent to seepage lines with hanging gardens. Below the walkway is a rubble slope of<br />
sandstone boulders leading down to the creek bed, which is also strewn with large boulders. The<br />
site is somewhat open except for the shady grotto, and the canyon is much sunnier than Middle<br />
Pool, which also lacks the falls and amphitheater. Moisture at the Lower Emerald Pool comes<br />
from seeps, springs, rainfall, and the creek. The hanging gardens, under the overhang, receive no<br />
rainfall or creek moisture and are supported solely by seepage. The slopes beyond the overhang<br />
and the trees along the creek receive rainfall and water from springs and the creek coming over<br />
the falls.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The opposite walls of the canyon at Middle Emerald Pool are strikingly different. The<br />
south wall, cooler and shadier due to its north-facing aspect, supports a lush, deep Mixed Conifer<br />
forest of Douglas fir and white fir (Abies concolor), occurring lower than its normal elevational<br />
range due to the cool microclimate of the canyon. The north side, more open because of its more<br />
gradual slope and sunnier due to its south-facing aspect, has a Great Basin Conifer Woodland<br />
with Rocky Mountain juniper (Juniperus scopulorum) and shrub live oak. Along the creek,<br />
boxelder, bigtooth maple, velvet ash, and water birch (Betula occidentalis) predominate.<br />
145
The hanging gardens are notable for the abundance of the nearly endemic <strong>Zion</strong> shooting<br />
star (Dodecatheon pulchellum var. zionense). Also present are golden columbine, maidenhair<br />
fern, and helleborine orchid (Epipactis gigantea). Boxelder, bigtooth maple, and velvet ash grow<br />
along the creek below the waterfalls. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other<br />
plants observed at the Middle Emerald Pool.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Abies concolor White fir Heterotheca villosa Hairy goldenaster<br />
Acer grandidentatum Rocky Mountain maple Heuchera rubescens Red alumroot<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder Holodiscus dumosus Mountain spray<br />
Amelanchier<br />
utahensis<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry<br />
Juniperus<br />
scopulorum<br />
Rocky Mountain<br />
juniper<br />
Leptodactylon<br />
Apocynum suksdorfii Indian hemp<br />
pungens<br />
Sharp slenderlobe<br />
Aquilegia chrysantha Golden columbine Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Aquilegia formosa Western columbine<br />
Pachystima<br />
myrsinites<br />
Mountain lover<br />
Artemisia<br />
ludoviciana Water sage<br />
Phacelia<br />
heterophylla Varileaf phacelia<br />
Berberis repens Creeping barberry Poa fendleriana Mutton grass<br />
Pseudotsuga<br />
Betula occidentalis Water birch<br />
menziesii<br />
Douglas-fir<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early Indian paintbrush Salix exigua Coyote willow<br />
Cercocarpus Littleleaf mountainmahogany<br />
intricatus<br />
Salix laevigata Red willow<br />
Cirsium arizonicum Arizona thistle Smilacina stellata Solomon-seal<br />
Claytonia perfoliata Miners' lettuce Thermopsis montana Golden pea<br />
Equisetum arvense Meadow horsetail<br />
Thysanocarpus<br />
curvipes<br />
Fringepod<br />
Equisetum hyemale Common scouring rush<br />
Toxicodendron<br />
rydbergii<br />
Poison-ivy<br />
146
Eriogonum<br />
racemosum var.<br />
zionis <strong>Zion</strong> buckwheat Vitis arizonica Canyon grape<br />
Fraxinus<br />
pennsylvanica ssp.<br />
velutina<br />
Velvet ash<br />
The plant list for the Lower Emerald Pool includes the following:<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Acer grandidentatum Rocky Mountain maple<br />
Eriogonum<br />
racemosum var.<br />
zionis<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> buckwheat<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder<br />
Fraxinus<br />
pennsylvanica ssp.<br />
velutina<br />
Velvet ash<br />
Adiantum capillusveneris<br />
Maidenhair fern<br />
Juniperus<br />
scopulorum<br />
Rocky Mountain<br />
juniper<br />
Aquilegia chrysantha Golden columbine<br />
Leptodactylon<br />
pungens<br />
Sharp slenderlobe<br />
Artemisia<br />
ludoviciana Water sage Penstemon eatonii Eaton beardtongue<br />
Baccharis salicifolia Seepwillow<br />
Phacelia<br />
heterophylla Varileaf phacelia<br />
Berberis repens Creeping barberry Poa fendleriana Mutton grass<br />
Betula occidentalis Water birch Populus fremontii Fremont cottonwood<br />
Brickellia longifolia Long-leaf brickell-bush Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Smilacina stellata Solomon-seal<br />
Cercocarpus<br />
intricatus<br />
Littleleaf mountainmahogany<br />
Thysanocarpus<br />
curvipes<br />
Fringepod<br />
Claytonia perfoliata Miners' lettuce<br />
Toxicodendron<br />
rydbergii<br />
Poison-ivy<br />
Dodecatheon<br />
pulchellum var.<br />
zionense <strong>Zion</strong> shooting star Vitis arizonica Canyon grape<br />
Epipactis gigantea Helleborine orchid Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
147
Archaeological Site Description<br />
The archaeological site near the Emerald pools is numbered 42Ws1167. The site includes<br />
a rock shelter and rock art panel. This site was not visited by Southern Paiute consultants during<br />
the June 7 visit to the Emerald Pools, but the rockshelter was pointed out to one of the<br />
researchers by Jack Burns, <strong>Zion</strong>'s Cultural Resource Specialist. The consultants were informed<br />
of its presence.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Paiute people living in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon along the Virgin River traditionally used the<br />
Emerald Pools and the resources surrounding them for a variety of purposes. Paiute people<br />
camped near the pools, hunted animals who fed and drank at the pools, and gathered plants<br />
surrounding the pools. The pools may also have been used for ceremony and prayer, especially<br />
related to hunting activities.<br />
Features<br />
Water. The pools (Paiute pahkaru, pool) and waterfalls are the primary components of<br />
this place. In addition to providing drinking water for animals and humans, the pools may have<br />
ceremonial significance, both on an individual and group basis.<br />
Plants. Plants surrounding the spring were important sources of food for people and<br />
animals. Various berries and lily roots and pinenuts were eaten. Paiute people also collected<br />
willows to make baskets and cradles, and wood was used to make other utilitarian items.<br />
Animals. Animals that lived near the spring were hunted by Paiute people living in the<br />
area. Hunting occurred on the ridgetops. Animals hunted include mountain lion, deer, elk and<br />
smaller game such as squirrels and birds. These animals were used for food, clothing, and<br />
making tools and shelter. Eagles that may have been present were possibly used for medicine and<br />
ceremony.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. No archaeological sites were visited at this<br />
location. There are, however, a rock art panel and a rock shelter along the trail from the lower<br />
pool to the middle pool. The panel may have been produced to tell stories about the canyon. It is<br />
believed that Paiute people visited and used the panel.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains in the area around the pools were visited and<br />
used for ceremony and for praying.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The condition of the middle pool is seen as fair. The condition of the lower pool is seen<br />
as good. Overall, evaluation of the place as a whole varies based upon where one is located at the<br />
time of the evaluation. The lower pool appears to be adequately preserved despite heavy tourist<br />
traffic; however, construction and tours are seen as having a deleterious effect on the condition<br />
148
of the place as a whole. The middle pool environment is perceived as deteriorated because of<br />
heavy tourist traffic. It may be that plants and animal habitat are in better condition around the<br />
lower pool than at the middle pool.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people wish to come back and visit the pools to pray and be out in nature without<br />
the constraint of having to pay fees. According to one elder:<br />
Now, Indian people have to pay to get through the gates. . . [It's] not right for<br />
people who were born here to pay to worship [the] mountains. . . should be free.<br />
This location could be a candidate area for setting aside for Indian use. The Emerald Pools<br />
should continue to be preserved by the NPS. However, there should not be any more<br />
improvements made to the location. Nature should be allowed to take its course, even if it means<br />
a landslide blocks the pools. This simply means that nature will select another location for the<br />
pools. Animals should be left alone, not fed by tourists. Plants appear to be adequately protected.<br />
5.4.8 Birch Creek-Site #6 (Scoping Visit)<br />
Birch Creek is located in the central portion of the <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon Corridor, in a tributary<br />
stream canyon west of the Virgin River. The general area in which it is located is known as the<br />
Court of the Patriarchs. The sites visited in Birch Creek are actually located on a south-facing<br />
talus slope covered in dense scrub oak thicket west of the Sand Bench Horse Trail. Birch Creek<br />
was visited on June 5, 1995 at the request of the <strong>Zion</strong> Cultural Resource Specialist, who is<br />
currently in the latter stages of preparing an Environmental <strong>Assessment</strong> (EA) of this area to<br />
assess potential impacts of development in Birch Creek. Because of the lateness of the EA<br />
process, and the fact that only two elders were able to make a brief visit to the place, this should<br />
be considered only as a scoping visit not to be used for mitigative purposes. More systematic<br />
research and fieldwork is necessary to adequately assess the cultural significance of Birch Creek<br />
and its resources to Southern Paiute people, as well as to adequately assess potential impacts of<br />
proposed development activities.<br />
Site Description<br />
The Birch Creek site is in <strong>Zion</strong> Canyon, <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, Washington County, <strong>Utah</strong>,<br />
about 2 miles north of the <strong>Zion</strong> NPS Visitor Center. It is about 0.5 mile west of North Fork<br />
Virgin River on the north side of Birch Creek, at the top of a steep, brushy slope and base of a<br />
low cliff of Springdale or Navajo Sandstone formation. The site is reached by following the Sand<br />
Bench Trail on a foot bridge over the North Fork Virgin River, continuing on the trail leading up<br />
Birch Creek, and heading up the steep slope from a point near a low concrete tank along the <strong>Park</strong><br />
water system. Elevation ranges from 4340 feet along the creek to about 4500 feet at the top of<br />
the slope. The Court of the Patriarchs is an amphitheater about one mile long and one-half mile<br />
wide at the base of 2000-foot high Navajo Sandstone cliffs.<br />
149
The focal point of the site is rock writing on vertical panels at the base of the cliff. The<br />
sandstone cliff is eroded into blocks and slabs which are falling off, making a very steep, rocky,<br />
sandy slope for about 200 feet down to the Birch Creek flood plain. The open, south-facing slope<br />
is dry and exposed. Interviews were conducted on the floodplain at the base of the slope after a<br />
visit to the panels had been completed; thus, the study site is considered to extend from the<br />
panels to the shore of Birch Creek. The floodplain is sandy and open, with a few large, old<br />
cottonwood trees and patches of other deciduous tree species, especially in the lower part near<br />
the stream.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The slope is strongly dominated by dense thickets of shrub live oak, which in places<br />
forms impenetrable thickets. On the floodplain, groves of Gambel oak are scattered in the upper,<br />
drier locations while velvet ash (Fraxinus pennsylvanica ssp. velutina) grows along the creek.<br />
Horsetails (Equisetum laevigatum) are scattered throughout the floodplain, even in drier areas.<br />
An open gallery forest of large, mature cottonwoods is present throughout the valley floor, and<br />
canyon grape (Vitis arizonica) grows on a few trees near the creek.<br />
On the south side of the amphitheater the north-facing slopes have much more<br />
mesophytic vegetation, including window boxes with Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii) in<br />
shaded alcoves at the base of the cliffs. There are a few springs at the base of these cliffs; one is<br />
large enough to support a line of cottonwoods along the slope below it. Larger springs upstream<br />
along Birch Creek are one source of water for the <strong>Park</strong> and also contribute to the culinary water<br />
system for the town of Springdale. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other<br />
plants observed at this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder Lepidium montanum<br />
Mountain<br />
pepperplant<br />
Arctostaphylos<br />
pungens Pointleaf manzanita Linum lewisii Blue flax<br />
Artemisia<br />
dracunculus Tarragon Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Artemisia<br />
ludoviciana Water sage<br />
Opuntia<br />
phaeacantha<br />
Engelmann pricklypear<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Penstemon palmeri Palmer penstemon<br />
Celtis reticulata Netleaf hackberry Pinus monophylla Singleleaf pinyon<br />
Cirsium<br />
neomexicanum var.<br />
utahense <strong>Utah</strong> thistle Populus fremontii Fremont cottonwood<br />
Ephedra viridis Indian tea Quercus turbinella Shrub live oak<br />
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Equisetum<br />
laevigatum<br />
Erigeron concinnus<br />
Erodium cicutarium<br />
Smooth scouring rush<br />
Hairy fleabane<br />
Storksbill, heronbill<br />
Rhus trilobata var.<br />
simplicifolia<br />
Rumex<br />
hymenosepalus<br />
Sphaeralcea<br />
grossulariaefolia<br />
Squawbush<br />
Wild rhubarb<br />
Globemallow<br />
Needle-and-thread<br />
grass<br />
Fraxinus anomala Single-leaf ash Stipa comata<br />
Fraxinus<br />
pennsylvanica ssp.<br />
velutina Velvet ash Tamarix chinensis Saltcedar, tamarisk<br />
Gutierrezia<br />
sarothrae Snakeweed Vicia americana American vetch<br />
Heterotheca villosa Hairy goldenaster Vitis arizonica Canyon grape<br />
Juniperus<br />
osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper<br />
Archaeological Site Description<br />
The archaeological site visited at Birch Creek is numbered 42WS108. The site has three<br />
panels of incised grooves. The first panel (Panel A) is the westernmost and largest panel. It has<br />
51 grooves, a diamond-shaped figure and one anthropomorph. The diamond-shaped image may<br />
be of historic origin. Two incised grooves are present on the ceiling. No cultural materials were<br />
present on the floor of the overhang. The second panel (Panel B) is on a sandstone boulder at the<br />
base of the cliff. This panel has eleven incised grooves and two ground areas. Five grooves and<br />
two ground areas are present across the boulder on the cliff face. The third panel (Panel C) is 20<br />
meters to the east. It has sixteen grooves, some of which may have been caused by branches<br />
from the dense scrub oak thicket rubbing against the sandstone. South of the escarpment, in the<br />
valley, is the location where the proposed development is to occur.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Paiute people resided in Birch Creek valley and cultivated gardens along the side stream<br />
tributary to the Virgin River. The place was also used for hunting, gathering plants, and<br />
conducting ceremonies, as evidenced from the rock art panels on the talus slope (see Chapter 1).<br />
Features<br />
Water. Water from the springs in the talus slope and Birch Creek itself were important for<br />
irrigation and human consumption. They also served as a source of water for animals in the area.<br />
Plants. Plants were collected for food and medicine. These plants include wild rhubarb,<br />
squawbush berries, acorns from the scrub oak, wild currants, wild strawberries, and prickly pear<br />
cactus fruits. At the time of the visit, many of the plants were not quite ready for harvesting. One<br />
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elder pointed out that in the past, oak trees were burned, danced around, and used for ceremonies<br />
and meetings. Squawbush branches were collected for basketmaking.<br />
Animals. A variety of animals was hunted by Paiute people in this area for food,<br />
medicine, ceremony, clothing, and making tools. Animals include quail, deer, rabbit, cottontail,<br />
porcupine, squirrel, and perhaps owls and wild turkeys.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The rock art incised into the Navajo<br />
sandstone indicates previous Paiute ceremonial activity in Birch Creek. The presence of the rock<br />
art may also indicate the presence of a burial at the spot or nearby.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains surrounding the location serve as a kind of<br />
temple in that they were the objects of worship, ceremony and prayer. This suggests that they<br />
have special meaning to Paiute people.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
This location is perceived to be adversely affected by modernization, development, and<br />
tourism. The springs have been capped. Still, the location is perceived currently to be in good<br />
condition, owing to NPS protection. This includes plants, animal habitat, the archaeological site<br />
itself, and the surrounding mountains.<br />
Recommendations<br />
The location should be left the way it is, and it should continue to be protected by NPS<br />
rangers as is currently being done. The absence of vandalism at the panels suggests a low<br />
visitation rate by tourists. The perception of the site as a potential burial area suggests that the<br />
site is better avoided and restricted from tourist access. If this is not possible, elders recommend<br />
that rangers should escort and guide tourists to the panels for visitation along established trails.<br />
5.4.9 Petroglyph Canyonsite #8<br />
Petroglyph Canyon is located about one mile east of the small tunnel. The site was visited<br />
on June 5, 1995.<br />
Site Description<br />
This is a rock art site along the east entrance road about 1.3 miles by road east of the<br />
eastern or shorter tunnel. The site is about 0.1 mile north of the road in a small drainage with a<br />
vertical wall on the west side and sloping slickrock on the east; elevation is about 5450 feet. The<br />
distance across the narrow canyon floor is generally less than 100 feet.<br />
The wall and slickrock are both Navajo Sandstone. The canyon floor is of deep sand, and<br />
the current creek bed crosses back and forth from wall to slickrock within the study area. Higher<br />
parts of the canyon floor are stabilized by vegetation. Rock art is located at several places along<br />
the base of the vertical (western) wall of the canyon.<br />
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Botanical Interpretation<br />
This is a shaded site which receives little direct sunlight, and along the canyon floor are plants<br />
normally found at higher elevations. Scattered old-growth ponderosa pines (Pinus ponderosa)<br />
line the canyon floor, and there is a dense understory of small deciduous trees, principally<br />
bigtooth maple (Acer grandidentatum) and secondarily Gambel oak and boxelder ponderosa<br />
pines, <strong>Utah</strong> juniper, shrub live oak, mountain spray (Holodiscus dumosus), some of which are<br />
characteristic of slickrock habitats. Paiute plants are listed in bold print along with other plants<br />
observed at this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Acer grandidentatum Rocky Mountain maple<br />
Oenothera<br />
longissima<br />
Tall yellow eveningprimrose<br />
Acer negundo Boxelder Oenothera pallida<br />
Pale eveningprimrose<br />
Amelanchier<br />
utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Arctostaphylos<br />
pungens<br />
Pointleaf manzanita<br />
Oryzopsis<br />
hymenoides Indian ricegrass<br />
Artemisia<br />
ludoviciana Water sage<br />
Pachystima<br />
myrsinites<br />
Mountain lover<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Penstemon humilis Low penstemon<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early Indian paintbrush Penstemon laevis Smooth penstemon<br />
Cercocarpus<br />
intricatus<br />
Littleleaf mountainmahogany<br />
Penstemon<br />
pachyphyllus Thickleaf penstemon<br />
Chaenactis douglasii Douglas dusty-maiden<br />
Petrophytum<br />
caespitosum Rockmat<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus<br />
Rubber rabbitbrush<br />
Phacelia<br />
heterophylla Varileaf phacelia<br />
Cirsium arizonicum Arizona thistle Phlox longifolia Longleaf phlox<br />
Claytonia perfoliata Miners' lettuce Pinus ponderosa Ponderosa pine<br />
Eriogonum<br />
umbellatum Sulfur buckwheat Poa fendleriana Mutton grass<br />
Eriogonum<br />
racemosum var.<br />
zionis <strong>Zion</strong> buckwheat Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
Erysimum asperum Western wallflower Quercus turbinella Shrub live oak<br />
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Fraxinus anomala Singleleaf ash Senecio multilobatus Uinta groundsel<br />
Heterotheca villosa Hairy goldenaster Smilacina stellata Solomon's seal<br />
Holodiscus dumosus Mountain spray<br />
Thysanocarpus<br />
curvipes<br />
Fringepod<br />
Juniperus<br />
osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper<br />
Tradescantia<br />
occidentalis Spiderwort<br />
Juniperus<br />
scopulorum Rocky Mountain juniper Yucca angustissima Narrowleaf yucca<br />
Oenothera caespitosa Tufted evening-primrose<br />
Figure 5.13. Southern Paiute elder gazing at petroglyphs, Site # 8<br />
Archaeological Site Description<br />
The site visited in Petroglyph Canyon is numbered 42WS153. It consists of two panels on<br />
an east facing canyon wall 150 meters up in the canyon on the north side of the road. The two<br />
panels are about 65 meters apart. The first, northernmost panel has human figures, including one<br />
triangular shaped red ocher pictograph. The second panel to the south contains mostly animal<br />
figures including bighorn sheep and insects. In addition, there are pecked areas, a human figure<br />
and pecked spirals. The total number of figures on the second panel is 77.<br />
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Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Petroglyph Canyon was traditionally used by Paiute people for a variety of purposes.<br />
Most likely Paiute people camped at this location on their way to somewhere else. Hunting and<br />
gathering were important activities, as was ceremony, judging from the numerous animal figures<br />
on the rock art panel and the presence of red hematite (ompi), respectively. Some of the images<br />
were interpreted to signify trails to and from the area.<br />
Features<br />
Water. Water pockets (picavu) were important sources of water at this location for animal<br />
and human consumption. They were likely seasonal, much like tinajas or water tanks. The water<br />
pockets are perceived to have dried up.<br />
Plants. A number of plants were identified as being used by Paiute people at this location<br />
for a variety of purposes. These plants include squawbush, oak, sage, cedar, pine, cacti, wild<br />
rhubarb, and Indian ricegrass. Squawbush berries were eaten and the straight young shoots used<br />
to make baskets and cradles. Acorns from the oak were eaten. Sage and cedar were burned for<br />
ceremonial purposes as well as medicine. Pinenuts were eaten.<br />
Animals. Numerous animals were hunted in the area. Deer, sage hen, porcupine<br />
woodchuck, squirrel, mountain sheep, and rabbit were all hunted. The meat was used for food,<br />
hides for clothing, bones for tools. Animal parts such as deer antler and mountain sheep horn<br />
were used for medicine and ceremony, as were porcupine quills for use on dance clothing.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The rock art panels are perceived to have<br />
been made by Paiute people. The presence of a red paint pictograph suggests that a hematite<br />
source may have been present at one time. The panels are seen to have ceremonial functions due<br />
to the presence of ompi (red paint). The presence of the ompi in the context of an overhang also<br />
suggests the potential of a burial being present there or nearby. Ceremonies were religious in<br />
nature and related to hunting activities. The presence of numerous sheep on the panels attests to<br />
the hunting ability of the people.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. Ompi and the mountains are the key physical components of<br />
this place. The mountains are worshipped and used to communicate with spiritual beings. Ompi<br />
is a key component in ceremony and must be prayed to in order to be effective. It is also used to<br />
protect oneself from ghosts and evil spirits. Paiute people may have worn the ompi while<br />
dancing during ceremony. These aspects of the place imbue it with sacred significance.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The major impacts to this location are the lack of water for animals and plants and<br />
vandalism by tourists to the rock art panels. The site receives heavy visitation. Elders suspect<br />
that tourists have engaged in pot hunting as well as chipping of portions of the rock art panels<br />
which is evident.<br />
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Recommendations<br />
Paiute people with close ties to the area would like to have access to the place to visit<br />
with younger people and pray without having to pay entrance fees and being disturbed by others.<br />
Rangers should intensify existing efforts to protect and preserve the place in its current state.<br />
5.4.10 Pah Tempe Hot Springs-Site #13<br />
Pah Tempe Hot Springs is located 20 miles west of <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. in the town of Hurricane,<br />
<strong>Utah</strong>. The name Pah Tempe derives from the Paiute tumpipah or pahtumpi (rock water or water<br />
rock). Paiute people refer to it as kwachungupah (hot water). The warm water, mineral springs<br />
emerge from a rock wall into what was once a series of natural pools adjacent to the Virgin<br />
River. The springs are currently the site of what is advertised as a commercial resort oasis for<br />
natural healing and relaxation. The hot springs were visited on June 9, 1995.<br />
The La Verkin-Hurricane area was a central area of dense Southern Paiute settlement and<br />
irrigated horticulture at the time of first contact with Europeans in 1776. Traditionally, local<br />
Paiutes and those from as far away as Moapa traveled to visit the hot springs.<br />
Figure 5.14. Impacts of public and private development at Pah Tempe Hot Springs<br />
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Figure 5.15. Southern Paiute Elders<br />
Site Description<br />
Pah Tempe Hot Springs is located on the eastern edge of Hurricane, Washington County,<br />
<strong>Utah</strong>, at the base of the Hurricane Cliffs near the western end of the Virgin River Canyon at an<br />
elevation of 3000 feet. It was used by Southern Paiutes for many centuries. The site is in T41S<br />
R13W Sec. 25 SW4.<br />
This is a geologically complex site where hot mineralized water issues forth from springs<br />
at 105oF. The largest flow is from a spring at the base of the south wall which has been<br />
excavated back for some 20 feet. Large springs apparently also occur in the river bed. The hot<br />
water originates from deep within the earth, and its presence at the surface is associated with<br />
faulting which has upturned strata on the west side of the fault to nearly vertical position, and<br />
fractured strata on the east side of the fault allowing water to percolate upwards through cracks<br />
to the surface. Travertine has been deposited at the outer edge of the pools above the river.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
Natural vegetation at the site has been considerably altered by development. On the steep<br />
slopes, a mixture of Mohave and Great Basin Desert shrubs is present, along with some<br />
woodland shrubs in shaded or moist places. Princes plume (Stanleya pinnata) and galleta grass<br />
(Hilaria jamesii)appear to predominate. Along the river are scattered tamarisk, seepwillow<br />
(Baccharis salicifolia), and Emory seepwillow (Baccharis emoryi), and cottonwood and<br />
Goodding willow (Salix gooddingii) trees have been planted along the walkway from the cabins<br />
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to the springs. Recent floods have probably reduced the amount of riparian vegetation present<br />
along the river. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below along with other plants observed at<br />
this location.<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Amelanchier<br />
utahensis<br />
<strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry<br />
Leptodactylon<br />
pungens<br />
Sharp slenderlobe<br />
Artemisia<br />
ludoviciana Water sage Malcomia africana African mustard<br />
Baccharis emoryi Emory seepwillow Melilotus alba White sweet-clover<br />
Baccharis salicifolia Seepwillow Melilotus indicus Yellow sweet-clover<br />
Brickellia longifolia Long-leaf brickell-bush Perityle tenella Jones' rock-daisy<br />
Castilleja chromosa Early Indian paintbrush Plantago major Common plantain<br />
Eleagnus angustifolia Russian olive Salix gooddingii Goodding willow<br />
Ephedra viridis Indian tea Salsola iberica Russian thistle<br />
Fraxinus<br />
pennsylvanica ssp.<br />
velutina Velvet ash Sonchus oleraceus Common sow-thistle<br />
Galium stellatum Shrubby bedstraw Stanleya pinnata Prince's-plume<br />
Hilaria jamesii Galleta Tamarix chinensis Saltcedar, tamarisk<br />
Lepidium montanum Mountain pepperplant Ulmus sp. Elm<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
There may be no place along the Virgin River corridor that is more sacred to the Southern<br />
Paiute people. The hot springs were visited by Paiute people from all regions of traditional<br />
territory for medicinal and ceremonial purposes. It is well known even today that the hot springs<br />
are a Southern Paiute sacred site. Elders have a fond and vivid memory of traditional use of the<br />
hot springs. Visiting the contemporary resort elicited a quite poignant and emotional response on<br />
the part of the elders. The following quote illustrates:<br />
. . . it's not the same place I came to years ago. Since the white people have made<br />
the trails, what they call improvements on it. In the old days it was natural, you<br />
didn't have no trails you just had to be careful to walk to it, and the spring itself<br />
wasn't fixed like it is and it just came out of the hole and the people sat under that<br />
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Features<br />
and sat in it and talked to it. Those that were sick came from far and near to this<br />
area, but since it has been remodeled and fixed now hardly anybody ever comes,<br />
and it costs money now so I never heard of them come here no more, but way in<br />
the old days they came, lot of people came. They say they come here to doctor<br />
their body, doctor themselves when they talk it's like a prayer they said. They told<br />
the spring they were hurt and they were sick and they had come to it for help and<br />
then when they went back they said they were alright. They felt better after sitting<br />
in there, some of them camped around the area to come back here on the days they<br />
thought it was good they’d come sit in there. It wasn't fixed like that it was just<br />
like [that] way in the old days. It has changed since my grandfather’s day, because<br />
my grandfather and his wife used come here all the [time]. I was just growing up<br />
then, but I noticed later on when we were walking around the area, we were<br />
picking peaches, and we’d come here once in a while, that’s when they started<br />
doing the trails and that thing was all fixed up with cement and that’s the way it<br />
looks today. I mean it looked a little better than this, but after floods had come and<br />
ruined it so it doesn’t look the same. It’s a different story now, that way in the old<br />
days, when I was growing up I used to come with my grandfather, and we used to<br />
see sick people come and they used to talk to the spring there, then, when they got<br />
well, they felt much better. They came from far and near, all the people knew<br />
about it, then they say there’s another one in Nevada like this, that’s where they<br />
go, and I guess they have ‘em all over, in different areas, but it has changed now.<br />
It’s [a] lot different than when I first saw it, before the white man fixed it with a<br />
sidewalk. I mean trails, it was just. . . it had no cement work or anything like that<br />
and the old people used to talk for long time to the spring, then some of them went<br />
back feeling a lot better, that’s all I know about this, but in recent years I haven’t<br />
been here, so that’s all I know. (RS010)<br />
Water. The warm waters of the mineral springs have healing properties. Paiute people<br />
have visited these springs since aboriginal times to bathe in them to soothe various body ailments<br />
and cure a variety of illnesses. The springs need to be talked and prayed to in order to be<br />
effective. Patients came either at the instruction of medicine men, or were accompanied by the<br />
medicine men to the springs. Elders commented on the medicinal properties of the mineral water<br />
based on their personal experience:<br />
. . . that was one of the main things that the Indians looked at, like you know when<br />
your child gets a real fever then you wash it up with warm water, in them days the<br />
Indians used to [use] this real sagebrush, they would boil that kind or either cedar<br />
berries, they would boil the berries and the water gets brown and they would bathe<br />
the child in that and that would clean, cleanse their body of whatever sickness<br />
they had carried.<br />
Sometimes they would travel to, like being paralyzed, they would go to hot<br />
springs, in La Verkin, and they would bring the water home or they would bring. .<br />
. my grandmother. . . she was becoming paralyzed. . . so my father took her to that<br />
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hot springs in La Verkin, and he would carry her down into the water and she<br />
would spend so many hours there, maybe an hour in the water, and they would<br />
bathe her from head to toe, and try to help move her limbs. . . they made her drink<br />
some medicine. . . that chaparral, they gave her a little of that. . . diluted with<br />
water all day. (CG003)<br />
. . . [I] enjoyed coming here because I had arthritis, still got it. . . We used to live<br />
in Hurricane. . . and we used to come up here about every week, take a bath.<br />
(DH013)<br />
[Indian people go there] to get health, if your bones are aching or something like<br />
that, or you got sores, even a headache. . . drink some of that water, then when<br />
you're coming out you have to give it a token. . . my grandma used to pick up<br />
some rocks, pretty rocks, you know somewhere, and she was talking and she said,<br />
"Here, I'm giving this to you my mother, dad, grandpa, grandma," talking as if it<br />
was a human, that's the way she used to be. (CG006)<br />
Plants. Food, medicine, and ceremonial plants were mentioned only because of their<br />
conspicuous absence. Chokecherry still grows on the river bank. Sage was gathered on the way<br />
to the springs, presumably to burn as part of ceremonies. Elders also stated that people often<br />
bathed with chaparral as part of the curing process. Many of the trees and plants currently<br />
present have been planted as ornamentation.<br />
Animals. Up on the ledges small game was hunted by Southern Paiute people who<br />
camped near the hot springs. Rabbits and small antelope were taken. In the summer months,<br />
grasshoppers and beetles were gathered and roasted. Bones of small game were ground and used<br />
to apply with medicine as a part of ceremonies. Hides were used for clothing.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. According to one elder, there was once an<br />
old Indian camp downstream from the springs under a tree. The same or another camp was<br />
located in what is now Hurricane. The elder recalls that her family traveled to the springs from<br />
Kaibab frequently in wagons and stayed at the Indian camp. Another elder stated that his<br />
grandmother, who suffered from arthritis, traveled from Kaibab to the hot springs on a daily<br />
basis to soak in the mineral waters. At that time, there were two cave-like alcoves in which<br />
people could sit.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
Paiute elders perceive the hot springs and surroundings as being impacted by private and<br />
public development. Native plants have been largely removed. The spring is currently piped at its<br />
source in the limestone wall, with tributary piping to pools some distance away. The pools<br />
themselves have been continually shifted around, lined with cement and plastic liners. Rock<br />
walls and platforms have been built at their margins. Cement sidewalks lighted with electricity<br />
lead to the pools:<br />
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You know about a year and a half ago, two years ago, I was here, everything was<br />
OK...that time, you know, they charged us to come in, I think it was $15 or $12. . .<br />
one of these days the whole thing's gonna close. . . One of these days you'll here<br />
about the whole mountain caved in, just like it up to <strong>Zion</strong>s. (DH013)<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people would like to have free access to the hot springs to continue their<br />
traditional practice of soaking in the pools to relieve aches and cure illness, as well as holding<br />
ceremonies. Like access to <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>, elders feel that it is an injustice to make Indian<br />
people pay to use a traditional sacred site that they owned and controlled before the arrival of<br />
Euroamericans. Some recommend that the NPS should take control of the hot springs to afford<br />
greater protection. Others suggest that NPS and the tribes should co-manage the springs to<br />
protect and preserve them. Elders say that the springs area should be made to look more natural<br />
like it was in the old days when Indian people visited and used them. It was suggested by one<br />
elder that perhaps a special time could be set aside for Indian use of the springs. Overall, the<br />
elders do not oppose shared use with non-Indians as long as the latter respect the place.<br />
5.5 Summary<br />
Southern Paiutes utilized the resources of <strong>Zion</strong> and the Virgin River ecoscape to support<br />
their life and culture. They derived benefit from the environment around them and were expected<br />
to reciprocate by harvesting plants or making offerings to the creator. In addition to the<br />
information the Southern Paiute consultants provided about specific places and resources within<br />
the park and ecoscape, their discussions more broadly described their way of viewing the world<br />
around them. Several themes emerged from their discussions and are discussed in this chapter<br />
summary.<br />
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CHAPTER SIX<br />
PIPE SPRING NATIONAL MONUMENT-KANAB CREEK ECOSCAPE<br />
SITE ANALYSIS<br />
Southern Paiutes have lived in and around Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument since they were<br />
created. The purpose of this chapter is to describe the results of the ethnohistoric and ethnographic<br />
overview of Pipe Spring. Because Pipe Spring is a relatively small environmental feature,<br />
information about the ecoscape of which it is a part is included to help clarify the significance and<br />
meaning of the spring for Southern Paiutes. This significance has varied during these time periods<br />
described in Chapter One: (1) the creation period, (2) the encroachment period, (3) the early<br />
reservation period, and (4) the modern reservation period. Therefore, this chapter is organized into<br />
these time periods.<br />
6.1 Pipe Spring's Significance<br />
Pipe Spring is culturally significant for Southern Paiutes in part because it is representative<br />
of the lifestyle common to Paiutes in the region before Euro-American encroachment and because it<br />
is located within the Kaibab Paiute Reservation. Most of the other springs in the area have passed<br />
into private ownership; Pipe Spring provides one of few focal points for demonstrating Paiute life<br />
in the region. The significance of Pipe Spring changed when Euro-American settlers took control<br />
of the spring and the area surrounding it. As Southern Paiute lifestyles were increasingly<br />
threatened by Euro-Americans, the Southern Paiute relationship with Pipe Spring and other<br />
places, such as the Kaibab Plateau and the Grand Canyon, changed. The conversion of Southern<br />
Paiute lands to Mormon ranches and farms significantly reduced the opportunities for traditional<br />
ecological relationships among the Paiutes, plants, and other animals in the region. Pipe Spring was<br />
the site of a major cattle operation, and it exemplifies regional impacts of such operations. In<br />
addition, Pipe Spring became a key Mormon settlement and a symbol of the effect of Euro-<br />
Americans on traditional Paiute lifestyles. It is an appropriate place to explore the interactions<br />
between the Paiutes and the Mormons. Finally, the establishment of the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Reservation and the designation of Pipe Spring as a national monument within its borders altered<br />
the legal relationship with the Southern Paiutes. Although the monument continued to be<br />
operated as a private enterprise for many years, eventually the effects of <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service<br />
(NPS) control over the monument became noticeable. Because of both its location and its history,<br />
Pipe Spring remains a very significant place in Southern Paiute culture.<br />
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Figure 6.1 Elder next to trough at Pipe Spring<br />
6.2 Study Methodology<br />
Documents were reviewed to obtain information about the historical and current relationships<br />
between Pipe Spring and the Southern Paiute people. Documents were collected from (1) the Pipe<br />
Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument natural and cultural resource library and the park archives, (2) the<br />
University of Arizona library, and (3) the Southern Paiute files of the researchers.<br />
6.2.1 Onsite Visits<br />
The on-site visit fieldwork at places in the Kanab Creek ecoscape, including Pipe Spring<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument, was conducted to elicit Southern Paiute concerns for places and the cultural<br />
resources those places contain. The fieldwork was also designed to obtain recommendations from<br />
tribal elders about how the NPS can best protect these places and resources in consultation with Pipe<br />
Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument personnel. Data are drawn from the in-field ethnographic interviews<br />
conducted with tribal elders.<br />
At Pipe Spring, the entire <strong>National</strong> Monument was considered to be the study site. At<br />
Muuputs Canyon, the site included the area traversed by the group from the trail head to the rock art<br />
sites in the amphitheater of the canyon.<br />
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Once the study site was defined, the botanist covered the study site as completely as possible.<br />
The project botanist prepared a list of all plant species observed, noting particularly all culturally<br />
significant species encountered, as identified by SPC consultants on previous projects in the region.<br />
New culturally significant species identified during this project were noted, and common and<br />
scientific names were provided to ethnographers. Welsh et al. (1993) is used as a standard reference<br />
for nomenclature for the lists; other references used to identify plants in the field are Kearney and<br />
Peebles (1960), Nelson (1976), and Welsh (1990). The botanist also prepared an overview<br />
environmental description of the study sites, including the exact location, elevation, general habitat<br />
description, geologic setting and history as far as could be ascertained, and brief description of the<br />
vegetation association and most important species. Finally, the botanist collected herbarium<br />
specimens of culturally significant plants. Specimens of each species were collected once or twice,<br />
either the first time encountered or as collectable specimens were found. Time constraints prevented<br />
collecting each Indian plant at every site, or all species encountered, including those having no<br />
known significance. Plants were pressed in a standard plant press at the first opportunity, at least<br />
every evening. Three or four sheets of each species were collected, for deposit at the SPC Cultural<br />
Resources office, Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument and the Northern Arizona University Herbarium.<br />
Collecting permits were provided by the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service for collecting at Pipe Spring.<br />
Figure 6.2 Pipe Spring Meeting Participants<br />
164
6.3 <strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong> of Pipe Spring<br />
Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument lies at the edge of the Kanab Creek ecoscape defined by<br />
Southern Paiutes (see Chapter Four). The monument includes Pipe Spring, the Mormon fort built<br />
over the spring, and the edge of the Vermillion Cliffs immediately west of the spring. Southern<br />
Paiute occupation of the lower elevations of the Colorado Plateau was determined by the availability<br />
of water. Springs occurring along the base of the Vermillion Cliffs and the western slopes of the<br />
Kaibab Plateau were chief factors controlling the location of settlements.<br />
Although European explorers passed near Pipe Spring in the 1500s, the region did not<br />
experience significant encroachment until 1858 when Mormon scouts were sent to establish<br />
settlements on the Arizona Strip. Written documentation of Southern Paiute occupation and use<br />
comes primarily from Mormon accounts but also from the reports and diaries of explorers (e.g.;<br />
Powell 1875).<br />
6.3.1 General <strong>Overview</strong><br />
A brief chronology of Southern Paiute Ethnohistory in Northern Arizona is provided in<br />
Chapter One. The Mormon occupation of Pipe and Moccasin Springs and the creation of the national<br />
monument were the events causing the greatest impact at Pipe Spring. Table 6.1 identifies the four<br />
significant periods in Southern Paiute history at Pipe Spring.<br />
Table 6.1. Significant Periods of Ethnohistory at Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
Time Period<br />
Creation<br />
European and Euro-American<br />
Activities<br />
pre-1520 None recorded. Aboriginal period.<br />
1520-1857<br />
Encroachment<br />
Escalante expedition passes<br />
through the region and notes lush<br />
grasslands. Spanish, Mexican, and<br />
Native American traders begin the<br />
spread of disease.<br />
Southern Paiute Response<br />
Southern Paiutes occupy core areas of<br />
primary residence within an extensive<br />
territory of seasonal use areas. They farm<br />
along Kanab Creek and its tributaries and<br />
near springs. They harvest wild cultigens and<br />
hunt game in the nearby uplands and go into<br />
the Grand Canyon to gather agave.<br />
165
1858-1905<br />
Early<br />
Reservation<br />
1906-1953<br />
Modern<br />
Reservation<br />
1954-1992<br />
Mormon cattlemen dominate<br />
activity on the Arizona Strip. Pipe<br />
Spring fort is built to ensure water<br />
for cattle. Lush grasslands become<br />
overgrazed. Kanab Creek<br />
becomes a deep gully through<br />
what was once a marshland.<br />
The U.S. government began<br />
providing resources to the Kaibab<br />
Paiutes and designated a<br />
reservation for the tribe that<br />
surrounded Pipe Spring. That<br />
reservation was reduced when<br />
land was removed for the Mormon<br />
town of Moccasin and when forty<br />
acres were redesignated as Pipe<br />
Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument. A<br />
CCC camp was located at PISP<br />
during the 1930s.<br />
The NPS began to work with<br />
Southern Paiutes on issues<br />
involving Pipe Spring.<br />
Southern Paiutes escape to "regions of<br />
refuge" in lower Kanab Creek and the Grand<br />
Canyon. Some remain near Moccasin to help<br />
Mormon farmers.<br />
Southern Paiutes were given official control<br />
over the land and resources surrounding, and at<br />
one time including, Pipe Spring, but the<br />
political strength of local Mormons prevented<br />
their use of those resources. The creation of<br />
the <strong>National</strong> Monument reestablished<br />
Mormon control over the spring.<br />
Southern Paiutes asserted traditional use<br />
rights and requested that the NPS interpretive<br />
program reflect Southern Paiute views.<br />
The Kaibab Paiute Tribe formally notified the<br />
NPS of its interest in the co-management of<br />
PISP.<br />
The Creation Period<br />
Archaeological evidence of Southern Paiute occupation of Pipe Spring is not unique. For<br />
example, two ceramic sherds, identified as "Paiute Brownware," were discovered in the vicinity of<br />
Pipe Spring in 1993 (Fox 1993). <strong>Ethnographic</strong> research has specified more explicitly the relationship<br />
between the Paiutes and the spring. Important springs were controlled by individuals and families<br />
(Kelly 1964). Pipe Spring was one of many such springs, named Mi?tinwava (Kelly 1964:8),<br />
Mitinwa, or Mitinwa (Sapir 1930:570). Together with Moccasin Spring and another spring located<br />
nearby, Pipe Spring was owned by a local chief. That individual, his family, and neighbors used the<br />
springs when camping nearby. All along the foot of the Vermillion Cliffs, springs were a key factor<br />
in how the local population was distributed. Drinking water, fuel from juniper trees, and food from<br />
166
abbit hunting, seed collecting, and farming were available at or near the springs. Higher plateaus<br />
were nearby for additional hunting and gathering. In general, Paiute camps moved at the same time,<br />
in response to changes in the season.<br />
The Encroachment Period<br />
Although some have speculated that Father Escalante stopped at Pipe Spring during his<br />
expedition in the 1540s (e.g. Peterson 1957), evidence of European or Euro-American knowledge<br />
of the spring was not documented until 1868 when a party of Mormon scouts led by Jacob<br />
Hamblin were camped there. Unlike <strong>Zion</strong>, Pipe Spring was located away from major trading<br />
routes, so the Southern Paiutes living in the region were first forced out of their homeland by the<br />
Mormon settlers who arrived there in the 1860s. Numerous accounts describe the region<br />
surrounding Pipe Spring when the Mormons arrived.<br />
The treasure was grass - stirrup high, the older cowboys claim. <strong>And</strong> Indians add that<br />
the antelope which darted through it were as thick as jackrabbits are today (McKown<br />
1960:6).<br />
How the country has changed in 40 years. My grandparents and my parents as well<br />
as others could turn their mile cows out, get them in with full stomachs and udders at<br />
night. Grass everywhere. Now our range cows sometimes come in in the fall so poor<br />
they have to be hauled in (Winsor 1959:41).<br />
The grass was so plentiful that good fat beef were supplied every month of the year<br />
(Cook 1949:43).<br />
Located in the midst of a grassy plain at a significant source of water, Pipe Spring was an ideal place<br />
for Mormon cattle.<br />
(T)he purpose of the call was to build up a church herd of cattle by gathering the tithing and<br />
donation cattle from Fillmore souther - these to be fattened and ready to furnish beef cattle to<br />
feed the temple herds during the construction of the St. George Temple. From Fillmore to<br />
Pipe Springs he gathered 2,000 head of tithing and donation cattle (Cook 1949).<br />
The area was surveyed by a Church member from St. George in 1863. That individual and another<br />
man formed a livestock company and used Pipe Spring as their headquarters (Bleak 1928). Moccasin<br />
Spring, the other major water source in the area, was first claimed by a Euro-American in 1865.<br />
No Federal land survey was conducted to establish the formal description of the land until well past<br />
the turn of the century, so neither the settlers nor the Mormon Church were able to acquire legal<br />
title to the land (Knack 1993).<br />
In the spring and early summer, in response to Navajo depredations, the U.S. Army began<br />
rounding up Navajos in northern Arizona to move them to Fort Sumner, New Mexico in what was to<br />
become known as the "Long Walk." That effort was a general failure, and it had serious impacts on<br />
both the Navajos and other people remaining on the Arizona Strip. Only approximately half the<br />
167
Navajos were forced to leave, and the remaining ones were left with little means for feeding<br />
themselves. In 1865, Navajo raiding parties began to cross the Colorado River and steal Mormon<br />
stock (Olsen 1965). Conflict between the Mormons and the Navajos continued for five years. Paiutes<br />
generally were recognized by the Mormons as "friendly Indians" and were called in to help the<br />
Mormons. Yet, because a few joined the Navajo raiders, Paiutes were killed as retribution for<br />
Navajo actions.<br />
In 1866, the two men who established the ranch at Pipe Spring were killed, probably by<br />
Navajos, during the period of fear and unrest motivated by the Ute Black Hawk Indian Wars. The<br />
Mormons killed a person from a local band of Southern Paiutes in retaliation for the killing. When<br />
the Mormon authorities instructed settlers to abandon small towns and concentrate in a few places,<br />
the Mormons living throughout the region left their homes:<br />
In this part of the country the people have been forced to abandon settlements in<br />
Mound, Long and Scutempah valleys, at Paria, Kanab, Mocosuc, Pipe Springs,<br />
Grapevine Springs, Short Creek, Alexander Ranche, Grafton and Springdale, and<br />
have been obliged to seek stronger places of refuge (Musser 1870).<br />
Although Long Valley remained abandoned, Pipe Spring was quickly reoccupied and became the<br />
cattle "bank" of the Mormon church. Church members frequently paid their tithing with cattle, and<br />
the herd, known as the Canaan Co-op Stock Company grew quickly. In 1869, Brigham Young<br />
instructed a Church member, Anson Perry Winsor, to buy the Pipe Spring property and construct a<br />
fort around the spring to ensure that the tithing herd would have a constant source of fresh water<br />
(Peterson 1957, Winsor nd).<br />
Disease continued to take its toll among both the Mormons and the Paiutes. For example,<br />
records of the St. George Stake for 1866 read:<br />
At this time, the dispatch stated there was considerable sickness at Kanab, which<br />
weakened the force to build the fort, take care of the stock, etc. There being but<br />
eleven men fit for duty.<br />
The fort was completed in 1870. In 1871, the first telegraph station in Arizona was opened at<br />
Pipe Spring (Peterson 1957), and, from 1871-1872, John Wesley Powell maintained his headquarters<br />
there while exploring the region.<br />
Powell's occupation was one of many events occurring within the Kanab Creek ecoscape that<br />
impacted Pipe Spring and the Paiutes remaining in the area. For example, the 1872 discovery of gold<br />
brought many outsiders into the region.<br />
In 1872 some small gold deposits were discovered on gravel bars where Kanab<br />
Creek enters the Grand Canyon. For a few weeks Pipe Spring did a lively business in<br />
groceries as miners rushed to the new bonanza (Farnsworth 1993:12).<br />
168
Though the gold rush was very short-lived, the sudden arrival of many newcomers pushed the<br />
Paiutes farther away from the springs. The presence of settlers throughout the ecoscape also<br />
restricted the Paiutes' ability to utilize their traditional transhumant strategies for survival. As settlers<br />
established towns, they also took control of the nearby resources. For example, in upper Kanab, the<br />
Asay brothers became known for catching and salting fish which they distributed to other Mormon<br />
families.<br />
They caught enough fine fish, mostly trout, to fill a twenty-five gallon barrel (Cook<br />
1949:45).<br />
In 1872 the Church herd at Pipe Spring had 1,000 - 2,000 head of cattle (McKown 1960).<br />
The Church sold its cattle herd in 1876, and the herd passed through several owners. In 1879, 2,269<br />
head of cattle and 162 horses were reported at Pipe Spring, with over 50,000 head of cattle and large<br />
herds of sheep grazing on the surrounding grasslands (Farnsworth 1993). Pinyon trees were<br />
frequently removed from the rangelands, and sensitive plants such as Indian rice grass were quickly<br />
destroyed. Pipe Spring also became a major stop for travelers. After completion of the Mormon<br />
temple in St. George, Pipe Spring became an important stopover for couples from Arizona and<br />
southern <strong>Utah</strong> who were traveling to St. George to have their marriages "sealed for time and<br />
eternity" in the temple (Farnsworth 1993). Many couples followed the route, nicknamed the<br />
Honeymoon Trail, that passed southwest through Pipe Spring from what is now the northeast<br />
corner of the monument, on both sides of where ponds are presently located, and out the western<br />
boundary of the monument (Farnsworth 1993, Fox 1993:53).<br />
The spread of Mormon settlers into Paiute territory in the 1860s meant loss of water sources<br />
and disruption of the local ecology from which the Southern Paiutes acquired their traditional food<br />
sources as well as outright loss of access to their land. One of the purposes of an ecoscape approach<br />
to understanding the significance of Pipe Spring is to put the activities that were happening in and<br />
around the fort into a broader Southern Paiute perspective. When the Mormons took control of major<br />
springs, such as Pipe Spring, they also moved themselves and their cattle into the major surface<br />
water of the region, Kanab Creek. The following excerpt illustrates the regional significance of<br />
Mormon lifestyles and cattle grazing:<br />
Ever since the first settlers arrived, the entire valley [Johnson Wash] had been<br />
covered with meadow grass, which they always cut for hay. But the 1880s were<br />
extremely wet years in Johnson. One year the meadows were so wet they could not<br />
get onto them to cut grass. So Hyrum S. Shumway took his big blue team and plowed<br />
a furrow through the center of the valley. The furrow did its job well. It drained off<br />
the excess water so the hay could be gathered. But alas, the protective covering of<br />
sod had been broken and every rainstorm thereafter took its load of sandy soil from<br />
beneath the meadow grass (Robinson 1972:17).<br />
In 1874, the meadow in [Kanab] canyon was thrown open to livestock, by which the<br />
vegetation was gradually destroyed. The creek was thus concentrated in fewer<br />
channels and its flow was increased more than half (Davis 1903:10).<br />
169
The loss of resources had a dramatic effect on the Southern Paiutes living in the region. An<br />
estimated pre-contact population of 1,175 Kaibab Paiutes declined to 207 in 1873, primarily due to<br />
starvation (Stoffle and Evans 1976). By the 1880s, large cattle herds had caused extensive<br />
overgrazing and significantly altered the region's environment:<br />
But today the cattlemen have gone, leaving nothing to tell of their stay but a bit of lavender<br />
grass and the sound of wind through a deserted bunkhouse. These and a desolate land. For<br />
the grass is gone too (McKown 1960).<br />
As the land could no longer sustain a large herd of cattle, many of the ranchers moved on,<br />
leaving behind damaged grasslands that have never recovered. The Mormon Church decided to sell<br />
Pipe Spring in 1888 (Farnsworth 1993:13).The site [within Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument] was<br />
overgrazed during the cattle ranching period and has suffered severe impacts to the A horizon to<br />
the point where that soil horizon is basically missing (Fox 1993:15). When the soil's top (A)<br />
horizon is disturbed, invasive plant species can become established. When a severe drought was<br />
followed by heavy rains in 1882 and 1883, intense flooding exacerbated existing erosion.<br />
As Davis describes:<br />
The first great flood... swept away all of the farms and meadow lands in the canyon,<br />
as well as the field crops just south of the village, and scoured out a broad channel<br />
beneath the former valley floor. In passing Kanab, the flood was pronounced "as<br />
wide as the Missouri River," a rushing stream of liquid mud, bearing cedars, willows,<br />
and great lumps of earth... As a result of three years washing, the stream bed was cut<br />
down about sixty feet beneath its former level, with a breadth of some seventy feet,<br />
for a distance of fifteen miles (Davis 1903:11).<br />
Masses of earth as large as common house floated down [Kanab Creek] with willows<br />
still standing. Extensive damage to crops, and all farming land in the canyon was<br />
destroyed. Some cattle killed. Canyon near old city dam was cut 50 feet down and 16<br />
rods wide. Flood lasted 7 to 8 hours. Fresh cutting in the channel opened up several<br />
new springs (Deseret News, July 30, 1883).<br />
Though the Pipe Spring fort was never required for protection against marauding Indians,<br />
one source has argued that it was used in as an across-the-line refuge for as many as 40 plural wife<br />
families following the 1884 edict banning plural marriages in <strong>Utah</strong> (Dodge 1960:85).<br />
170
Figure 6.3 Mormon Settlers Took Control of Pipe Spring and Guided the Water in Troughs from its Source<br />
Under the Fort to this Pond.<br />
By 1888, the natural vegetation around Pipe Spring had been denuded and profits from cattle<br />
raising was greatly diminished. The Mormon Church decided to sell Pipe Spring and two-thirds of<br />
Moccasin Spring to a local stock-raising cooperative. The remaining third of Moccasin Spring was<br />
given to the Paiutes. Although this may have been a goodwill gesture, one Mormon account suggests<br />
that it was an attempt to keep Paiutes away from the Mormon towns along Kanab Creek (Chubbuck<br />
in Knack 1993:216). The remaining property passed through a number of hands over the next twenty<br />
years (Heaton 1936:1; Olsen 1965:17-19, Seegmiller 1939:179). During this time, cattle continued to<br />
be the primary industry on the Arizona Strip, and the Paiutes were largely excluded from these<br />
ventures. Instead, they survived by hunting and gathering, where possible, and through wage work<br />
and begging in Mormon towns (Knack 1991 cited in Knack 1993:216). Their access to resources for<br />
hunting and gathering continued to be reduced by Euro-American encroachment and then by the<br />
withdrawal of land into forest reserves, preserves, and parks (see Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994). State deer hunting laws that required licenses and restricted numbers impacted Paiutes who<br />
had neither a reservation nor off-reservation hunting rights. Mormon Church officials responded to<br />
the severity of the Paiute situation by turning to their congressional representatives and seeking<br />
Federal assistance (Knack 1993).<br />
171
The Early Reservation Period<br />
Although individual Mormons resisted the proposed establishment of a reservation for the<br />
Kaibab Paiutes in 1907 (see Chapter Two), there was no overt resistance from the Church. In 1908,<br />
the property that includes Pipe Spring was acquired by Leonard Heaton. Heaton built his house near<br />
Moccasin Spring, and Paiutes continued to farm and camp nearby (Heaton 1973). Heaton and<br />
settlers from the town of Fredonia became vocal in their protests of the reservation, and they gained<br />
the support of some Church leaders (see Knack 1993). As a result, the town of Moccasin was<br />
removed from the reservation. In addition, settlers continued to ignore the reservation boundaries to<br />
run cattle, remove timber, and use springs (Knack 1993). Early efforts by the Paiutes to enforce their<br />
boundaries were unsuccessful.<br />
The Heaton family attempted to purchase Pipe Spring as unappropriated land, but they were<br />
unsuccessful. The family then encouraged the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service to purchase the land as a<br />
<strong>National</strong> Monument in 1923. With the creation of the <strong>National</strong> Monument, the legal ownership of<br />
Pipe Spring changed. However, the actual impact of the transfer of ownership, other than an<br />
opportunity to get Federal funding, was negligible. The fort and spring were operated first as a<br />
private commercial enterprise and then as a Mormon monument (Knack 1993). Cattle continued to<br />
be a prominent feature in the monument's landscape. The water flow from Pipe Spring was allocated<br />
in equal thirds to the Kaibab Paiutes, to the cattlemen's association, and to the <strong>Park</strong> Service, but the<br />
Paiutes had considerable difficulty getting their portion of the water. NPS activities continued to<br />
disturb the site.<br />
During the early years of the monument, the custodian/superintendent was allowed to<br />
continue with various commercial agricultural pursuits (gardening/cattle grazing)<br />
without regard for the integrity of the monument... The commercial pursuits of the<br />
superintendent ceased sometime around 1933 when water rights for the spring were<br />
divided into thirds. However, cattle continued to graze the monument, and gardening<br />
did not cease. These activities were continued into the present as part of a livinghistory<br />
component of the interpretive program at the monument (Fox 1993:52).<br />
A fenced cattle runway paralleled the monument's eastern fence and was noted on the monument's<br />
planning maps in the 1930s (Fox 1993). During the 1993 archaeological survey, it was discovered<br />
that the cattle runway had gone through an archaeological site.<br />
The concentration of cattle has probably further increased the rate of adverse impacts<br />
to the surface expression of the site. Regardless, the site's surface consists entirely of<br />
active, recent erosional channels (Fox 1993:15).<br />
Leonard Heaton also ran a service station and store at Pipe Spring that became a draw for<br />
both Paiute and Mormon children. Frank Harris, a Paiute man who lived just above Pipe Spring, was<br />
well-known for his willingness to buy treats for the reservation children.<br />
172
I ran a service station and a little store at the time, and every mail day which was<br />
three times a week he (Frank Harris) would walk down to the store where the mail<br />
was left by the carrier, and we would vusut [sic] for a while and if children were<br />
arould [sic], and they were there, as they soon learned Frank would byt [sic] them<br />
gum or candy or crackers and tell them stories. Some i [sic] think he made up just to<br />
entertain them. He seemed to like the children around (Heaton 1967:3).<br />
Between 1935 and 1937, a Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp was established at Pipe<br />
Spring. In addition, the Kaibab Paiute reservation was the site of an Indian CCC project.<br />
The Modern Reservation Period<br />
Until 1969, the Paiutes' allocation of water from the spring was dominated by the NPS. When<br />
it became clear that the Paiutes would use their water and that use would threaten activity at the<br />
monument, the NPS drilled a well on Kaibab Paiute land above the Mormon town of Moccasin and<br />
piped water from Pipe Spring to make it available to the tribe.<br />
In 1972, in a cooperative effort between the NPS and the tribe, NPS engineers and architects<br />
from the Indian Assistance Division worked in cooperation with tribal members to design a structure<br />
that was architecturally compatible with the existing visitor center and employee housing units at the<br />
monument. The tribe then leased approximately half the building from the NPS so members could<br />
set up a snack bar and gift shop.<br />
In 1993, an archaeological inventory of Pipe Spring was conducted to locate, record, and<br />
map all prehistoric and historical-period cultural resources within the monument (Fox 1993). One<br />
finding of the report was:<br />
Historical-period ground disturbances can best be described as catastrophic to<br />
surface soils through the monument. Cattle grazing, land modifications, flooding,<br />
gardening, CCC-related construction, and NPS developments have all contributed to<br />
the near total loss of any stable A horizons in the monument. Review of historic<br />
photographs at the monument headquarters illustrates a virtually denuded landscape,<br />
particularly in the southwestern quadrant of the monument, throughout much of the<br />
fort's history... a significant portion of the floral species documented in the<br />
monument are invasive species which prefer disturbed soils. (Fox 1993:51).<br />
6.3.2 Resource Use<br />
Pipe Spring is also recognized as a source of important plant, animal, and mineral resources.<br />
Southern Paiute resource use has been documented in historic and contemporary studies. This<br />
ethnographic overview and assessment did not provide sufficient time or resources for conducting<br />
comprehensive ethnographic studies of resource use within Pipe Spring and the greater Kanab Creek<br />
ecoscape. Instead, places were visited as representative examples of Southern Paiute interactions<br />
with the land and resources of the monument and surrounding ecoscape. To determine the<br />
173
significance of specific resources at any particular location within the monument, specific studies are<br />
needed. Still, a summary of known resources that are culturally significant to Southern Paiutes can<br />
provide guidance about how to plan future work. Therefore, this section presents information, from<br />
historic and contemporary sources, about plants, animals, and minerals that are found within Pipe<br />
Spring and are or have been recognized by Southern Paiutes.<br />
A first measure, albeit limited, of cultural significance is whether or not a thing is named<br />
(Berlin 1978, Hunn 1982, Hays 1982). Things that are named are recognized. Selective recognition<br />
is critical to survival in environments that contain far more information than can be perceived or<br />
processed by human perceptual and cognitive systems. In addition, the degree of specificity of a<br />
name, whether that name refers to any of a variety of similar things such as cacti or whether that<br />
name refers to only one type of cactus, provides additional information about what is being named.<br />
Plants<br />
A comprehensive list of vascular plants that are found in Pipe Spring and also recognized by<br />
Southern Paiutes was created (see Table 6.1). Using historic and contemporary sources, it was found<br />
that approximately seventy-two of the seventy-two genera listed in the "Vascular Plant List for Pipe<br />
Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument" (approximately 100%) are currently known to be culturally significant<br />
to Southern Paiutes. The plants in the table for which additional information is known about their<br />
significance to Southern Paiutes are also included in a general resources directory located in Chapter<br />
Seven.<br />
For example, local species of animals that have limited cultural importance tend to be<br />
lumped together while those with greater significance are given separate names. Southern Paiutes<br />
show a general tendency for giving animals generic names, fairly broad categories that do not<br />
distinguish among species or sometimes even genera (Stoffle et al. 1995). For example, they use<br />
deer, fish, eagle, duck, and squirrel to name groups of similar animals. This tendency also has<br />
been observed in the naming of plants and is consistent with the practices of many cultural groups<br />
that have been the subject of ethnobiological studies. The grouping of animals and plants into<br />
genus was devised during the development of a global classification system as a means of organizing<br />
an unmanageable number of organisms. People perceive differences among organisms based on<br />
characteristics such as appearance and taste, and in many cases animals and plants cannot be<br />
perceptually distinguished at the species or even the genus level. When only one species within a<br />
genus exists within any given local community, there is no need to distinguish between genus and<br />
species (Atran 1990). Often, in cases where species are distinguished, they are separated by<br />
ecological or geographical variation.<br />
The following sections provide tables of the plants and animals known to live within Pipe<br />
Spring that are also known to be or have been significant to Southern Paiutes. The information in<br />
these tables has been taken from historic and contemporary sources, and the sources of information<br />
about each plant or animal are provided. In the tables, plants and animals are generally listed<br />
alphabetically by scientific name. Representatives of the same genus have been grouped together. In<br />
addition, where Southern Paiutes recognize genera to be related, these genera have been grouped<br />
together and listed alphabetically. For example, the pinyon jay (Gymnorhinus cyanocephala) and<br />
174
Steller's jay (Cyanocitta stelleri) have been listed directly under the scrub jay (Aphelocoma<br />
coerulescens). In each case, all Southern Paiute names for a plant or animal within a particular genus<br />
(e.g., Cyanocitta) have been listed next to the genus name. When a name is known to be used only<br />
for one species of that genus, then it is included by the particular species name. The table<br />
organization thus responds to the Southern Paiute tendency to group plants and animals together for<br />
naming and also the uncertainty regarding the species that were the subjects of historic studies.<br />
Animals<br />
A comprehensive list of vertebrate animals that are found in Pipe Spring and also recognized<br />
by Southern Paiutes was created (see Table 6.2). Eleven of the eleven genera included on "Selected<br />
Mammal List for Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument" (100%) are included in the table because either<br />
historic or contemporary information, or both, has been collected about them. In addition, the table<br />
includes seven of the nineteen genera of reptiles (36.8%), fifty-five of the 124 genera of birds<br />
(44.4%), two of the five genus of amphibians (40%), and zero of the one genus of fish (0%) named<br />
on the respective animal lists for the monument. A general resources directory located in Chapter<br />
Seven contains additional information, when available, about the significance of certain animals to<br />
Southern Paiutes.<br />
Figure 6.4: Southern Paiute Elder<br />
175
Water<br />
Water is a central feature of Pipe Spring. Springs at the base of the Vermillion Cliffs and<br />
along the Colorado Plateau are critical to the distribution of plants and animals, and Southern Paiutes<br />
depended on them for their survival. This dependence was heightened further when the lands along<br />
Kanab Creek were occupied by Euro-Americans, One season's movement, during which Pipe<br />
Spring was used only intermittently, was described by Kelly (1964). The general pattern included<br />
staying in the winter camps near the springs and then traveling to the Grand Canyon in the<br />
springtime to live in caves while collecting mescal. During the springtime, some individuals also<br />
began planting their crops near the springs. By summertime, most people returned to their camps<br />
near the springs. Seeds were harvested and additional fields planted at this time.<br />
In the fall, the Paiutes traveled to the top of the Vermilion Cliffs to gather pinenuts and then<br />
gathered with individuals from many nearby camps on the Kaibab Plateau to hunt deer. The Paiutes<br />
from this region sometimes traveled to the Panguitch area to hunt fish and to the Cedar City area to<br />
gather berries. These visits were reciprocated. However, such travel was not part of the normal<br />
seasonal cycle. Today, regionwide travel continues to be important for gathering specific<br />
resources, attending ceremonies, and visiting relatives, as described in the following sections.<br />
[My father's] area was above Kanab Creek near Mt. Carmel and to Orderville, going<br />
all the way on to Cedar and all through the Cedar Mountains. [We moved all around<br />
there] and through down here [near Alton] where they gathered pinyon nuts. <strong>And</strong>,<br />
down south among the antelopes, they gathered their antelope meat, and, through the<br />
big mountains, they got their deer meat.<br />
6.4 Site-By-Site Discussion<br />
This section of the chapter documents the results of the on-site visits with Southern Paiute<br />
tribal elders to places in the Kanab Creek ecoscape. As in the previous chapter, place discussions for<br />
Pipe Spring are arranged in an order that best reflects the Kanab Creek ecoscape.<br />
At each place in the Kanab Creek-Pipe Spring portion of the study area the Southern Paiute<br />
cultural resource concerns are discussed. Following a general site description that includes an<br />
overview of (a) general ecology, (b) soils, (c) plant communities and vegetative associations, a list of<br />
Southern Paiute plants observed and/or collected by the project botanist is presented in the overall<br />
species inventory for each place. The plant inventory list for each place is followed by a botanical<br />
interpretation that assesses the health of the plant communities and general microenvironment. This<br />
general site description is then followed by archaeological site descriptions where applicable.<br />
Following the overviews for each place, the discussion turns to the Southern Paiute<br />
interpretations of the place and the features present at each place. For purposes of this report,<br />
features are categories comprised of particular cultural resources. Features of places are divided into<br />
(1) water sources, whether river, spring, waterfall, seep or some combination thereof, (2) plants<br />
traditionally used for various purposes, (3) animals traditionally used for various purposes, (4)<br />
evidence of previous Paiute occupation and use, consisting of archaeology sites, artifacts, rock art<br />
176
and other material remains, and (5) physical and geologic features on the landscape such as<br />
mountain peaks and rock formations that were traditionally visited for various purposes.<br />
These discussions present information on (1) Southern Paiute use and occupation of the<br />
place, (2) the features observed by Southern Paiute consultants at the place, (3) consultants'<br />
perceptions of condition and effects caused by natural and human factors on landscape features, and<br />
(4) recommendations for protection of features and the place as a whole. For each feature identified<br />
as being an important component of the place, ethnographic data is presented on traditional use,<br />
perceived condition, and the impact of various factors on identified features. Finally,<br />
recommendations for the protection and management of each place and its features are discussed.<br />
Although this study was designed as a cultural resources overview rather than in-depth<br />
ethnographic study of particular resources, such as plants and animals, in some locations Southern<br />
Paiute consultants identified resources that were previously unrecorded as significant to Southern<br />
Paiutes. Where that has occurred, it is noted in the site discussion.<br />
6.4.1 Upper Kanab Creek-Site #2<br />
Site Description<br />
This site is located on an east-facing slope above the broad alluvial valley on the west side of<br />
upper Kanab Creek on private lands about 1.3 miles northeast of Alton, Kane County, <strong>Utah</strong>. The site<br />
is located along Dixie <strong>National</strong> Forest route 087 at an elevation of approximately 7200 feet. The<br />
legal location of the site is T39S R5W Sec. 6 NE4. The interview site was along the west side of the<br />
road at the upper edge of the valley floor. The road is the approximate boundary between Great<br />
Basin Conifer Woodland (Pinyon-juniper) vegetation upslope and Great Basin Desertscrub (Big<br />
sagebrush, Artemisia tridentata) across the floodplain of Kanab Creek. Most of the valley floor is<br />
cultivated and natural vegetation is a minor component of its habitat.<br />
Soils along the valley floor are of alluvial origin from Kanab Creek. They are deep and<br />
consist of sand and silt. On the slopes, soils are a heavy, dark gray clay-shale with sandstone rocks<br />
and rocks of volcanic origin embedded. The slopes alternate between rounded ridges and shallow,<br />
steep-sided drainages. The geologic formation of these slopes is unknown.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The slopes are dominated by Colorado pinyon, <strong>Utah</strong> juniper, and groves of Gambel oak<br />
(Quercus gambelii). Buckbrush (Purshia tridentata), snowberry (Symphoricarpos longiflora), and<br />
American plum (Prunus americana), an escaped cultivated shrub, are important shrubby plants in<br />
the understory. Herbaceous ground cover is scattered, and there is much bare soil between trees and<br />
shrubs. One elder recognized twinpod (Physaria newberryi), a perennial herb of the Mustard family,<br />
as having cultural significance at this site; this species had not been noted previously. Paiute plants<br />
are listed in bold print below along with other plants observed at this location.<br />
177
Figure 6.5 Results of historic channelization of Johnson Canyon<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Amelanchier utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Phlox austromontana Desert phlox<br />
Arctium minus Burdock Physaria newberryi Newberry twinpod<br />
Artemisia tridentata Big sagebrush Pinus edulis Colorado pinyon<br />
Berberis repens Creeping barberry Plantago major Common plantain<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Populus alba White poplar<br />
Cercocarpus montanus<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
viscidiflorus<br />
Alder-leaf mountainmahogany<br />
Prunus americana American plum<br />
Rubber rabbitbrush Purshia tridentata Bitterbrush,<br />
buckbrush<br />
Viscid rabbitbrush Quercus gambelii Gambel oak<br />
178
Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper Ribes cereum Wax currant, white<br />
squaw currant<br />
Juniperus scopulorum Rocky Mountain Rosa woodsii<br />
Woods wild rose<br />
juniper<br />
Lepidium sp. Peppergrass Senecio multilobatus Uinta groundsel<br />
Malcomia africana African mustard Symphoricarpos<br />
longiflorus<br />
Long-flower<br />
snowberry<br />
Pedicularis<br />
Pinyon-juniper Taraxacum officinale Common dandelion<br />
centranthera<br />
lousewort<br />
Penstemon linarioides Siler's penstemon Zigadenus paniculatus Foothills death camas<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Upper Kanab Creek near the town of Alton was at one time an area of Paiute summer<br />
residence and camping. At this location Paiute people cultivated irrigated gardens using the water<br />
from Kanab Creek. In addition, Paiute people would collect plant resources and hunt animals.<br />
Primarily people from Orderville and Johnson Canyon would migrate back and forth to the lakes and<br />
this location as part of their transhumant adaptive strategy. Well watered higher elevation locations<br />
were preferred for summer residence.<br />
Kelly (1964) noted that Southern Paiutes from Kanab, Johnson Canyon, and Navajo Well<br />
sometimes visited Alton from summer to fall to collect berries and highland seeds (Artemisia<br />
sp. and Balsamorrhiza sagittata). Such areas provided a rich diversity of plant and animal<br />
resources. From this location, people would travel to Indian Peak to collect pinenuts for winter<br />
storage and provision. Locations such as these were used not only for resource harvesting<br />
purposes, but also for religious and social activities, including exchange and reciprocal use rights<br />
between intermarried groups or district members. Networks would have extended through this area<br />
from Kaibab in the south to Richfield in the north. Trade was also conducted between Paiute<br />
residents at this spot and kinsmen from the west. One elder noted:<br />
Whoever was passing by could tell them where to go next [to hunt or gather. They<br />
would] collect certain willows in spring before sap came, and clay....share it with<br />
people who didn't have that material, and in return they would also trade them for<br />
something else. That way they would bring things to other people and sharing it, you<br />
know they were together like that in sharing the land... They were doing that in the<br />
old days, they would move to Kaibab Mountains. That was mostly went down there<br />
to gather elderberries, and pinyon nuts, and cactus fruit, all kinds of cactus fruit<br />
that they gathered on Kaibab. <strong>And</strong> in the winter when they traded with people that<br />
had different kind of, like that choke cherries, the people from West brought that<br />
over towards Kaibab, so the Kaibab people could trade with them for whatever kind<br />
of fruit they had and it seemed that they lived such good life, they had vegetables,<br />
and they had everything they wanted...(CG002).<br />
179
Figure 6.6 Upper Kanab Creek<br />
Features<br />
Water. The waters of Kanab Creek were pointed out as being important for irrigation all<br />
through Johnson Canyon and human and animal consumption. Water pockets may also have been<br />
important sources of water. The water from Kanab Creek was also used in ceremonies held at the<br />
location.<br />
Plants. Squawbush, pinenut, acorns, yucca, and gooseberries were mentioned as being used<br />
for food and manufacture. Medicinal plants in the area were sagebrush, which was brewed for colds,<br />
and buckbrush. The newly identified Newberry twin pod, a member of the mustard family (Paiute<br />
name not remembered), was pointed out as having a useful bright yellow flower which was used in<br />
the coloring of baskets.<br />
Animals. The location provided a diversity of large and small game. Deer, elk, mountain lion,<br />
wolf, sage hen, rabbit, and cottontail were mentioned as being hunted for food and clothing. Deer<br />
parts were also used in ceremonies. One elder commented on the Southern Paiute hunting ethic:<br />
Those were the things that they were really protecting at the time when they had<br />
plenty of meat, they didn’t want them to be killed just for the joy of killing animals,<br />
people weren’t allowed to do that...and I think that rule was provided by our chief,<br />
180
and it’s been carried on throughout the years...it was their land, but then the<br />
Mormons come and...come and they have to do away with some of the animals...they<br />
kill them, they poison them...(CG002)<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. Although no artifacts or sites were observed at<br />
this location, one elder noted, "Where there's water, there's artifacts." The elder believed there was<br />
probably evidence of food processing (grinding stones), pottery, and arrowpoints present in the area.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains were mentioned as places of worship and<br />
ceremony. Caves in the area would have been used for the same purposes.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
The primary impacts to this location have been increased non-Indian settlement, cattle and<br />
sheep grazing, establishment of farms and corporate cattle ranches, and road-building. Elders<br />
perceive these processes as having adverse impacts on plants, animal populations, and the quality of<br />
the environment in general; especially, the water in Kanab Creek. Too much development could lead<br />
to increased risk of flooding. Irrigated farming on a large scale could lead to the drying up of Kanab<br />
Creek.<br />
I think, people make homes in the area...too many roads too, and that has never been<br />
there and I think that's what spoils the scenery and the conditions of the land.<br />
(CG002)<br />
Recommendations<br />
Paiute people believe there should have the right of free access for seasonal use and<br />
harvesting of resources at this location. Currently, permission is required as much of the property<br />
is either privately owned or is state and Federal land (e.g., BLM land) that may be leased.<br />
According to one elder, property rights, laws, and licenses make it difficult to protect an area such<br />
as this. Still, efforts should be made to protect the area. Paiute people would return to hunt, gather<br />
plants, and teach younger people about traditional land use practices. One elder noted that<br />
contemporary Indian life is too confined to reservations because there are too many restrictions on<br />
use in lands beyond reservation boundaries.<br />
6.4.2 Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument-Site #1<br />
Site Description<br />
The study site at Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument included areas with more or less natural<br />
vegetation to the west and southwest of the castle and pond area, and along a half-mile trail that<br />
begins at the castle and proceeds to the top of the bluff to the north. The site is located in Mohave<br />
County, Arizona, at an elevation of 4900-5000 feet; legal description of the site is T40N R4W Sec.<br />
17 SE4 SE4. Although the physical setting and biotic habitat are quite different in these two areas,<br />
the entire area was defined as one study area for the purposes of this project. Interviews with Elders<br />
181
were carried out only around the ponds and along the path leading to the west side of the castle;<br />
however, elders were encouraged to observe the general setting and plant life of the entire study area<br />
from these vantage points.<br />
Botanical Interpretation<br />
The lower area to the west of and below the spring has sandy and alluvial soils on a gentle<br />
south to southwest-facing slope. The area may have been a large marsh prior to development of the<br />
springs and channelization of the water; a few marshy areas with sedges remain, and the vegetation<br />
in general is salt-tolerant, indicating the presence of alkaline soils. Although the area has largely<br />
been disturbed in the past, it supports natural vegetation today and is generally not undergoing<br />
further disturbance. A combination of native and exotic plants of the Great Basin Desert Scrub<br />
vegetation type occurs in the area, which is dominated by rubber rabbit brush (Chrysothamnus<br />
nauseosus), four-wing saltbush (Atriplex canescens), and snakeweed (Gutierrezia sarothrae). One<br />
area along a moist channel supports a dense grove of coyote willow (Salix exigua); it is not apparent<br />
whether this is a remnant of natural vegetation along a pre-disturbance drainage, or whether the<br />
willows have been introduced (or re-introduced) post-disturbance.<br />
Above the influence of the springs, the rocky, the south-facing slope of the bluff and the<br />
mesa top have sandy soils derived from red Moenkopi formation sandstones. The soils are generally<br />
shallow and poorly developed in both areas. In contrast to the lowland, this area supports a<br />
well-developed Great Basin Conifer Woodland, or Pinyon-Juniper Woodland typical of large areas<br />
of Colorado Plateau and Great Basin uplands.<br />
Dominant plants include Colorado pinyon (Pinus edulis) and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper (Juniperus<br />
osteosperma), with a diverse mixture of shrubs, including greasewood (Sarcobatus vermiculatus),<br />
squawbush (Rhus trilobata var. simplicifolia), <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry (Amelanchier utahensis), shrub<br />
live oak (Quercus turbinella), and cliffrose (Purshia stansburiana). A high diversity of perennial<br />
herbaceous plant species and cacti also occurs on the bluff. There is a marked contrast between the<br />
vegetation and flora of the area below the springs and the bluff, caused by differences in soils,<br />
substrate type, and hydrologic history of the two areas. Paiute plants are listed in bold print below<br />
along with other plants observed at this location.<br />
No archaeological sites were visited within the monument boundaries. There is, however,<br />
a large "Pueblo" site located partially on monument property. This site was surveyed by NPS<br />
archaeologists only within the bounds of the park unit. Archaeologists were not permitted to<br />
survey the portion of the site on Kaibab Paiute tribal lands (Fox 1994).<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Amelanchier utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry Marrubium vulgare Common horehound<br />
Apocynum suksdorfii Indian hemp Melilotus indicus Yellow sweet-clover<br />
182
Aristida purpurea Purple three-awn Mentzelia sp. Stickleaf<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana Water sage Mirabilis multiflora Colorado four-o'clock<br />
Astragalus praelongus Rattleweed locoweed Opuntia basilaris Beavertail cactus<br />
Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Opuntia phaeacantha Engelmann pricklypear<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass<br />
Carex ssp. Sedge Penstemon palmeri Palmer beardtongue<br />
Chenopodium ssp. Goosefoot Pinus edulis Colorado pinyon<br />
Chrysothamnus<br />
Rubber rabbitbrush Phoradendron Juniper mistletoe<br />
nauseosus<br />
juniperinum<br />
Cleome lutea Yellow beeplant Populus alba White poplar<br />
Cucurbita foetidissima Coyote gourd Purshia stansburiana Cliffrose<br />
Datura meteloides Sacred datura Quercus turbinella Shrub live oak<br />
Descurainia pinnata Tansy mustard Rhus trilobata var. Squawbush<br />
simplicifolia<br />
Descurainia sophia Tansy mustard Rosa woodsii Woods wild rose<br />
Echinocereus<br />
Engelmann Salix exigua<br />
Coyote willow<br />
engelmannii<br />
hedgehog cactus<br />
Elymus elymoides Squirrel-tail Salsola iberica Russian thistle<br />
Ephedra nevadensis Nevada Indian-tea Sarcobatus<br />
Greasewood<br />
vermiculatus<br />
Eriogonum corymbosum Golden buckwheat Sclerocactus whipplei Whipple fishhook<br />
var. aureum<br />
Eriogonum inflatum Desert trumpet Senecio douglasii Douglas groundsel<br />
Erodium cicutarium Storksbill, Heronbill Shepherdia<br />
Roundleaf<br />
rotundifolia<br />
buffaloberry<br />
Fallugia paradoxa Apache-plume Sisymbrium altissimum Tumble mustard<br />
Gaura coccinea Scarlet gaura Sisyrinchium demissum Blue-eyed grass<br />
183
Gutierrezia sarothrae Snakeweed Sphaeralcea ambigua Desert globemallow<br />
Helianthus annuus Common sunflower Stanleya pinnata Prince's-plume, Indian<br />
spinach<br />
Hordeum jubatum Foxtail barley Stipa comata Needle-and-thread grass<br />
Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper Swertia albomarginata White-margined swertia<br />
Lepidium montanum Mountain<br />
Ulmus sp.<br />
Elm<br />
pepperplant<br />
Lepidium perfoliatum Peppergrass Yucca baccata Banana yucca<br />
Lycium pallidum Pale wolfberry Yucca kanabensis Kanab yucca<br />
Machaeranthera.<br />
Purple aster sp.<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
As described in the <strong>Ethnographic</strong> <strong>Overview</strong> above, Pipe Spring has been and continues to be<br />
an integral part of Southern Paiute history and culture. Prior to Euro-American colonization, Pipe<br />
Spring was one of many spring sites of Paiute settlement and farming. Residents planted fields in the<br />
early spring. People from neighboring groups would come to Pipe Spring to harvest seasonally<br />
available resources such as willow, food and medicinal plants or reside there during the summer<br />
because of the available water. Clearly, water was, and continues to be, the key resource at Pipe<br />
Spring. A brief summary of the early history of Pipe Spring was described in the Ethnohistorical<br />
<strong>Overview</strong>. Information is also available Evans et al. (1994). Much of the early twentieth century<br />
history of resource battles with Mormon settlers and the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service have been<br />
documented by Martha Knack (1993). During the site visit, one elder summed it up this way:<br />
...they [Paiutes] lived way up there where I was telling you...and they, the white<br />
people came and they told them they no longer could use this area anymore and so,<br />
gradually they moved back up the other way to their original spring and the white<br />
man told them that they would have to work with the government in order to get<br />
water...talk with Superintendent and talk about having some part of the water.<br />
(DA001)<br />
Some of the early settlers recalled the Indian agent, A.E. Farrow, responsible for trying to help the<br />
Paiutes assert their rights as someone who:<br />
sure didn't like the Mormons, and he was going to do everything for the Indians... We<br />
had to fight for everything we've got from him. He would have taken over our<br />
184
homes. <strong>And</strong> he told the Indians they could have our homes here, because the<br />
government was going to move us out and give it to them (Heaton 1967:28).<br />
The <strong>National</strong> Monument has been the focus of recent consultations with the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Tribe. The UofA research team conducted a case study demonstration of NAGPRA consultation on<br />
the Pipe Spring collection in 1993 (Evans et al. 1994).<br />
Features<br />
Water. The water from Pipe Spring (Paiute matungwa) was used for irrigation, human and<br />
animal consumption, and medicinal and ceremonial purposes such as in the sweat lodge. As one<br />
elder stated:<br />
...they still use that with their medicine, like when they have that little sweat house up<br />
there they get water, secret water they pray for and do everything, then they sprinkle<br />
it on the hot rocks when they’re going to do that, and its still used for...sacred things<br />
today...it has been for a long time. (DA001)<br />
Plants. There is an abundance of Southern Paiute plants present at Pipe Spring due to the<br />
permanent flowing spring water (see Table 6.1). Elders specifically mentioned cactus fruits,<br />
squawbush, yucca, mint, Indian tea, Palmer penstemon (known by Indian people as "grandmother's<br />
nightcap"), cattails, sagebrush, and pinyon pine. Tea, mint, penstemon, sagebrush, and pine pitch<br />
were used as medicines. Pitch was also used to line water jugs to haul water from the spring. The<br />
other plants mentioned were used primarily for food and manufacturing purposes.<br />
Animals. Water and plants for forage provided an ideal habitat for a number of animals.<br />
Paiute elders mentioned deer, mule deer, antelope, bighorn sheep, coyote, mountain lion, bobcat,<br />
rabbit, squirrel, porcupine, cottontail, and a variety of birds as being important both traditionally and<br />
today. Porcupine was at one time more abundant and hunted as food. The feathers of many different<br />
kinds of birds were used in medicine and ceremony. The pelts of rabbits and cottontails were used to<br />
make blankets. One elder mentioned that the old people used to make soups out of snake meat.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. A number of artifacts and human remains have<br />
been excavated, both legally and illegally, from the monument property and adjacent lands. Several<br />
objects are currently in the Pipe Spring collection (Evans et. al 1994, Fox 1993). Such artifacts attest<br />
to Paiute occupation and use of the area since aboriginal times.<br />
Although Southern Paiute occupation of the area immediately surrounding Pipe Spring was<br />
significantly restricted by the construction of the fort and Mormon cattle operations, several<br />
individuals remained in the area. Diaries of local residents provide information about Frank Harris, a<br />
Kaibab Paiute man who lived at Pipe Spring beginning in the fall of 1926. Frank had come to the<br />
reservation after being away many years and, according to Leonard Heaton, had had difficulties with<br />
the Paiutes living on the reservation (Heaton 1967:1). Heaton had allowed him to live for about a<br />
year in a room of the east cabin on the monument property until he and several other Indians moved<br />
a cabin near Pipe Spring for his use. Frank was a cattleman and did business in Kanab (Heaton<br />
185
1967:2). After Frank died, his log cabin was occupied by Paiutes for two more years before it was<br />
taken down (Heaton 1967:5). The consultants also talked about Frank Harris:<br />
He died right there. He had a house there. We lived in his house then after he died.<br />
He had corrals and everything like that... and [there's] a place way on the other side<br />
of the sand dunes, way back there, where that Elbow Butte is. He had a good place<br />
there, too, been there, too, got a good garden, good house... He just went back and<br />
forth... He stays up there summertime and comes down here wintertime, I think. He<br />
had some horses... (DA4).<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The mountains surrounding Pipe Spring were mentioned by the<br />
elders as being significant. Kaibab Mountain, of course, has always been important for hunting and<br />
collecting plants. Two elders mentioned a mountain known as Thunder Mountain (Paiute<br />
tumwavahar) as a place where Paiute people camp and have ceremonies.<br />
...that big mountain up there...in olden days I guess they were living close to nature<br />
and they used to hear that rumble...the one way up there, the biggest...right behind<br />
the village. (DA001)<br />
Another elder mentioned a hill that was called tingwavahant. This may also refer to Thunder<br />
Mountain, in that the names appear to be similar.<br />
Perceived Impacts<br />
Paiute elders explicitly mentioned the deteriorated condition of the Pipe Spring environment.<br />
All of the elders mentioned the eutrophicated condition of the spring due to lack of dredging and<br />
cleaning.<br />
Black and dirty. Ever since housing and these things came in our water has turned<br />
like that. Lack of cleaning. Lack of not being able to come here, red tape for<br />
gathering medicine...old people used to say the more you use your water the better<br />
it'll get for you. (DA001)<br />
Elders described, and documents report, the history of water diversion and well drilling that<br />
has served to siphon off substantial amounts of water from Pipe Spring. These wells service<br />
Moccasin and Kaibab Indian village. The presence of a monument fence, other development, and<br />
human visitors, the spring water and the vegetation are no longer fully available to wild animals<br />
for drinking and foraging.<br />
186
Figure 6.7 The fort built by Mormons over Pipe Spring<br />
When discussing the plants at Pipe Spring, one elder described changes she had<br />
observed during her lifetime. She described gathering plants with her grandmother.<br />
My grandmother used to gather [plants]. There was a little green plant, a little<br />
old bush, and she'd whip the seeds into a basket. That was good food. She'd clean<br />
it in a basket and then she'd grind the little seeds. Oh, first she'd roast it. That was<br />
nice and she knew when it was nice and done, you know. <strong>And</strong> she said you have<br />
to be careful when you're cooking it so it won't burn. <strong>And</strong> then she used to grind<br />
it and it used to make real good soup or stew or sometimes she made it into<br />
gravy. Oh, it was really tasty. Tastes good. But these past years I've noticed - one<br />
year I was going to take my daughters out into the hills to show them what kind<br />
of seeds my mother and grandmother used to gather, and there were some that<br />
year. but that following year they got some cattle into that area, and they [the<br />
cattle] just loved all of that. They cleaned it out. So there were no more seeds. So<br />
the cattle and the horses go for that. Just like the people. I don't think there's any<br />
more 'cause they love it. There's animals in the area now (CG1)<br />
When asked about the condition of the plants within Pipe Spring, this individual<br />
commented:<br />
I think [we didn't see too many of the Paiute plants] because we don't use it, and<br />
they just die off.<br />
187
Elders also mentioned a long history of pot hunting and collecting surface artifacts from<br />
the property. One former superintendent is known to have excavated Paiute burials and keep<br />
the remains. Elders remember seeing a skull or a skeleton inside of one of the fort's buildings.<br />
Touring the buildings marked the first time one elder had been in them since seeing human<br />
remains in the building when he was younger. For another elder, this place that is her home<br />
brings back vivid recollections of neighbors like Frank Harris giving coins and candy to<br />
children, as well as hearing stories about the more gruesome aspects of the area's history. This<br />
elder's testimony best sums up Paiute sentiments toward Pipe Spring, Kaibab, and their history<br />
here.<br />
He [Frank Harris] was the, he was the only survivor they had when the white<br />
people killed most of the people up around the Kaibab area. The people wanted<br />
this land..and the...that’s what the old people used to tell me. Killed all of the<br />
Indians that lived in the area. <strong>And</strong> that old man, he was a survivor, and then<br />
there was another lady, and she used to come around and she lived in Richville,<br />
she’d come down, and she’d say she wanted to come down and see the place<br />
where his people had lived, and I...what’s his name..Indian name...I can’t<br />
remember it now...and then she said well a lot of her people that lived up<br />
here..and the white people killed them, and then they took all this land, was full<br />
of Indians she said, and they killed all of them, and then they chopped their<br />
heads off and they took it to Salt Lake for, to sell it for bounty and they were<br />
getting money for these Indian heads, they had...you know prove they had killed<br />
that many Indians, the more heads they brought in the more money they<br />
got...and I never did forget that, I never forgot that that’s why I never joined the<br />
Mormon Church...I was told they’re bad people, they killed your people...I never<br />
did forget it for that one reason, they’re the ones, especially those that are<br />
living in this area now up around the road that goes north. <strong>And</strong> then there was<br />
one man that told me that lived in...Panquich...he had hired an Indian man to<br />
work for him for many years, and that Indian man worked for him, and ...so one<br />
day he told him that he was going to show him something. <strong>And</strong> that Indian man<br />
was wondering what he wanted to show, so he got his suit out and his dress shoes<br />
and his hat, cut his hair and dressed him up like a white man. So they got in his<br />
wagon and they had horses and they went to Salt Lake and when they got there he<br />
said I want to show you something that these white people did to your people, and<br />
then he kept pounding in his head that these people are no good, you might like<br />
them but they’re no good, deep down they did something bad to your people, so<br />
they went to Salt Lake and they went to the temple there and they went into this<br />
one building and he said there were shelves and shelves all around in that big<br />
building. Then that white man showed him, look at all of these skulls in here, these<br />
are your people, they came from down there and these white people killed them<br />
and cut their heads off then they sold it to these people here and they got lots of<br />
money for it, that’s why...the other white people come and look at them, but those<br />
are your people he told that Indian man, so he ain’t ever forgot that and he came<br />
back, he came down this way and he used to tell my grandfather about that<br />
story. I heard that from my grandfather. He said that was true..what happened<br />
to all the people up in this area. <strong>And</strong> there was that one lady...she was just little<br />
188
her people were all killed, then there was that old man that used to live over here<br />
he was a...he died and he was small too. <strong>And</strong> he used to talk to the old people up<br />
here, you know R’s father...he told me that his father was related to them, and he<br />
said, I remember that I was told that and he said the white people took him in,<br />
took care of him, and...to become a man, and he worked there all this time and<br />
then when he got older, when he knew that this was his where his father came<br />
from so he came home here and he bought some stuff to build his house and he<br />
built it over there and it used to be there and then...that’s when that a...R and<br />
them made that house out of...you know the old house they tore it down and they<br />
built a little cabin next to where my house is they had the cabin there...and when<br />
he died I guess these people burned it down...and they took that old house they<br />
burned it, and I remember that I was thinking about this story I was told where<br />
that little house came from...and that was a long, long time ago...I was thinking<br />
just think that house has a lot of stories...people that went to it were told about<br />
what happened to the people in this area and then they used to tell me they was<br />
hundreds and hundreds of skulls in that place in Salt Lake, and years later we<br />
went up there for something, we all the Indian people were gonna put on a<br />
dance. <strong>And</strong> W’s mother and his aunt was with us. I was a big girl then, but I<br />
understood...I could, you know...when they went into that place near the temple<br />
there was a building. <strong>And</strong> then these ladies went in there and then they, and<br />
somebody had told them about it, that your people's skulls are stored in that<br />
building and that Mormons come to look at it and ...ah...so we went in that big<br />
building and then W’s mother and her sister...they went in there and they were<br />
standing there looking at those skulls there were shelves and shelves of skulls<br />
then they turn around to a lady that was working there and they got up and said:<br />
"You got all those people's heads and bones in here," and they were saying<br />
everything to that poor lady. <strong>And</strong> then she said, she stand went over to them,<br />
"Ladies" she said "don’t say that to me I didn’t do that I just work here,” she said,<br />
"some people did, not me,” she said. So finally they calmed down and that, then<br />
they told other people about it, and that was the first time I had been there and I<br />
didn’t want stay in there and look at those skulls. There are shelves and shelves<br />
I’ve seen’em, I went with W’s mother and his aunt. <strong>And</strong> that’s the first time I<br />
went in there then I believed what the old people used to tell me about these<br />
stories, and I really believed it...I been there. But...that’s the way these<br />
work...strip down that way a lot of my people there, a lot of Indians, not...nothing<br />
but white people live there. <strong>And</strong> ah, those other people...they get so upset over<br />
that incident. <strong>And</strong> there’s another place that I was told about and I guess it had<br />
happened all over the country. Some of ‘em always tell stories about it...and<br />
they always say they are no good, that’s why I...I...always tell them "don’t say<br />
that" 'cause there are too many of 'em...there isn’t very many of us. <strong>And</strong> then they<br />
bring back the subject and they say, "well the reason why there isn’t that many of<br />
us is because they killed our people...so I said, “well there nothing we can do<br />
about it now, we just listen to the stories...so, that the way I been...I had, once in<br />
a while I think about it, you know some certain things people told me when I was<br />
growing up. 'Cause my grandfather had a house where all the old people would<br />
come and they would...you know...talk about stories. In the wintertime is the<br />
189
time to tell stories...about the creation and about, oh, all the animals, how they<br />
used to talk a long time ago, and they used, even the little rabbits and the<br />
cottontails, they used for stories about...and I used to listen to those stories from<br />
my grandfather’s house, but I guess through the years I haven’t, I haven’ta heard<br />
anybody tell stories like those old people used to. When I was growing up I heard<br />
a lot of stories...and I...when they want me to tell’em a story, my grandchildren, I<br />
always tell’em "you can’t tell stories in the summertime. But there are many<br />
interesting stories about the area...(RS #1)<br />
Recommendations<br />
Despite the deteriorated nature of the environment, elders generally felt positive about<br />
the spring being protected by the NPS. In terms of resource use rights, one elder mentioned that<br />
there are too many NPS rules. Paiute people enjoy free access to the monument, and at various<br />
times the monument has hired Indian people as employees. These, however, have been mostly<br />
as craft producers for displays and sales to tourists. One elder commented at length about false<br />
interpretations given to tourists about the history of the monument and surrounding area. The<br />
interpretive program focuses on Mormon history. Moreover, that history is inaccurate and<br />
misleading because Pipe Spring was literally stolen from Paiute people. One elder<br />
recommended that the NPS engage in a true co-management and interpretive program with<br />
Paiute people as collaborators and employed colleagues (see Chapter Eight).<br />
6.4.3 Muuputs (Owl), Heart Canyon-Site #4<br />
Site<br />
Description<br />
Muuputs (Owl) or Heart Canyon is on the Kaibab Indian Reservation just north of the<br />
boundary of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument. An educational hiking trail leads about 0.5 mile<br />
from west side of the highway to Kaibab village (Indian Moccasin) west into Muuputs Canyon,<br />
ending at pictographs at the base of cliffs. The site is in Mohave County, Arizona at an<br />
elevation of approximately 5000-5200 feet; legal description of the location is T40N R4W Sec.<br />
17 NE4 SE4.<br />
The elders walked the entire length of the trail, observing plants, archeology,<br />
pictographs, and the habitat of the area. At the start of the trail the terrain is relatively flat and<br />
sandy, consisting of small sand hills with some wind-blown sand. The trail follows a small,<br />
shallow drainage and becomes rockier toward the cliffs; a silt and clay component to the sandy<br />
soils makes the substrate more stable. The cliffs are of red Moenkopi formation sandstones, and<br />
the soils are red near the cliffs. Large blocks of sandstone which have eroded from the cliffs<br />
make the terrain steeper and more rugged in the amphitheater of the canyon where the trail<br />
ends.<br />
190
Botanical Interpretation<br />
Vegetation throughout the area is a Great Basin Conifer Woodland dominated by<br />
Colorado pinyon and <strong>Utah</strong> juniper. In sandy areas at the beginning of the trail is the type<br />
locality of a rare yellow variety of beavertail cactus (Opuntia basilaris var. aureus), present in<br />
large clumps. Kanab yucca (Yucca kanabensis) is also present along the first part of the trail.<br />
As soils become more stabilized farther in the canyon, a number of shrubs become increasingly<br />
common, including buffaloberry (Shepherdia rotundifolia), cliffrose, shrub live oak, and<br />
squawbush. A number of species of herbaceous plants and bunchgrasses also occur. The<br />
canyon supports a wide variety of native plant species, including many that have been identified<br />
by Southern Paiute elders as having cultural significance. Paiute plants are listed in bold print<br />
below along with other plants observed at this location.<br />
Figure 6.8 <strong>Overview</strong> of Muuputs Canyon<br />
Scientific Name Common Name Scientific Name Common Name<br />
Acourtia wrightii Wright's perezia Oenothera pallida Paleevening-primrose<br />
Aristida purpurea Purple three-awn Opuntia basilaris var. <strong>Utah</strong> beavertail cactus<br />
aureus<br />
Artemisia bigelovii Black sagebrush Opuntia phaeacantha Engelmann pricklypear<br />
191
Artemisia filifolia Sand sagebrush Achnatherum<br />
Indian ricegrass<br />
hymenoides<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana Water sage Penstemon palmeri Palmer beardtongue<br />
Astragalus praelongus Rattleweed locoweed Penstemon utahensis <strong>Utah</strong> beardtongue<br />
Atriplex canescens Four-wing saltbush Phoradendron Juniper mistletoe<br />
juniperinum<br />
Bromus tectorum Cheatgrass Pinus edulis Colorado pinyon<br />
Chrysothamnus Rubber rabbitbrush Purshia stansburiana Cliffrose<br />
nauseosus<br />
Cryptantha<br />
Golden cryptanth Quercus turbinella Shrub live oak<br />
confertiflora<br />
Descurainia pinnata Tansy mustard Rhus trilobata var. Squawbush<br />
simplicifolia<br />
Ephedra viridis Indian tea Salix exigua Coyote willow<br />
Eriogonum<br />
corymbosum var.<br />
aureum<br />
Golden buckwheat<br />
Shepherdia<br />
rotundifolia<br />
Roundleaf<br />
buffaloberry<br />
Erodium cicutarium Storksbill, Heronbill Sisymbrium altissimum Tumble mustard<br />
Fallugia paradoxa Apache plume Stanleya pinnata Prince's-plume, Indian<br />
spinach<br />
Gutierrezia sarothrae Snakeweed Stephanomeria exigua Wirelettuce<br />
Hilaria jamesii Galleta Stipa comata Needle-and-thread grass<br />
Hymenopappus filifolia Hyalineherb, Fineleaf Stipa speciosa Desert needlegrass<br />
hymenopappus<br />
Juniperus osteosperma <strong>Utah</strong> juniper Streptanthella<br />
Little twistflower<br />
longirostris<br />
Lepidium montanum Mountain pepperplant Swertia albomarginata White-margined swertia<br />
Machaeranthera sp. Purple aster Yucca baccata Banana yucca<br />
Mirabilis multiflora Colorado four-o'clock Yucca kanabensis Kanab yucca<br />
Muhlenbergia porteri<br />
Bush muhly<br />
192
Archaeological Site Description<br />
At the end of the Muuputs trail there are two rock art panels the cliff faces in the<br />
amphitheater of the canyon. The trails were constructed in 1978 under the direction of the<br />
principal investigator for this project. The goal of the trail project was to assist the Kaibab Paiute<br />
tribe in their strategy to construct a camping and tourist attraction on the reservation as part of a<br />
long term economic development plan. The rock art panels are typical of the area in terms of<br />
figures represented. The research team noted recent graffiti on the panels during the site visit<br />
(see photo 6.9).<br />
Figure 6.9 Rock art panel impacted by erosion and graffiti<br />
Southern Paiute Interpretation<br />
Muuputs Canyon is seen as related to Pipe Spring and the area of Southern Paiute<br />
permanent settlement there and at Moccasin. Villages were at the bottom of the trail. The area<br />
was used for hunting and gathering plant foods. The rock art panels would have been used for<br />
ceremonial purposes. Men would primarily visit the canyon; women stayed behind because of<br />
abundant snakes. The canyon gets its name from the many owls that used to inhabit the canyon.<br />
A visitor trail was built by the Southern Paiutes into the canyon during the 1970s. Some NPS<br />
personnel perceived this trail to be in competition with the monument's attractions, being located<br />
immediately adjacent to the monument fence. During its construction, each day an NPS<br />
employee placed a rattlesnake at the trail's entrance to discourage visitors. This practice was<br />
discontinued after a short time. One elder stated:<br />
193
Features<br />
We used to walk these hills from Moccasin on down over to sandy spots, and we’d<br />
go back there little bit north almost to the end of this big mountain here, they have<br />
some round rocks...they had built these rock homes up there...for people like my<br />
grandma, elders...[the] government built [them]...1903...red paint, that was on<br />
the end of this big mountain that lays over that way, it’s on those points that one<br />
point over there, and it’s very hard to get at now, my son and my nephews<br />
coming through there and they said it seem like it ah, that red paint seem like it<br />
been covered, either by the weather or seem like it’s ah, you know people don’t<br />
use it, that’s why it’s covered or seems like it’s disappearing...it’s from the rocks...I<br />
guess people walked through here and did all these things and then they would go<br />
down to the springs to get some water, before this was the only that was<br />
available to them, was the Pipe Springs water and the Moccasin...they said they<br />
used to come up here all the time to collect plants like that, for their<br />
medicine...and yucca, they don’t have that many because people don’t collect<br />
it...they come up here early in spring and collect all those...roast it...us<br />
apples...pitch from pine trees used to seal water jugs [to carry water from<br />
Pipe]...pitch gum...cedar and sagebrush...(CG004)<br />
Water. The water from Pipe and Moccasin springs were the water sources at this<br />
location. They were important for irrigation, human and animal consumption.<br />
Plants. Several plants were mentioned by the elders as being important to this place.<br />
Squawbush was used for food (berries) and manufacture (shoots). Indian ricegrass and pinyon<br />
pine nuts were also eaten. The pitch from the pinyon pine was used for manufacturing.<br />
Cedar was mentioned as very important because the berries and the limbs were used in<br />
ceremonies and for blessings. Sagebrush was mentioned as a medicine. The leaves were boiled<br />
and strained and the tea was drunk for colds and congestion. Pine pitch and cedar needles were<br />
used in medicine as well. Indian spinach (Stanleya pinnata, Paiute tumar) was also observed.<br />
The leaves were used as greens.<br />
Animals. Elders mentioned deer, owl, bobcat, rabbit, and squirrel as being important here.<br />
All but the owl were hunted for food clothing, tools, and medicinal and ceremonial purposes.<br />
Paiute people also kept their horses in the canyon.<br />
Evidence of Previous Paiute Occupation/Use. The rock art panels and grinding stone<br />
fragments at the bottom of the trail indicate previous Paiute presence. A formal rock art study<br />
is necessary to determine whether the rock art panels reflect what has been identified as a<br />
Southern Paiute rock art style (see Stoffle et. al 1995a). Two of the rock art figures were<br />
interpreted to be an owl and a bobcat. One individual identified a figure of a woman on the<br />
panel. The figures indicated to one elder that the site could possibly be a burial site.<br />
Physical/Geologic Features. The canyon is perceived as a sacred place. The<br />
amphitheater would have been visited to pray, conduct ceremonies, and teach younger people<br />
about the lifeways of the old people.<br />
194
Perceived Impacts<br />
The trail through the canyon has deteriorated somewhat due to the elements, non-use,<br />
and lack of maintenance. The graffiti on the rock art panels is attributed to CCC camp workers<br />
and, more recently, tourists. Desecration has occurred despite signs at the rock art panels<br />
prohibiting access beyond a short rock wall and delineating the site as a sacred area not to be<br />
disturbed. Weather and exposure are also affecting the condition of the panels.<br />
Recommendations<br />
Muuputs Canyon is on reservation land and under the jurisdiction of the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Tribe. Elders recommended leaving the area as it is, except for trail improvement to make the<br />
hiking easier. Tours or hikes through the canyon to the rock art sites, however, should be<br />
guided by tribal members. According to one elder:<br />
Well, I think just having guided visitors or hikers come through here instead of<br />
going on their own...they might destroy a plant that was important...that’s why<br />
they need a guide...some parts of the trail should be fixed...walking places should<br />
be more safer. (CG004).<br />
6.5 Summary<br />
Southern Paiutes utilized the resources of Pipe Spring and the Kanab Creek Ecoscape to<br />
support their life and culture. They derived benefit from the environment around them and were<br />
expected to reciprocate, by harvesting plants or making offerings to the creator. PISP could assist<br />
in the preservation of and education about Southern Paiute cultural traditions. Pipe Spring, and the<br />
fort that was built around it to protect both Mormon settlers and water for their cattle, is both a<br />
physical and symbolic reminder of the Euro-American encroachment into Southern Paiute<br />
territory. Many of the impacts of this encroachment, such as the spread of disease and the<br />
destruction of native plant resources, were unintentional and frequently unknown. PISP could<br />
educate local, regional, national, and international visitors about the impacts of intercultural<br />
competition for land and resources. PISP was created within the boundaries of the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Reservation. Efforts to coordinate activities between the NPS and the Tribe have been varied and<br />
of mixed success. PISP could serve as a model of a partnership between the NPS and a tribal<br />
government.<br />
195
CHAPTER SEVEN<br />
CULTURAL RESOURCE INVENTORY<br />
The purpose of this chapter is to compile an inventory of cultural resources that<br />
Southern Paiute people have used and continue to use in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> (<strong>Zion</strong>) and Pipe<br />
Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument (PISP). This inventory is compiled from recent interviews with<br />
Southern Paiute elders and documented evidence, such as books, articles, and unpublished<br />
manuscripts. The great bulk of these documents are eyewitness accounts of Spanish or<br />
Euroamerican travelers who recorded the presence and activities of Paiute people at some<br />
locations throughout the study area. Some documents come from oral history interviews with<br />
Paiute people conducted by an anthropologist early in the twentieth century.<br />
It is important to devote special attention to the cultural resources in <strong>Zion</strong> and PISP<br />
because they are historically and contemporarily important to the survival and prosperity of the<br />
Southern Paiutes as a unique people. Southern Paiute people believe that the plants, animals,<br />
soil, minerals, and water of this land have their own self-willed life forces. They have talked and<br />
continue to talk to these resources, receiving guidance as to how the resources desire to be<br />
treated. The cultural significance of these resources is reflected in the Paiutes’ continued<br />
reliance upon these resources for their mythology, food, medicine, ceremonies and the<br />
manufacture of traditional items. This importance is further demonstrated by the fact that<br />
knowledge concerning the plants and animals and their uses is currently being transmitted to<br />
younger generations of Southern Paiute people.<br />
7.1 Soil, Water, Mineral, and Stone Resources<br />
A number of natural materials found in and around <strong>Zion</strong> and PISP were and still are used<br />
by Southern Paiute people for a variety of purposes such as ceremonies and manufacturing.<br />
These materials include stone, wood, water, and various minerals. However, this study did not<br />
allow time for an thorough look at the specific soil, mineral, and stone resources that occur in the<br />
Kanab Creek and Virgin River ecosystems. The following section mentions a few natural<br />
materials, found in other areas and possibly found in the parks or in the areas surrounding the<br />
parks, that are important to Southern Paiute people. This section has been included to provide a<br />
broader perspective on the importance of these resources.<br />
The concern of Southern Paiutes for natural elements is strong, because soil, water,<br />
stone, and minerals are components of the holy land. Many of the Southern Paiutes have<br />
commented that they hold in high regard people who have knowledge of water sources,<br />
which are so vital for sustaining life in the desert. Paiutes believe that natural elements should<br />
be protected from contamination, alteration, or even movement without talking to them. Like<br />
plants and animals, Southern Paiutes believe that natural elements have rights, human-like<br />
qualities, and life of their own.<br />
196
7.1.1 Water<br />
The belief that the water sources are connected to each other underground correlates with<br />
the belief in Water Babies. Southern Paiute people mentioned that Water Babies are often<br />
present at springs. According to ethnographic literature (Miller 1983), Water Babies own<br />
springs and have elaborate systems of underground pathways, usually taking form as<br />
underground watercourses. Water Babies travel from one spring to another and are never good,<br />
at best being neutral, and are extremely dangerous. If a person angers a Water Baby, the person<br />
will almost surely die. By extension, then, any activity that damages or destroys the<br />
underground water sources will anger the Water Babies who own it, thereby endangering<br />
everyone in the vicinity.<br />
Water bodies, like springs, streams, rivers, and lakes are viewed as having rights and<br />
human- like qualities. If water bodies are misused they can become angry and engage in selfmotivated<br />
actions.<br />
7.1.2 Minerals<br />
<strong>Ethnographic</strong> studies of human societies document that people who live in a region over<br />
long periods of time come to understand, explain, and deal with most of the natural components<br />
of their environment. Such knowledge is termed "local knowledge" or "emic perspectives" of<br />
the environment. Paiute people certainly qualify as having local knowledge inasmuch as they<br />
have lived in the region for more than a thousand years. One Paiute elder, for example, discussed<br />
places where the old people told him never to spend the night. These were places of great power<br />
that could make you sick if you remained there. He also told about powerful rocks that could<br />
cure or harm and were only utilized by religious leaders. If these rocks were broken, they could<br />
release their power and potentially harm people. Consequently, it was always better not to<br />
break a rock unless you understood the extent of its power.<br />
Other Indian people confirmed these ideas about rocks having power. It is recognized<br />
that some rocks have more or different power than others. Breaking a rock or removing it from<br />
its place without fully explaining these actions not only releases the power inherent in the rock<br />
but also angers the rock.<br />
Rocks can also be self-willing, inasmuch as they can reveal themselves to people and act<br />
on people. Crystals, for example, have a self-willing, animate power, and will reveal<br />
themselves to a person whom they desire to be with. If this person picks them up, the person<br />
will have great luck. The luck, however, is taken away from others and eventually people will<br />
come to recognize this and single out the excessively lucky person as having used some nonhuman<br />
power at the expense of his or her people. Threats of community sanctions usually<br />
make the person take the crystal back to where it had revealed itself to them and return it with<br />
an explanation of why it was being returned (Levi 1978; Miller 1983).<br />
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7.2 Southern Paiute Identified Plants<br />
Southern Paiutes relied upon plants for their survival, making ethnobotanical<br />
knowledge essential to their "transhumant adaptive strategy" (Stoffle and Evans 1976) for living<br />
in the desert. An intimate knowledge of plant genetics has been suggested as a major "cultural<br />
focus" of desert- dwelling American Indian people (<strong>And</strong>erson 1956; Shipek 1970). Being<br />
horticulturalists is a cultural characteristic that separates Southern Paiutes from closely related<br />
groups in the Great Basin (Dobyns and Euler 1980).<br />
A wide variety of plants continue to be utilized by Paiute people for food, medicine,<br />
ceremonies, and economic activity (Bye 1972). It is evident that plants are important because<br />
Paiute people say a prayer before a plant is picked and utilized with a request that it provide the<br />
needed medicine or nutrition. The plant, like the people, has rights and human-like qualities.<br />
The prayer is directed to the plant because the plant is perceived as an anthropomorphic<br />
organism.<br />
This section of the chapter gives a brief summary of the cultural significance of various<br />
plants found in <strong>Zion</strong> and PISP. Southern Paiutes recognize and talk about plants according to<br />
their life stages, so complete information about culturally significant plants can only be<br />
obtained from multi-season studies. Because most studies are completed in only a single season,<br />
there is undoubtly much to be learned about the Southern Paiute use of plants. Therefore, an<br />
absence of information for a particular plant does not necessarily indicate that the plant was not<br />
important to the Paiute people, but rather that its use or importance has not yet been recorded.<br />
Specific information could not be found for some of the plants known to be important to<br />
Southern Paiutes. Therefore these plants are only listed in this section. For Southern Paiute<br />
names or for more information on plants in this section, refer to Tables 5.2 and 6.2.<br />
Abies concolor - White fir<br />
A teaspoon of resin from the bark is eaten daily to cure tuberculosis. The bark is also<br />
boiled and drunk freely for tuberculosis instead of water. Fresh pitch is placed on cuts and then<br />
covered with a bandage. The needles are also brewed into a tea and used for pulmonary<br />
troubles. Resin from the bark can be added to this tea as well (Train 1957:19).<br />
Achillea sp. - Yarrow<br />
Southern Paiutes use plants in this genus to make medicinal leaf teas for coughs, weak<br />
or upset stomachs (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131), bladder ailments and as a blood tonic after<br />
childbirth (Train 1957:21). Their leaves are also mashed and made into a poultice for swellings,<br />
sores, and headaches. Leaves may be boiled and used as a disinfectant poultice for collar sores<br />
on horses, as a medicinal wash for fevers, sores, and rashes, or, when strained, as drops for sore<br />
eyes. Leaves and roots are used in many different ways for toothaches. It is believed that the<br />
nerve of the ulcerated tooth will eventually be killed if the root is used continuously. Roots<br />
from plants in this genus are also chewed for colds, gas pains, and are believed to be good for<br />
the kidneys (Train 1957:20).<br />
199
Agastache urticifolia - Horse mint<br />
The leaves of this plant are used for indigestion and stomach pains and are mashed into<br />
a poultice for swellings. The plant is also boiled into a medicinal tea for colds (Train 1957:21).<br />
Agropyron smithii - Western wheat grass<br />
Western wheat grass seeds are collected and ground for use as food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80).<br />
Agrostis exarata - Spike bentgrass<br />
The seeds of A. exarata are collected and ground for use as food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80).<br />
Allium sp. - Wild onion<br />
Historically, Southern Paiutes used wild onions for food or manufacture (Euler<br />
1966:23). Today, they continue to cook the bulbs and use them as food (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83, Stoffle, Dobyns and Evans 1983:121).<br />
Amaranthus albus - Pale amaranth<br />
Historically, pale amaranth was used for food or manufacture (Euler 1966:23). Today,<br />
Southern Paiutes continue to gather the seeds of A. albus and process them in various ways for<br />
use as food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80). They were also used<br />
as pot herbs for cooking (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126).<br />
Ambrosia sp. - Ragweed<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Amelanchier sp. - Serviceberry<br />
Historically, the wood from plants in this genus was used to make bows (Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:62) and arrow shafts (64). The berries of A. utahensis (<strong>Utah</strong> serviceberry) and A.<br />
alnifolia (Saskatoon serviceberry) were also consumed as fresh fruit (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83) and used in manufacturing processes (Stoffle, Dobyns<br />
and Evans 1983:121). It is not known whether this plant is currently used (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
<strong>And</strong>rostephium breviflorium - Funnel-lily<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
200
Anemone tuberosa - Desert thimbleweed, Windflower<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Angelica sp. - Angelica<br />
Plants in this genus are smoked by Southern Paiutes to ease coughs (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150). The roots of these plants are dried and<br />
chewed for sore throats or coughs, brewed into a medicinal tea for colds and kidney ailments,<br />
and are pulped and applied to cuts and sores (Train 1957:22).<br />
Apocynum cannabinum -<br />
Dogbane<br />
Historically, Southern Paiutes used the fibers from A. cannabinum to create rope or string<br />
for stringing bows, making rabbit nets, lacing bone tubes into necklaces, or tying feathers to<br />
headresses (Fowler and Matley 1979:24-25, 32, 54, 62).<br />
Aquilegia formosa - Columbine<br />
The fresh roots of this plant are mashed and rubbed on rheumatic joints to relieve<br />
aching. They are also brewed into a medicinal tea for coughs (Train 1957:24).<br />
Arabis pulchra - Pretty rockcress<br />
Plants in this genus served medicinal purposes (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:188). The seeds<br />
of pretty rockcress were used for food. It is not known whether the plant is currently used<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Arctostaphylos patula - Green-leaf manzanita<br />
The green-leaf manzanita is smoked by Southern Paiutes for fevers (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150). Its fruit is also gathered and ground, dried for<br />
later use, or consumed fresh (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:124, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:84).<br />
Arctostaphylos pungens - Pointleaf manzanita, Mexican manzanita<br />
The pointleaf manzanita is smoked by Southern Paiutes for fevers (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150) or brewed into a medicinal tea for<br />
rheumatism (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142). It's fruit is gathered and ground, dried for later use,<br />
or eaten fresh (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:124, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:84).<br />
201
Argemone sp. - Prickly poppy<br />
The ripe seeds of plants in this genus are ground into an oily paste that is used to make<br />
a salve for burns, cuts, or sores (Train 1957:25).<br />
Artemisia bigelovii - Bigelow sagebrush<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). Sage was considered a<br />
desirable thatching material as well (Laird 1976:105, 107). More recent studies show that<br />
Southern Paiutes boil A. bigelovii as a medicinal tea for relief of sore throats and stomach<br />
aches. It is also chewed for the same symptoms. Bigelow sagebrush is burned as incense and<br />
used ceremonially for purification. It is collected and used only as needed; care is taken to<br />
ensure it is not wasted (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994).<br />
Artemisia dracunculus - Tarragon<br />
Figure 7.1 From left to right: Sagebrush, Indian Paintbrush, Ricegrass<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). Sage was considered a<br />
202
desirable thatching material as well (Laird 1976:105, 107). Contemporary reports indicate that<br />
the seeds of A. dracunculus are gathered and ground into food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:120,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80) and it's leaves are boiled into a medicinal tea for coughs, colds,<br />
stomach aches, childbirth, worms, swelling, and bruises (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, and<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142). The tops of this plant are also used as a hot poultice for<br />
sprains, swellings, and rheumatism, the branches are boiled and used as a wash for rheumatism,<br />
and the whole plant can be brewed into a medicinal tea that serves as a blood tonic after<br />
childbirth (Train 1957:25).<br />
Artemisia filifolia - Sand sagebrush<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). Sage was considered a<br />
desirable thatching material as well (Laird 1976:105, 107). The stems of sand sagebrush were<br />
also used for fuel (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994) and the leaves could be boiled into<br />
a medicinal tea for coughs, colds, stomach aches, childbirth, worms, swelling, and bruises<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, and Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142).<br />
Artemisia ludoviciana - Water sage, Louisiana woodworm, Sage herb<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). Sage was considered a<br />
desirable thatching material as well (Laird 1976:105, 107). Recent reports show that the seeds<br />
of A. ludoviciana continue to be gathered and ground into food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:120,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80). The leaves, stems, flowers, and young shoots are chewed raw or<br />
boiled into a medicinal tea to aid sore throats, colds, coughs, stomach aches, childbirth, worms,<br />
swelling and bruises. They are also ground into a powder and used to clean the feet (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, and Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:142 ). A. ludoviciana continues to be a highly valued Southern Paiute plant (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Artemisia nova - Black sagebrush<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). A. nova was used as food<br />
during shortages (Euler 1966:22) and was considered a desirable thatching material (Laird<br />
1976:105, 107). Today, the leaves and stems continue to serve medicinal purposes. They can be<br />
boiled and inhaled like a vaporizer, brewed into a medicinal tea, or used as a poultice. In<br />
ceremonies, the leaves and stems are burned for purification. Black sagebrush bark and wood<br />
are also used for fuel and construction (Stoffle et al. 1994:140).<br />
203
Artemisia tridentata - Big sagebrush<br />
Sagebrush is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). Historically, dry bark from sagebrush was used<br />
as a torch to carry fire from one area to another (Euler 1966:48). When hunting was difficult, the<br />
bark was also used to make garments and moccasins (Euler 1966:29). Sage was considered a<br />
desirable thatching material as well (Laird 1976:105, 107). Southern Paiutes continue to use<br />
young shoots, leaves and stems for food (Stoffle and Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121), smoking<br />
meat, and as a medicinal tea for colds, coughs, stomach aches, childbirth, worms, swelling,<br />
bruises (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142), headaches, fevers, a<br />
warm antiseptic bath for newborn babies, and is often preferred as a general tonic (Train<br />
1957:29-30). In ceremonies, it is burned for purification (Stoffle et al. 1994:140, Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994, ). Leaves are also used as decoration, as a wash for sore eyes<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:135, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:148), muscular cramps, and swollen<br />
feet (Train 1957:30), to make a soap for basket cleaning, a charm for romantic attraction, a<br />
poultice for sores, infections (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990), and head colds (Train<br />
1957:29), a wet dressing for bullet wounds, a medicinal chew for indigestion (Train 1957:30)<br />
and, when boiled, as a vaporizer for treating colds (Train 1957:29, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994). Leaves are dried and finely pulverized into a type of talcum powder for babies as<br />
well. The sap is chewed as a gum (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994) and the leaves are<br />
eaten as a treatment for colds (Train 1957:29). The bark and wood are used for fuel and<br />
construction (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994).<br />
Asclepias sp. - Milkweed<br />
Plants in this genus are used for medicinal purposes. The roots are boiled and used as a<br />
wash to relieve headaches (Train 1957:30). The latex is used as an antiseptic, a healing agent<br />
for sores, and is employed to cure ringworm. Ripe seeds are ground and used as a salve on sores,<br />
or are boiled and used to draw the poison out of rattlesnake bites. The roots are also boiled into a<br />
medicinal tea to ease coughs, tuberculosis, and the rash of measles. This medicinal tea can also be<br />
used as a wash for rheumatism (Train 1957:31).<br />
Aster sp. - Aster<br />
Plants in this genus are brewed into a medicinal tea that is used as a blood tonic. The<br />
stems and flowers are soaked in water and applied as a medicinal wash for rheumatism (Train<br />
1957:31), and the leaves are mashed in cold water and used as a poultice for swollen jaws or<br />
neck glands (Train 1957:32).<br />
Astragalus praelongus - Rattleweed locoweed, Stinking milkvetch<br />
Southern Paiutes believe that one must talk to A. praelongus before pulling it up. It is<br />
still used by some individuals today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994).<br />
204
Atriplex canescens - Four-wing saltbush<br />
The stems of this plant can be combined to form a stirring stick (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Austin 1994), and the seeds are gathered and ground for use as food (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80). When dry, the wood is burned as fuel and used to<br />
make arrows (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, Olmsted 1990). A. canescens is also a medicinal plant<br />
that is used as a poultice/powder for sores (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:146). It continues to be used by Southern Paiutes today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994).<br />
Atriplex confertifolia - Shadscale<br />
Historically, A. Confertifolia was used by the Southern Paiutes for food or manufacture<br />
(Euler 1966:23). Other sources indicate that shadscale leaves are used as a poultice and/or<br />
powder for cuts. The seeds also are gathered and ground for use as food, (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80) and, when dry, the wood is burned as fuel (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, Olmsted 1990).<br />
Baccharis glutinosa - Seepwillow<br />
Seepwillow is a ceremonial plant. It is used in the construction of cradleboard frames,<br />
game sticks, and Paiute homes. The leaves are dried for use as tobacco. Southern Paiutes<br />
continue to use this plant today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994).<br />
Balsamorhiza sagittata - Arrowleaf balsamroot<br />
The roots of this plant are boiled into a medicinal tea for venereal diseases and stomach<br />
aches. The root is also dried and used as a dressing for syphilitic sores, mashed and used on<br />
swellings and insect bites, or burned in a room where the sick have been as a fumigant. Sap<br />
from fresh roots is taken internally as a cure for consumption (Train 1957:33).<br />
Betula sp. - Birch<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Calochortus sp. - Sego lily, Mariposa lily<br />
The bulbs of plants in this genus are used as food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1983a:204, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121). These plants are still used today<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, Olmsted 1990, Stoffle et al. 1994:140).<br />
Carex sp. - Sedge<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
205
Castilleja chromosa - Early Indian paintbrush<br />
C. chromosa is used in ornamentation (e.g. houses, hair) and in the making of soap. The<br />
seeds may be eaten (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The fruit or flower buds of<br />
other plants in this genus are also eaten fresh (Stoffle et al. 1994:140).<br />
Caulanthus crassicaulis - Squaw cabbage<br />
Southern Paiutes consume squaw cabbage fresh (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126, Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1983a:86).<br />
Cercocarpus ledifolius - Curl-leaf mountain mahogany<br />
According to Percy Train, "...this plant would appear to be one of the more important<br />
sources of medicinal remedies for the Indians" (Train 1957:35). Historically, C. ledifolius was<br />
used to make sinew-backed double-curved bows (Fowler and Matley 1979:62). More recent<br />
studies show that the bark is dried over an extended period of time and is brewed into a<br />
medicinal tea for pulmonary disorders such as tuberculosis (Train 1957:35, Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144), for coughs and colds (Train 1957:35),<br />
stomach-aches, venereal diseases, diarrhea, stomach ulcers, pneumonia (Train 1957:36), and is<br />
used as a blood tonic (Train 1957:36, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:144). Leaves are also prepared as a medicinal tea for heart disorders (Train 1957:36).<br />
Dried bark or soft inner bark is ground into a powder and used as a treatment for sores such as<br />
syphilitic sores, cuts, burns, and wounds.<br />
Chaenactis douglasii - Douglas dusty-maiden<br />
C. douglasii is crushed and applied as a poultice for swellings and rattlesnake bites<br />
(Train 1957:36-37). The whole plant or just the leaves is also boiled into a medicinal tea for<br />
coughs and colds (Train 1957:36).<br />
Chenopodium fremontii - Fremont goosefoot<br />
Southern Paiutes consume the young shoots, stems, leaves, and seeds of C. fremontii.<br />
This plant is still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994, 141).<br />
Chrysothamnus nauseosus - Rubber rabbitbrush, Gray rabbitbrush<br />
The rabbitbrush plant is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories and legends<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1994:141). It is used in the construction of dwellings (Stoffle, Dobyns, Evans,<br />
and Olmsted 1990) and for fuel. The stems, leaves, and flowers are used as a medicinal tea,<br />
wash, and poultice (Stoffle et al. 1994:141). C. nauseosus is also an important environmental<br />
indicator: when rabbitbrush flowers are in full bloom, they indicate that pinyon nuts are ready for<br />
harvest (Stoffle et al. 1994:141, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Rabbitbrush is<br />
consumed as food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121), used for making baskets and woven<br />
206
water jugs (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994), and is used in ceremonies (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:141). The sap is also chewed as gum (Stoffle et al. 1994:141, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:188). This plant is very important and continues to be used by Southern Paiute people<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1994:141).<br />
Cirsium sp. - Pink thistle<br />
The leaves from plants in this genus are boiled and used as a poultice on wounds and<br />
burns (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, Austin 1994:240). The young shoots or stems of some plants are<br />
also eaten raw (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Thistle continues to be used today<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, Austin 1994:240).<br />
Claytonia sp. - Spring beauty<br />
The roots or bulbs of plants in this genus are used for food (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983:83).<br />
Clematis ligusticifolia - Virgin's bower, Wild clematis<br />
A medicinal wash is produced by boiling the leaves of this plant. The wash is used<br />
for dropsical conditions and to relieve tired feet (Train 1957:39).<br />
Coleogyne ramosissima - Blackbrush<br />
Southern Paiutes use blackbrush for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121).<br />
Comandra umbellata - Bastard toad-flax<br />
The fruit of this plant is gathered and eaten raw (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:124, Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1983a:84).<br />
Cornus sp. - Dogwood<br />
Plants in this genus are smoked by Southern Paiutes for medicinal purposes (Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150).<br />
Cryptantha sp. - Cryptanth<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
207
Curcurbita foetidissima - Coyote gourd, Missouri gourd<br />
The seeds of C. foetidissima are gathered and ground for use as food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80). The roots are prepared as a medicinal tea for<br />
gonorrhea and syphilis (Train 1957:41, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144). The seeds are also used<br />
as a poultice and/or powder for piles and sores (Train 1957:41, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134).<br />
Cuscuta sp. - Dodder<br />
Plants in this genus are eaten to create sterility. The Southern Paiute name for these<br />
plants means literally "woman without children" (Train 1957:42).<br />
Cymopterus sp. - Spring-parsley<br />
The roots of plants in this genus are pounded and used for food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns<br />
1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38). Water from<br />
the boiled roots also serves as an insecticide (Train 1957:42).<br />
Dalea sp. - Indigobush<br />
Southern Paiutes brew these plants into a medicinal tea to soothe indigestion (Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144), and to serve as a remedy for coughs,<br />
colds, pneumonia, tuberculosis, influenza, stomach aches, kidney problems, venereal diseases,<br />
measles, muscular pains, diarrhea and, when sugar is added, for whooping cough. This tea is<br />
also used externally as a medicinal wash for smallpox, measles, and rheumatism. Stems are<br />
ground into a powder to be used on sores or are chewed for the relief of toothaches or face<br />
neuralgia (Train 1957:42-44).<br />
Datura sp. - Jimsonweed<br />
Jimsonweed is a traditional medicinal plant used as a painkiller for toothaches, as a<br />
poultice for treating fungal infections (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994), and can be<br />
chewed to ease coughs (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:136, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:149). It is also<br />
applied to the body as a lotion but will cause severe intoxication and hallucinations if too much<br />
is absorbed (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994). The roots are roasted or baked, ground<br />
into a powder, mixed with water, and then ingested to induce power/knowledge seeking visions<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The roots are also chewed or used to make a<br />
narcotic tea (Train 1957:44, Laird 1976:39-40). Before a root is collected, the plant must be<br />
addressed respectfully. One must apologize to the plant for disturbing it and explain what it is<br />
to be used for. Only the root pointing east is collected. Often visions are sought from this plant to<br />
reveal the names of enemies or to locate lost objects (Laird 1976:39-40). It is reported that this<br />
plant is used in rituals (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121) and is still used today by<br />
medicine people (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994).<br />
Descurainia pinnata - Tansy mustard<br />
208
In the past, tansy mustard has been a main source of food for Southern Paiutes. Today<br />
the seeds are still collected seasonally and dried for use all year. When dry, the little red seeds<br />
are ground into mush, paste, made into bread, or used for flavoring in foods (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80). The stems<br />
and leaves are boiled as greens (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Dobyns, and<br />
Evans 1983:121). Tansy mustard is also used as pot herbs for cooking (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:126, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a: 86). Southern Paiutes continue to use this plant today<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Descurainia sophia - Tansy mustard, Herb sophia<br />
The stems and leaves of D. Sophia are boiled as greens. The seeds are collected and dried<br />
for year-long use (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Dichelostemma pulchellum - Bluedicks<br />
Southern Paiutes use this plant for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121).<br />
Distichlis spicata - Saltgrass<br />
Southern Paiutes scraped a salty extract from the leaves of saltgrass and cooked it in ashes<br />
as a salt supplement for food (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Echinocereus engelmannii - Engelmann hedgehog cactus<br />
The fruit of the engelmann hedgehog cactus is eaten fresh by Southern Paiutes. It is still<br />
used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a: 176).<br />
Echinocereus triglochidiatus - Claretcup cactus<br />
The claretcup cactus is a traditional medicinal plant that is still used today to remove<br />
warts (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1994). It is also used as a poultice/powder for boils<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a: 146).<br />
Eleocharis palustris - Spike rush<br />
Southern Paiutes use the young shoots and stems of spikerush to make baskets, rope,<br />
and mats. The roots are used as a basket dye. The stems also serve as an animal food. This plant<br />
is still used today (Stoffle at al. 1994:141).<br />
Elymus canadensis - Canada wild rye<br />
The seeds of Canada wild rye are gathered and ground for use as food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:120 Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80).<br />
209
Elymus elymoides - Squirrel tail<br />
Squirrel tail is a Southern Paiute medicinal plant. The young shoots and stems are used<br />
as a hair treatment and the leaves are used for livestock feed. Care is taken to store useful parts for<br />
future use. This plant is still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994:141).<br />
Encelia virginensis - Virgin encelia, Brittlebush<br />
This species of Encelia is an important medicinal plant. It is combined with two other<br />
plants and brewed into a medicinal tea to cure mild cases of venereal disease. If the tea does not<br />
cure the disease, the individual goes to the sweat lodge. More tea is boiled outside at the lodge<br />
fire, and the individual drinks large quantities before entering (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:241). It is also used in making baskets (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Southern Paiutes continue to use virgin encelia today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:241).<br />
Ephedra nevadensis - Nevada Indian tea<br />
Indian tea is mentioned in the traditional legends of the Southern Paiute (Stoffle et<br />
al. 1994:142). This species of Indian tea makes a strong beverage and medicinal tea (Stoffle,<br />
Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121) used for cleaning out the kidneys (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Austin 1994:242, Stoffle et al. 1994:142) and for treating venereal diseases (Train 1957:45).<br />
The tea has a more bitter taste than tea from other varieties of Ephedra (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990). It can also be used as a poultice/powder for burns (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:146). Dried stems are stored for year-round use (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:242) and the wood is used for fuel (Stoffle et al. 1994:142).<br />
Southern Paiutes continue to commonly use this plant today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Olmsted 1990).<br />
Ephedra torreyana - Torrey Indian tea<br />
The stems of torrey Indian tea are brewed into a beverage and medicinal tea used for<br />
internal disorders, venereal disease, stomach aches (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1983a:142), colds, aches and pains, and as a general system cleanser. The stems<br />
were dried in bundles and then boiled for tea when needed. The greener stems are fresher and<br />
are considered to have more power (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:242). E.<br />
Torreyana is also used as a poultice for burns (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1983a:146). Since Southern Paiutes believe that Ephedra grows to help the people,<br />
they talk to the plants and tell them about their ailments. The plant is still used today (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:242).<br />
210
Ephedra viridis - Indian tea<br />
Southern Paiutes brew the spikelets of this species as a beverage and a medicinal tea<br />
(Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121) used for various internal disorders, stomach aches<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:142), venereal diseases, colds, stomach ulcers, rheumatism, bladder disorders, and as a<br />
kidney regulator. The tea is also used as a blood tonic or purifier, is taken for delayed or difficult<br />
menstruation, and is believed to aid in circulation. This tea can also be combined with the bark of<br />
Cercocarpus ledifolius and used for children's diarrhea. Stems are dried and ground into a<br />
powder used for sores (Train 1957:45-46). The wood is used for fuel. Useful parts are stored for<br />
future use. Southern Paiutes continue to use it today (Stoffle et al.1994:142).<br />
Equisetum laevigatum - Smooth scouring rush<br />
When needed, the leaves of E. Laevigatum are gathered, dried, and boiled as a medicinal<br />
tea. It is sometimes mixed with peppermint for flavor (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:242). This plant is very important to the Southern Paiute (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:188)<br />
and continues to be prescribed as a healthy alternative to pills by Indian doctors (Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:242).<br />
Eragrotis sp. - Love grass<br />
Figure 7.2 Prickly Pear Cactus<br />
Southern Paiutes brew the spikelets of this species as a beverage and a medicinal tea<br />
(Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121) used for various internal disorders, stomach aches<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
211
1983a:142), venereal diseases, colds, stomach ulcers, rheumatism, bladder disorders, and as a<br />
kidney regulator. The tea is also used as a blood tonic or purifier, is taken for delayed or difficult<br />
menstruation, and is believed to aid in circulation. This tea can also be combined with the bark of<br />
Cercocarpus ledifolius and used for children's diarrhea. Stems are dried and ground into a<br />
powder used for sores (Train 1957:45-46). The wood is used for fuel. Useful parts are stored for<br />
future use. Southern Paiutes continue to use it today (Stoffle et al.1994:142).<br />
Equisetum laevigatum - Smooth scouring rush<br />
When needed, the leaves of E. Laevigatum are gathered, dried, and boiled as a medicinal<br />
tea. It is sometimes mixed with peppermint for flavor (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:242). This plant is very important to the Southern Paiute (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:188)<br />
and continues to be used as a healthy alternative to the pills commonly prescribed by doctors<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:242).<br />
Eragrotis sp. – Love grass<br />
Love grass seeds are collected by Southern Paiutes and ground for use as food (Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1982:120, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:80).<br />
Eriastrum eremicum - Mohave eriastrum<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Erigeron sp. - Daisy<br />
The roots of plants in this genus are boiled and prepared as a medicinal wash for the eyes<br />
or as a medicinal tea for diarrhea. The entire plant is also be brewed into a medicinal tea used<br />
for stomach-aches, cramps, and chronic constipation (Train 1957:46-47).<br />
Eriodictyon angustifolium - Narrow-leaf yerba santa<br />
The leaves from plants in this species are brewed into a medicinal tea for coughs and<br />
colds (Train 1957:47, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142). Southern<br />
Paiutes also use this particular species to make a medicinal tea for pulmonary and venereal<br />
ailments (Train 1957:47, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144),<br />
vomiting, diarrhea, and stomach-aches (Train 1957:47). Yerba santa can be used as a<br />
poultice/powder for rheumatism and partial paralysis (Train 1957:47, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:146), a medicinal wash for sore eyes (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:135, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:148), and can be smoked to help lung problems<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150).<br />
212
Eriogonum inflatum - Desert trumpet, Bladderstem, Indian pipeweed<br />
The fresh stems of E. Inflatum are either cooked or consumed raw by the Southern<br />
Paiutes (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:86). Young children used dried, inflated stems as pipes and playtoys. Tiny black “seeds”<br />
or insect droppings found on the plant are hallucinogenic and are used as a medicine (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Erodium cicutarium - Heronbill, Storksbill<br />
The seeds of E. Cicutarum were gathered and eaten. They were also dried and stored<br />
for future use. It is not known whether this plant is currently used (Stoffle et al. 1994:142).<br />
Euphorbia albomarginata - Rattlesnake weed<br />
Spurge or rattlesnake weed is a medicinal plant (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121).<br />
The milky sap from the stems, leaves, and flowers are either smoked (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150) or used as a medicinal wash to treat eye<br />
inflammations, infections, and cataracts (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:135, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:148). Young shoots, stems, leaves, and flowers are<br />
used as a snakebite medicine and brewed as a tea to treat kidney ailments. Useful parts are dried<br />
and stored for future use. Southern Paiute people continue to use this plant today (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:142).<br />
Fallugia paradoxa - Apache plume<br />
The long straight stems of Apache plume are still used to make arrows for hunting<br />
rabbits and for selling to tourists. The plant is managed by annual burning which encourages<br />
new, straight young shoots (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:242).<br />
Fraxinus anomala - Singleleaf ash<br />
Southern Paiutes use this plant for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:121).<br />
Fraxinus pennsylvanica ssp. velutina - Velvet ash<br />
Velvet ash is used in construction and in ceremonies. Being a natural hardwood, it is<br />
also used to make bows, arrows, drum frames, and staffs used in pow wow dancing. It is used<br />
for fuel during ceremonies because it burns slowly. Velvet ash is usually harvested in late fall<br />
but can be collected throughout the year and stored for future use (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Austin 1994:243).<br />
213
Fritillaria atropupurea - Spotted missionbells, Leopard-lily<br />
Southern Paiutes use the bulbs of F. atropupurea for food (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:83).<br />
Garrya flavescens - Ashy silktassel<br />
Ashy silktassel is used to make a medicinal tea for heart troubles (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144).<br />
Gaura coccinea - Scarlet beeblossom<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Gilia aggregata - Scarlet gilia, Skyrocket<br />
G. aggregata is used to make a medicinal tea to treat stomach aches (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144), colds, and to be used as an emetic and<br />
physic (Train 1957:51).<br />
Gilia congesta - Ballhead gilia<br />
This plant is prepared as a medicinal tea for the treatment of venereal diseases such as<br />
gonorrhea. It is also employed as an emetic and physic and used for the relief of colds,<br />
diarrhea, indigestion, and stomach problems (Train 1957:52).<br />
Glycyrrhiza lepidota - Desert root, American licorice<br />
Parts of this part are chewed as a tonic (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:136). Graminae (Grass<br />
family) – Grass Grass is mentioned in a traditional Southern Paiute song and myth (Fowler<br />
and Fowler 1971:128, Laird 1976). Historically, grass seeds were gathered by women and used<br />
for food (Euler 1966:111-113, Laird 1976).<br />
Grindelia squarrosa - Gum plant<br />
G. squarrosa is prepared as a medicinal tea for treating pneumonia, coughs, and bladder<br />
problems (Train 1957:54-55).<br />
Gutierrezia microcephala - Matchweed, Small-head snakeweed<br />
G. microcephala is the subject of an important traditional Paiute story. It is also used<br />
for teaching. Matchweed is so named because it is a good fire starter when dry. If it is pounded<br />
and then soaked or boiled, the juice and pulp can be used as a poultice for snake bites (Stoffle,<br />
214
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:243). The leaves are boiled as a medicinal tea (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Gutierrezia sarothrae - Snakeweed<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Haplopappus sp. - Goldenweed<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Helianthus annus - Common sunflower<br />
Historically, Southern Paiutes gathered sunflower seeds (Fowler and Matley 1979:9) to<br />
be used for food (Euler 1966:113, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39). They were often<br />
roasted and then ground on milling stones (Euler 1966:81). The roots were also prepared as a<br />
medicinal wash for rheumatism (Train 1957:56).<br />
Hilaria rigida - Big galleta<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Holodiscus sp. - Ocean spray<br />
The roots of plants in this genus were brewed into a medicinal tea that served as a remedy<br />
for stomach disorders and diarrhea. Boiled stems were also prepared as a tea to help cure colds<br />
(Train 1957:59).<br />
Hymenoclea salsola - White cheesebush, Burrobush<br />
This plant is used by Southern Paiutes as a medicinal wash for infants and sick<br />
persons (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:135, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:148).<br />
Juncus sp. - Rush<br />
Plants in this species are used for a variety of manufacturing purposes. Several of these<br />
include making baskets, decoys, and providing insulation for dwelling walls (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Mats are also made out of the leaves (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Austin 1994:243, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:188) and the roots (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38) and the base of<br />
stems are consumed as food. It is harvested in spring and fall. Cutting leaves at the bottom<br />
serves the management function of pruning and encourages fresh new growth (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:243). Currently, the plant is highly valued among contemporary basket<br />
makers (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
215
Juniperus sp. - Juniper, Cedar<br />
Juniper is mentioned in Southern Paiute traditional stories (Stoffle et al. 1994:143).<br />
Historically, it was used for food and construction (Euler 1966:23). The wood from this tree<br />
was used to construct wickiups (Euler 1966:88), shelters (Euler 1966:81), bows (Euler 1966:114,<br />
Fowler and Matley 1979:9), war clubs (Fowler and Matley 1979:68), and ladles (Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:76). It was also used to make notched sticks or musical rasp instruments that<br />
were played for such things as the Bear Dance (Fowler and Matley 1979:71-72). The bark was<br />
used for covering shelters, making cord, and making “playing cards” (Fowler and Matley<br />
1979:9, 28, 71). In addition, bark can be wrapped into a long bundle that, when lit, will glow<br />
without burning quickly. This was used in traveling because it could be used to start a fire<br />
quickly (Fowler and Matley 1979:75). Sometimes the inner bark of young cedar was cut into<br />
little strips or tablets and painted with figures of men women and children (Powell 1873:61). The<br />
leaves were pounded with red ocher and used to cover or decorate the outside of pitch containers<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:21). The berries were roasted, ground, and mixed with meals (Powell<br />
1873:46, Euler 1966:113).<br />
Today, juniper continues to be used for a wide variety of purposes. Southern Paiute<br />
people burn the stems and leaves, or boughs ceremonially as a purifying medicine (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:143, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Boughs are used to make a medicinal<br />
wash and a medicinal tea for venereal diseases, coughs, and colds (Train 1957:61-62,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144). Young twigs are boiled as a<br />
medicinal tea that is used for hemorrhages, fevers, stomach-aches, kidney problems, influenza,<br />
and which serves as a blood tonic (Train 1957:62-63). Once the fruit is dried and the fleshy<br />
outer portion is discarded, the seeds can also be taken as a blood tonic (Train 1957:61). Twigs<br />
are also prepared as an antiseptic wash for sores, are heated and rubbed on measle eruptions to<br />
relieve discomfort, and are made into poultices for burns, swellings, and rheumatism (Train<br />
1957:63). Berries are prepared as a medicinal tea as well. This tea is used for kidney ailments,<br />
menstrual cramps, rheumatism, and is employed as a blood tonic (Train 1957:64). Leaves or<br />
twigs are smoked and inhaled for the treatment of head colds (Train 1957:62) and are used as a<br />
fumigant after illness (Train 1957:63). Young juniper twigs are also utilized in the Indian sweat<br />
bath. The Indian sweat bath is used to induce sweating in patients with rheumatism or heavy<br />
colds (Train 1957:63-64). Bark is used to tan hides (Stoffle et al 1994:143), and make<br />
sandals, skirts and other utilitarian items as well (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Wood, bark, and branches are used as fuel (Stoffle et al. 1994:143) and for construction of<br />
pens, corrals, and dwellings (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The juniper berry is<br />
roasted and eaten (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82, 204), and the<br />
seeds are used to make necklaces. Southern Paiute people manage juniper by pruning. Useful<br />
parts are stored for future use. These plants continue to be very important to Southern Paiutes<br />
(Stoffle et al 1994:143).<br />
Lappula sp. - Stickseed<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
216
Larrea tridentata - Creosote bush<br />
Creosote bush, or “greasewood,” as it is commonly referred to by Indian people, is<br />
mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths (Laird 1976:168, 189). Historically, these<br />
plants were used to obtain gum or resin. This gum or resin was used for such things as<br />
attaching arrowheads (Fowler and Matley 1979:65) sealing storage baskets (Laird 1976:6), or<br />
setting stone blades in knives (Fowler and Matley 1979:69). Today, creosote bush continues to<br />
serve multiple purposes. It is an important medicinal plant that is used for any kind of sickness,<br />
both inside and outside the body (Laird 1976:107, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:243, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The leaves, flowers, and young shoots<br />
are boiled and drunk as a medicinal tea for stomach ailments, internal disorders, cramps, colds<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142), cancer, and for cleaning out the<br />
kidneys (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:243, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted<br />
1990). The stems and leaves are also boiled into a solution that is used as a poultice or<br />
medicinal wash for measles (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:146),<br />
small pox, chicken pox (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:148), skin sores, rashes, or athlete’s foot.<br />
Creosote can also be ground into a powder and applied to skin wounds. In the sweat lodge, it is<br />
sprinkled dry on the rocks to help with respiration (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:243). Other uses include wood for fuel, sap for glue, branches for manufacture, and<br />
burning leaves for ceremonial purposes (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). It is<br />
also used for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:122, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:176). To collect this plant, one must stand on the north side of the plant toward the sun to<br />
pray for it. Harvesting techniques are equivalent to the management function of pruning which<br />
encourages fresh new growth. This plant continues to be very useful and important to Southern<br />
Paiutes today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:243).<br />
Lepidium fremontii - Fremont’s peppergrass<br />
The seeds from this plant are gathered by Southern Paiutes and ground for use as<br />
food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982: 121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Lepidium lasiocarpum - Desert pepperweed<br />
The seeds from this plant are gathered by Southern Paiutes and ground for use as<br />
food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Lepidium montanum - Mountain pepperplant<br />
Lepidium montanum was identified for the first time in this study. No further information<br />
is available at this time.<br />
Lewisia sp. - Bitterroot<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
217
Linum lewisii - Blue flax<br />
This plant is most commonly used as a remedy for sore eyes. The medicinal eye wash is<br />
prepared in several ways: the whole plant is boiled, the tops of the plant are soaked in cold water,<br />
the tops are steeped slightly, or the leaves are boiled. Fresh leaves and stems are also used as a<br />
poultice for goiter and other swellings (Train 1957:67-68).<br />
Lomatium sp. - Biscuitroot, Indianroot<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Lupinus ssp. - Lupine<br />
Plants in this species are used to induce urination (Train 1957:68).<br />
Lycium sp. - Squawberry, Wolfberry<br />
Wolfberry or squawberry is mentioned in Southern Paiute myths (Laird 1976:157-158). It<br />
is a traditional Southern Paiute plant that has, in the past, been used for food and for trading<br />
(Euler 1966:64). Today, various species of Lycium continue to be used by the Southern Paiute.<br />
The berries are eaten fresh (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82), mashed to make a juice (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:176), ground and used as a jam, or dried and stored for year-round use (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:244). Wolfberry is<br />
gathered and taken to ceremonies as well (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:244).<br />
Lygodesmia sp. - Indian gum plant, Skeleton weed<br />
Plants in this genus have a rubber-like exudate that is collected from the stems and roots<br />
and used as chewing gum. A cottony fuzz is collected from the base of the plants and is placed<br />
on boils and sores to aid in healing. The roots can also be prepared as a tea and used externally<br />
to reduce swelling, or used internally as a physic and emetic (Train 1957:69).<br />
Mahonia repens - Creeping barberry<br />
Parts of creeping barberry plants are chewed by Southern Paiute people for colds (Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1982:136, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:149). The berries of plants in this genus are<br />
also consumed as fresh fruit (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82). The<br />
roots are boiled into a medicinal tea taken to stop bloody dysentery, to thicken the blood (Train<br />
1957:33), as a drink for venereal diseases, coughs, bladder and kidney problems, and as a blood<br />
tonic or purifier (Train 1957:34). The stems are also boiled into a medicinal tea for<br />
stomach problems (Train 1957:34).<br />
218
Marrubium vulgare - Common horehound<br />
The branches of this plant are used to whip aching portions of the body. This action<br />
served as a counter-irritant by stimulating blood circulation (Train 1957:69).<br />
Melilotus alba - White sweet-clover<br />
113).<br />
Historically, white sweet-clover was used by the Southern Paiutes for food (Euler 1966:112-<br />
Melilotus indicus - Yellow sweet-clover<br />
Historically, yellow sweet-clover was used by the Southern Paiutes for food<br />
(Euler 1966:112-113).<br />
Mentha arvensis - Field mint, American wild mint<br />
Field mint is a traditional medicinal plant that is still used today. Fresh leaves are boiled<br />
and drunk as a tea. They can also be dried and stored for year-round use (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:244).<br />
Mentzelia albicaulis - Desert corsage, White-stem blazingstar<br />
The seeds of desert corsage are collected, ground, and eaten (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:189, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:176). They can also be stored for future use. Southern<br />
Paiute people still use this plant today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:143).<br />
Mirabilis multiflora - Colorado four-o'clock<br />
Colorado four-o'clock is a powerful medicinal plant that serves as the exclusive treatment<br />
for syphilis. Individuals must pay to obtain it, and the plant must be prayed to in order for the<br />
remedy to work. The entire plant (stems, leaves, flowers, and roots) is pulled up, boiled in<br />
approximately three inches of water, and consumed as a tea (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:244). It is also used for decorative purposes (Stoffle et al. 1994:144). M. Multiflora can be<br />
harvested all year long and is still used by Southern Paiute people (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:244).<br />
Monardella odoratissima - Western bee balm<br />
This plant is prepared as a medicinal tea for treating colds, gas pains, and indigestion.<br />
The tea is also used as an eyewash for soreness or inflammation (Train 1957:70-71).<br />
219
Nasturtium officinale - Watercress<br />
Historically, N. officinale was used by the Southern Paiutes for food or manufacture<br />
(Euler1966:23). Today the stems and leaves are eaten fresh as salad greens, boiled like spinach,<br />
or fried with shortening and eaten with meat (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:244).<br />
Nicotiana attenuata - Coyote tobacco<br />
Tobacco is mentioned in a traditional Southern Paiute song (Fowler and Fowler 1971:124).<br />
It is a medicinal and ceremonial plant. The leaves are used as a medicinal poultice for cuts, sore<br />
eyes (Train 1957:71, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:146, Stoffle<br />
et al. 1994:144), swellings, rheumatism, eczema, cuts, athlete's foot, and snakebites, and are<br />
dried and smoked to ease asthma and coughs (Train 1957:71). The leaves are also prepared as a tea<br />
that is used externally for the treatment of hives and dropsical conditions and internally to expel<br />
worms, or serve as an emetic or physic (Stoffle et al. 1994:144). The entire plant is considered an<br />
object of ritual. For example, dried leaves are smoked in ceremonies (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150). It is also used a gift (Laird 1976:38). Coyote tobacco<br />
continues to be used by Southern Paiute people today (Stoffle et al. 1994:144).<br />
Nicotiana trigonophylla - Indian tobacco, Desert tobacco<br />
Leaves of Indian tobacco are dried and smoked for pleasure as well as for medicinal and<br />
ceremonial purposes (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:176). Before smoking, it is frequently mixed with sage, or red willow. This type of Indian<br />
tobacco is sold and traded with other Indian people and is only occasionally used in ceremonies.<br />
It is sometimes used as a gift (Laird 1976:38). Indian tobacco is collected during the summer<br />
months and stored for use throughout the year. Southern Paiutes continue to use this plant today<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:245).<br />
Oenothera pallida - Pale evening-primrose<br />
The nut-like seeds and flowers of pale evening-primrose are used for food. It is harvested<br />
in the fall, and is still used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:245).<br />
Opuntia sp. - Prickly pear cactus, Cholla<br />
Historically, plants in this genus were used for food. The fruit was either eaten fresh<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:9), cooked (Laird 1976:109), or compressed into balls (Euler1966:88).<br />
The juice could also be extracted and made into a wine. The leftover pulp was then made into a<br />
cake or loaf that could be stored for use in the winter (Powell 1873:42, Fowler and Matley<br />
1979:9). Both the cakes and compressed balls of cactus apples were either eaten or used for<br />
trade with the white settlers (Euler 1966:34 and 88, Fowler and Matley 1979:7).<br />
220
Opuntia basilaris - Beavertail cactus<br />
The pads of the beavertail cactus are cut into strips to extract the moisture. The fruits<br />
and seeds are eaten fresh like strawberries, or used to make jam (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:245, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189). They can also be dried and stored for year<br />
long use (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:124, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:84). In addition, the fresh<br />
buds are gathered and consumed (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:125, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:85)<br />
and new leaves are cooked (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:86). The<br />
beavertail cactus may have been traditionally transplanted to various ecozones to increase the<br />
crop. This plant is still used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Opuntia echinocarpa - Golden cholla, Silver cholla<br />
The golden cholla or silver cholla is used by the Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle,<br />
Dobyns, and Evans 1983:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189). The spines are used as needles or<br />
awls for sewing and basketmaking. It is not known whether this plant is currently used (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Opuntia erinacea - Mohave prickly pear, Grizzly bear cactus<br />
Prickly pear cactus is a traditional food plant that is still used by Southern Paiute people<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:245). Before it is eaten,<br />
the spines are either burned or scraped off with a knife and the outer pads are removed. The fruit<br />
were traditionally roasted in hot ashes, but are now baked for approximately three hours in a<br />
traditional oven (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:245). They can also be eaten raw, made<br />
into jam, or dried and stored for year-round use (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Opuntia phaeacantha - Engelmann prickly pear<br />
This species of prickly pear is a traditional food plant (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189). It<br />
is collected once or twice a season, but is most widely used during the spring. Once the fruit is<br />
cut off the plant, a knife is used to scrape off the spines until the surface is smooth. The fruit is<br />
then rinsed and baked. This plant continues to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:245).<br />
Orobanche fasciculata - Broomrape<br />
Southern Paiutes used the roots/bulbs of this plant for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and<br />
Evans 1983:39, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83). Broomrape is also<br />
used as a source of fresh greens (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:86).<br />
Orobanche ludoviciana - Broomrape, Wild asparagus<br />
Broomrape, or wild asparagus is referred to in at least one traditional Southern Paiute<br />
myth (Laird 1976:162). It is also used for food (Laird 1976:109). Both the roots (Stoffle and<br />
221
Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83) and greens are collected and eaten. This plant is<br />
still used today (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39, Stoffle et al. 1994:144).<br />
Oryzopsis hymenoides - Indian ricegrass<br />
Indian ricegrass is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:147). Historically, it provided a constant food source during the summer and early fall<br />
(Euler 1966:22, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189). More recent studies indicate that ceremonies are<br />
held before harvest, and that people sing and pray for the plant before gathering it. It is also an<br />
important food source for animals (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:246). The plant can<br />
be cut in half or uprooted and taken to a central location where the seeds are shaken off. The<br />
plants are then returned to the place they were found growing and replanted (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:246). After being collected, the seeds are rubbed between two hands to<br />
remove the chaff. Seed covers are also burned off or winnowed in a special basket (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:246). Seeds are then ground (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81) into a flour and roasted in ashes to make a kind of bread. They<br />
can also be ground and mixed with water to make a mush or gravy (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:246). Sometimes, this same grass was gathered half ripe, used in a different way, and<br />
was possibly known by a different name (Presnall 1936). Seeds can be stored for year-round use.<br />
This plant is actively managed by selecting, storing, and replanting seeds, and burning areas to<br />
stimulate regrowth (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:246, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Olmsted 1990).<br />
Osmorhiza occidentalis - Sweetroot<br />
According to Percy Train, "As a source for remedies, this plant holds favor among all<br />
the Indians." The roots are prepared as a medicinal tea to treat colds, pulmonary disorders,<br />
pneumonia, influenza, venereal diseases, stomach-aches, gas pains, indigestion, fevers and<br />
chills. In treating several of the ailments already mentioned, this plant is often combined with<br />
other plants to increase the effectiveness of the remedy. The tea is also used externally to kill<br />
head lice, chicken lice, to serve as an antiseptic wash for venereal sores and skin rashes and is<br />
used as an eyewash. The roots are chewed for sore throats and are pulped and applied as a wet<br />
dressing to snake bites, swellings, bruises, cuts, and sores (Train 1957:73).<br />
Panicum sp. - Panic grass<br />
The seeds from this plant are gathered by Southern Paiutes and ground for use as<br />
food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Pediomelum sp. - Scruf-pea<br />
The Southern Paiutes used the roots of this plant for food. They can be consumed raw or<br />
roasted (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83).<br />
222
Penstemon palmeri - Palmer beardtongue<br />
Plants in this genus are used for medicinal purposes (Train 1957:75-76, Stoffle, Dobyns,<br />
and Evans 1983:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189). Leaves are brewed into a medicinal tea or<br />
used as a poultice for fevers (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:131, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:142,<br />
146).<br />
Phlox hoodii - Carpet phlox<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Phragmites australis - Giant common reed, Cane, Common reed<br />
P. australis is mentioned in Southern Paiute legends (Laird 1976:195, Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990) and songs (Fowler and Fowler 1971:123). Historically, it has been used<br />
for food, ceremony, and construction. It was used to make arrows for catching small game (Euler<br />
1966:114, Fowler and Matley 1979:66), arrow shafts (Fowler and Matley 1979:64; Laird<br />
1976:107) and cane dice (Fowler and Matley 1979:74). The Paiutes also extracted a saccharine<br />
juice or “honey dew” from the cane (Powell 1873:47). This “cane grass candy” was historically<br />
used as a trade item as well (Euler 1966:39,97). Contemporary studies show that Southern<br />
Paiutes continue to scrape a candy-like exudate off the leaves and eat it as a sugary food<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39). The exudate<br />
is also given to pneumonia patients because it is believed to loosen phlegm and soothe the pain in<br />
the lungs (Train 1957:77). The stems and leaves of the giant common reed are woven and used for<br />
shade, windbreaks and other structures, and for ceremonial mats for the Sun Dance. This plant is<br />
still used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:246).<br />
Physalis sp. - Groundcherry<br />
This plant is used by Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:177).<br />
Physaria chambersii - Chambers’ twinpod<br />
This plant is used primarily as an eyewash for sties and soreness. The medicinal wash is<br />
prepared in many ways: soaking pulverized leaves in cold water, boiling the whole plant, or<br />
soaking the whole roots in warm water (Train 1957:77-78).<br />
Pinus sp. - Pine<br />
Pinyon pine is mentioned in Southern Paiute traditional stories and songs (Fowler and<br />
Fowler 1971:125, Stoffle et al. 1994:145). Historically, pinyon trees were of great importance to<br />
Southern Paiute people (Euler 1966:22). Nuts from these trees were only collected in quantity<br />
every three years, but served as a staple during the fall months (Euler 1966:23, Laird 1976).<br />
When in season, they were stored in great quantities and sometimes given as gifts (Euler<br />
1966:35, 79). A sweet sap from these trees was also used as food (Powell 1873:47). Pinyon gum<br />
223
was used to pitch sinew wrappings (Fowler and Matley 1979:65) and was sometimes heated and<br />
smeared around the end of an arrow at the nock (66). Pitch could also be used as resin (Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:65) and for lining the inside and outside of pitch containers or water jugs (23).<br />
The trees were often used for protection or shelter (Euler 1966:35) and the wood was used to<br />
make things such as ladles (Fowler and Matley 1979:76).<br />
Today, pinyon pine continues to be a multipurpose plant. The pinenut is collected in the<br />
fall and can be eaten raw, roasted (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:85),<br />
boiled, or ground into a gravy-like mush (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The resin is<br />
prepared as a medicinal tea for colds, venereal diseases, rheumatism, tuberculosis, influenza,<br />
chronic indigestion, bowel troubles, fevers, nausea, and can be used as a blood tonic for the post<br />
childbirth period. In treating venereal diseases and diarrhea, resin is also chewed or swallowed<br />
whole as pills. For sore throats, resin is either chewed or pulverized and applied directly with a<br />
swab. Resin was also heated and applied as a drawing agent to boils and slivers or as a dressing<br />
for sores, cuts, swellings, and insect bites. Heated resin was also smeared on a hot cloth and<br />
used to treat pneumonia, muscular soreness, and chest congestion (Train 1957:78-79). The pine<br />
pitch continues to be used as glue, a ceremonial medicine for purification (burned), a medicinal<br />
tea, a poultice, and for construction. The wood is used as fuel and for construction. Bark and<br />
cones are also used as fuel. Boughs are burned for purification in ceremonies (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:145) and the gummy sap is still chewed and used as a medicinal and ceremonial substance.<br />
Pinyon trees remain a very important resource for the Southern Paiute (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Pluchea sericea - Arrow weed<br />
The young shoots and stems of arrow weed are used to make arrows (Laird 1976:107,<br />
250; Stoffle, Halmo, Evans and Austin 1994:250), firestarters, baskets, and shelters. Arrow weed<br />
is also a desirable thatching material (Laird 1976:105,107). Today, these items are still made<br />
for craft displays (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:250). This plant is brewed into a<br />
medicinal tea for indigestion, diarrhea, and passing blood (Train 1957:80, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144). It is also chewed for indigestion (Train 1957:80,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:136, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:149). Arrow weed apparently was an<br />
important trade item among Southern Paiute women (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
The materials can be dried and stored for use throughout the year (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:250).<br />
Poa bigelovii - Bluegrass<br />
The seeds from this plant are gathered by Southern Paiutes and ground for use as<br />
food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Poa fendleriana - Muttongrass, Bluegrass<br />
Southern Paiutes use P. fendleriana for food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189).<br />
224
Populus fremontii - Fremont cottonwood, Poplar<br />
Poplars are mentioned in a traditional Southern Paiute song (Fowler and Fowler<br />
1971:123). Historically, P. fremontii was used by the Southern Paiutes to make ladles<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:76), handles for stone knives (Fowler and Matley 1979:68),<br />
hearths (Fowler and Matley 1979:74), and wickiups (Euler 1966:115). More recent studies show<br />
that smaller leaved branches are also used in the construction of the cry lodge (a funeral ceremony<br />
structure), windbreaks, shelters, sheds or ramadas, drum frames, slingshots, pipes, dolls, flutes,<br />
and noisemakers. Poles from cottonwood trees are also used in house construction (Laird<br />
1976:105-106). Flowers are eaten as food and made into necklaces, and the trunk or logs from<br />
the tree serve as center poles in the Sun Dance ceremony. The whole tree provides shade in a<br />
ceremonial context as well as in everyday situations. The roots are either used to make traps or<br />
are traded to the Hopis, who use them to make kachinas. Dead wood is used as fuel. Pruning<br />
encourages continued fresh new growth (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:246).<br />
Portulaca sp. - Purslane<br />
Seeds from plants in this genus are collected and ground for use as food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Prosopis glandulosa (var. Torreyana) - Torrey mesquite<br />
Historically, mesquite trees provided the principal resources for Southern Paiutes<br />
(Euler 1966:21). The pods and seeds were gathered and ground together in a flour. This was then<br />
used as mush or made into cakes that were baked or sun dried and stored (Powell 1873:39). The<br />
pods were also prepared for eating by being parched or shaken in a basket with hot coals (Laird<br />
1976:106). Mesquite and raspberries were also used to make a wine (Powell 1873:49).<br />
Contemporary studies indicate that the beans are extracted from the pod and eaten fresh, or<br />
mashed and ground into a juicy pulp that is consumed as a beverage (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:247). They are also ground into a mush or gravy or made into cakes (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The beans can be dried and stored for use throughout the<br />
year. The wood is used for construction and is a preferred source of fuel (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans,<br />
and Austin 1994:247).<br />
Prunus fasciculata - Desert almond<br />
Southern Paiutes used the desert almond for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans<br />
1983:122).<br />
Prunus virginiana - Chokecherry<br />
The fruit from this plant is either mashed or dried and used for food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:124). The leaves, bark, or dried roots of this plant may be prepared as a medicinal<br />
tea for the treatment of tuberculosis, coughs, and colds. Dried bark is smoked to relieve headaches<br />
225
or colds or is pulverized and used as a drying powder for sores. The steam from boiling bark is a<br />
treatment for snowblindness (Train 1957:82-83).<br />
Psathyrotes sp. - Turtle back<br />
Plants in this genus are dried and then soaked to make a medicinal eyewash. The dry<br />
leaves are also chewed for toothaches. These plants are prepared as a medicinal tea that serves as<br />
an emetic or physic for stomach-aches, bowel disorders, diarrhea, constipation, biliousness, and<br />
liver problems. The tea is used for venereal diseases as well. In addition, these plants are used to<br />
make poultices for swellings and snake-bites and to make a medicinal wash for headaches<br />
(Train 1957:83-84).<br />
Pseudotsuga menziesii - Douglas-fir<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Purshia mexicana - Cliffrose<br />
The stems and leaves of cliffrose are prepared as a medicinal tea and poultice. The wood<br />
is used for construction and as fuel. This plant is still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994:145).<br />
Purshia tridentata - Buckbrush, Bitterbrush<br />
Buckbrush is mentioned in Southern Paiute traditional stories (Stoffle et al. 1994:145).<br />
Various parts of the plants are prepared as a medicinal tea for venereal diseases, colds,<br />
pneumonia, liver problems, and was used as an emetic or physic and a general tonic. The tea<br />
also serves as an antiseptic wash for itches, rashes, skin eruptions, scratches, or insect bites. Other<br />
remedies prepared from this plant are used for the treatment of smallpox, chicken pox, and measles<br />
(Train 1957:84-85). P. tridentata is also used as a poultice. The bark is used for making clothing<br />
and the stems and wood are used for fuel. The fruit can also be collected and eaten. This plant is<br />
still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994:145).<br />
Quercus gambellii - Scrub oak, Gambel oak<br />
Historically, scrub oak was used as food and for making bows (Euler 1966:62, 87).<br />
Today, Southern Paiutes continue to collect acorns and grind, boil, and roast them (Laird<br />
1976:104, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle et al. 1994:145). Young shoots,<br />
stems, leaves and wood are used in construction and the wood is used as fuel. Useful parts are<br />
stored for the future (Stoffle et al. 1994:145).<br />
Rhus trilobata (all varieties) - Squawbush<br />
Historically, squawbush was used by the Southern Paiutes for food and manufacture<br />
(Euler 1966:23). The wood was used to make such things as arrow shafts, small bows for boys,<br />
cradleboards for dolls, and was used as sticks for bullroarers (Fowler and Matley 1979:60, 62,<br />
226
64, 72). More recent studies show that the young shoots and stems are also used for making baskets<br />
such as the famous Navajo wedding basket, cradleboards, winnowing baskets (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:189), water jugs, threshers, and pinenut<br />
containers (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247). This plant is the "Paiute willow," in that<br />
it is viewed as being superior to willow for basketmaking purposes and is preferred over all<br />
others. Materials for basketmaking as well as finished products are sold for cash (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247). The berry and seed are eaten fresh and the berries can be<br />
mashed into a beverage (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:122,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82). Squawbush is also made into a poultice/powder that serves as<br />
an astringent for smallpox (Train 1957:86, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:134, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:146). The sticky sap within the branches is used as a paste and the dead wood is burned as<br />
fuel (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247). This plant is managed by transplanting,<br />
burning to stimulate regrowth, and pruning methods which encourage ideal growth for basketry.<br />
Parts used for both food and manufacture are stored for year-round use. It is now perceived as<br />
becoming increasingly rare, but remains a very significant and highly valued resource (Stoffle,<br />
Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Ribes aureum - Golden currant<br />
Historically, the berries of the golden currant were used as a trade item (Euler 1966:64).<br />
Today, they continue to be used by Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans<br />
1983:38). The inner bark is prepared as a medicinal tea for leg swellings or is dried and ground<br />
into a powder to cure sores (Train 1957:86).<br />
Ribes cereum - White squaw currant, Wax currant<br />
Squaw currant is mentioned in Southern Paiute traditional stories (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:146). Historically, it was used for arrow making (Fowler and Matley 1979:66), and as a<br />
trade item (Euler 1966:64). Today, the berries of the plant continue to be collected and eaten<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1994:146)<br />
Ribes velutinum - Desert gooseberry<br />
Desert gooseberry is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories. Historically, it<br />
was used as a trade item (Euler 1966:64). Today, its fruit continues to be collected and eaten<br />
and its wood is used for fuel and construction (Stoffle et al. 1994:146).<br />
Robinia neomexicana - New mexico locust<br />
Historically, new mexico locust wood was used to make bows (Fowler and Matley<br />
1979:62).<br />
Rosa woodsii - Woods wild rose<br />
Wild rose is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories. The berries are consumed<br />
fresh (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82) and the stems, leaves, and<br />
227
flowers are used to prepare a ceremonial wash and a beverage and medicinal tea (Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:146). The medicinal teas made from various parts of this plants are used for colds,<br />
diarrhea, intestinal influenza, and serve as a physic and tonic. The roots, wood, or inner bark of<br />
the stems of R. woodsii are also used as a poultice or dressing for sores, cuts, wounds, burns, and<br />
swellings (Train 1957:86- 87). The bulb is used to make jam and the whole plant can be used for<br />
decoration. Southern Paiute people manage woods wild rose by transplanting cuttings. This plant<br />
is still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994:146).<br />
Rubus sp. - Raspberry<br />
Historically, raspberries were used by the Southern Paiute to make wine. In making this<br />
wine, they were sometimes combined with mesquelle or strawberries (Powell 1873:49). The<br />
berries are also consumed as fresh fruit (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1983a:82).<br />
Rumex crispus - Curly dock, Wild rhubarb<br />
The leaves and stems of wild rhubarb are boiled and eaten as greens (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39). The roots are pulped and used<br />
for rheumatic swellings and pains. The pulped root is applied as a dressing or poultice for<br />
bruises, burns, and ordinary swellings. The roots are also boiled and prepared as a medicinal tea<br />
to treat venereal diseases and to serve as a tonic, physic, and blood purifier. The seeds can also<br />
be ground, boiled in a little water and eaten to stop diarrhea (Train 1957:87-88). This plant is<br />
still used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans<br />
1983:39).<br />
Rumex hymenosepalus - Wild rhubarb, Canaigre<br />
The stems (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39) of wild rhubarb are eaten fresh or boiled<br />
as greens with added sugar (Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:191, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Austin 1994:247). They are harvested when the weather turns warm (spring) and the flowers and<br />
stalks of the plant turn red in color (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247).<br />
Salix sp. - Willow<br />
Historically, the wood from willow trees is used for many purposes such as constructing<br />
wickiups (Euler 1966:62, 115, Laird 1976:105), making bowls (Euler 1966:64), winnowing<br />
trays (Fowler and Matley 1979:9), drumsticks (Fowler and Matley 1979:72), sinew-backed bows<br />
(Laird 1976:5), and the handles of stone knives (Fowler and Matley 1979:68). This wood is<br />
often used to make the billets and tally sticks or gambling sticks for the four stick game<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:69-71). Twigs can also be weaved into fans for collecting seeds<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:9) and leaves were used for shelter from the wind and rain (Euler<br />
1966:62). More recent studies also show that young shoots, leaves and branches are also used to<br />
make baskets, cradleboards, shade houses (Laird 1976:106, 250), corrals, hats, water jugs and are<br />
used in the sweatlodge. In Sun Dance ceremonies, shoots are woven into a holder and placemat for<br />
water or are sometimes painted red and black and placed upright on the altar. Like many houses<br />
228
and sheds, Sun Dance houses are made in part of willow. Young shoots and stems are dried and<br />
split for storage and are rehydrated before use. Dry branches are also used as fire kindling.<br />
Moisture can be extracted from the stems of willow in an emergency as well (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:247). This plant can also be brewed into a medicinal tea that serves as a<br />
blood purifier (Train 1957:89, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144)<br />
and as a regular spring tonic (Train 1957:89). The bark is chewed as a medicine for headaches<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247). This particular species is also prepared in many<br />
forms for the treatment of venereal diseases, bloody flux or dysentery, intestinal influenza,<br />
diarrhea, and urination problems. Various parts of this species also serve as a laxative, a physic,<br />
or, when the bark of the stems is ground into a fine powder, it is applied as a healing agent to<br />
the navels of young babies (Train 1957:89-90). Bark is woven into effigies and figurines<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247). Willow is used to teach younger generations<br />
about traditional plant use and basketmaking (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:247-<br />
248). It is still valued highly among contemporary basket makers (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Olmsted 1990).<br />
Salsola iberica - Russian thistle, Tumbleweed<br />
Russian thistle or tumbleweed is mentioned in Southern Paiute stories (Stoffle et<br />
al. 1994:146). The young shoots are harvested in May and are boiled, mixed with shortening, and<br />
salted to taste (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:248). The stems and leaves are also used<br />
as fuel. This plant is still used today (Stoffle et al. 1994:146).<br />
Salvia columbariae - Chia sage, California sage<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Salvia dorrii - Purple sage, Indian tobacco<br />
The stems and leaves of this plant are used for healing and purification, burned as an<br />
incense, and used in sweatlodges as part of Native American Church ceremonies. Dried leaves<br />
are smoked for pleasure as well as medicinal purposes. For example, San Juan Paiute people<br />
smoke this tobacco in sheep corrals while praying for the health of their sheep. The flowers of<br />
the plant contain seeds that are collected, stored, and replanted to ensure continued availability.<br />
Stems and leaves are harvested in spring and summer, and can also be stored for use throughout<br />
the year (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:248). This plant continues to be used today<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Sambucus racemosa - Red elderberry<br />
The Southern Paiute used fresh berries from this plant for food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82).<br />
229
Sarcobatus vermiculatus - Greasewood<br />
Historically, greasewood was used to make foreshafts for arrows and was used as a bit<br />
on fire-making drills (Fowler and Matley 1979:64, 74). More recent studies show that the seeds<br />
are collected and ground for use as food and medicine (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1983a:81). The whole plant is burned to a charcoal and prepared as a remedy for<br />
diarrhea (Train 1957:92).<br />
Scirpus acutus - Hard-stem bulrush<br />
The rhizomes/roots of this plant are used by the Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle,<br />
Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83).<br />
Scirpus validus - Soft stem bulrush, Tule<br />
The rhizomes/roots of this plant are used by the Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle,<br />
Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83). Tule<br />
was also used to make four-holed flutes (Laird 1976:107).<br />
Sclerocactus sp. - Pineapple cactus, Devil claw<br />
Southern Paiutes use the stems of this plant for food. Once collected, the spines are<br />
removed with a knife or are roasted off in a pit. The skin is then removed and the stems are cut<br />
and eaten. They are sometimes fried with eggs as well. Sclerocactus can be harvested<br />
throughout the year (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:249).<br />
Senecio sp. - Groundsel<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Shepherdia rotundifolia - Roundleaf buffaloberry<br />
The Southern Paiutes used fresh berries from this plant for food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82).<br />
Sisymbrium altissimum - Tumble mustard<br />
The seeds of tumble mustard were collected and stored for year-round use. This plant<br />
was also prepared as a tea (Stoffle et al. 1994:146).<br />
Smilacina racemosa - False solomon-seal, Coyote berry<br />
The Southern Paiutes used fresh berries from this plant for food (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:122, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:82).<br />
230
Smilacina stellata - Solomon-seal<br />
The fresh roots are prepared as a poultice for boils, swellings, and sprains. It is used as a<br />
remedy for earaches and as a medicinal wash for eye inflammations. A medicinal tea is also<br />
created from boiling the roots. This tea is used to regulate menstruation and relieve stomach<br />
problems. An exudate produced by this plant is used as a cough syrup and is eaten as candy by<br />
children (Train<br />
1957:92-93).<br />
Solanum sp. - Nightshade<br />
The fruit of plants in this genus was eaten fresh or boiled into a tea for the treatment of<br />
diarrhea. The tea was also used as a beverage when Southern Paiutes traveled in areas where the<br />
water was not potable (Train 1957:93).<br />
Solidago sp. - Goldenrod<br />
Historically, goldenrod seeds were collected by the Southern Paiutes and used for food.<br />
They were often roasted and then reduced on milling stones (Euler 1966:81).<br />
Sonchus oleraceus - Common sow-thistle<br />
The roots of the common sow-thistle are eaten raw for food and for medicinal purposes.<br />
The milky sap from the stalk is ingested as a diarrhea medicine. The roots are collected in late<br />
spring and early fall and can be dried and stored for use throughout the year (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:249).<br />
Sphaeralcea ambigua - Apricot globemallow, Desert globemallow<br />
The flower buds of desert globemallow were used as food (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:249). Stems and bark were prepared as a<br />
hair gel and the roots were used as an eye medicine (Stoffle et al. 1994:147).<br />
Sporobolus sp. - Dropseed<br />
The seeds of dropseed are used by Southern Paiutes for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and<br />
Evans 1983:39). They are sometimes ground and sometimes mixed with other food substances<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Stanleya pinnata - Prince’s plume, Indian spinach<br />
Indian spinach or Prince’s plume is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1994:147). Historically, it was used by the Southern Paiutes for food or<br />
manufacture (Euler 1966:23). More recent studies show that the fresh green leaves and young<br />
231
shoots are also eaten raw as salad greens or boiled as a spinach (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:126,<br />
Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:86, 191, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:249). The roots of<br />
this plant are prepared as a tonic tea used for general weakness after an illness. The roots are also<br />
mashed and applied as a poultice to relieve pain and congestion of the throat (Train 1957:95).<br />
The leaves are harvested in spring and can be stored for use throughout the year (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:249, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Southern Paiute people<br />
manage Indian spinach by pruning to ensure a stable and reliable supply of fresh greens. It is still<br />
used by Southern Paiutes today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:147).<br />
Stephanomeria sp. - Wire lettuce<br />
A gummy extract was scrapped off the roots of this plant and chewed like gum. Plant<br />
parts are harvested throughout the year. Wire lettuce continues to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:249).<br />
Stipa comata - Needle-and-thread grass<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Stipa speciosa - Desert needlegrass<br />
The roots of S. speciosa were used to make hairbrushes. It is not known whether this plant<br />
is still used (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Streptanthella longirostris - Wild mustard, Long-beak fiddle-mustard<br />
The seeds of S. longirostris may have been used by the Southern Paiutes for food. It is<br />
not known whether this plant is currently used (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Streptanthus cordatus - Heartleaf twistflower, Wild mustard<br />
The Southern Paiutes used the seeds of this plant for food. It is not known whether the<br />
seeds are still eaten today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Suaeda sp. - Seepweed<br />
The Southern Paiutes use the stems, leaves, and seeds of plants in this genus for food<br />
(Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:191). The seeds are often<br />
ground before use (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81). Plants are also<br />
boiled to make a tea for bladder and kidney problems (Train 1957:95). Fresh stems and leaves are<br />
mashed and used as a medicinal poultice for cuts and sores (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted<br />
1990). The poultice stops the itching and dries up chicken pox sores (Train 1957:95). It is still<br />
used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
232
Swertia radiata - Deer-ears<br />
The roots of S. radiata are used by the Southern Paiute for food (Stoffle, Dobyns, and<br />
Evans 1983:38, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83).<br />
Symphoricarpos longiflorus - Long-flower snowberry<br />
The berries of long-flower snowberry may have been used for food (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Other parts of the plant were smoked for medicinal purposes<br />
(Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:137, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:150). The plant was also prepared as<br />
a tea for indigestion and stomach pains (Train 1957:95). It is not known whether Southern Paiutes<br />
continue to use this plant today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Tamarix chinensis - Tamarisk, Saltcedar<br />
Historically, the boughs or bark of this tree were used to make shelters during the<br />
inclement season (Euler 1966:81). More recent studies show that the stems or branches can also<br />
be used for building shadehouses and cradleboards. The young shoots are fashioned into arrows.<br />
Dead wood is used for fuel. Branches for shade house construction are harvested in spring and<br />
summer because the leaved branches provide the shade. The young shoots can be stored for<br />
future use. Cuttings are transplanted near homes (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:249).<br />
Tetradymia sp. - Horsebrush<br />
The stems and leaves of plants in this species are prepared as a medicinal tea for colds,<br />
coughs, and stomach aches. These plants may also be combined with Juniperus utahensis to create<br />
a remedy for pneumonia, influenza, colds and chronic coughs (Train 1957:96).<br />
Thelypodium sp. - Thelypody<br />
The young stems and leaves of plants in this genus were boiled and eaten as greens. The<br />
Southern Paiute method for harvesting these plants ensured them two to three crops a year and<br />
a continually reliable supply. It is still used for food today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted<br />
1990).<br />
Townsendia sp. - Townsendia<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Typha domingensis - Cattail, Southern cattail<br />
The submerged portion of the stems and roots, as well as the flower pollen of the<br />
southern cattail are used for food by the Southern Paiutes (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:38,<br />
Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). Blossoms are eaten raw or cooked as a soup (Stoffle<br />
and Dobyns 1982:125, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:85). The young shoots can also be used in<br />
making decoys, baskets, sweat-house mats, shelters, and boats. Dried stems are used for kindling<br />
233
and all parts can be dried and stored for year-round use. This plant is highly valued by the<br />
Southern Paiutes and continues to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
Typha latifolia - Cattail, Broad-leaf cattail<br />
The submerged portion of the stems and roots, as well as the flower pollen and seeds of<br />
the southern cattail are used for food by the Southern Paiutes (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans<br />
1983:38, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The young shoots can also be used in<br />
making decoys, baskets, shelters, and boats (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The<br />
stems and leaves are used to make sweat-house mats for the Sun Dance ceremony. The moisturebearing<br />
stalks are used to treat dehydration and are woven into baskets, used in wickiups,<br />
windbreaks, sheds, and for shade (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:250). Dried stems are<br />
used for kindling and all parts can be dried and stored for year-round use. This plant is highly<br />
valued by the Southern Paiutes and continues to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and<br />
Olmsted 1990).<br />
Urtica sp. - Nettle<br />
Plants in this genus are prepared as a medicinal tea for colds or as a medicinal wash for<br />
rheumatism. Fumes from these plants are also inhaled as a treatment for grippe or pneumonia<br />
(Train 1957:98).<br />
Valeriana sp. - Valerian, Tobacco root<br />
The Southern Paiutes use the racimes from this plant for food (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:123, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:83).<br />
Viguiera multiflora - Showy goldeneye<br />
The Southern Paiutes gathered the seeds of this plant and ground them for use as<br />
food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:121, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:81).<br />
Vitis arizonica - Canyon grape<br />
Historically, the fruit of the canyon grape was used for food (Euler 1966:113). Today, it<br />
continues to be eaten raw (Stoffle, Dobyns, and Evans 1983:39), or used to make jelly and<br />
wine (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). The leaves are boiled as a medicinal tea to<br />
treat sore throats. They are also used as a poultice (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin<br />
1994:250). Fruits are stored for year-round consumption. Some Southern Paiute people<br />
transplant cuttings of the canyon grape near their homes and cultivate them. Chemehuevis used<br />
grape vines to tie saplings together in the construction of shelters (Laird 1976:105, 107). The<br />
plant is becoming increasingly hard to find but continues to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Olmsted 1990, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:250).<br />
234
Wyethia sp. - Mules’ ear<br />
Plants in this genus are brewed into a medicinal tea for venereal diseases, stomach<br />
problems (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144), tuberculosis, colds,<br />
and fevers (Train 1957:99). This tea also works as an emetic, a cathartic, and a blood tonic<br />
(Train 1957:99, Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:133, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:144).<br />
Yucca angustissima - Narrowleaf yucca<br />
Yucca is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories (Laird 1976, Stoffle et<br />
al. 1994:147). Historically, Southern Paiutes ate many parts of the yucca plant. The rich fruit was<br />
eaten raw or roasted (Euler 1966:81, Laird 1976:108, Fowler and Matley 1979:9). The pulp of<br />
the fruit was made into a roll and eaten like bread or used for trade (Euler 1966:88, Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:4). The tender flower stalks and flowers were roasted in pits lined with rocks<br />
and also eaten (Presnall 1936). Fibers from the leaves were used to make string and rope for<br />
rabbit nets (Euler 1966:87), for weaving capes and aprons (Laird 1976:7, 94, 108), and for such<br />
things as holding hair knots (Euler 1966:70). Yucca stalks were also used as hearths (Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:74). More recent studies show that the roots of this species of yucca are mashed and<br />
mixed with water to make a shampoo. Leaves are used to weave sandals and stems or stalks are<br />
used in making baskets and water jugs. Dead leaves are made into a dye for baskets. Dry material<br />
is used for kindling. The seeds in the flower at the top of the stalk are also eaten as food<br />
(Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Austin 1994:250).<br />
Yucca baccata - Banana yucca, Blue yucca<br />
Yucca is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute stories (Laird 1976, Stoffle et al.<br />
1994:147). Historically, Southern Paiutes ate many parts of the yucca plant. The rich fruit was<br />
eaten raw or roasted (Euler 1966:81, Laird 1976:108, Fowler and Matley 1979:9). The pulp of<br />
the fruit was made into a roll and eaten like bread or used for trade (Euler 1966:88, Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:4). Fibers from the leaves were used to make string and rope for rabbit nets (Euler<br />
1966:87), for weaving capes and aprons (Laird 1976:7, 94, 108), and for such things as holding<br />
hair knots (Euler 1966:70). Yucca stalks were also used as hearths (Fowler and Matley<br />
1979:74). More recent studies show that the flower of this species of yucca is also eaten fresh as<br />
a food (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982:125, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:85). The fruit is usually<br />
harvested in fall when it is ripe and tastes sweet but can be cut while green and allowed to<br />
ripen in storage. Southern Paiutes roast, pound, or sun dry the fruit (Stoffle and Dobyns<br />
1982:124, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:84). Y. baccata is also chewed as a cathartic (Stoffle and<br />
Dobyns 1982:136, Stoffle and Dobyns 1983a:149). Fibers for string making can be dried and<br />
stored, and are rehydrated when ready to use. Dried stems are also used as kindling (Stoffle, Halmo,<br />
Evans, and Austin 1994:251). Stems and leaves from this yucca are used in the making of shoes, baskets,<br />
and hairbrushes. The leaves are used as a soap, spines as needles, and the roots become a shampoo when<br />
mixed with water (Stoffle et al. 1994:147, Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990). This plant continues<br />
to be used today (Stoffle, Halmo, Evans, and Olmsted 1990).<br />
235
Yucca kanabensis - Kanab yucca<br />
Yucca kanabensis was identified for the first time in this study. No further information<br />
is available at this time. For more information on Yucca sp. see Y. angustissima and Y. baccata.<br />
7.2.1 Summary<br />
Figure 7.3: Yucca<br />
The data clearly indicates that plants continue to be highly important cultural resources to<br />
the Southern Paiute people. For some of the plants listed in this section, no specific information<br />
could be found. However, many of these plants have Southern Paiute names and are mentioned<br />
in historical and contemporary sources on Paiute culture. Southern Paiute people still use plants<br />
for a variety of purposes such as food, medicine, and making traditional items. However, many<br />
of the species identified are perceived by Southern Paiutes as becoming increasingly<br />
236
inaccessible to them. The cultural significance of the Southern Paiute information on plant uses<br />
(traditional and current), storage, management, and preference needs to be impressed upon<br />
non-Indian people in the hopes that these resources might be protected from potential adverse<br />
impacts.<br />
7.3 Southern Paiute Identified Animals<br />
Several kinds of animals were hunted by Southern Paiute people. Explorers and other<br />
eyewitnesses recorded numerous incidences of Paiute hunting and consumption of animals in<br />
the study area. Paiute guides and packers often killed an animal and shared the meat during<br />
evening meals in camp with explorers.<br />
American Indian people express concern for all animals because of a traditional belief that<br />
all animals, including insects, are important to the earth. Respect for animals is demonstrated in<br />
the kinds of traditional prayers that are said in association with hunting and taking the life of an<br />
animal. Like plants, animals are perceived to have rights and human qualities, because they are<br />
seen as relatives of human beings.<br />
This section of the chapter gives a brief summary of the cultural significance of various<br />
animals found in <strong>Zion</strong> and PISP. There is little mythical, traditional, or contemporary<br />
information available on some of the animals known to be important to Southern Paiutes.<br />
Those animals are therefore only listed in this section. For Southern Paiute names or for more<br />
information on animals in this section, refer to Tables 5.3 and 6.3.<br />
7.3.1 Mammals<br />
Ammospermophilus leucurus - White-tailed Antelope Squirrel<br />
The antelope squirrel is mentioned in at least one traditional Southern Paiute myth<br />
(Laird 1976:156).<br />
Antilocapra americana - Pronghorn Antelope<br />
Mythic stories that involve the antelope continue to be shared among Southern Paiute<br />
people (Stoffle et al. 1995). Some of those stories are reported in Fowler and Fowler (1971:81),<br />
Palmer (1978:52), and Laird (1976:177, 180, 226). At least two mythic names are given for the<br />
antelope. Historically, the Southern Paiute use of antelope for food has been well documented<br />
(Euler 1966: 112). In addition, clothing was made from the hide (Euler 1966:114; Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:9), jewelry made from the jawbone (Fowler and Matley 1979:57), and arrow<br />
straighteners made from the horns (Sapir 1910:80-83). Contemporary reports indicate that<br />
antelope continue to be used for food, ceremony, clothing, tools, and other purposes (Stoffle et<br />
al. 1995:40). Antelope are hunted for their meat, but the blood, internal organs, and brain are<br />
eaten as well. Some Paiutes continue to use the blood when making hot dogs. According to one<br />
individual, "It is good for kids. It teaches them to be hunters" (Stoffle et al. 1995:40).<br />
237
Bassariscus astutus - Ringtail Cat<br />
Bat<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Bats are mentioned in Southern Paiute tradition mythic stories (Laird 1976:164, 182-<br />
192; Palmer 1978:41). In one story, the bat is represented as being deceptive, an animal whose<br />
flight was “flickering and uncertain” (Palmer 1978:41). See Pipistrellus hesperus.<br />
Canis latrans - Coyote<br />
An important mythological figure, the coyote is described in Southern Paiute stories<br />
and legends. These include the Paiute creation story and stories explaining phenomena such as<br />
the change of seasons and the origin of menstruation. The coyote has many mythic names and is<br />
often a central figure in stories that describe the relationships among animals (Palmer 1978:5, 11,<br />
16, 33-37; Martineau 1992:2, 10, 11, 13, 22, 25-26, 31, 33, 37-38, 41, 45, 74-75, 103, Stoffle et<br />
al. 1994, Stoffle et al. 1995, Laird 1976). Within these myths, the coyote often fills the role of a<br />
pattern-setter for bold and skillful warriors and hunters (Laird 1976:110). Historically and<br />
contemporarily the coyote is held close to the Southern Paiute heart and is regarded with respect<br />
and affection (Fowler and Fowler 1971:220-221, Laird 1976:110-111). Southern Paiutes<br />
traditionally did not trap or catch coyotes; the coyote comes when it has a message to deliver<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1994, Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Castor candensis - Beaver<br />
Southern Paiute consultants are familiar with mythical stories involving the beaver (Stoffle<br />
et al 1995:42). For instance, Palmer (1978:37) documented a Southern Paiute story in which the<br />
beaver foolishly loses the hair on its tail because he was too proud. Traditionally, the beaver pelt<br />
was used for clothing. Beaver hides were also tanned to make arrowcases (Fowler and Matley<br />
1979:67).<br />
Cervus elaphus - Elk<br />
Palmer (1978:5) documents a mythological story in which the elk is represented as an<br />
animal with excellent vision and great dignity. In another mythological story, the elk serves to<br />
mediate a quarrel between a deer and an antelope (Palmer 1978:55). Parts of the elk were also<br />
used to adorn women’s clothing. For example, both the teeth and the toes of the elk were used<br />
as adornments on women’s skirts (Fowler and Matley 1979:33,35).<br />
Dipodomys sp. - Kangaroo Rat<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
238
Erethizon dorsatum - Porcupine<br />
Fowler and Fowler (1971:86), Palmer (1978:56), and Martineau (1992:33) report<br />
traditional Southern Paiute mythic stories involving the porcupine. Porcupine was traditionally<br />
and is contemporarily used for food (Euler 1966:113). The hair, bones, quills, claws, and teeth<br />
of the porcupine are also used on clothing. The teeth are strung on necklaces and the quills are<br />
strung together and put on a stick for use in dancing (Gregory 1948:139; Kelly 1964:52,<br />
Stoffle et al. 1995). Fowler and Matley (1979:58) also describe necklaces made of porcupine<br />
quills.<br />
Felis concolor - Mountain Lion<br />
The mountain lion is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths (Laird 1976:62,<br />
111, 148, 213, 255). Fowler and Matley (1979:67) describe the historical use of mountain lion<br />
skin to make arrowcases. A more recent study shows that the mountain lion is also used in<br />
ceremonies, for clothing, and as tools. The fur and claws are specially prepared for use in<br />
ceremonies and the hide, claws, teeth, and tail are used for clothing. The brains are spread on<br />
the hide, worked in with the hands, and let dry while the claws of the mountain lion are used on<br />
bracelets, teeth are used on necklaces, and the tail is used as a hair piece or ornament to hang<br />
on a dance outfit (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Lepus californicus - Black-tailed Jack Rabbit<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional mythic time stories involving the jack rabbit<br />
(Laird 1976:154-155). For example, the jack rabbit is involved in the story of how the seasons<br />
were set (Palmer 1978:66; see also Cottontail). Today, this very important animal resource<br />
continues to be used for food, ceremony, clothing, tools, and other purposes (Laird 1976, Stoffle<br />
et al. 1994, Stoffle et al. 1995). The rabbit was traditionally hunted year-round with a rabbit club;<br />
a group of individuals would chase the rabbit toward one man who would then club it to death.<br />
Later, Paiutes would chase and club rabbits from horseback. Today, rabbits are hunted with<br />
shotguns. The meat, bones, blood, fat, and internal organs of the rabbit are used as food. In<br />
former times, Paiutes ate the rabbit's intestines, heart, liver, kidneys, and brains; some families<br />
still eat the brains. The fur is used for making blankets, special fur garments worn in ceremonies,<br />
and other clothing. Rabbit bones are used to make beads for necklaces and whistles and bones<br />
and sinew are used as tools or eating utensils. Rabbit skulls are also used in Paiute games and<br />
as children's toys (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Lynx sp. - Bobcat, Wildcat<br />
The bobcat is featured in traditional Southern Paiute mythology (Fowler and Fowler<br />
1971:87, Laird 1976, Martineau 1992:26). Dellenbaugh (1908:256) and Jones (Gregory<br />
1948:170) observed Uinkaret Paiutes, who worked for John Powell's expedition, skinning and<br />
boiling the meat of a bobcat for food. Kelly (1964:53, 76) reported that bobcat flesh was<br />
roasted overnight in an earth oven for food and described the use of the hide for caps and arrow<br />
239
quivers. Powell (1895:104-106) observed Southern Paiute men wearing bobcat skin as robes.<br />
The skin was also used for mats or blankets (Darrah 1947:69), as cradleboard swaddling<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:61), and for making arrowcases (Fowler and Matley 1979:67).<br />
Mephitis mephitis - Striped Skunk<br />
The skunk is featured in several mythic stories (Fowler and Fowler 1971:95;<br />
Palmer 1978:101; Martineau 1992:41) and at least one song (Laird 1976). Kelly (1964:54-55)<br />
reported that skunks were hunted but not eaten. Their pelts were sometimes used to make<br />
moccasin soles.<br />
Microtus sp. - Meadow mouse<br />
Mouse<br />
See Mouse.<br />
Mice were not traditionally captured, but they have been recognized for their role in<br />
nature. Southern Paiute children were instructed to always leave some of the crops in the fields<br />
for the mice to eat (Stoffle et al. 1995). Chemehuevis shamans used mice as spiritual "helpers"<br />
that could "steal the disease away" (Laird 1976:32).<br />
Neotoma sp. - Woodrat<br />
Two mythic stories featuring the rat have been recorded (Fowler and Fowler 1971:87;<br />
Palmer 1978:89). In historic times, the skins of the woodrat were used as fringes on<br />
women’s clothing (Fowler and Matley 1979:33).<br />
Odocoileus hemionus - Mule Deer<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional stories and songs about deer that have been recorded<br />
in several published documents (Fowler and Fowler 1971:123; Palmer 1978:5, 52, Laird 1976).<br />
The mule deer traditionally was and continues to be a very important animal resource for Southern<br />
Paiute people (Stoffle et al. 1994, Stoffle et al. 1995). Extensive documentation has been made<br />
of the traditional importance of deer in Southern Paiute culture. Deer was an important food<br />
source (Euler 1966:113). Men's clothing included breechcloths, moccasins, leggings, and shirts<br />
made of buckskin (Fowler and Matley 1979:28), and women wore buckskin skirts (Bolton<br />
1950: 201) and doeskin shirts (Euler 1966:115). Fowler and Matley (1979:53, 60) describe the<br />
use of buckskin pieces and sinew stitching for a headdress, cradleboard, and bowcase. They<br />
also describe the use of buckskin and woven cloth for cruppers, devices used with horse saddles<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:82). Deer sinew was also used to make bows, bow string, and<br />
arrows (Sapir 1910:84; Fowler and Matley 1979:63, 64) and the deer antlers were carved into<br />
tapered flakers for making arrows (Fowler and Matley 1979:66). They were also used to<br />
make glue for laying sinew backing on bows (Kelly 1964:73).<br />
240
Information about what is used, how it is used, and when and why it is used was widely<br />
known among the Southern Paiutes. Deer is used for food (Laird 1976:5), medicine,<br />
ceremony, clothing, tools, and other purposes. The meat, bones, fat, internal organs, tongue, and<br />
brain are eaten. Some of the meat is reserved exclusively for men to eat. A woman cannot eat<br />
deer meat during menstruation nor can she touch the bows and arrows, or more recently the<br />
guns, that are used in the deer hunt. Neither the father nor mother of a newborn child can eat<br />
deer meat either. Deer teeth are used in medicine bags and on necklaces. Fresh blood is drunk<br />
by young men to make them good hunters. The meat, hide, bones, feet, tail, antlers, and<br />
internal organs are used in ceremonies. The hide, teeth, tail, antlers, and sinew are used to<br />
make jackets, vests, moccasins, gloves, pants, cradleboard lining, ornaments, drums and<br />
blankets and other various forms of clothing. The leg bones are used for making beads, and<br />
necklaces. Toenails are used on men's shoes and tails are beaded and placed on a stick for use<br />
in pow wow dancing. Deer brain is the primary ingredient for tanning buckskin. Antlers are also<br />
used to make buttons, necklaces, ornaments, knife handles, and can be boiled to make a glue or<br />
cut out for use on a belt. Sinew is taken from the back of the deer and made into thread for<br />
sewing moccasins and other clothing. Many parts of the deer are also used for making tools<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Ondatra zibethica - Muskrat<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Ovis canadensis - Desert Bighorn Sheep<br />
Southern Paiutes have mythic stories and songs about the bighorn sheep (Fowler and<br />
Fowler 1971:223, Laird 1976, Palmer 1978:72). In the mountain sheep dance, a ceremony that<br />
takes place prior to a hunt, the bighorn sheep has its own song (Fowler and Fowler 1971:123;<br />
Palmer 1978:30; Martineau 1992:101). The Mountain Sheep sometimes serves as a spiritual<br />
"helper" for Southern Paiute shamans (Laird 1976:11, 112). The historical use of mountain<br />
sheep has been well documented. The animal was used for food (Bolton 1950:211-212, Powell<br />
1895:316-320; see Euler 1966:112-13, Laird 1976:5), and to make skirts (Euler 1966:115). The<br />
horns were used to make bows (Fowler and Matley 1979:62-63, Euler 1966:114), arrow<br />
straighteners (Fowler and Matley 1979:65, Euler 1966:115) and spoons and dippers (Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:76). The animal was generally hunted in the fall, and the meat, fat, and internal<br />
organs were used for food. The horns may also have been used to make medicine and the fat was<br />
applied to the body as a lotion. The hide and horns were used in ceremonies such as the mountain<br />
sheep ceremony. The hide, bones, feet, and tail were used to make clothing. Traditionally, the<br />
sheep's hide was an important trade item because it was not readily available to members of<br />
other tribes. Mountain sheep bones were also made into beads, and the teeth and hooves were<br />
used as ornaments on necklaces. The sheep's bones and horns were used for making tools; the<br />
foreleg was used to make a scraper for preparing hides, and the horns and sinew were used for<br />
a variety of tools, including eating utensils. Sinew was also used to attach feathers to arrows,<br />
and to string bows when the sinew from the deer was not available. The bighorn sheep<br />
continues to be very significant in Southern Paiute culture and is still used for food, medicine,<br />
ceremony, clothing, tools, and other purposes. However, because of the sheep’s protected status,<br />
hunting is now severely restricted (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
241
Perognathus sp. - Pocket Mouse<br />
See Mouse.<br />
Peromyscus sp. - Mouse<br />
See Mouse.<br />
Pipistrellus hesperus - Western Pipistrelle (bat)<br />
Historically, the entire bat was used for medicine (Stoffle et al. 1995). See Bat.<br />
Procyon lotor - Raccoon<br />
Rat<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Rat is mentioned in Southern Paiute mythic stories (Fowler and Fowler 1971:87;<br />
Palmer 1978:89). See also Neotoma sp.<br />
Spermophilus sp. - Ground Squirrel<br />
Historical records indicate that Southern Paiutes used ground squirrels for food<br />
(Euler 1966:113). Also see Squirrel.<br />
Spilogale sp. - Skunk<br />
Squirrel<br />
See Mephitis mephitis.<br />
Palmer (1978:6) documented a mythic story in which a squirrel is overjoyed at the return<br />
of birds to their home. Powell (1895:104-106) records the use of squirrel tails to decorate<br />
festival clothing. Fowler and Matley (1979:76) describe a pouch made out of a tanned squirrel<br />
skin. The bones and sinew from squirrels were also used in the manufacture of clothing (Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:32).<br />
Sylvilagus audubonii - Desert Cottontail<br />
A number of traditional Southern Paiute mythic stories involve the cottontail<br />
(Palmer 1978:25-29, Laird 1976). In one story, the cottontail attempted to kill the sun by<br />
shooting an arrow at it. A stream of fire was emitted from the sun through the wound and<br />
burned the earth. The cottontail ran ahead of the fire to warn others and was offered protection<br />
by the rabbitbrush (Chrysothamnus nauseosus); thus, the bush received its name. In addition, the<br />
cottontail has brown spots on the back of its neck because it was burned by the sun (Palmer<br />
242
1978:25-29). Variations of this story involve the jack rabbit instead of the cottontail. The<br />
cottontail was traditionally and still is used for food, clothing, and other purposes (Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:9, Euler 1966:112,114-115, Laird 1976:5, 112-113, Stoffle et al. 1995). The meat,<br />
fat, liver, heart, and kidneys are eaten. The fat is stretched, soaked in water, and then used for<br />
cooking. The cottontail's fur is also used to make various articles of clothing such as gloves.<br />
Gloves are made by tanning the inside of the hide and then turning them inside out so the fur is<br />
worn against the skin and the tanned side faces out. The bones are used to make beads and to<br />
make needles and awls for sewing, and making baskets. The teeth are used as jewelry. Sinew<br />
(tamu) is dried and used for sewing and skulls are used to play a Paiute counting game (Stoffle<br />
et al. 1995).<br />
Tamias sp. - Chipmunk<br />
The chipmunk is a central figure in a mythic story about quarreling (Fowler and<br />
Fowler 1971:95). Fowler and Matley (1979:9, 58) noted that historically, chipmunk tails were<br />
used to decorate festive clothing and were attached to necklaces.<br />
Taxidea taxus - Badger<br />
The badger is featured in several mythic stories (Fowler and Fowler 1971:220,<br />
Palmer 1978:101, 103, Laird 1976:172). In some stories, badgers are considered allies or<br />
relatives of the bears (Laird 1976:113, 203). Kelly (1964:52) reported that badgers were not<br />
specifically hunted, but when found they would be killed. Badger meat was boiled three times<br />
to remove the strong taste, and the hide was used to make moccasin soles (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Thomomys sp. - Pocket Gopher<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Urocyon cinereoargentatus - Gray Fox<br />
The gray fox is featured in a mythic story regarding the origin of fire (Fowler and<br />
Fowler 1971:87). In Chemehuevis mythology, the fox is a popular hero that experiences many<br />
adventures as it travels north and south to visit relatives (Laird 1976:111).<br />
Ursus americanus - Black Bear<br />
The bear is represented in a number of mythic stories in which they are sometimes<br />
portrayed as tricksters (Palmer 1978:5, Martineau 1992: 26, 45, Laird 1976:113, 227-228). In<br />
addition, the bear dance (makwon) was not only prominent in the past but is still practiced<br />
today (Martineau 1992:95). The bear was also used as an animal helper in the healing practices<br />
of some shamans. Shamans could draw upon the strength of the bear while in their human form<br />
or could sometimes turn themselves into a bear (Laird 1976:38, 47, 70). When the Chemehuevis<br />
encounter a bear while they are traveling, they address him as niwaani, or "my friend" (Laird<br />
1976:113).<br />
243
Vulpes sp. - Fox<br />
7.3.2 Reptiles<br />
See Urocyon cinereoargentatus.<br />
Coleonyx variegatus - Banded Gecko<br />
Geckos are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In one such myth, a gecko<br />
plays the role of a warrior (Laird 1976:116, 172-173).<br />
Crotalus sp. - Rattlesnake<br />
The rattlesnake is represented a number of times in mythic stories and songs (Fowler<br />
and Fowler 1971: 12, 94, 126, 219, Laird 1976:157, 172, Palmer 1978:16). Palmer (1978:16)<br />
relates when a group of clan chiefs journeyed from the desert to look for their mother cave in the<br />
land of the setting sun (their place of origin). During their trip, a medicine man identifies a<br />
rattlesnake and other animals as the embodiment of the god Shinob, who, in turn, shows them<br />
the correct path out of the desert. Myths are only to be told in the wintertime because the snakes<br />
are dormant. If a myth is told in the summertime, it is believed that someone will be bitten by a<br />
rattlesnake (Laird 1976:148).<br />
Crotaphytus collaris - Collared Lizard<br />
See Lizard.<br />
Gambelia wislizenia - Leopard Lizard<br />
See Lizard.<br />
Lampropeltus sp. - Kingsnake<br />
Lizard<br />
See Snake<br />
There is a general mention of lizards in traditional Southern Paiute mythic stories.<br />
Historically, lizards were used for food (Euler 1966:30, 44, 45, 48) and medicine (Stoffle et al.<br />
1995). They were hunted during the winter when food supplies were low, and their meat was<br />
roasted and eaten (Euler 1966:48, Stoffle et al. 1995). A long stick with a hook on the end was<br />
used to haul lizards and other small animals out of their holes (Euler 1966:48). The lizard's<br />
tail was also used to remove cataracts from the eyes by splitting it in half and sweeping it<br />
across the eye beneath the lid (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
244
Pituophus melanoleucus - Gopher Snake, Bullsnake<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional mythic stories about snakes. One such story involves<br />
a "hot sand snake" and tells why Paiutes dance the snake dance (Palmer 1978:76). The<br />
gopher snake was and continues to be used by Southern Paiutes for food and clothing. The<br />
snake is gathered in the fall, and the meat is roasted and then eaten. The snakeskin is used to<br />
decorate headbands and other articles of clothing. The bones are also used as ornaments<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995). Also see snake.<br />
Figure 7.4 Lizard on a wall of the Pipe Spring Monument building<br />
Sauromalus obesus - Chuckwalla<br />
Chuckwallas are included in traditional Southern Paiute stories (Laird 1976:11, 116,<br />
207, Stoffle et al. 1995). Historically, they were used as a source of food (Euler 1966:30, Laird<br />
1976:116, Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Scleroporus magister - Desert Spiny Lizard<br />
See Lizard.<br />
245
Snake<br />
Published manuscripts describe the use of snakeskins to make ornaments for decorating<br />
festival clothing (Powell 1895:104-106) and for necklaces (Fowler and Matley 1979:58).<br />
Snakes were also used for food (Euler 1966:113).<br />
7.3.3 Birds<br />
Birds have a special place in Southern Paiute culture. For example, bird hearts are used<br />
as love charms. One must be cautious using one though because it can backfire and cause harm to<br />
one’s relatives. Bird songs are also important to Southern Paiute people. For example, bird songs<br />
are sung all night before a funeral to help the departed person's spirit travel to the next world<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995). Bird feathers are also very important and are mentioned in several<br />
traditional myths and songs (Fowler and Fowler 1971:123, 124, 127, 128). They were used on<br />
clothing such as capes, as ornamentation, in ceremonies, on arrows and for several other<br />
purposes (Laird 1976).<br />
Accipiter cooperii - Coopers Hawk<br />
In historical times, the feathers of this hawk were used in men’s headresses (Fowler<br />
and Matley 1979:53).<br />
Agelaius phoeniceus - Red-winged Blackbird<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Amphispiza bilineata - Black-throated Sparrow<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Anas sp. - Duck<br />
Palmer (1978:5) mentions one mythical reference to the duck. Martineau (1992:31-33)<br />
recorded one story about coyote and "Old Man Duck," the medicine man. The Chemehuevis<br />
named a group of stars after a broken-winged duck (Laird 1976:93). In traditional and<br />
contemporary times, Southern Paiutes use ducks for food (Euler 1966:29), clothing, and making<br />
tools. They are hunted at any time during the year, but are not disturbed while nesting (Kelly<br />
1964:54, Stoffle et al. 1995). Euler reports that Kaibab Paiutes killed several hundred ducks in the<br />
fall and spring when exhausted flocks stopped to rest (1966:29). The fat is cooked with the meat<br />
and, in the past, duck eggs were eaten whenever they were available. Bones are used to make<br />
beads for use on clothing, and feathers are used to decorate headbands or hats. In addition, the<br />
bones, feathers, and feet are used to make tools and the feathers are used on arrow shafts<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
246
Aphelocoma coerulescens - Scrub Jay<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Aquila chrysaetos - Golden Eagle (see also Haliaeetus leucocephalus - Bald Eagle)<br />
A generic "eagle" is included in several Southern Paiute songs (Fowler and Fowler<br />
1971:122, 125; Martineau 1992:94), and is the central figure in many traditional mythic stories<br />
(Fowler and Fowler 1971:223, Laird 1976:167, Palmer 1978:5, 14, 21, 45-50, 84, Martineau<br />
1992:37). The golden eagle is used and treated in the same way as the bald eagle. Published<br />
accounts record the use of golden eagle feathers for headdresses (Fowler and Matley 1979:53)<br />
and on arrows used in big game hunting (Sapir 1910:80-83). Kelly (1964:92-93) reports that<br />
eagle nests (aeries) were owned and passed from father to son. These aeries were a key source of<br />
feathers which were both necessary for producing arrows as well as for ceremonies. Eagle skins or<br />
braided feathers are a necessary part of the Chemehuevis Cry or Mourning Ceremony (Laird<br />
1976:42, 115). Eagle feathers were a trade item; a bundle 2 to 3 inches in diameter brought a<br />
buckskin in exchange (Stoffle et al. 1995:55).<br />
Ardea herodias - Great Blue Heron<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Athene cunicularia - Burrowing Owl<br />
Burrowing owls are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. Because this owl<br />
shares abandoned burrows with rattlesnakes, it is believed that the rattlesnake is the owl's alterego.<br />
Also, the Chemehuevis believe that the seasons are three months long due to a myth where<br />
this bird persistently holds up one of its small three-toed feet (Laird 1976:93, 115, 157). For<br />
more information, see owl.<br />
Branta sp. - Goose<br />
Martineau (1992:27) relates a mythic story in which the coyote has a rather fruitless<br />
encounter with a flock of geese.<br />
Bubo virginianus - Great Horned Owl<br />
The great horned owl is mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths (Laird 1976:68). It<br />
is a special messenger to the Paiute people (Stoffle et al. 1995). For more information, see owl.<br />
Buteo jamaicensis - Red-tailed Hawk<br />
Martineau (1992:38,45) recorded two traditional Southern Paiute mythic stories<br />
involving hawks. Laird also mentions mythic stories involving the red-tailed hawk. In one story,<br />
the hawk is presented as a good hunter that will provide for his wives (1976:10, 68, 114, 164-<br />
247
168, 200, 218). Historically, red-tailed hawk feathers were used on headdresses and arrows for<br />
small game (Fowler and Matley 1979:53,65). Today, the hawk continues to be trapped or hunted<br />
for medicine, ceremony, clothing, and tools. The bones and feathers are used medicinally. Fans<br />
made of hawk feathers have special power and are used for smoking people and things to ward<br />
off evil. The bones and feathers are also used in ceremonies such as the Sun Dance. Under<br />
certain conditions when feathers are removed from live hawks and the hawks released, a special<br />
relationship is created between the hawk and person. Hawk feathers and claws are also used for<br />
decoration. For example, the feathers are attached to buckskin and other articles of clothing, and<br />
the claws are worn on a necklace (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Buteo swainsoni - Swainson’s Hawk<br />
Swainson hawk feathers were sometimes used for male headresses (Fowler and<br />
Matley 1979:53).<br />
Callipepla sp. - Quail<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional mythic stories (Martineau 1992:102, Laird 1976:177,<br />
179, 226) and at least one song about the quail, Quail Song (Fowler and Fowler 1971:124, Laird<br />
1976:18, 73). Historically, it was used in ceremonies such as the Paiute Quail Dance (Martineau<br />
1992:102). Kelly (1964:54) also reported Paiutes eating quail eggs and Fowler and Matley<br />
(1979:55, 58) described the use of various bird parts for ornamentation. For example, hair<br />
ornaments and necklaces sometimes contained quail topknots, scalp feathers, beaks, and scalp<br />
pieces. Quail crests were also used to ornament hats (Laird 1976:114). Today, the quail<br />
continues to be used for food, ceremony, clothing, and tools. Quail meat is boiled, fried, and<br />
roasted and the feathers are plucked and used in ceremonies, on clothing, and on arrows (Stoffle<br />
et al. 1995).<br />
Carpodacus purpureus - Purple Finch<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Cathartes aura - Turkey Vulture<br />
Fowler and Fowler (1971:126) tell of a Southern Paiute song about the turkey vulture.<br />
Catherpes mexicanus - Canyon Wren<br />
See Wren<br />
Ceryle sp. - Kingfisher<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
248
Charadrius vociferus - Killdeer<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Chordeiles sp. - Nighthawk<br />
Palmer (1978:22) relates a traditional Southern Paiute story in which the nighthawk plays<br />
an important role. The nighthawk stops a rock that is chasing the god, Shinob, by persistently<br />
pecking at it until it splits open. The nighthawk’s heroism and loyalty to the belabored god<br />
leaves the bird bruised and bleeding. In return, Shinob bandages the bird with fancy markings.<br />
Cinclus sp. - Water Ouzel<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Circus sp. - Hawk, Harrier<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Coccothraustes vespertinus - Evening Grosbeak<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Colaptes sp. - Flicker<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional stories (Kelly 1964:53) and songs about the flicker<br />
(Fowler and Fowler 1971:128). Historically, species such as the red-shafted flicker were used for<br />
food (Kelly 1964:53), and for decorating men’s headresses (Fowler and Matley 1979:53). The<br />
flicker continues to be used today. It is still hunted with a slingshot in the summertime (Stoffle<br />
et al. 1995).<br />
Columba fasciata - Band-tailed Pigeon<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Corvus brachyrhynchos - American Crow<br />
Crows are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In Chemehuevi mythology,<br />
the crow is considered the bird of the moon (Laird 1976:90, 154, 172, 174, 200).<br />
Corvus corax - Common Raven<br />
Raven are mentioned in Southern Paiute mythic stories (Palmer 1978:5). According to<br />
their beliefs, mountain spirits (Kai-ni-suva) can take the form of a raven and come to visit Paiute<br />
249
people in their camps (Fowler and Fowler 1971:75). Therefore, when a raven comes into camp<br />
and perches on a rock, it is offered food. Raven feathers were used in feather cluster headresses<br />
(Fowler and Matley 1979:54).<br />
Cyanocitta sp. - Jay<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Dendragapus obscurus - Blue Grouse<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Dendroica petechia - Yellow Warbler<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Erempohila alpestris - Horned Lark<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Euphagus cyanocephalus - Brewer's Blackbird<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Falco sparverius - Sparrow Hawk, American Kestrel<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Fulica americana - American Coot<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Geococcyx sp. - Roadrunner<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Glaucidium gnoma - Northern Pygmy Owl<br />
See Owl.<br />
Grus canadensis - Sandhill Crane<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
250
Gymnorhinus cyanocephalus - Pinyon Jay<br />
Figure 7.5 Bald Eagle<br />
The pinyon jay is included in a Southern Paiute circle dance song (Martineau 1992:94).<br />
The generic blue jay is also included in a mythic story describing how the seasons were set<br />
(Palmer 1978:67). Pinyon jays may also have been used for food (Kelly 1964:53). This bird<br />
received its name because of its usefulness in locating pinyon nut areas ready for harvest. The cry<br />
of the bird and its flight pattern allowed the people to find the stands of trees with ripe<br />
pinyons (Stoffle et al. 1994:162).<br />
Haliaeetus leucocephalus - Bald Eagle (see also Aquila chrysaetos - Golden Eagle)<br />
The eagle is included in Southern Paiute songs (Fowler and Fowler 1971:122, 125;<br />
Martineau 1992:94), and is the central figure in many traditional mythic stories (Fowler and<br />
251
Fowler 1971:223, Laird 1976:167, Palmer 1978:5, 14, 21, 45-50, 84, Martineau 1992:37).<br />
Although most of the mythic stories refer to the generic “eagle,” at least one focuses specifically<br />
on the bald eagle. In one story, a lone eagle feather is worn by the Paiutes to call down the<br />
protection of the great spirit upon them (Palmer 1978:19).<br />
The bald eagle has traditionally been and continues to be very important in Southern<br />
Paiute culture. Eagles are used for medicine, in ceremonies, in making clothing, and for other<br />
purposes. Feathers represent power and strength and are used in ceremonies, to make clothing,<br />
and to help ward off bad spirits (Stoffle et al. 1995). Eagle skins or braided feathers are a<br />
necessary part of the Chemehuevis Cry or Mourning Ceremony (Laird 1976:42, 115). Bones are<br />
used as medicine. The skull is mounted on a stick to be used by veterans in ceremonial dances<br />
and pow wows and the leg bones are used for making beads. Leg bones are also used for<br />
making special whistles used in dances. In addition, the talons of the eagle are used for medicine,<br />
in ceremonies, on clothing, and for other purposes (Stoffle et al. 1995:55).<br />
Himantopus mexicanus - Black-necked Stilt<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Hirundo sp. - Swallow<br />
Hummingbird<br />
See Swallow.<br />
The hummingbird is a central figure in several traditional Southern Paiute mythic stories<br />
and has at least three mythic names. In one such story, the earth was created by the gods with the<br />
help of the hummingbird (Palmer 1978:3). In another story, the hummingbird used its cane to<br />
create water springs (Martineau 1992:17). The hummingbird is recognized for its importance in<br />
pollinating flowers (Stoffle et al. 1995:53).<br />
Icterus sp. – Oriole<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Junco sp. - Junco<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Lanius sp. - Shrike<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
252
Larus sp. - Gull<br />
Gulls are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In one such myth, Coyote uses<br />
the feathers of a gull on an arrow that he shoots into the sky to bring true dawn (Laird 1976:116,<br />
200, 229).<br />
Melanerpes sp. - Woodpecker<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Meleagris gallopavo - Wild Turkey<br />
The turkey was and continues to be used for food. It was traditionally hunted with a bow<br />
and arrow and is now killed with a shotgun. The meat, fat, and internal organs are boiled or<br />
roasted before they are eaten. All parts, including the neck and internal organs, are eaten<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Mimus polyglottos - Northern Mockingbird<br />
The Chemehuevis word for mockingbird, yampa, was sometimes used to form names<br />
for people (Laird 1976:78).<br />
Mycteria americana - Wood Stork<br />
stork.<br />
Fowler and Matley (1979:58) make reference to a gorget that uses the bill of a wood<br />
Otus kennicottii - Screech Owl<br />
Owl<br />
See Owl.<br />
Palmer (1978:49, 66) and Martineau (1992:41) recorded Southern Paiute stories in which<br />
the owl is a central figure. The owl is also the subject of at least one Southern Paiute song<br />
(Laird 1976:18). Owls are not captured; they come near when they have sad news to relay.<br />
Although their activities are never to be interrupted, their feathers can be collected and used on<br />
prayer sticks (Stoffle et al. 1995). Fowler and Matley (1979:53) describe the use of owl feathers<br />
on a headdress.<br />
Oxyura jamaicensis - Ruddy Duck<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
253
Parus gambeli - Mountain Chickadee<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Passerinea cyanea - Indigo Bunting<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Pelecanus erythrorhynchos - American White Pelican<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Perisoreus canadensis - Gray Jay<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Phalacrocorax sp. - Cormorant<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Phalaenoptilus sp. - Poorwill<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Pheucticus melanocephalus - Black-headed Grosbeak<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Pica sp. - Magpie<br />
The magpie is mentioned in a mythic story about why birds wear bright plumage<br />
(Palmer 1978:5).<br />
Piccoides sp. - Woodpecker<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Pipilo chlorurus - Green-tailed Towhee<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
254
Piranga ludoviciana - Western Tanager, Mountain Tanager<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Podilymbus sp. - Grebe<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Recurvirostra americana - American Avocet<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Salpinctes obsoletus - Rock Wren<br />
Southern Paiute have traditional stories involving the rock wren (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
This bird was also used by some Southern Paiutes as a medicinal charm. Once trapped or<br />
snared, the bird’s bones were ground into a powder and kept in a man’s medicine bag as a<br />
charm to attract women (Stoffle et al. 1994:162). Also see wren.<br />
Sayornis saya - Say's Phoebe<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Sialia sp. - Bluebird<br />
The bluebird is the subject of a traditional Southern Paiute song (Fowler and<br />
Fowler 1971:125).<br />
Sitta sp. - Nuthatch<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Spizella passerina - Chipping Sparrow<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Strix occidentalis - Spotted Owl<br />
See Owl.<br />
Sturnella sp. - Meadowlark<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
255
Swallow<br />
Palmer relates a mythic story in which the swallow helps the gods build the earth<br />
(Palmer 1978:4). The swallow is known as the builder because it uses mud to make a foundation on<br />
the water for the earth to rest (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Tachycineta thalassina - Violet-green Swallow<br />
See Swallow.<br />
Toxostoma sp. - Thrasher<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Troglodytes sp. - House Wren<br />
See Wren.<br />
Turdus migratorius - American Robin<br />
Palmer refers to the robin in a mythic story about why birds wear bright plumage<br />
(1978:5).<br />
Tyrannus verticalis - Western Kingbird<br />
Wren<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Southern Paiute have traditional stories involving wrens. In historic times, the wren was<br />
recognized by its song. Wren feathers were and continue to be used in ceremonies. When dead,<br />
the wren's body is buried underground as a gift back to Mother Nature (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
Zenaida macroura - Mourning Dove<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional stories about the mourning dove (Laird 1976). Doves<br />
were and continue to be hunted for food, ceremony, clothing, and tools. They were traditionally<br />
hunted with a slingshot, bow and arrow, or were beaten with a stick (Stoffle et al. 1995). Kelly<br />
(1964:53) reports that doves were hunted from blinds built near watering places. When killed,<br />
they were plucked, cleaned, and cooked in ashes. Today they are hunted with guns. The<br />
feathers, wings, and heads are kept for sacred ceremonies. The feathers are used by medicine men<br />
or are used to decorate buckskin and other articles of clothing. The skull is used as an ornament<br />
on ceremonial necklaces. The entire bird can also be dried in a specified position to be used in<br />
ceremonies. The bones are cut with flint and used as tools (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
256
Zonotrichia leucophrys - White-crowned Sparrow<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
7.3.4 Amphibians<br />
Bufo sp. - Toad<br />
According to a mythic story related by Palmer (Palmer 1978:21), the toad is given its<br />
name by the god Shinob in the Paiute language, which is also his language.<br />
Rana sp. - Frog<br />
Southern Paiutes have traditional mythological stories about the frog. In one mythic<br />
story related by Palmer (1979:19), the frog, in the embodiment of the god Shinob, teaches a<br />
lesson. The frog is also a central figure in a story about the moon (Fowler and Fowler 1971:221).<br />
Historically, the frog was used for food (Euler 1966:113). Today, frogs continue to be used for<br />
food and are caught with a net. Their meat is either boiled or roasted and is considered "too<br />
slimy" for frying or drying. Whipple (U.S. House of Representatives 1856) reported Paiute people<br />
eating frogs along the Moapa (Muddy) River (Stoffle et al. 1995).<br />
7.3.5 Arachnids<br />
Scorpion<br />
Spider<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Spiders, in general, are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths (Laird<br />
1976:117, 205). A water spider, specifically, is mentioned in the Chemehuevi creation story (see<br />
chapter two). In the story, Coyote turns himself into a water spider and carries Louse's eggs from<br />
the island to the mainland in the same manner that water spiders carry their eggs in a sac. Black<br />
widow spiders are also mentioned in myths (Laird 1976:117). Historically, spiders were<br />
consumed as food (Euler 1966:42).<br />
Tarantula<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
257
7.3.6 Insects<br />
Ant<br />
The Red Ant figures in a Southern Paiute myth and in several songs and chants (Fowler<br />
and Fowler 1971:121-122, Laird 1976:18, 172, 182). To some Southern Paiute groups, ants<br />
were considered a valued source of food, ie., a delicacy (Euler 1966:45, 46, Stoffle et al. 1995:20).<br />
Before they were eaten, they were sometimes matted or boiled (Euler 1966:113). It has been<br />
recorded that some non-Indians referred to the Southern Paiutes as "Ant Eaters" (Euler<br />
1966:47).<br />
Beetle<br />
Bumblebee<br />
Butterfly<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Historically, the Southern Paiutes used honey for food (Euler 1966:113).<br />
According to Euler (1966:30), some Southern Paiute groups have been recorded as<br />
using caterpillars for food.<br />
Centipede<br />
The Southern Paiute have a story about the centipede which says that when a centipede<br />
bites a person, the centipede counts its feet. The person who was bitten will die within the same<br />
number of days, months, or years as the centipede has feet (Martineau 1992:132).<br />
Cicada<br />
According to Euler (1966:30), some Southern Paiute groups have been recorded as<br />
using cicadas for food.<br />
Cricket<br />
According to Euler (1966:30), some Southern Paiute groups have been recorded as<br />
using crickets for food.<br />
Dragonfly<br />
Shamans sometimes used dragonflies as scouts or runners that would travel between<br />
them and their other animal helpers (Laird 1976:32, 277).<br />
258
Flea<br />
Matavi y umi, Matavi y um, or Matavi y uts, Southern Paiute words meaning having fleas,<br />
have been used to name people and dogs (Laird 1976:80).<br />
Fly<br />
Flies, such as sandbar flies and horseflies, are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute<br />
myths (Laird 1976). Historically, Southern Paiutes consumed the larvae of flies found along<br />
lakes. These may have been the larvae of Ephydra hians, a species of brine fly (Euler 1966:30,<br />
42, 113).<br />
Grasshopper<br />
Grasshoppers are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In one such myth,<br />
Grasshopper appears as a man, a man-sized grasshopper, a giant, and as a swarm of small<br />
grasshoppers (Laird 1976:118, 211, 218).<br />
Lice<br />
Lice are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In the Chemehuevis creation<br />
story (see chapter two), Louse is the woman who became the mother of mankind (Laird<br />
1976:72, 118, 137, 149-151).<br />
Mosquito<br />
Mosquitoes are mentioned in traditional Southern Paiute myths. In one such myth,<br />
Mosquito appears as a fearsome warrior. In this myth, Mosquito appeals to Coyote as being<br />
very warlike because he sings a war song about drinking the blood of living persons (Laird<br />
1976:117, 172, 174- 176, 224).<br />
Moth<br />
According to Euler (1966:30), some Southern Paiute groups have been recorded as<br />
using caterpillars for food.<br />
Worm<br />
Worms, especially yucca date worms, are mentioned in several traditional Southern<br />
Paiute myths (Laird 1976:162-168, 118, 211, 217 -220). Historically, worms were consumed as<br />
food (Euler 1966:42).<br />
259
Xylocopa sp. - Carpenter bee<br />
Historically, Southern Paiutes would commonly extract the honey of the carpenter bee<br />
from cane (Phragmites australis) and use it for food (Euler 1966:30, 113).<br />
Yellowjacket<br />
7.3.7 Fish<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Catostomus sp. - Sucker, Pipefish<br />
Fish<br />
No details available at this time.<br />
Although fish were and continue to be used for food by many Southern Paiutes<br />
(Euler 1966:30-31, 113, Stoffle et al. 1995) some Paiutes, such as the Chemehuevis, do not eat<br />
fish of any kind (Laird 1976:46-47). See trout for more information.<br />
Trout<br />
Southern Paiute have traditional mythic stories about trout. In one story, the trout was<br />
responsible for carrying fire across the river. The fire burned him and produced the red spot on<br />
his gills (Stoffle et al. 1995). Fowler and Fowler (1971:125) discuss a Paiute song about trout.<br />
Although trout were and continue to be used for food by many Southern Paiutes (Euler<br />
1966:30-31, 113, Stoffle et al. 1995) some Paiutes, such as the Chemehuevis, do not eat fish<br />
of any kind (Laird 1976:46-47). The meat, skin, bones, tail, and fat of the fish are eaten. Trout<br />
are fried, roasted over charcoal, or cooked on sticks over an open fire. When fried to a very<br />
crispy state, the entire body, except the head, can be eaten. The head is also boiled and eaten<br />
(Stoffle et al. 1995)<br />
7.4 Summary<br />
The data clearly indicates that animals, like other cultural resources, continue to be<br />
highly important cultural resources to the Southern Paiute people. For some of the animals<br />
listed in this section, no specific information could be found. However, many of these animals<br />
have Southern Paiute names and are mentioned in historical and contemporary sources on Paiute<br />
culture. Southern Paiute people still use animals for a variety of purposes such as food,<br />
medicine, and making traditional items. However, many of the species identified are perceived<br />
by Southern Paiutes as becoming increasingly inaccessible to them. The cultural significance of<br />
the Southern Paiute information on animal uses (traditional and current), storage, management,<br />
and preference needs to be impressed upon non-Indian people in the hopes that these resources<br />
might be protected from potential adverse impacts.<br />
260
CHAPTER EIGHT<br />
MANAGEMENT RECOMMENDATIONS<br />
One purpose of this ethnographic overview and assessment is to provide information that<br />
could be incorporated into the Resource Management Plans of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> (<strong>Zion</strong>) and<br />
Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument (PISP). This study was co-managed by six Southern Paiute<br />
tribes through the Southern Paiute Consortium (SPC), and the <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service (NPS) in<br />
accordance with the management objectives of these park units. These tribes seek further<br />
involvement in park management. Several laws require the NPS to consult with Native<br />
American tribes (see Chapter Three). There are many avenues for Southern Paiute participation<br />
in park management that go beyond the minimum consultation required by law. This chapter<br />
describes some of those alternatives and management recommendations. After an overview of<br />
general recommendations, park-specific recommendations will be provided.<br />
8.1 <strong>Overview</strong><br />
Both <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring are to be managed to assure the long-term protection of<br />
cultural and natural resources. At the highest level, tribes and the NPS can co-manage the entire<br />
park or specific projects such as this overview and assessment. Tribes can also participate in<br />
resource management in other ways. These other ways can include: (1) establishing a regular<br />
meeting schedule that ensures open communication between the tribes and the park units, (2)<br />
designing and implementing monitoring programs, (3) establishing policies for Native American<br />
access, (4) creating and reviewing interpretive displays, and (5) working with NPS officials to<br />
coordinate and integrate resource management outside park boundaries.<br />
Tribal representatives were asked what they thought should be done to protect natural<br />
and cultural resources within the Virgin River and Kanab Creek ecoscapes, and specifically at<br />
interview sites in <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> and Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument. Each interview<br />
contained a discussion of what the Paiute representatives perceived was occurring to water,<br />
plant, animal, archaeological, and geological features and what should be done to protect these<br />
features. Further discussion of management and access issues was motivated by questions about<br />
overall management recommendations.<br />
Southern Paiute elders were cautious about making policy statements without<br />
having complete information about the issues under consideration. For example, they were<br />
uncertain about the coordination of management practices within the ecoscapes due to the<br />
presence of private, county, state, and Federal lands. In addition, only some of the culturally<br />
significant sites recorded in the study area were visited during the study. Some tribal elders were<br />
unable to participate because of the physical requirements necessary to reach particular study<br />
sites. Nevertheless, the recommendations provide a basis for the further development of Southern<br />
Paiute and NPS partnerships for resource management.<br />
261
8.1.1 Co-Management<br />
The NPS enters into co-management relationships with tribal governments and other<br />
governmental units when such arrangements help the agency achieve its mission to "protect<br />
natural and cultural resources in an unimpaired state for future generations while providing<br />
opportunities for the enjoyment of those resources." As the agency works to define and<br />
implement ecosystem management, such partnerships will take on increasing importance. Comanagement<br />
arrangements are generally governed by formal agreements. For example, in 1976<br />
the NPS and Oglala Lakota signed a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) regarding Badlands<br />
<strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. Under the provisions of that MOA, the NPA and Oglala Lakota equally share both<br />
the gate receipts collected from individual recreational entry to the park and the costs of<br />
collecting those receipts. Specific policies developed pursuant to the MOA are issued as<br />
administrative orders. For example, Office Order BADL-037 of January 13, 1995 clarifies the<br />
mechanisms for calculating and disbursing receipts.<br />
The co-management relationship between <strong>Zion</strong>, Pipe Spring, and the Southern Paiutes is<br />
spelled out in a letter from the park superintendents to the tribal chairs of the Kaibab Paiute<br />
Tribe and Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong> (Falvey and Hiscock 1994). This letter identifies a<br />
Contracting Officer's Technical Representative (COTR) to represent the interests of the NPS and<br />
a Tribal Coordinator to represent the tribes' interests. The NPS provides funds directly to the SPC<br />
to enable the tribes to participate in this project.<br />
Successful co-management relationships require all partners to commit resources,<br />
including time, money, and personnel. The co-management agreement at Badlands provides a<br />
mechanism for both the NPS and the tribe to obtain revenue to support their obligations under the<br />
agreement. That agreement provides a good model for <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Springs.<br />
8.1.2 Specific Resource Management Issues<br />
Southern Paiute people believe that as caretakers of the land, all Southern Paiute people<br />
should be informed and allowed to participate in the identification, evaluation, and<br />
recommendation of plans affecting resources in <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring. Regardless of the structure<br />
of the relationship created between the parks and tribes, several management issues were raised<br />
by the tribal consultants during this study. The following sections discuss concerns about (1)<br />
coordinating communication, (2) resource monitoring, (3) Native American access, (4)<br />
interpretive displays, and (5) coordinating and integrating resource management outside park<br />
boundaries.<br />
Coordination of Communication<br />
A key to effective relationships among organizations is the opportunity for individuals<br />
with decision making authority to meet regularly and to share their concerns. Additional meetings<br />
among the personnel responsible for specific tasks ensure that the relationship permeates all<br />
levels of an organization. Frequently, requests for tribal participation in decision making have<br />
been project- specific and have come shortly before those decisions were to be made. Tribal<br />
representatives are often unable to attend meetings on short notice, and those who do participate<br />
262
may be unable to judge the full ramifications of decisions when they are isolated from the overall<br />
park management program. Representatives who participated in this study acknowledged that<br />
resource planning is a difficult task. In response to a question about what, if anything, should be<br />
done to protect a site, one Kaibab representative said:<br />
It's a hard question for me to answer.<br />
To improve communication among all parties, the SPC recommends that both <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe<br />
Spring establish a formal consultation process. They should also establish annual meetings to<br />
inform tribal representatives of all projects planned for the year, designated meetings among tribal<br />
representatives and park interpretive staffs, and additional project-specific consultations as<br />
required. Such a process would ensure that the limited time and resources of both the tribes and<br />
the parks be utilized most effectively. These recommendations are discussed in greater detail in<br />
the park-specific sections of this report.<br />
Resource Monitoring and Mitigation<br />
<strong>Park</strong> management includes the monitoring of human use in and around the park and the<br />
identification and evaluation of human impacts to park resources (ZRMP 1994:7).<br />
Southern Paiute representatives generally oppose the artificial manipulation of natural<br />
events such as fires and floods. The following comments typify their sentiments:<br />
[They] should leave it alone. Let it be natural.<br />
However, so much has already been altered within the parks that the boundaries between<br />
natural and human impacts are blurred. Therefore, issue-specific consultation is required.<br />
Southern Paiute elders recognize and support NPS efforts to restrain access, reduce<br />
trailing, and limit disturbance to sacred and culturally significant places. Yet, disrespect for the<br />
land and resources, such as is expressed through vandalism, was noted at various sites within the<br />
parks (see Figure 8.1 and 8.2). A cultural resource monitoring program developed and<br />
implemented by NPS and tribal representatives could address the needs of both the parks and the<br />
tribes. The major challenge to the monitoring program will be a lack of resources. Neither <strong>Zion</strong><br />
nor Pipe Spring have any base- funded long-term monitoring programs in place, and the parks<br />
lack the support necessary for implementing and continuing long-term monitoring of resources<br />
and processes (ZRMP 1994:118). The Southern Paiute Consortium is currently in its second year<br />
of the development and implementation of a cultural resources monitoring program for the<br />
Colorado River Corridor (Stoffle, Austin, Fulfrost, Phillips, and Drye 1995). The Colorado<br />
River Corridor lies along the Colorado River from the Glen Canyon Dam to the end of the free<br />
flowing river at Separation Canyon within Grand Canyon <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. It is potentially<br />
impacted by water releases from the Dam. Through this project, Southern Paiute monitors are<br />
being trained to design and implement a culturally appropriate monitoring program. The<br />
Southern Paiutes seek to participate with NPS staff in the development of a resource monitoring<br />
program for <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring. A joint monitoring program might be developed between<br />
<strong>Zion</strong>, Pipe Spring, and the SPC to best utilize both expertise and resources.<br />
263
.<br />
Figure 8.1 Vandalism in the Form of Graffiti<br />
Native American Access<br />
NPS units have been given the authority, through <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> Service Management<br />
Policies (1988), the Native American Relationships Policy (1987), and the American Indian<br />
Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA, 1966), to allow access to contemporary Native American<br />
groups with ancestral claims to park lands (see also Chapter Two). According to the Management<br />
Policies, Native American communities are permitted to "pursue customary religious,<br />
subsistence, or other cultural uses of park resources with which they are traditionally associated"<br />
(NPS 1988:5:11). Given the potential conflicts between human use and resource protection, the<br />
NPS units are directed to "plan and execute programs in ways that safeguard cultural and natural<br />
resources while reflecting informed concern for the contemporary peoples and cultures<br />
traditionally associated with them" (NPS 1988:5:11). The Management Policies specifically<br />
state that "members of native American tribes or groups may enter parks for such nonrecreational<br />
activities (i.e. traditional religious, ceremonial, or other customary activities)<br />
without paying an entrance fee" (NPS 1988:8:9). The Native American Relationships Policy (FR<br />
52-183) directs park Superintendents to provide "reasonable access" to Native Americans for<br />
religious purposes and states that Native Americans may obtain fee waivers for non-recreational<br />
visits to NPS units "for religious or other traditional purposes." AIRFA states that the U.S. will<br />
protect and preserve the right of American Indians to believe, express, and exercise their<br />
traditional religions, "including, but not limited to access to sites."<br />
264
On March 15, 1993, the Grand Canyon <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> (GCNP) provided explicit<br />
"Instructions for Fee Waiver," designating the contemporary Native American groups who claim<br />
ancestry to its park lands and specifying the conditions under which members of those groups will<br />
be provided free access to those lands. The GCNP permits tribal members to show tribal<br />
membership cards or other identification that affirms their membership. The Management<br />
Directive 5.1 of Glacier <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> (GNP), "Non-Fee Entry Permits," dated November 1,<br />
1992, establishes the conditions under which individuals are issued non-fee entry permits.<br />
According to the GNP policy, "(a)ll members of the Blackfeet and Kootenai-Salish Tribes will be<br />
admitted without fee. Identification cards have been issued by the Tribes to all members."<br />
Although access to the <strong>Zion</strong> N.P. backcountry areas is unrestricted and without cost, the<br />
Southern Paiute representatives perceived that entrance to any part of the park necessitated paying<br />
a fee. Consequently, Southern Paiute elders expressed strong feelings regarding rights of access<br />
to resources during interviews within both the Virgin River and Kanab Creek ecoscapes.<br />
In Pipe Spring and <strong>Zion</strong>, where they took over the land the Indian people used to go<br />
to. Now that we can't get in there, we think it's nice that they keep the park clean, but<br />
we're sorry that we don't get to go there as we want to and that's the part that we<br />
don't like.<br />
Paiute people have a spiritual as well as physical attachment to the land in their<br />
guardianship. Ceremonial activities are required to protect the land and resources within their holy<br />
land. The land is an essential component of these ceremonies and rituals performed to convey<br />
reverence for the Creator. Paiute elders desire access to sites in <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring to harvest<br />
plants, collect minerals, and visit sacred places to conduct the ceremonies necessary for<br />
perpetuating Southern Paiute culture. Although many ceremonies are not elaborate, they<br />
reaffirm the Paiute relationship with the earth. For example, several elders described the need to<br />
continually interact with the earth and its resources. According to one woman:<br />
No matter where it is, if I am going to have something, if I am going to eat<br />
something, I always share it with the earth. (RS6)<br />
Asking someone to pay money to participate in ceremonies or to collect resources necessary for<br />
the continuation of ceremonies is culturally inappropriate:<br />
In any time during the Paiute time there was no money giving for any medical care<br />
that they did for one another. They did not charge each other for plants. When they<br />
gave them plants to use for medical or any kind of a use they didn't ask them for<br />
money. They just asked them to continue on getting better. That's the way they were.<br />
(CG6)<br />
The use of plants and animals for ceremony, food, medicine and manufacture is deeply<br />
rooted in the Paiute culture (see Chapter Seven). A Kaibab man said that he would like access<br />
to:<br />
Hunt rabbits and deer [and] to pick pine nuts.<br />
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The manner in which Paiutes traditionally use various resources also promotes<br />
regeneration. Accordingly, Paiute use of resources in <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Spring would help fulfill the<br />
NPS mission of protecting and preserving resources for future generations. According to a<br />
Kaibab woman who is very knowledgeable about plants:<br />
If they made use out of these plants they would be given more of the plants. It's<br />
just like pruning your tree, gathering the vegetables and things that grow here,<br />
you would be provided with more the following years to come.<br />
The Southern Paiute consultants explained that the parks should not exist solely for recreational<br />
activity but should be appreciated and utilized in their original life-giving capacities.<br />
As noted throughout Chapter Seven, Southern Paiutes have strong cultural prohibitions<br />
against wasting or inappropriately using natural resources. Therefore, resource use, both in and<br />
out of the parks, should be done for specific purposes and accompanied by appropriate<br />
ceremonies. Although some individuals wish to be able to hunt in the parks, others mentioned<br />
their appreciation that the animals were safe within the park:<br />
It makes us happy that we're coming through this place and we see the deer, and you know<br />
we don't mistreat them or anything. (CG5)<br />
Additional park management decisions, such as setting speed limits and landscaping, will affect<br />
living things, and should be included in the information discussed at annual meetings (see<br />
Coordination of Communication). According to one individual:<br />
Another said:<br />
[Animals] were the things that they were really protecting at the time when they had<br />
plenty of meat. They didn't want them to be killed just for the joy of killing animals.<br />
People weren't allowed to do that. I think that rule was provided by our chief, and<br />
it's been carried on throughout the years... Deer [are] killed on the road. A little<br />
further down [the road] I saw one that was dead. I guess a car bumped into it and I<br />
said, "That's the way they drive." I said, "They don't even care who's standing in the<br />
road."<br />
The Indians had a good relationship with the animals; want them for food, not for<br />
pleasure. Some people kill for pleasure...<br />
At the Pah Tempe Hot Springs, one elder noted her concern over the destruction of native plants<br />
for aesthetic purposes:<br />
I think [the problem is with] the people that kill plants with their insta-machines and<br />
things like that. They don't want them to grow, and so some of the food that was<br />
edible around here doesn't grow anymore. (CG6)<br />
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She also expressed concern about inappropriate interactions with water:<br />
The people that throw things into the water and the spring aren't good for the water<br />
or the land itself. They should respect the land.<br />
The Southern Paiute people would also like to obtain access to resources within the<br />
ecoscapes to utilize in the education of Paiute youth. Educating the next generation about natural<br />
and cultural resources is essential for the sustenance of their people and the land. As with adults<br />
throughout the United States, the Paiute elders have noticed that trends in modernization are<br />
penetrating their community and affecting the traditional way of life activities.<br />
I think the younger generation is trying to get back to be interested in their tribes.<br />
Maybe the younger generation would like to come to see this. That's why I'd like to<br />
have it preserved. Look at it, where the ancestors were before their time.<br />
Another elder commented that Paiutes should have access to the parks:<br />
To visit and remember the ancestors and teach younger generations about old<br />
ways.<br />
In addition to the opportunities for Southern Paiutes to hold traditional gatherings in the parks,<br />
an annual "living history" event could educate both tribal members and park visitors about<br />
Southern Paiute history.<br />
Some of the Southern Paiute consultants noted a conflict between the cultural traditions<br />
that require universal access to resources and observations that resources are damaged by people<br />
who do not respect them. This conflict has been reported in other recent studies (see<br />
Stoffle et al. 1995a:237). The following excerpt demonstrates the way that values were passed<br />
down through stories:<br />
They used to say wherever they went, in a group, the leader would always tell them<br />
they had to be thankful for the creator to let them have food and stuff from the area,<br />
that they would have to dance for it. So they would dance and sing and dance<br />
throughout the evening until about the middle of the night, and they would do these<br />
things to be thankful. They were never angry with one another, my mother used to<br />
tell me that they shared. If the other person couldn't get it, if their husband had died,<br />
then other elders, other men, would go hunting for them, would give it to them.<br />
That's the way people lived in the olden days. They shared... That was an example<br />
he set for us. You know, for sharing. He said never take all of what is given to you.<br />
There's always the Creator to feed and the water to be given.<br />
When discussing animals, one individual commented:<br />
They belonged to everybody. What they say is they belong to the Creator because<br />
he's the one who created it for the people and for the animals. (CG5)<br />
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At the Pah Tempe Hot Springs, elders observed:<br />
I don't think it belongs to anybody. It's naturally here and people shouldn't put a<br />
claim on running water because running water will never be anybody's. It was the<br />
father's and it should continue to run like that. (CG6)<br />
We been down to this hot spring. We were called to bless that place, but we knew.<br />
We told that man that he cannot charge anybody. Not only Indians, everybody else,<br />
too. It's already lost its power the way it looks. It don't have no power like it used to<br />
have. (CG5)<br />
Nevertheless, several consultants were distressed by what they perceived to be the<br />
inappropriate use of resources and tried to resolve the conflict. One individual described what<br />
she perceived to be the Southern Paiutes' responsibility to share their knowledge and values with<br />
others:<br />
We Indians know exactly what to pick and then what is poisonous and people have<br />
to be careful with it. So we have to try and teach [non-Indians] which is which. We<br />
like for them [to use it], if they're going to use it in the right way. It's all right.<br />
(CG5)<br />
The struggle over sharing resources, yet not allowing them to be destroyed is<br />
reflected in the remarks of this elder as he talked about Pah Tempe Springs:<br />
It should be kept that way for all people, all the Indians who come by to use it and it<br />
should remain that way... I think mainly it should be kept open for Indian people<br />
because they know what it's all about. If it is kept the way it is hopefully the other<br />
people can use it as well, but it should be kept up and not destroyed. (GC 126)<br />
One method of sharing information and encouraging what Southern Paiutes perceive to<br />
be an appropriate use of the parks and their resources is through interpretive displays that are<br />
prepared for the public.<br />
Interpretive Displays<br />
Southern Paiute people perceive that information in current interpretative displays is<br />
generally biased toward a Euro-American perspective. The historical materials presented<br />
through signage within the parks and in the museums is generally focused on events which<br />
occurred after Euro-American penetration into the area. The Paiute people desire to have their<br />
aboriginal, historical, and contemporary presence within the Virgin River and Kanab Creek<br />
ecoscapes recognized. They want to see the parks provide visitors with information about the<br />
parks and the resources within them and their role in the Southern Paiute way of life. For<br />
example, displays of Southern Paiute plant uses and a typical living area are sought.<br />
The SPC recommends that the parks sponsor an annual meeting during which Southern<br />
Paiute interpretation of the parks and their resources are discussed. Such a meeting should<br />
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include the individuals who are specifically identified as interpreters and also other resource<br />
specialists, such as botanists and geologists who can learn to relate traditional Southern Paiute<br />
and scientific knowledge. The Grand Canyon <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong> (GCNP) has developed such a<br />
program in which SPC representatives have participated since 1993. The program includes both<br />
formal presentations by Southern Paiute representatives and also open sessions at which NPS<br />
employees can ask questions. The GCNP supports this training so interpreters can learn more about<br />
Southern Paiute culture and be prepared to discuss Southern Paiute views with park visitors.<br />
Projects to design and construct interpretive displays that involve Southern Paiute culture<br />
should be co-managed by Southern Paiutes from the earliest phases.<br />
Southern Paiute elders expressed concern about the use of artifacts in interpretive<br />
displays. The removal of Indian artifacts was widely practiced in and around both <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe<br />
Spring. These artifacts have been collected as souvenirs or put on display in local or park<br />
museums. Paiute traditional beliefs govern the conditions under which either natural or cultural<br />
resources can be removed. Paiute elders commented on their reaction to the removal of<br />
resources.<br />
I think the people who want to take rocks, or move rocks, they're the ones who<br />
destroy places like that.<br />
When they find something they don't put it back. Someone may need it one day.<br />
<strong>And</strong> you could see that many tribes went through here on account of the pottery.<br />
See they're the ones that did the pottery, and they're ones that painted them. <strong>And</strong><br />
then there's a lot of the grinding stones...most Indian people of all tribes used the<br />
grinding stones to do their corn...everything they did they had to grind with those<br />
stones, so they couldn't pack it along so they left it there, then they went on, so the<br />
next people that come along used it, so that's why they're clear across the country.<br />
But going through some places in recent years, and visiting some homes, [the<br />
white people] collect a whole bunch of them, they have them in their yards, in<br />
their backyards, course you see most of them in the museums where they on<br />
display, but there was lot of them, up in our area there used to be a whole bunch of<br />
them on the hillside, but white people have taken them, so you see them in white<br />
people’s yards, or backyards.<br />
Several Paiute elders commented that they would like to contribute to the construction of<br />
proper interpretative displays by providing cultural and historical information. Interest in<br />
participating as cultural liaisons in the parks was expressed during an interview with a Kaibab<br />
woman.<br />
Coordinating and Integrating Resource Management Outside <strong>Park</strong> Boundaries<br />
As described in Chapter Four, Southern Paiutes support an ecosystem management<br />
approach to natural and cultural resources. Both the Virgin River and Kanab Creek ecoscapes<br />
extend beyond the jurisdiction of the NPS. Paiutes are concerned about degradation of resources<br />
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outside of NPS jurisdiction that might affect these ecoscapes. The management of the resources<br />
within these ecoscapes is presently under the control of private, local, county, state, tribal, and<br />
Federal landowners. With limited resources, the tribes are unable to actively participate in all<br />
management decisions. Where they have common concerns, the NPS and tribes can work together<br />
to ensure their interests are represented. For example, a recent regional effort, the development of<br />
The Virgin River Habitat Conservation and Management Plan, (VRHMP), failed to involve the<br />
Southern Paiutes and had limited participation by the NPS. Both groups are concerned that water<br />
resources in <strong>Zion</strong> be protected, and coordinated efforts to ensure that protection could benefit<br />
everyone.<br />
Additionally, NPS managers can take the lead in developing cultural resource<br />
management plans within the ecoscapes. <strong>Zion</strong> would therefore be an appropriate site for the<br />
development and management of a database and monitoring program for rock art sites throughout<br />
the region (see <strong>Zion</strong> below).<br />
8.2 Management of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong><br />
In addition to the general recommendations offered above, several issues were raised that<br />
are specific to <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. These issues are discussed in this section.<br />
8.2.1 Ecosystem Management<br />
Among the objectives of <strong>Zion</strong>'s Resource Management Division is the desire to manage<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> "as a part of a greater regional ecosystem recognizing the needs of the park, other land<br />
management agencies, and private landowners" (ZRMP 1994:6). The <strong>Zion</strong> Resource<br />
Management Plan (1994) recognizes that <strong>Zion</strong> lies within multiple ecosystems. The Plan<br />
describes the Virgin River Watershed, <strong>Zion</strong>'s Vegetation Ecosystem, and a Virgin Anasazi<br />
Cultural Ecosystem. This report has introduced the Virgin River Ecoscape, a Southern Paiute<br />
ecosystem for <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>Park</strong>. The Virgin River Ecoscape must be managed by local,<br />
county, state, and Federal government units, the Paiute Indian Tribe of <strong>Utah</strong>, and private<br />
landowners. <strong>Zion</strong> is a central feature of this Ecoscape and can play a key role in the management<br />
of the resources there. This section describes opportunities for <strong>Zion</strong> to take the lead in managing<br />
the Virgin River Ecoscape.<br />
8.2.2 Co-Management Opportunities<br />
<strong>Zion</strong> and the Southern Paiute Consortium can enter into formal agreements to allow the<br />
co- management of the entire park or of specific park resources. <strong>Zion</strong> is a large park with many<br />
resources. Among the goals of the <strong>Zion</strong> Resource Management Plan is the development of an<br />
ethnographic program that provides sufficient guidance for park management on issues of concern<br />
to American Indians. Co-management efforts might be directed at resources of specific concern to<br />
the Paiutes. For example, Parunuweap Canyon is being nominated as an archaeological district<br />
to be listed in the <strong>National</strong> Register of Historic Places. Many Southern Paiute resources have<br />
been identified within the canyon. After reflecting on a question regarding the management of<br />
resources in Parunaweap Canyon, a Shivwits woman said<br />
270
[The park should] have people who know to help protect. It's good to have rangers,<br />
but have Indians work with them. Have Indian guides.<br />
Priorities for developing co-management relationships should be established by both <strong>Zion</strong> park<br />
managers and tribal leaders. The specific resource management issues raised by Southern Paiutes<br />
at <strong>Zion</strong> are described below.<br />
8.2.3 Specific Resource Management Issues<br />
Native American Access<br />
Southern Paiute elders expressed dissatisfaction that they are required to pay entrance fees<br />
to visit <strong>Zion</strong>. Due to a miscommunication at the park gates, a park ranger attempted to charge the<br />
$5.00 entrance fee to several elders who were participating in this study. The situation was<br />
resolved, but the incident reinforced an ongoing concern among the Paiutes regarding this issue.<br />
Paiute people feel that they should not have to pay park fees to visit the land that was once theirs.<br />
They shouldn't [make] Indians pay. Before anybody else the Indians used to own<br />
it. [It's] good to have Indians here.<br />
Yeah, [Paiutes] love to go through <strong>Zion</strong>, but when it costs like that they don't. We<br />
have to go clear around.<br />
[They should make it possible for us] to go through free for the Indians and then<br />
that way we'd feel more like coming through. It makes us happy that we're coming<br />
through this place...<br />
The <strong>Zion</strong> policy which allows free access for day visits to backcountry sites should be<br />
explicitly discussed with tribal representatives at annual meetings.<br />
Paiute elders desire access to sacred places within <strong>Zion</strong> in order to conduct ceremonies<br />
there and restore a Paiute presence in the park.<br />
It'd be nice to have a Sun Dance to show people [that are buried] around here<br />
that they're not forgotten.<br />
Ceremony, [to] come back to experience the quiet, and to think, and to talk to the<br />
place in Indian. I think it is hungry for Paiute language.<br />
Although Southern Paiutes have not been able to conduct ceremonies in <strong>Zion</strong> for many<br />
years, the park has been used by other groups for religious ceremonies. For example, in 1935,<br />
the <strong>Park</strong> Service sponsored an Easter program at its newly constructed amphitheater near the south<br />
entrance. The program was repeated in 1936 and by 1937 had become a "grandiose pageant" that<br />
"had the full cooperation of <strong>Zion</strong> <strong>Park</strong> personnel and <strong>Utah</strong> <strong>Park</strong>s Company" (Crawford nd:1). A<br />
series of stone steps and platforms were built into a hillside along the park road to serve as the<br />
271
stage for the pageant. The Easter show was expanded in 1938 and continued to grow, attracting<br />
more visitors than any other day of the year, until it had to be discontinued in 1941 "as it had<br />
become too much for the <strong>Park</strong> Service to handle" (Crawford nd:2). In recent years other groups<br />
have used the park for religious gatherings, and Christian services are offered on Sundays<br />
throughout the year.<br />
Interpretative Displays<br />
In addition to the general recommendations provided above, specific meetings between<br />
representatives of the SPC and <strong>Zion</strong>'s director of interpretation are necessary for the review of<br />
written materials used with the public and in the training of interpreters. An annual meeting<br />
during which materials was reviewed and new projects discussed would greatly facilitate<br />
communication between the park and the tribes.<br />
Coordinating and Integrating Resource Management Outside <strong>Park</strong> Boundaries<br />
Southern Paiute concerns extend beyond <strong>Zion</strong>'s boundaries. Neither water, plant<br />
communities, nor animals are contained by artificial lines drawn on a map. Evidence of<br />
Southern Paiute occupation is present throughout the region. A few examples of the most<br />
pressing issues of concern to Southern Paiute representatives are discussed in this section.<br />
Pah Tempe Hot Springs<br />
Pah Tempe Hot Springs, one of the most significant features of the Virgin River ecoscape<br />
lies outside <strong>Zion</strong>'s southern boundary. Yet, the hot springs is intimately tied to locations with the<br />
park and is a good example of the need for an ecosystem management approach to cultural<br />
resources.<br />
Considerable controversy presently surrounds Pah Tempe and its future. The hot springs<br />
passed into private hands in the early 1900s. Since then the springs have remained in<br />
private ownership. Some owners have welcomed Paiute patrons free of charge while others have<br />
charged fees to all visitors. Southern Paiutes oppose having to pay for access to the hot springs<br />
because it's sacred nature is based on medicinal qualities which are sacred and cannot be bought<br />
and sold.<br />
In 1985 the Washington County Water Conservancy District (WCWCD), as part of the<br />
LaVerkin Springs Project, built a diversion dam and installed a water line in the Virgin River<br />
canyon. The blasting that was done to excavate two crossings under the river ruptured the hot<br />
springs and dried up flows to the caves. The WCWCD made repairs to the springs, but water<br />
pressure to the springs decreased between 1987 and 1991 and an earthquake in September 1992<br />
unearthed the pipeline. The flows to the caves again stopped. The present owner of the hot<br />
springs has filed suit against the WCWCD seeking repair of the damage to the hot springs. The<br />
WCWCD board of directors voted to condemn the hot springs. The March 9, 1995 draft of The<br />
Virgin River Habitat Conservation and Management Plan proposes that the water from the springs<br />
272
e collected at its source and piped downriver to improve river water quality and provide year<br />
long water flows of at least 5 cubic feet per second (cfs) in that part of the river (WCWCD 1995)<br />
(see Figure 8.2).<br />
This project will remove Pah Tempe Springs from the Virgin River at its point source<br />
and pipe the water 12 miles to below the Washington and St. George Fields Diversion, cool the<br />
water, and return it to the river to reestablish fish habitat below the diversion dam, where the<br />
river is dry during portions of the year (WCWCD<br />
995:22).<br />
Parties to that plan include local communities, state, and Federal agencies. Neither the<br />
NPS nor the Southern Paiute Consortium are named. Indeed, the decision to remove Pah Tempe<br />
Springs from the Virgin River was made without consultation with any involved Paiute tribes.<br />
Figure 8.2 Piping at Pah Tempe Springs<br />
Prior to the LaVerkin Springs Project, an intensive archaeological survey of lands subject<br />
to the project's impact was conducted. The survey identified little observable archaeological<br />
evidence of Southern Paiute occupation of the region and had few suggestions for mitigation of the<br />
potentially impacted archaeological sites associated by the researchers with the Virgin River<br />
Anasazi (Thompson 1964). The grave Southern Paiute concerns about the proposed project were<br />
overlooked because, despite its Paiute name and local documentation of the sacred and cultural<br />
significance of the hot springs to Southern Paiutes (e.g., Webb 1986), no ethnographic survey was<br />
conducted. One elder shared the consequences of having disrupted the spring:<br />
273
[One of the other elders told us] her grandfather or grandmother said, "One of<br />
these days the whole [canyon's] gonna close... She told us this morning in Paiute<br />
language, "One of these days you'll hear about it that the whole mountain caved in,<br />
just like you did up at <strong>Zion</strong>s. (DH7)<br />
Another elder commented:<br />
My grandfather and his wife used to come here all the [time]. I was just growing<br />
then, but I noised later on when we were walking around the area - we were picking<br />
peaches - and we'd come here once in a while. That's when they started doing the<br />
trails and that thing [the spring] was all fixed up with cement and that's the way it<br />
looks today. I mean, it looked a little better than this, but after the floods had come<br />
it's ruined it, so it doesn't look the same. It's a different story now, that way in the old<br />
days. When I was growing up, I used to come with my grandfather and we used to<br />
see sick people come and they used to talk to the spring there. Then, when they got<br />
well, they felt much better, they went home. They came from far and near. All the<br />
people knew about it... but it has changed now.<br />
Present owners advertise the hot springs as an "ancient Paiute healing grounds" (Pah<br />
Tempe Hot Springs promotional material, nd), and have established a coalition of representatives<br />
from the <strong>Utah</strong> State Historical Preservation Office, local historical societies and museums, and<br />
the Kaibab Paiute Tribe to try to protect the hot springs. The Southern Paiute consultants talked<br />
of their desire to see the spring preserved for use by people who understand and value its gifts.<br />
One elder reflected these sentiments in his comments:<br />
I think this place should be preserved, be kept up so people can come for healing, for<br />
healing powers especially using the water coming out. To me, I don't think it should<br />
be disturbed. (GC126)<br />
NPS employees from <strong>Zion</strong> might offer support to the coalition. Such support could include<br />
making this report and other written information available to coalition members, helping<br />
coordinate additional ethnographic studies through the <strong>Zion</strong> Cultural Resources Program, and<br />
providing a repository for information collected by the coalition. One Kaibab woman suggested<br />
that NPS could assist in the management of the spring:<br />
I think they [NPS] should help because...they'd make good trails like they do...in<br />
Pipe Spring and <strong>Zion</strong>.<br />
Illegal Collecting<br />
Southern Paiute concerns about excavations also extend beyond the park boundaries. Pot<br />
hunting in the region has been recorded since the first archaeological investigations were<br />
conducted (i.e., Stirland 1949 - in Thompson 1964). As part of <strong>Zion</strong>'s ecosystem management<br />
approach, park managers recognize the need to gather information about archaeological features<br />
outside the park in order to understand those found within the park. Using the Virgin Anasazi<br />
274
Cultural Ecosystem as an example, managers conclude that "(l)oss of cultural material at any<br />
one locale means a loss of data that could be used in scientific research, leading to an improved<br />
understanding of the Virgin Anasazi and improved site management" (ZRMP 1994:14). In<br />
general, Southern Paiute representatives oppose any collecting of artifacts, whether by<br />
pothunters or professional archaeologists. However, some individuals argued that the continued<br />
loss of cultural material to looting and vandalism requires that something be done. A coalition of<br />
representatives from many groups, including local and state historic preservation organizations,<br />
tribes, and the NPS could work together to identify the areas of concern, develop strategies for<br />
protecting cultural resources throughout the area, and begin implementing those strategies.<br />
Coordinated efforts are needed to educate the public about the laws protecting cultural resources<br />
and the individual behaviors that will ensure that these resources are preserved for future<br />
generations.<br />
Figure 8.3 Bullet holes on a NO-HUNTING Sign—Current Methods of Protecting Resources are Not Always<br />
Effective<br />
Other.<br />
Activities in the Virgin River watershed that affect the quality and quantity of water in<br />
the river require coordinated management. In 1970 a frequent visitor to Parunuweap noted the<br />
pollution stemming from activities upstream from the canyon.<br />
Mt Carmel, & possibly (probably) Orderville & Glendale above, has its garbage<br />
dump right on the river. Intermittent flooding causes a tragic & pathetic polution [sic] of<br />
this entire canyon with human garbage of every type & description! Wooden planks are<br />
275
naturally very numerous, but old tires, window frames, toilet seats, doll buggies, balls, &<br />
tin cans of all sizes are included. Plastic Clorox type bottles are the most numerous item &<br />
surprisingly, unbroken light bulbs situated on top of small ledges, on log debris piles, or<br />
jammed in small cracks of sandstone or wood are also quite common (Gillette 1970).<br />
An issue that is perceived by the Southern Paiute consultants who participated in this<br />
study to be linked to their resource concerns in the region is the rapid growth and development<br />
taking place. During an interview at the Upper Virgin River, one elder commented:<br />
[People will] notice this road. When they find out there's a road here, there'll be<br />
cars going through here - flying through here. It's a nice place. It's good. To me<br />
it's still good. It's good when it's like this, but there's a time when it's not going to be<br />
like this. (RS3)<br />
8.3.1 Ecosystem Management<br />
8.3 Management of Pipe Spring <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
Pipe Spring is at the edge of the Southern Paiute ecosystem centered around Kanab<br />
Creek. This Kanab Creek Ecoscape must be managed by multiple county, state, and Federal<br />
agencies, the Kaibab Paiute Tribe, and private landowners. In a recent management assessment,<br />
Pipe Spring managers and staff recognized a need to broaden monument's inclusion of the<br />
cultures that have been associated with Pipe Spring. This section will describe Southern Paiute<br />
recommendations for management of the monument and a role for Pipe Spring in the<br />
management of the Kanab Creek Ecoscape.<br />
8.3.2 Co-Management<br />
The Kaibab Paiute Tribe has gone on record requesting a co-management relationship<br />
with the NPS regarding Pipe Spring. This may also include construction of a cultural center within<br />
which the Southern Paiutes can share their story about the spring and its significance in Southern<br />
Paiute life. The SPC has also expressed the desire to co-manage the monument's material<br />
collection because of concern that the NPS has been unable to properly care for the collection<br />
(Evans et. al 1994; see Resource Monitoring and Mitigation below).<br />
8.3.3 Specific Resource Issues<br />
Coordination of Communication<br />
The Kaibab Paiute Tribe and Pipe Spring staff have recently strengthened their<br />
relationship and desire to see that relationship continue. At the core of the relationship is<br />
frequent and open communication between the Pipe Spring superintendent and tribal<br />
government officials. At a minimum, such communication should continue to occur at least<br />
biweekly. In addition, officials from each organization should continue to be extended invitations<br />
to significant meetings and events that pertain to both parties.<br />
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Resource Monitoring and Mitigation<br />
In addition to the development of a program for the monitoring of monument resources,<br />
Southern Paiutes have expressed concern about the condition of the Pipe Spring museum<br />
collection (see Evans et. al 1994). That collection is housed in an equipment shed that has<br />
limited environmental controls to protect its constituents. Although the scope of this study did not<br />
permit a visit to the collection, several of the elders who participated in the study had also<br />
participated in an October 1993 consultation to review the items in the collection under the<br />
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA; see Chapter Two). The<br />
SPC reiterates its recommendation that attention be paid to both the physical and spiritual care<br />
of the Pipe Spring collection.<br />
Native American Access<br />
In response to the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA, see Chapter Two)<br />
and the need to provide Native Americans access to public resources for the maintenance of<br />
their religious practices, Pipe Spring has an informal policy allowing free entrance to all Native<br />
Americans. Some Paiute elders were unaware of this policy. Others felt they could not use the<br />
park in the presence of park rangers and other visitors. Nevertheless, past attempts by Pipe<br />
Spring managers to welcome Paiutes to the park were remembered with fondness.<br />
One year...we had an Indian program here - [a] barbecue there. We had fry bread,<br />
you know what the Indian people used to eat. So they did all that over there, they<br />
made a big pit there, and we had...Indian dancing...among the kids and adults,<br />
they had a lot of dancing down here. I thought that was real nice. We really<br />
enjoyed ourselves here.<br />
Interpretative Displays<br />
When Pipe Spring was established, Mormon pioneers were in control of the fort (see<br />
Chapter Six). Thus, despite the cultural significance of the spring and surrounding region for<br />
Southern Paiutes, the monument was focused on Mormon history. There are a few displays of<br />
Southern Paiute baskets and other artifacts in the monument and pan-Indian materials in the gift<br />
shop, but Southern Paiute representatives do not perceive their interests are adequately<br />
represented. For example, signage throughout the monument describes Mormon cattle grazing,<br />
one activity the Paiutes argue contributed to the decline of the native plants upon which they<br />
depended for food (see Chapter Six). Though there is mention of the environmental damage<br />
attributed to cattle, its impact on Southern Paiute culture is not described. One sign suggests that<br />
Southern Paiutes were wanderers who did not farm, thus implying that they did not own the water<br />
at Pipe Spring (see Figure 8.4).<br />
In addition to the general recommendations provided above, the SPC recommends that<br />
money continue to be set aside to hire tribal members to help in the Pipe Spring interpretive<br />
program. Also, as stated above, Southern Paiute elders are interested in working with NPS<br />
277
epresentatives on interpretive displays. Activities such as Southern Paiute powwows and<br />
ceremonies can help make the park a living monument to the multiple cultures for which it holds<br />
meaning.<br />
Figure 8.4 Sign in Pipe Springs <strong>National</strong> Monument<br />
Coordinating and Integrating Resource Management Outside <strong>Park</strong> Boundaries<br />
The size and location of Pipe Spring necessitate that its management be coordinated with<br />
individuals and institutions beyond the monument's boundaries. Southern Paiute representatives<br />
visited other locations within the Kanab Creek ecoscape during this study so they could help<br />
identify concerns outside the monument. Located within the Kaibab Paiute Reservation and<br />
strongly tied to local Mormon history, the monument must work with local and tribal<br />
governments. In addition, the land surrounding the reservation is owned and managed by state<br />
and Federal agencies. Southern Paiute representatives expressed concerns about the general<br />
condition of the region's environment.<br />
Too many ranchers and cattle companies run the area. [It's] hard to protect. They<br />
should leave it alone.<br />
I think that today we don't have very good air, like we used to in those days. People<br />
make the water dirty, they throw things in it. The air is probably not too good with<br />
the airplanes going by and the pollution that comes from all around, comes from the<br />
cars that go by... (CG5)<br />
278
In addition, Southern Paiutes' concerns about resources within the monument were affected by<br />
their knowledge of what was happening outside the monument. One woman discussed her<br />
perceptions of the condition of the plants:<br />
They're still growing good... as long as nobody plows the ground up or makes roads<br />
over them. As long as they stay on that one road, it's all right, but if they start<br />
digging around it there's no more. Like on this highway that goes that way [State<br />
Highway 389], I was talking about them. A tea we used to get up along that<br />
[highway], near Fredonia on that hillside, I know they've grated all of that area and<br />
smoothed the whole road out and there's no more tea there. (CG1)<br />
This elder made the following comments at a site outside the monument:<br />
Those homes are growing up all around us, even around Kanab... There are no<br />
more deer. That area used to be so full of deer that we had to just practically crawl<br />
around and [get them]. When we go back to Kanab late in the afternoon when it's<br />
almost toward evening, you had to practically crawl because the deer were in the<br />
road. There were so many of them and I was afraid I might hit one of them so I<br />
had to drive real slow. Now I don't even see one deer on that road - not one. It<br />
used to be just packed with deer, years ago. <strong>And</strong> when they were building that<br />
highway, when we ran out of meat, they wanted fresh meat. All they had to do was<br />
go at a camp and get a deer. <strong>And</strong> my grandfather was forever drying deer meat<br />
because we would eat all of it so we didn't want it to spoil so he'd be drying it and<br />
that way we had dry deer meat all the time. Nowadays, I don't even see one deer<br />
on the road, so they're disappearing, too. (RS3)<br />
Another elder made the following comments when asked what was affecting the plants at the<br />
site:<br />
When they set up housing and stuff they scrape off everything that's in sight. Then<br />
there's no more of the natural plants growing there... Back in the old days where we<br />
didn't have, in Kaibab, any bull horns or stickers or the tumbling weeds, we didn't<br />
have that so we'd go barefooted all the time in our teenage days. There was no glass<br />
broken... I think people make homes in the area, too many roads, too. That has never<br />
been there, and I think that's what spoils the scenery and the conditions of the land.<br />
(CG2)<br />
Certainly, as development increases near parks and the ecosystems are disrupted, the resources<br />
within them can become more valuable. The Southern Paiute consultants anticipate the<br />
increased impacts.<br />
Several archaeological features extend beyond the boundaries of Pipe Spring onto the<br />
Kaibab Paiute reservation. Decisions about how sites should be managed require collaboration. For<br />
example, a village site, attributed by archaeologists to the Virgin River Anasazi, is located<br />
directly south of the monument's southern boundary. The site is located primarily on the Kaibab<br />
Paiute reservation but extends onto NPS-administered lands. Other archaeological sites located<br />
279
within the monument extend outside its boundaries as well. During the 1993 archaeological<br />
survey at Pipe Spring, active erosion was observed to be potentially threatening one of those<br />
sites.<br />
If intact deposits are present in this location, further erosion could be prevented by<br />
construction of a low berm along the fence line to divert water in a more southerly direction. Any<br />
further stabilization of erosion would have to take place on lands managed by the Kaibab Paiute<br />
and may impact the portion of the site located on those lands (Fox 1993:15).<br />
8.4 Conclusions<br />
Managing natural and cultural resources is a tremendous challenge, especially in periods<br />
when financial support is uncertain. Successful long term relationships among groups require<br />
time and a financial commitment. Therefore, creative approaches to resource management are<br />
needed.<br />
The NPS and Southern Paiute tribes have knowledge and skills that, when combined, can<br />
enhance the natural and cultural resource programs at <strong>Zion</strong> and Pipe Springs and within the<br />
larger ecoscapes of which they are a part. Specific projects, such as this ethnographic overview<br />
and assessment, bring the groups together and provide opportunities for partnerships to be<br />
established. Such projects also allow the partners to become familiar with one another and<br />
uncover new possibilities for collaboration. To this end, the Southern Paiute Consortium has<br />
identified the following priorities for the future:<br />
280
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