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    Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament Volume XI

    Uploaded by

    Rodica Guramulta

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 636

    THEOLOGICAL

    DICTIONARY
    OF THE OLD
    TESTAMENT

    Edited by
    G. Iohannes Botterweck
    Helmer Ringgren
    Heinz-losef Fabry

    VOLUME XI
    THEOLOGICAL DICTIONARY
    OF THE

    OLD TESTAMENT
    EDITED BY

    G. JOHANNES BOTTERWECK,
    HELMER RINGGREN,
    AND

    HEINZ-JOSEF EABRY

    Translated by

    DAVID E. GREEN

    Volume XI
    tty D':P -
    'zz
    - Pdntm

    Wrrlrlu B. EBnoUANS PUBLISHING CouplNv


    GneNo R.aruos, MrcnrclN / C,c,MnnrDGE, U.K.
    CONSULTING EDITORS
    George W. Anderson Shemaryahu Talmon
    Henri Cazelles Gerhard Wallis
    David Noel Freedman

    CONTRIBUTORS
    A. Angerstorfer, Regensburg tM. J. Mulder, Badhoevedorp
    K.-M. Beyse, Halle am Saale H.-P. Mtiller, Mtinster
    H. Cazelles, Paris H. Niehr, Wiirzburg
    J. Conrad, l*ipzig K. Nielsen, Arhus
    C. Dohmen, Bonn R. North, Rome
    K. Engelken, Wiesbaden M. Oeming, Bonn
    H.-J. Fabry, Bonn (Editor) B. Otto, Osnabriick
    E. Firmage, Salt Lake City M. Ottosson, Uppsala
    D. N. Freedman, Ann Arbor/San Diego B. Otzen, Arhus
    H. F. Fuhs, Wtirzburg F. Reiterer, Salzburg
    F. Garcia-L6pez, Salamanca fW. Roth, Evanston
    E. Gerstenberger, Giessen H. Ringgren, Uppsala (Editor)
    A. Graupner, Bonn M. SabO, Sandviken
    tG. Hasel, Berrien Springs H. Schmoldt, Norderstedt
    J. Hausmann, Neuendettelslau J. Schreiner, Wiirzburg
    B. Kedar-Kopfstein, Haifa H. Simian-Yofre, Rome
    tD. Kellermann, Tiibingen W. von Soden, Miinster
    T. Kronholm, Madla F. J. Stendebach, Mainz
    H. Lamberty-Zielinski, Bonn G. Vanoni, Mtidling
    E. Lipidski, Louvain L. Wiichter, Berlin
    C. Locher, Zurich S. Wagner, l*ipzig
    N. Lohfink, Frankfort G. Warmuth, Kiel
    P. Maiberger, Mainz B. E. Willoughby, Ann Arbor
    G. Mayer, Zomheim D. P. Wright, Provo
    C. Meyers, Durham M. Zipoa Ramat Gan
    J. Milgrom, Berkeley H. -J . Zr:,bel, Greifswald
    R. Mosis, Mainz
    CONTENTS

    Page

    Contributors V

    Abbreviations """'xi
    Transliteration XXiV

    fly zz; lllY 'czfiz; llll 'izzfiz; lY 'az; l9/li9 '6z16z; 1194 md'62
    strength(Wagner) " " "' 1
    llY 'dzar; 1!.9 'dzer; 1!.Y. 'ezer: i171.\ 'ezr6: i17l!. 'azdrd;1il! 'azk)tr:
    1l\ ll'dzar II help; teader (Lipifski; Fabry)' ' ' ' ' 12
    '19Y 'dlar;il.'1p{aldrdcrown,wreath (D. Kellermann)' ' ' ' 18
    I:y 'ayin eye (Stendebach) " " ' 28
    I:y 'ayin;[1\D mo'yiin spring (Schreiner) ' " " " 44
    '1t!, ?r city (8. Otto) . . 5l
    l)Y 'dlar;'|D\ ?DY 'emeq ?!dr restrain, hinder (Mosis) ' ' ' ' ' 67
    )f, b/yoke(Schmoldt). .....72
    :1?Y 'ata;rV-D ma'at;)lb mo'al; i12\D ma'aleh; nll! ma,b;at114

    f'ala; rrl nli; ,)Y 'illi;ryrq '"liyd go up, raise up (Fuhs) . . 76


    iilitn)ty
    tr
    'lhfillA burnt offering, sacrifice (D. Kellermann) ' . . . 96
    ily 'dlehleavq,foliage(Beyse) '' ll3
    DY 'alaz; *11)Y 'atliz; *1.\1 'dlc-z; fry, ?/a,s; nll!!! 'alitfit; o?Y
    E/asexpressjoy(Vanoni) '.. 115
    Ii'?l| 'elylnllfiost High (Zobel) ' ' I2l
    ))v 1/; n|?irotzla; i'tt7r1l -nla; il1r1\ 'atiltyd;)lqa ma-tat; )tlqn
    ta'alfildealwith(Roth;Fabry). '....139
    E )q 'dlim; it}lq[ ta'alum.d (be) hidden (Locher) - . . 147
    ;1? ?v 'alm,6; ol[. 'elem yovng woman (Dohmen; Ringgren) . . . ' 154

    vii
    vlll

    Ey 'am people (Lipiriski; Von Soden) ..- 163


    ]DY 'dmo4;1Di! 'ame{; itlDl 'emd6:1t?lD ma'amad;1QlQ moamdj

    appnoach,stand(Ringgren). ... 178


    lrr!y .
    - Willoughby; Fabry)
    'ammfiQ pillar (Freedman 187
    N'DY 'dmilkin (Znbel) . 192
    )av 'amdl; ,DYdmal; r}l 'dmdl affliction (Otzen). . 196

    Pnv ' e me q ;
    ?D{ d ma : ?pit' dme q : lt}\ pb{ dm c qt dmd
    q q :

    D'PDII,D ma'omaqqimvalley(Beyse). . . . . . .202


    llll'enab;
    ?.'
    rlr?i['e.fk6J; ErPttiI simmfiqtmgrape (Angerstorfer) . . . . . 209

    [Y 'dnag; \i\ ?ndg; lIr{D tu'anfig be, make soft,


    \[it '6neg;

    delicate;pleasure(Kronholm). . . . .212
    ;f lY 'andl:il)\D ma'"neh;111\ 'inyan; irlit 'dnA answer (Stendebach) - . . 215

    ;f ;Y tt 'dni: ;1J)! 'hawd; tlif]I.cnfi!; itJi, 'ana; hrl!|D ra'%t; 'lY


    'ani;Il{dnaw debase: misery; poor (Gerstenberger)' . . . 230
    Itv 'dndn cloul! (Freedman Fabry)Willoughby; . . 253
    -
    '1Dy
    ??
    'dpdr; aDY ?r; lplt 'Eper llust (WAchter) ... . 257
    rv ?Jtree(K.Nielsen;Ringgren;Fabry) . .... .265
    f3y 'a;ab; )f,\;'evb; )li! 'o;eb; )\\ 'aseA; lilY!, issalrln; hJffY
    'a$$ebe!; ;l:!fYD ma'a;El0 mental suffering (C. Meyers) 278
    *f IY *'a;db idol (Graupner) 281
    l7

    )XY'dgillazy,laziness(Reiterer) 284
    trIY 'a-pan; D:lI{ 'a;frm;dl9 'a;em; ilQt{o;mi; nlDlY-f; ta'a;um61
    (be) numerous, mighty (Lrhfink) . . . 289
    DW 'esem;dlil'dsembone(Beyse) ....304
    IIV Zsar; ']IP, 'eser; '1I!l bler; I]JIY 'o;ere1; flJll -sarA; -liIYD
    . . . 310
    ma';6r;11\D ma'tdl hold back (Wright
    - Milgrom)
    :Py'qb;alYaqeb;aP9-'eqe!;ale'aqolheet(Zobet). . . . . 315
    lPY 'dqar;11{dsdr; a?! 'eqer;'uBY 'iqqar uprut (Fabry) . . 320
    Contents

    irPv 'qi; uiPYiqqci; nfiiPY 'iqq'ifr1; o'9P{D ma'"qaiiim twist,

    pervert(Warmuth) ' ' '''323


    l:tY | 'drab l: illfl ''rubb6; 1i:ltl 'erab6n; a7\ 'arab: i?r..l{D
    ta'arfi!6standsurety(Lipir{ski) ' '' '326
    l'1y llfill 'rb IIIIII; llll | 'ereb l; ))9- ll 'ereb II; lr{ 'drdb; )7\
    'arelmix;besweet(Fabry-Lamberty-Zielinski)''''' 331
    ::ul 'erep; a)\ 'ara!; )J\Q ma'ord! evening (Niehr) ' ' ' ' ' ' 335
    llil '6rEp raven (Angerstorfer) ' ' 341
    ;1?Y 'ar6; i1J1D mbr6; aYD ma'ar; fll1l 'erwd; i\l!. 'eryd (be) naked,

    empty(Niehr) . . . ' ' ' '343


    ElrY 'dr6m; d11'9- 'ArOm nakeilness (Niehr) ' ' 349
    1"ly re ; ;IJJID h) re ! e1 lay out,
    o a
    -1\D ma' dkh/ma'
    r_ t d' rak ; 1 d $ r
    -'1!-'

    arrange(Firmage-Milgrom) '"'355
    )rv -f
    'dral;, -aYdrel: i1?1\ brld foreskin, cirrcumcise (Mayer)' ' 359
    E:IY 'dram; d[ll\ 'arfrm; fl81y, 'drmA crafty (Niehr) ' ' 361
    rllir 'orep; 17\ 'drap (turntbreak the) neck (Zipor) ' 366
    )ilrt a'rdpel thick clouds, darkness (Mulder) " " " 371
    ?'1y ?rap; f!ll{ 'ari,r; ;l}J{D ma'ard;A; [f1{ 'arfip terrify; terror
    (Kedar-Kopfstein). ' ' ' ' '376
    iu:!!| 'erel; flY/D miyl6; !1ll ya;fia'bed (Angerstorfer) ' 379
    Itlrtl ?Je! grass (Maiberger) ' " 383
    niay 'aia;il?UD ma'oiehmake;do;act(Ringgren)''''''' 387
    TT
    lglf 'eier;1?[ Yr; lp{p ma'"ier ten (North) ' ' ' ' 404
    Irry Tidzsmoke(North) ' ' ' ' ' 409
    'aiaq; ??ii 'aieq; ?Y!l 'ereq; il?liYorqa; WiYdtoq; dt?Iu)\
    PI?Y
    '"ifiqim;niP9qD ma'"iaqq6loppress(Gerstenberger)'''''' 412
    .ttly 'diar; ''t'li\ ?.fir; lplt 'dier (be) rich; wealth (Seb6) ''' 417

    n'lnuy 'itrt ('aitore!) ; *nJ[9U *'aitere!; nf D?y'aitdro!;'DJnPy


    'aitcrdliAstarte (H.-P. Miiller) '' 423
    _,t

    ny ?f;;fD9'andtime(Kronholm) .."434
    lrny 'attfilgoat(Maiberger) . . - 452
    'tq; P'W 'a$q; ?r\9 'attiq; lf;\ 'agq; ?4\ 'cilaq move forward
    Pnv
    (Schmoldt) .""456
    lDY 'A1ar; a\\ 'AlAr enttrcst (Gerstenberger) . ' ' 458
    ;1$P p1'Aside,edge,boundary(Angerstorfer) . . . ''461
    ..IND
    p'r; nJgfl.l tip'ere!; l$! p"?? glory (Hausmann) . . . . . 464
    )uP piggfrl filth, dung (D. Kellermann). ' ' 468
    vl? paga'; lll pega';[llD mipsa' strike, hit (Maiberger) ' ' ' 470
    rlp pagar;1f,| peEer corpse (Maiberger) ' 477
    ;1lP pd4h; nfil p"dfi!;11'7? pilyiln rcdwm (Cazelles) . ' . . . 483
    ;1P pehmufih(Garcla-L6pez) ". ...490
    nlD pwl.rblow(Reiterer) ...'.504
    F'lD pnp; nTfDF tpfr;6; Y}J nApas; '|lt ' 509
    pzr overflowl scatter (Ringgrcn)'

    n9 pafttraprsnare (D. Kellermann). " ' 513


    rE? pabad;1l1l paM I and II tremble; (feel) dread (H.-P. Miiller) . ' ' ' 517

    NED pafalpit(Mulder) .'."526


    rp? pQar; algE pa$r;19? peter; itJpi pilrA rebarr- (Niehr) ' ' 529
    x)o p/';x|; pele'(be)marvelous(Conrad). ' ' ' ' ' 533
    l?? patag; \l| peleg; nN2? p"tagsd; n4l1 p"luggd;;tN2lD miplagga

    wadi,watercourse(Schunck) . . . .'546
    ut?a pilegelconcubine(Engelken) . . . . .549
    p)o patat o2D malat 911? patil; vC)2, paW;;t9C)1? p"tata; glQD
    mipldtescape:deliver(Hasel) .....55 I
    ))o pu; nt?D\ t'pilld; o,1,11 p"liltm; nl,1D p'nta; ,1,1? p'tttt; iq!'??
    pliliyd pray; prayer (Gerstenberger; Fabry) ' ' ' 567
    ;11? pdnitarn(Schreiner) " " 578
    rle pinnicorter(Oeming) "'586
    E'']P pdnimface(Simian-Yofre)...' "'589
    ABBREVIATIONS

    AAAS Annale s archiologique s Arabe s Syrienne s, Damascus


    /,{NLR Atti dell'Academia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti, Rome
    AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, New Haven, Ann Ar-
    bor, Philadelphia
    Aar Agypten und Altes Testament. Studien zur Geschichte, Kultur und Religion
    Agyptens und des AIs, Wiesbaden
    AB The Anchor Bible, ed. W. F. Albright and D. N. Freedman, Garden City, N.Y.
    ABL R. F. Harper, Assyian and Babylonian ktters, 14 vols. (Chicago, 1892-
    1914)
    ABIAK M. Noth, Aufstitze und biblischen Landes- und Altertumskunde, 2 vols.
    (Neukirchen, l97l)
    ABR Australian Biblical Review, Melbourne
    abs. absolute
    acc. accusative
    AcOr Acta orientalia, Copenhagen, Leiden
    act. active
    AcThD Acta theologica danica, Arhus, Copenhagen
    adj. adjective
    ADPV Abhandlungen des Deutschen Paliistinavereins, Wiesbaden
    adv. adverb, adverbial
    Afo Archiv fiir Orientforschung, Graz
    AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelbe rge r Akndemie de r Wis senschafte n
    AHDO Archive de l'histoire du droit oriental, Wetteren (Belgium)
    AHw W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwdrterbuch,3 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1965-81)
    AION Annali dell'lstituto Universitario Orientali di Napoli
    AJBA Australian Joumal of Biblical Archaeology, Sydney
    AIBI Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute, Tol<yo
    AJSL The American lournal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Chicago
    Akk. Akkadian
    ALGHJ Arbeiten zur Literatur und Geschichte des hellenistischen Judentums, Leiden
    ALUOS Annals of Leeds University Oriental Society
    Amhar. Amharic
    Amor. Amorite
    A/Y J. J. Stamm, Akkadische Namengebung (1939)
    AnAcScFen Annale s Academiae Scientarum Fennicae, Helsinki
    AnBibl Analecta biblica, Rome
    AncIsr R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions (Eng. trans., New York,
    1961, repr. 1965)
    ANEP The Ancient Near East in Pictures, ed. J. B. Pritchard (Princeton,21955,
    31969)
    ANET Ancient Near Eastern Tbxts Relating to the A, ed. J. B. ftitchard (Princeton,
    2t955,31969)
    ANH G. Dalman, Aramriisch-N euhebriii sche s Handw iirte rbucft (G0ttingen, 3 I 938)
    AnOr Anale cta orientalia, Rome
    AnSt Anatolian Studie s, Leiden

    xl
    Abbrcviations

    AIWAO Avhandlinger utgitt av det Norsl<c Vdenskaps-Akademi i Oslo


    AO Tablets in the Collection of the Musie de Louvre, Paris
    AOAT Alter Orient und AT, Kevelaer, Neukirchen-Vluyn
    AOB Altorientalische Bilder zum AT, ed. H. Gressmann (Berlin, 21927)
    AO Beihefte Beihefi zum Alte Orient, l*ipzig
    AOS American Oriental Series, New Haven
    AOT Altoientalische Texte zum AT, ed. H. Gressmann (Berlin, 21926, repr. 1953)
    AP A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifih Century n.c. (1923, repr.
    Osnabruck, 1976)
    APN K. Tallqvist, Assyrian Persornl Names. ASSF 43ll (1914, repr. 1966)
    APNM H. B. Huffmon, Amorite Personal Narnes in the Mari lexrs (Baltimore, 1965)
    APOT R. H. Charles, ed., Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, 2
    vols. (Oxford, l9l3)
    Arab. Arabic
    AF.AB D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, 2 vols. (Chi-
    cago,1926-27)
    Aram. Aramaic
    ARM Archives royales de Mari. Textes cunCiformes, Paris
    ARW Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft, Freiburg, Lripzig, Berlin
    AS Assyriological Studies, Chicago
    ASAW Abhandlungen der Stichsischen Gesellschafi der Wissenschafien, l*ipzig
    ASSF Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, Helsinki
    Assyr. Assyrian
    ASTI Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute in Jerusalem, Lriden
    AT Altes Testament, Ancien Testament, etc.
    ATA Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen, Miinster
    ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments, Zuich
    ATD Das AT Deutsch, ed. Y. Herntrich and A. Weiser, G0ttingen
    ATDA J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir'Alla (kiden,
    1976)
    ATR Anglican Theological Review, Evanston
    ATS Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im AT, St. Ottilien, Munich
    AuS G. Dalman, Arbeit und Sitte in Pakisrtna, T vols. (1928-42, repr. Hildesheim,
    t9@)
    AUSS Andrews University Seminary Studies, Berrien Springs
    AzT Arbeiten zur Theologie, Stuttgart
    BA The Biblical Archaeologist, New Haven, Ann Arbor, Philadelphia, Atlanta
    Bab. Babylonian; Babylonian Talmud
    BAIO Beihefi zur AfO
    BAR Biblical Archaeology Review, Washington
    BASOR Bulletin of the Ameican Schools of Oriental Research, New Haven, Ann Ar-
    boa Philadelphia, Baltimore
    BASORSup BASORSupplementalStudies
    BAT Die Botschaft des AT Stuttgart
    BBB Bonner biblische Beitriige
    BBET Beitriige zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie, Frankfurt, Las Vegas
    BCPE Bulletin du Centre Prutestant d'Etudes, Geneva
    BDB F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, A Hebrew and English lzxicon of
    the OT (Oxford, 1907; Peabody, Mass.,21979)
    BDBAT Beihefi zur Dielheimer Bliitter zum AT
    Beeston A. F. L. Beeston et al., Sabaic Dictionary (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1982)
    Benz F. L. Benz, Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions. StPohl
    8 (1972)
    Abbreviations xlll

    BeO Bibbia e oriente, Mllan


    BethM Beth Miqra, Jerusalem
    BETL Bibliotheca epheme ridum the olo gic arum lnvaniensium, Paris, Gembloux
    Beyer K. Beyer, Die aramiiischen Texte vom Toten Meer (Gdttingen, 1984)
    BFCT Beitriige lur F ii rde rung christliche s Theolo gie, Giitersloh
    BHHW Biblisch-historisches Handwdrterbuch, ed. L. Rost and B. Reicke, 4 vols.
    (Gdttingen, 1962-661' index and maps, 1979)
    BHK Biblia hebraica, ed. R. Kittel (Stuttgart,31929)
    BHS Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia, ed. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph (Stuttgart'
    1966-77)
    BHT Be itriige zur histo rischen Theologie, Tiibingen
    BibB Biblis c he B e it rii ge, Fribourg
    Bibl Biblica, Rome
    bibliog. bibliography
    Biella J. Biella, Dictionary of Old South Arabic, Sabaean Dialect. IISS 25 (1982)
    BietOr Biblica et orientalia, Rome
    BiKi Bibel und Kirche, Stuttgart
    Bit e Bibel und lzDen, Diisseldorf
    BiOr Bibliotheca orientalis, Leiden
    BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Manchester
    BK Biblischer Kommentar AI ed. M. Noth and H. W. Wolff, Neukirchen-Vluyn
    BJS Brown Judaic Studies, Missoula, Mont.; Chico, Calif.; Atlanta
    BL Bibel-Lexikon, ed. H. Haag (Einsiedeln, 1951, 21968)
    Blz H. Bauer and P. t eander, Histoische Grammatik der hebrtiischen Sprache
    des ATs (1918-22, repr. Hildesheim, l99l)
    BMAP E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven, 1953)
    BN Biblische Notizen, Bamberg
    BOT De Boeken van het OI Roermond en Maaseik
    BRL K. Galling, Biblisches Reallexikon. HAT (l%7,21977)
    BS s ac ra, Dallas
    B ib I iot he c a
    BSt Biblische Studien, Neukirchen-Vluyn
    BT The Bible Translatotr London
    BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin, Rome
    BVC Bible et vie chrdtienne, Paris
    BWA(N)T Beitriige zur Wissenschafi vom Alten (und Neuen) Testament, Leipzig,
    Stuttgart
    BWL W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford, 1960)
    BZ Bibli s che Ze it s c hrifi , Paderborn
    BTAW Beihefte zur ZAW, Berlin
    BZRGG Beihefie zur Zeitschrtft fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte, Cologne et al'
    ca. about
    CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oiental Institute of the University of Chi'
    cago (1956-)
    CahRB Cahiers de la RB, Pais
    Can. Canaanite
    CAT Commentaire de l'AT Neuchitel
    CB Coniectanea biblica, OT Series, Lund
    CBC Cambridge Bible Commentary on the New English Bible, Carrbidge
    CBQ Catholic B iblical Quarte r$, Washington
    CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
    CDA,B Damascus document, manuscript A, B
    cf. compare, see
    ch(s). chapter(s)
    xlv Abbreviations

    CH Code of Hammurabi
    ChW J. Levy, Chaldiiisches Wiirterbuch iiber die Targumim und einen Brossen
    Theil des rabbinischen Schrifithums,2 vols. (Leipzig, 1867-68, repr.
    1959)
    CIH Corpus inscriptionum himyariticarum (= CIS, IV)
    C/S Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum (Paris, l88l-)
    cj. conjecture
    CML G. R. Driver, Canaanite Myths and lzgends (Edinburgh, 1956 21977, ed.
    J. C. L. Gibson)
    col. column
    comm(s). commentary(ies)
    Conc Concilium
    const. construct
    ContiRossini K. Conti Rossini, Chrestomathia arabica meridionalis ephigraphica (Rome,
    l93l)
    CMIBL Comptes rendus des sdances de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles lzttres,
    Paris
    CSD R. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary (Oxford, 1903, repr.
    1976)
    CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (Vienna, 1866-)
    CT Cuneifurm Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, London
    CTA A. Herdner, Corpus des tablettes en cunddormes alphabitiques ddcouvertes d
    Ras Shamra-Ugarit, 2 vols. (Paris, 1963)
    D D (doubling) stem
    DBS Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement, ed. L. Pirot et al. (Paris, 1926-)
    dir. direct
    diss. dissertation
    DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desen (Oxford, 1955-)
    DN deity name
    DNSI J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling, Dictionary of North-West Semitic Inscriptions,
    2 vols. (Leiden, 1995)
    Dtn Deuteronomic source
    Dtr Deuteronomistic source
    DtrH Deuteronomistic historian
    DtrN nomistic Deuteronomistic source
    DtrP prophetic Deuteronomistic redactor
    DTT Dansk teologisk Tidsskrifi, Copenhagen
    E Elohistic source
    EA Tell el-Amarna tablets
    EAEHL Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy lnnd, ed. M. Avi-
    Yonah and E. Stern, 4 vols. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1975-78)
    Eb. Eblaite
    ed. edition, editor
    EdF Ertriige der Forschung, Darmstadt
    EDNT Exegetical Dictionary of the NT, ed. H. Balz and G. Schneider, 3 vols. (Eng.
    trans., Grand Rapids, 1990-93)
    Egyp. Egyptian
    EH Europiiische Hochschulschriften, Frankfuirt, Bern
    EHAT Exegetisches Handbuch zum AT, Mtinster
    EMiqr Ensiqlopedydmiqrd'it(EncyclopediaBiblica)(Jerusalem,1950-)
    emph. emphatic(us)
    EncBib Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. Cheyne, 4 vols. (London, 1900-1903, repr.
    1958)
    Abbreviartons xv

    EncJud Encyclopaedia judaica, 16 vols. (Jerusalem, New York, l97l-72)


    EnEl Enuma Elish
    Eng. English
    ERE Eniyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings, 13 vols. (New York,
    t913-27)
    Erg. Ergiinzungsheft, Ergiinzungsreihe
    ErIsr Eretz- I srael, Jerusalem
    esp. especially
    EstBib Estudios btblicos, Madrid
    Eth. Ethiopic
    ETL Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses, Louvain
    ETR Etudes thiologiques et religieuses, Montpellier
    ETS Erfurte r theologische Studien, l*ipzig
    EU Einheitsiibersetzung der Heilige Schrift (Stuttgart' 1974-80)
    EvT Evange li s che The o lo gie, Munich
    ExpT Expository limes, Edinburgh
    fem. feminine
    fig(s). figure(s)
    FolOr Folio Orientalia, Krakow
    fr(s). fragment(s)
    FRTA,NT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments,
    GOttingen
    FS Festschrift
    FT6S Franl<furter theologische Studien, Frankfurt am Main
    FUF Forschungen und Fonschritte, Betlin
    FzB Forschung zur Bibel, Wiirzburg
    G G (Grund, basic) stem
    GaG W. von Soden, Grundriss der akl<adischen Gramnatik. AnOr 33 (1952,
    21969 [with Erg., AnOr 47])
    gen. genitive
    Ger. German
    GesB W. Gesenius and F. Buhl, Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Handwiinerbuch
    iiber das AI (Berlin, t71921,181987-)
    GesTh W. Gesenius, Thesaurus philologicus citicus linguae hebraecae et chaldaeae
    Veteris Te statnenti, 3 vols. (Leipzig, I 829-58)
    Gilg. Gilgamesh epic
    Gk. Greek
    GK W. Gesenius and E. Kautsch, Hebriiische Grammatik (Halle,28l909)
    (= Kautsch and A. E. Cowley, Gesenius' Hebrett Grarnmar [Oxford,
    219101)
    -
    GLECS Compte s iendusdu Groupe Linguistique d' Etude s Chamito- Simit ique s, Pais
    GSAT Gesammclte Studien zum AT, Munich
    GTTOT J. J. Simons, The Geographical and Topographical Texs ofthe OT. SFS 2
    (19se)
    H Holiness Code
    Habil. Habilitationschrift
    HAL L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner et al., The Hebrew and Aramaic lzxicon of the
    OI5 vols. plus Sup (Eng. trans., Lriden, 1967-96)
    HAT Handbuch zum A\ ser. l, ed. O. Eissfeldt, Tiibingen
    HDR Hamard Dissertations in Religion, Cambridge
    Heb. Hebrew
    Henn Hermene ia, Philadelphia, Minneapolis
    Hiu. Hittite
    Abbreviations

    HKAT Handkommentar zum AT ed. W. Nowack, Giittingen


    HO Handbuch der Orientalistik, l*rden
    HP E. Jenni, Das hebrdische Pi'el (Zaic[ 1968)
    HSAT Die Heilige Schrifi des ATs, ed. E. Kautsch and A. Bertholet, 4 vols.
    (Tiibingen, 41922-23)
    HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs, Cambridge, Mass.
    .I/SS Harvard Semitic Series/Studies, Cambridge, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    HTR Harvard Theological Review, Cambridge, Mass.
    HTS Harvard Theological Studies, Cambridge, Mass.
    HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual, Cincinnati
    Hurr. Hurrian
    IB The Interpreter's Bible, ed. G. A. Buttrick, 12 vols. (Nashville, 1952-57)
    ICC The International Critical Commentary, Edinburgh
    IDB The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, ed. G. A. Buttrick, 4 vols. (Nash-
    ville, 1962); Sup, ed. K. Crim (Nashville, 1976)
    IEJ Israel Exploration Joumal, Jerusalem
    ILC J. Pedersen, Israel: Its Life and Culture,4 vols. in 2 (Eng. trans., Oxford,
    1926-40,51963)
    ILR Israel Law Review, Jerusalem
    impf. imperfect
    impv. imperative
    inf. infinitive
    in loc. on this passage
    Int Interpretation, Richmond
    Intro(s). Introduction(s) (to the)
    IPN M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der
    gemeinsemitischen Namengebung. BWANT 46[Iyl0l (1928, repr. 1980)
    J Yahwist source (Jl, earliest Yahwist source)
    JA Journal asiatique, Paris
    JAC Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum, Miinster
    JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastem Society of Columbia University, New York
    JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society, Baltimore, Boston, New Haven
    JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypr, Boston
    Jastrow M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi,
    and the Midrashic bterature (1903; repr. 2 vols. in 1, Brooklyn, 1975)
    JBL Journal of Biblical Literature, Philadelphia, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    IBR lournal of Bible and Religion, Boston
    JCS Journal of Cuneifurm Studies, New Haven, Cambridge, Mass., Philadelphia,
    Baltimore
    JE Yahwist-Elohist source
    Jer. Jerusalem (Palestinian) Talmud
    JESHO Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, London
    JJS Journal of Jewish Studies, London
    JM P. Joiion and T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. Subsidia biblica
    l4lI-II (Eng. trans. 1991)
    "/NES Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Chicago
    JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages, Stellenbosch
    JPOS Jounnal of the Palestine Oriental Society, Jerusalem
    JQR Jewish Quarterly Review, Philadelphia
    JRH Journal of Religious History, Sydney
    JSHRZ .liidischeSchrifienaushellenistisch-riimischerZzit,Gid;tersloh
    JSJ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Pe-
    riod, l*iden
    Abbreviations xvll

    JSOT Journal the Study of the OT, Sheffield


    for
    JSOTSup Journal the Study of the OT Supplement, Sheffield
    for
    ,fSS Joumal of Semitic Studies, Manchester
    JTS Jountal ofTheological Studies, Oxford
    Jud Judaica, Zuich
    K Ketib
    KAI H. Donner and W. Rrollig, Kanaaniiische und aramiiische Inschriften,3 vols.
    (wiesbaden, 2 1966-69, 3 197 I -7 6)
    KAR Keilschrifitexte aus Assur religidsen Inhalts, Leipzig
    KAT Kommentar zum AT, ed. E. Sellin and J. Herrmann, l*ipzig, Giitersloh
    KBL L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti Libros
    (Lriden, t 1953, 21958, 3 1967 -96)
    KBo Keilschrifitexte aus Boghazkdy. WVDOG (1916-)
    KD C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Comm. on the OT l0 vols. (Eng. trans., repr.
    Grand Rapids, 1954)
    KEHAT Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum AT ed. O. F. Fridelin (Leipzig,
    t8t2-96)
    KHC Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum AT ed.K. Marti (Freiburg, l*ipzig, Tiibingen)
    KIS Kleine Schrifien (A. Alt [Munich, 1953-59, 31964]; O. Eissfeldt [Tiibingen,
    1962-79); K. Elliger [ThB 32 (1966)]; E. Meyer [Halle, 19l0-24])
    KTU Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, l, ed. M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and
    J. Sanmartfn. AOAT 24 (1976)
    KuD Kerygma und Dogma, Gtittingen
    Kuhn K. G. Kuhn, Konkordanz zu den Qumrantexten (Gtittingen, 1960); Nachtriige,
    RevQ 4 (1963-64) 163-234
    l(l). line(s)
    Lane E. W. Lane, An Arabic-English l,exicon,8 vols. (London, 1863-93, repr.
    1968)
    Lat. Latin
    LCL loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Mass., and London
    LD Lectio divina, Pais
    Con- W. lrslau, Ethiopic and South Arabic Contibutions to the Hebrew Lexicon
    [,eslau,
    tributions (Los Angeles, 1958)
    lai lzioninu, Jerusalem
    l**Ag W. Helck and E. Otto, eds., Lexikon der Agyptologie (Wiesbaden, 1975-)
    l,exHebAram F. Zonell, l*xicon hebraicum et aramaicum Veteris Testamenri (Rome, 1958,
    repr. 1968)
    LexLingAeth A. Dillmann, l*xicon linguae aethiopicae (Leipzig, 1865)
    lexLingAram E. Vogt, lzxicon linguae aramaicae Veteris Testamenti documentis antiquis
    illustatum (Rome, l97l)
    l*xSyr C. Brockelmann, lzxicon syriacum (Halle, 1928,21968)
    LidzEph M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fiir semitische Epigraphik (Giessen, 1900-1915)
    Lisowsky G. Lisowsky, Konkordanz zum hebriiischen Af (Stuttgart, 1958, 21966)
    lit. literally
    LOT Z. Ben flayyim, The Literary and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic
    amongst the Samaritans (Jerusalem, 1957)
    LQ Lutheran Quarterly, Gettysburg, Pa.
    LSJ H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, and H. S. Jones, A Greek-English Izxicon (Oxford,
    e1940)
    LTLK l*xikonfiir Theologie und Kirche, ed. M. Buchberger, 10 vols. (Freiburg,
    1930-38); ed. J. Hiifer and K. Rahner, l0 vols. and 3 sups. e1957-68,
    31966_68)
    LUA Lunds llniversitets Arsskrift
    xvlll Abbreviations

    LXX Septuagint (LXXA, Codex Alexandrinus; LXXB, Codex Vaticanus; LXXq


    Origen; LXXR, Lucianic recension; I.)CKsll'2], Codex Sinaiticus,
    correctors 1,2, etc.)
    M Masada (manuscript)
    MAD Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary, Chicago
    Mand. Mandaic
    Mandelkern S. Mandelkern, Veteris Testamcnti Concordantiae (Tel Aviu l97l)
    MAOG MitteilungenderAltorientalistischenGesellschaft,l*ipzig
    masc. masculine
    MdD E. S. Drower and R. Macuch, Mandaic Dictionary (Oxford, 1963)
    MEE Materiali epigrafici di Ebla, Naples
    Meyer R. Meyer, Hebniische Grammatik,4 vols. (Berlin,3l966-72)
    MGWJ Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft des ludentums. Breslau
    Midr. Midrash
    MIO Mitteilungen des lnstituts fiir Orientforschung, Berlin
    Mish. Mishnah
    Moab. Moabite
    MRS Mission de Ras Shamra, Paris
    ms(s). manuscript(s)
    MSL Materialen zum sumerischen ltxilan, Rome
    MT Masoretic Text
    MTS Miinchener theologische Studien, Munich
    Mur Wadi Murabba'at text(s)
    Mus MusCon, Louvain
    MUSJ MClanges de l'Universitd St.-loseph, Beirut
    Miist Miinsterschwarzacher Studien
    n(n). note(s)
    Nab. Nabatean
    NBSS T. Ntildeke, Neue Beitriige zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft (Strassburg,
    1910)
    NCBC New Century Bible Commentary Grand Rapids and London
    NEAJT Northeast Asia Journal ofTheology,Tokyo
    NEB Die Neue Echter-Bibel, Wiirzburg
    NedTT Nederlands theologisch Tiidschrift, Wageningen
    NERT Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the OT, ed. W Beyerlin. OTL (Eng.
    trans. 1978)
    NESE R. Degen, W. W. Mtiller, and W. Rdllig, Neae Ephemeris fiir Semitische
    Epigraphik, 1972-78
    NGWG Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wssenschafien zu Gdttingen
    NICOT The New International Cornmentary on the OT, Grand Rapids
    NJB New Jerusalem Bible (Garden City, N.Y., 1985)
    no(s). number(s)
    NovTSup NovumTbstamentum,Supplements,Lriden
    NRSV New Revised Standard Version (New York, 1989)
    N.s. new series
    NSS J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen (21894, repr.
    Hildesheim, 1967)
    NT New Testament, Neues Testament, etc.
    I{IS New Testament Studies, Cambridge
    NTT Norsk teologisk Tidsskrift, Oslo
    obj. object
    OBO Orbis biblicus et ortentulis, Fribourg, G0ttingen
    OBT Overtures to Biblical Theology, Philadelphia, Minneapolis
    Abbreviations

    obv. obverse of a papyrus or tablet


    OIP Oriental Institute Publications, Chicago
    OL Old Latin (OLs, Fragmenta Sangallensia Prophetarum)
    OLP Orientalia lovaniensia periodica, Louvain
    OIZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, l*ipzig, Berlin
    Or Orientalia, Rome
    OrAnt Oriens antiquu,s, Rome
    OSA Old South Arabic
    OT Old Testament, Oude Testament, etc.
    OTA Old Testament Abstacts, Washington, D.C.
    OTL The Old Testament Library Philadelphia, Louisville
    OTS Oudtesiamentische StudiEn, t eiden
    OTWSA Ou testamentiese we*gemeenskap in Suid-Afrika, Pretoria
    p(p). page(s)
    P Priestly source (PG, Priestly Grundschrift ["basic material"]; ps, secondary
    Priestly source)
    PAAJR Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, New York
    Palmyr. Palmyrene
    Pap. Papyrus
    par. paralleUand parallel passages
    pass. passive
    PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly, London
    perf. perfect
    Pes. Pesiqta
    Phil.-hist. Kl. Philosophische-historische Klasse
    Phoen. Phoenician
    pl(s). plate(s)
    pl. plural
    PLO Porta linguarum orientalium, Wiesbaden
    PN Personal name
    PNPI J. K. Stark, Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscriptions (Oxford, 1971)
    PNU F. Grondiihl, Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit. StPohl I (1967)
    POS Pretoria Oriental Series, l*iden
    POT De Prediking van het OI Nijkerk
    prep. preposition
    PRU lz Palais royal d'Ugarit, ed. C. F.-A. Schaeffer and J. Nougayrol. MRS
    ptcp. participle
    Pun. Punic
    PW A. Pauly and G. Wissowa, Real-Encycloptidie der classischen
    Altertumswissenschafi,6 vols. (Stuttgart, 1839-52); Sup, I I vols. (1903-
    56); ser. 2, l0 vols. (1914-48)
    Pyr. K. Sethe, Die alttigyptischen Pyramidentexte, 4 vols. (Leipzig, 1908-22)
    a Qumran scroll (preceded by arabic numeral designating cave)
    O Qere
    Qat. Qatabanian
    QD Quaestiones disputatae, Florence
    QuadSem Quaderni di Semitistica, Florence
    r. reverse (side of a tablet, coin, etc.)
    R Redactor (RD, Deuteronomistic; R! Priestly; RJ, Yahwist)
    R. Rabbi
    M Revue d'assyriologie et d'archiologie orientale, Paris
    MC Reallexikon fiir Antikc und Christentum, ed. T. Klauser (Stuttgart, 1950-)
    MI Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris
    Abbreviations

    MO Recuil d'archiologie orientale, Pais


    nAn H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der iigyptischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1952,
    21971)
    RB Revue biblique, Paris
    REJ Revue des itudes juives, Pais
    repr. reprint, reprinted
    RES RApertoire d'ipigraphie simitique (Paris, l90G-) (with number of text)
    rev. revised, revision
    RevBibl Revista biblica, Buenos Aires
    RevQ Revue de QumrAn,Pais
    RGG Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Ttibingen, 21927-31, ed.
    H. Gunkel and L. Zscharnack, 5 vols.; 31957-65, ed. K. Galling, 6 vols.)
    RHPR Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses, Strasbourg, Paris
    RHR Revue de l'histoire des religions, Pais
    RIDA Revue internationale des drcits d'antiquirl, Brussels
    RivB Rivista biblica, Rome
    RlA, Reallexikon der Assyriologie, ed. E. Ebeling and B. Meissner (Berlin, 1932-)
    RM Die Religion der Menschheir, Stuttgart
    RS Ras Shamra text
    RSF Rivista di studi Fenici, Rome
    RSO Rivista degli studi orientali, Rome
    RSP Ras Shamra Parallels: The Texts from Ugarit and the Hebrew Bible, ed.
    L. R. Fisher et al., I, AnOr 49 (1972);ll, AnOr 50 (1975); lll, AnOr 51
    (1981)
    RSPI Revue des sciences philosophiques et thiologiques, Paris
    RSR Recherches de science religieuse, Paris
    RSV Revised Standard Version (New York, 1946,1952)
    rto. recto, on the obverse of a papyrus or tablet
    RTP Revue de thCologie et de philosop,/rie Lausanne
    RW Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, Giessen
    Ryckmans G. Ryckmans, Les noms propres sud-sCmitiques, 3 vols. (Leiden, 1934-35)
    Sab. Sabaic
    Saf. Safaitic
    SAHG A. Falkenstein and W. von Soden, Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen und
    Gebeten (Zurich, 1953)
    Sam. Samaritan
    SANI Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament, Munich
    SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, Chicago
    SAW Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichischen Al<ademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
    Vienna
    SB Sources bibliques, Paris
    SBAW Sitzungsberichte der Bayeischen Akademie der Wissenschafien in Miinchen
    SBB Stuttgarter biblische Beitriige
    SBFIA Studii biblici franciscani liber annus, Jerusalem
    SBL Society of Biblical Literature
    SBLDS SBL Dissertation Series, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    SBLMS SBL Monograph Series, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    SBZSAS SBL Sources for Biblical Study, Ctuco, Atlanta
    SALSCS SBL Septuagint and Cognate Studies, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    SBIJP SBL Seminar Papers, Missoula, Chico, Atlanta
    SBS Stuttgarter Bibel-Studien
    SBT Studies in Biblical Theology, London, Naperville
    ScrHier Scripta hierosolymitana, Jerusalem
    Abbreviations

    SEA Svensk exegetisk Arsbok, Lund


    Sem. Semitic
    Sem Semitica, Paris
    ser. series
    Seux J. M. Seux, Epithites royales akkadiens et sumCriennes (Paris, 1967)
    SFS Studia Francisci Scholten memoriae dicata, l*iden
    sg. singular
    SHANE Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East, Lriden
    ShM Shnaton le-miqra ule-l.teker ha-mizral.t ha-ladum (Shnationian Annual for
    Biblical and. Ancient Near Eastern Studies), Jerusalem
    SJ|A, Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity, Lriden
    SIWAO Skrifier utgitt av det Norsle Vdenskaps-Al<ademi i Oslo
    SPIB Scripta Pontificii Instituti Biblici, Rome
    SR Studies in ReligionlSciences religieuses, Toronto
    SS Studi semitici, Rome
    SSAIY Sitzungsberichte der Siichsischen Aludemie der Wissenschaften zu lzipzig,
    Phil.-hist. Kl.
    SSN Studia semitica neerlandica, Assen
    SSS Semitic Studies Series, l-eiden
    Sf Studia theologica, Lund, Arhus
    St.-B. H. L. Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum NT aus Talmud. und
    Midrasch, 6 vols. (Munich, 1922-61)
    StBoT Studien zu den Bo[azkdy-Texten, Wiesbaden
    STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert of ludah, Leiden, Grand Rapids
    StOr Studia orientalia, Helsinki
    StPohl Studia Pohl, Rome
    Studcen Studium Generale, Berlin
    subj. subject
    subst. substantive
    suf. suffix
    Sum. Sumerian
    SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des NTs, Gdttingen
    Sup Supplement(s) (to)
    s.v. sub voce (vocibus), under the word(s)
    SW Supplements to W, l*iden
    SWBA Social World of Biblical Antiquity, Sheffield
    SWJT Southwestent Journal of Theology, Seminary Hill, Texas
    Synt C. Brockelmann, Hebriiische Synrax (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1956)
    Syr. Syriac
    Syr Syria. Revue d'art oriental et d'archdologie, Paris
    Targ. Thrgum; Targ.J, Targ. Jonathan from Codex Reuchlinianus
    TAVO-B Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Beihefte, Wiesbaden
    TBT The Bible Tbday
    TCL Textes cundiformes du Musde du Louvre,3l vols. (Paris, 1910-67)
    TDNT Theological Dictionary of the NT, ed. G. Kittel and G. Friedrich, 9 vols. plus
    index vol. (Eng. trans., Grand Rapids,196/.-76)
    TDOT Theological Dictionary of the OT, ed. G. J. Botterweck, H. Ringgren, and
    H.-J. Fabry (Eng. trans., Grand Rapids,1974-)
    ThArb Theologische Arbeiten, Berlin
    ThB Theologische Biicherei, Munich
    ThS Theologische Studien, Ztrich
    ThV Theologische Versuche, Berlin
    Tigr. Tigriffa
    xxll Abbreviations

    TLOT Theological ltxicon of the OT, ed. E. Jenni and C. Westermann, 3 vols.
    (Eng. trans., Peabody, Mass., 1997)
    TLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung Leipzig, Berlin
    TM Tell Mardikh-Ebla tablets
    TOB Traduction oecoumenique de la Bible
    Tos. Tosephta
    TOTC Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries, London, Downers Grove
    TP Theologie und Philosophia Freiburg im Breisgau
    TQ Theologische Quartalschrift, Ttibingen, Stuttgart
    trans. translation, translated by
    TRE Theologische Realenzyklopiidie, ed. G. Krause, G. Miiller, and H. R. Balz,22
    vols. (Berlin, 1977-92)
    TRU Theologische Rundschau, Tiibingen
    IS Theological Studies, Woodstock, Md.
    TSK Theologische Srudien und Kritiken, Hamburg, Gotha, kipzig
    fSS/ J. C. L. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions,3 vols. (Oxford,
    t97s-82)
    TTS Trierer theologische Studien
    TTZ Trierer theologische kitschrifi
    TU Texte und Untersuchungen der altchistlichen Literatur Leipzig, Berlin
    TUAT Texte aus der Umwelt des ATs, Giitersloh
    TWNT Theologisches Wiirterbuch zum M ed. G. Kinel and G. Friedrich, l0 vols.
    plus index (Stungart, 1933-79)
    TynB Tyndale Bulletin, London
    TZ Theologische Zeitschrifi, Basel
    UF Ugarit-Forschrngez, Neukirchen-Vluyn
    Ugar. Ugaritic
    Univ. University
    Urk. Urkunden des dgyptischen Altertums, ed. G. Steindorff (Leipzig, Berlin,
    1903-)
    UT C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook. AnOr 38 (1965,21967)
    UUA IJppsala universitets drsskrifi
    v(v). verse(s)
    VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, T vols. (Leipzig, 1907-16)
    VD Verbum domini, Rome
    VG C. Brockelmann, Grundiss der vergleichenden Gramrnatik der semitischen
    Sprachen,2 vols. (1908-13, repr. Hildesheim, 1961)
    vo. verso, on the reverse of a papyrus or tablet
    W Vetus Testamentum, l*iden
    Vulg. Vulgate
    Wagner M. Wagner, Die lexikalischen und grammatikalischen Aramaismen im
    alttestarnentlichen Hebriiisch. BZAW 96 (1966)
    WbAS A. Erman and H. Grapow, Wdrterbuch der iigyptischen Sprache, 6 vols.
    (l*ipzig, 1926-31, repr. 1963)
    WbMyth Wiinerbuch der Mythologie, ed. H. W. Haussig (Stuttgart, 1965-)
    lVbTigr E. Littmann and M. H6fner, Wi)rterbuch der Ttgre Sprache (Wiesbaden,
    1962)
    Wehr H. Wehr, A Dictionary of Modem Written Arabic, ed. J. M. Cowan (Ithaca,
    1961,3197 1,41979)
    Whitaker R. E. Whitaker, A Concordance of the Ugaritic Language (Cambridge,
    Mass., 1972)
    WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament,
    Neukirchen-Vluyn
    Abbreviations xxll1

    WO Die Welt des Orients, Giittingen


    WTM J. Lrvy, Wdrterbuch iiber die Tblmudim und Midraschirz, 4 vols. (Leipzig,
    21924, repr. 1963)
    WuD Wort und Dienst, Bielefeld
    WUS J. Aistleitner, Wdrterbuch der ugaritischen Sprache. BSAI{4 Phil.-hist. Kl.
    10613 (1963,41974)
    WZ Greifswald Wissenschafiliche kitschrifi , Greifswald
    WZ Halle Wissenschaftliche fuitschrift der Martin-L,ttther-Universitiit Halle-Wittenberg,
    Halle
    WZKMBeih. Beihefte zur Wiener kitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Yienta
    7A. Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, tripzig, Berlin
    ZAS kitschrifi fiir iigyptische Sprache un.d Altenumskunde, l*ipzig, Berlin
    ZAW kitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenscftaf, Giessen, Berlin
    ZBK Ziircher Bibellcommentare, Zuich, Stuttgart
    ZDMG TtilschriftderDeutschenMorgenliindischenGesellschafi,L*ipzig,
    Wiesbaden
    ZDPV 7*itschrifi des Deutschen Paliistina-Vereins, l*ipzig, Stuttgart, Wiesbaden
    ZEE tuitschrifi fiir evangelische Erlrift, Giitersloh
    ZNW kilschrifi fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenscftaf, Giessen, Berlin
    ZTK Zeitschifi fiir Theologie und Kirche, Tiibingen
    -) cross-reference within this Dictionary
    < derived from
    >
    :r'
    whence derived, to
    theoretical form
    TRANSLITERATION

    VO\ryELS CONSONANTS
    a
    --:- N
    a
    ! b
    -
    f b
    --- e
    I o
    b
    tl
    ,
    a
    I g
    'r:_ ayw I d

    I
    ? d
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    ---=-
    ;1, ;,1 h
    -;- ey 1 w
    e I z
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    e n h
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    t
    -;- ey ,t
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    --::- e ,,I k
    t
    l, ''l k
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    e
    --;_ D,E m
    i :,1 n
    ---l-
    o s
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    ---:-
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    6 .,|

    'i o v
    ui
    u,u
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    t u n

    xxlv
    fi$'u

    Il9 zz; lll! 'czfrz; lllYi:a:frz; lg- 'az; litlly '6zfdz; t194 ma'62

    I. l. Etymology, Occurrences, and Meaning;2.LXX. II. Verb. III. Nouns: l.'czfiz'iufiz;2.


    'az: 3. '62: 4. md'62 IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    L l. Eryalagy, Occunences, and Meaning. The root 'zz is common Semitic. Ugaritic
    uses it as a verb, noun, and adjective in the sense of "be strong," "strengthen," "strong,"
    "strength," etc.l AIJ<. ezEay'euu means "be angry," "be powerful," "be(come) enraged."2
    OSA zz means "fortify, strengthen," and 'zt means "strength."3 The meaning of Old Aram.
    'zzfzyzcorresponds to Ugaritic usage.a The root occurs also in Jewish Aramaic, Mandaic,
    and Ethiopic. The Qumran Scrolls use both verbal and substantival forms of 'zz The mean-
    ing is essentially constanc "be/become/make strong, powerfril," "sEength, power." There
    are 1 1 occurrences of the verb in the OT, all in the qal or hiphil. Intensive stems are found in
    other Semitic languages. In Hebrew a number of nouns derive from 'u: '"zLz, "sEength,
    powet'' (3 times); 'iufiz, "powerful" (twice); 'az, "strength," "strong" (22 times); and'62
    "strength, power, might" (94 times), which can sometimes take on the meaning "(strong)
    defense," '(great) security," "IEfuge," "protection." The derivation from wz of forms hav-
    ing this meaning has been suggested frequently but is difficult to prove etymologically.s
    The same is true of ma-'62 (36 times), which means "refuge, fortress," but also "strength"
    (Ps. 27:1).0 Several proper names appear in exfabiblical texts;7 in the OT wefind:'uud',
    'uzzfi, 'dzdz -znrydhfi, 'uui, 'uutyd', 'uzz?yah@), %zt'El, 'uui'€I, 'azizd', 'azzin, and
    nu'aryA.8 We also find yi a by-form of 'zz in the niphal ptcp. n6'dz (Isa. 33: 19).

    zz. Y. Avishur, "Biblical Words and Phrases in the Light of Their Akkadian Parallelsl' ShM 2
    (1977) ll-19; W. Beyerlin, Die Renung der Bedriingten in den Feindpsalmen der Einzelnen auf
    institutionelle Zusammenhiinge untersucht. FRLANT 99 (1970); M. Dahood, '"The Composite
    Divine Names in Ps. 89,16-17 and 140,9," Bibl 6l (1980) 277-78; D. Eichhorn, Gott als Fels,
    Burg und Zuflucht. EH XXllU4 (1972); E. Gerstenberger, "ll9 7z to seek refugel' TLOTll,846-
    48; W. Grundmann, "Drlvaprq," 7]DM/| \,284-317; idem, "io16to," TDM'lll,397-4o2; V. Hamp,
    "Ps 8,2b.3," BZ 16 (1972) ll5-20; P. Hugger, Jahwe, meine Zuflucht. Miist 13 (1971); S' E.
    Loewenstamm,
    *'The Lord Is My Strcngth and My Glory,"' W 19 (1969) 464-70; A. Malamat,
    "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," JANES 5 (1973) 267-78; W. Michaelis, "rpdtog," TDNT, lll,
    905-15; Y. Muffs, '"Ilvo Comparative [rxical Studies," IANES 5 (1973) 287-98, esp. 295-98;
    C. Toll, 'Ausdriicke fiir 'Kraft' im Af mit besonderer Rticksicht auf die Wurzel BRK," 7AW 94
    (1982) lll-23; A. S. van der Woude, *llg 'zz to be strong," TLOT, 11,868'72.
    l.'z WUS, no.2O2l; UI no. 1835.
    2. AHw,1,269-70.
    3. Biella, 360.
    4. KAI 26 has 6 occurrences; cf. DNSI, II, 835.
    5. So van der Woude, 869. Cf. HAI. 11,806; Gerstenberger.
    6. Cf. DNSI, II, 835. HAL (ll,610) is uncertain, citing Arab. mn'dQ, "place of refuge," and
    proposing the cj. *md'6zez in Isa. 23: I I ; but cf. I QIs8.
    7. KAI: AP,297b; BMAE 306,b.
    8. See /PN.
    ll9'zz

    2. lXX.For'uand its various derivatives, the LXX uses forms from the lexical freld
    of djnamis, ischfs, arrd krdtos; for the semantic domain of "refuge," it uses boethds or
    hyperaspistiis

    II. Verb. Only in late texts do we find verbal forms of zz with the meaning "be
    strong" (qal, 9 times) or "strengthen" (hiphil, twice). [n the Dtr framework surrounding
    the stories of the book of Judges, the ascendancy of one personal entity over another is
    a commonplace: "Israel" is subjected to the tyranny of a foreign king, or the deliverer
    raised up by Yahweh triumphs over the tyrant. Twice this situation is represented by
    the expression "the hand of one was stronger than [NRSV 'prevailed over'] the hand of
    the other." First it is Othniel whose hand prevails over Cushan-rishathaim (Jgs. 3:10,
    wattd'62 yd!6 'al), then it is the Midianites who prevail over Israel (6:2).
    In other contexts (without ya!), too, people can grow strong. They may rebel
    against Yahweh by oppressing the poor and needy. The author of a postexilic lament
    fragment in Ps. 9/10 prays: qfimi yhwh 'al- yd'dz'cnbl, "Rise up, Yahweh! Do not let
    mortalsprevail"(9:20[Eng.v. l9]).AlthoughitisdifficulttoassignPs.52toagenre,it
    is clear that the beleaguered psalmist is speaking ofhis oppressor, after God has given
    him refuge and affrmation in the temple. From this position, the psalmist can even
    mock the conduct of the evil rich man, who did not take md'62 in God but trusted in
    abundant riches (his influence) and became mighty $td'dz, v. 9[7]) in his wickedness.
    V. 7(5) voices the assurance that God's destruction will strike down the villain.
    The lengthy Ps. 68 comprises both hymnic elements and petitions. The latter in-
    clude a prayer that God will intervene forcefully on behalf of the faithful: "Your God
    has displayed might for you; show your strength, O God, as you have done for us be-
    fore" (v. 291281; the first stich is often read "Summon your might, O God," with the
    versions; but the text makes sense without emendation).
    These texts touch on Yahweh's power to guide history; Ps. 89: 14(13) (in the context
    of vv. 10ff.[9ff.]) extols Yahweh's creative power, documented in victory over the
    forces of chaos Qa'6zyad"ka, par. to "mighty arm" and "high right hand"). Personified
    Wisdom, present at God's individual acts of creation, witnessed the establishment of
    the fountains of the deep (Prov. 8:28, ba'ozdz in61t"hbm; we would expect a hiphil or
    piel, par. with rnp piel).e
    Other passages in wisdom literature use 'zz in secular contexts. Eccl. 7:19 declares
    that wisdom gives strength to the wise (hahohnA fi'oz lebAkam), indeed even greater
    strength than that of ten potentates (iallt!) in a city. The seductive woman against
    whom Proverbs warns is able to give her face a strong, firm, "provocative"l0 expres-
    sion (Prov. 7:13, hd'dzA pdneyha). That this text describes disapproved conduct is
    shown by the similar maxim in2l:.29, which contrasts the 7,I rd,id'to the ya-,ia-r the for-
    mer puts on a "strong" face (hE'Ez. . . bcpdnayw), expressing the willpower to carry out
    wickedness. "Make one's face strong" has also been translated "make bold" or "inso-

    9. Cf. K. Aartun, WO 4 (1968) 297: "when the fountains of the deep flowed" (Ugar. EdA.
    10. O. Pliigea Sprilche Salomos. AK XVII (1984),74.
    ll9'zz

    lent." This meaning would be appropriate for the hapax legomenon 'am n6'd7 (from y'2,
    a by-form of 'zz,' see above), "an insolent people," in Isa. 33:19, in the context of a sec-
    ondary oracle of salvation: on the day of salvation Israel will no longer have to look on
    the arrogant, impudent occupation forces.
    Finally, Dnl. 11:12 uses 'ez tb describe the weakness of Ptolemy IV against
    Antiochus III: he will win victories but will not prevail (16'yA'62).
    Thus 'zz is used in both theological and secular contexts. Theological contexts speak
    of Yahweh's zz in history and the natural realm; secular contexts exhibit a tendency to
    associate strength and power more with violence and oppression than with safety and
    security.

    III. Nouns.
    l. 'ezfiz 'iufiz. The nouns '"2il2 (3 times) and 'izzfiz (twice) predicate strength and
    power to the God of Israel; they can be exercised for the benefit of God's people, but
    nevertheless clearly reveal the ambivalence of the root, since they can also wreak
    havoc. The entrance liturgy of Ps. 24 includes the question: Who is meleP hakkaSdQ?
    The answer is: yhwh 'iufiz w"gibb6r further qualified by gibbdr mill.tdmd. This text
    uses'iz.frz for Yahweh's victorious military power. In Deutero-Isaiah's message of sal-
    vation, the same victorious power of Yahweh finds vivid expression in the description
    of how, at the beginning of Israel's history the hosts of Egypt are destined for destruc-
    tion: Yahweh is absolutely and fundamentally superior to chariot and horse, army and
    warrior (Isa. 43:17, hayil wc'izzfiz). Isa. 42:18-25 speaks of the outpouring of the heat
    of Yahweh's anger on his people, manifested in the "violence of war,' (''ziz milhdmd,
    v. 25). The "historical" Ps. 78 uses "zttzd to extol Yahweh's great and mighty deeds in
    history (v. 4; par. to niplc'61dyw). Finally, we find t}le same statement in a hymn (Ps.
    145:6) that juxtaposes "the might of your awesome deeds" ('"2fr2 n6r"'agyka) arrd
    "your great deeds" (Scdfill1teykd, with K), which are to be proclaimed and declared
    ('mr and spr).

    2. 'az. We ftnd 'az used as both noun and adjective; the predicative use of the adjec-
    tive exhibits prominent verbal government. The context is almost always secular. The
    earliest occurrence appears to be Gen. 49:7, in the so-called Blessing of Jacob, where
    the curse on Simeon and Levi is ascribed to their fierce anger and cruel wruth ('arfrr
    'appam kt 'dz, par. q,ift). This harsh hostility in personal relationships is expressed
    sometimes with'az pdntm: in Dt. 28:50, in response to the disobedience of the peo-
    ple, Yahweh unleashes a "grim-faced" foreign nation; in Dnl. 8:23 Antiochus IV
    Epiphanes is called meleft'az-pdnim.Evenwithottpantm,'azcan mean "powerful" in
    a menacing sense: in Nu. 13:28 (J), e.9., the spies extol the land they have been explor-
    ing, but caution that the people living there are "strong" and their cities well fortified
    (bepfrrdfl. The territory of the Ammonites, who refuse to grant Israel passage and
    whose king is put to the sword in retaliation, is described nevertheless as strong and se-
    cure in the sense of being fortified (Nu.21:24 [E]; many modern exegetes preferthe
    LXX reading: ya'zEr as the name of a border point). Isaiah's oracle against Egypt de-
    clares that it will be delivered into the hand of harsh masters and a meleft'az (Isa. l9:4).
    n,z
    Ps. l8:2-31(l-30) glorifies Yahweh (among other reasons) for delivering the psalmist
    from a strong enemy (v. 18[7] = 2 5.22:L8). At the eschaton, a thanksgiving hyrnn
    within the Apocalypse of lsaiah foresees that a strong people ('am:dz) will glorify
    Yahweh, and ruthless nations (gbytm'dfi;im) will fear Yahweh (Isa. 25:3). Even this
    passage preserves the notion that strength is menacfurg, although it must submit to one
    who is stronger still. For example, the persecuted psalmist complains that'auim are
    stirring up srife against him (Ps. 59:4[3], par. "enemies," "workers of evil," and "the
    bloodthirsty") and calls on Yahweh for help and deliverance. In an oracle of judgment
    in Trito-Isaiah that recalls preexilic prophecy, Isa. 56:l I castigates the mighty (here the
    leaders ofthe nation) as greedy dogs that never have enough ('au?-nepei, lit. "strong
    of life" or "strong of hunger").ll In Ezekiel the arrogance of the strong comes under
    Yahweh's judgment (7;24, gc'6n'auim; cf. Am. 5:9, where Yahweh "makes destruc-
    tion flash out against the strong ['az]" [NRSV]).
    In very different portions of the OT, the exodus tradition uses 'az as an adjective
    to describe the violence of the natural elements. In Ex. 14:21 (l), for example,
    Yahweh drives the sea back by a strong east wind (b"rfiab qdQtm'azzd).ln Isa. 43:16
    Yahweh is introduced as having total sovereignty over the natural elements: he
    makes a way in the sea and a path in the mighty waters (b'mayim 'azzim). The
    postexilic historical summary in Neh. 9 speaks of the destruction of the Egyptians
    who pursued the Israelites escaping from Egypt: Yahweh threw them into the mighty
    waters like a stone (v. 1l).
    Finally, 'az finds employment in wisdom aphorisms. Samson's riddle and its solu-
    tion(Jgs. l4:l4and 18)arewellknown. Inv. 14'azisusedasapersonalnoun:"the
    strong one"; in v. 18 it is used as a comparative adjective. The only text where 'az ap-
    pears as a feminine plural (used as an abstract noun) is Prov. 18:23 (possibly dating
    from the mid-monarchy), which contrasts the rich and the poor. The rich answer the
    entreaties of the poor with harshness ('au6!); in other words, they spurn them. The
    same collection contains another bicolon (21:14) that states that a bribe in secret averts
    violent anger (hEmd'aud). A numerical proverb (30:25) points to the ants, "a people
    without strength ('am l6'-'dz|' who nevertheless understand the need to provide their
    food (for the winter) during the summer. Despite their weakness and humble station,
    they are endowed with wisdom (30:24). According to Cant. 8:6, love is as "strong as
    death," a statement set in parallel with "passion (qin'A) fierce as .i"dl."

    3. 'dz. a. Psalms. Of the 94 occurrences of 'aa 44 are in the Psalms. The range of
    meanings is wide: "strength," "power," "might," but also "refuge." The noun appears
    occasionally in parallel with tnfi'62 (Ps. 28:8). It can be used both literally and figura-
    tively.
    Creation hymns and texts that allude to the theology of creation extol Yahweh's cre-
    ative power: it can bring to pass works of power and might and lend strength to both the
    people and the individual believer, making them skong. Somewhat obscure is the

    11. -r IX, 506.


    ll9'zz

    "founding" (ysd piel) of bz from the mouths of babes and infants (8:3[2]), an '62 that
    prevails against enemies like a bulwark.l2 The praise that resounds in the sanctuary
    takes place at the point of contact between heaven and earth, so that we hear the sum-
    mons hall"lfrhfi birqta' 'uzz6, "praise him in the firmament of his power" or "praise him
    in his mighty firmament" ( 150: 1). With his migbt (be'oa"kd he divided the sea in the
    act of creation (74: l3); with his mighty arm (biTrda' 'uzz"kn) he scattered the forces of
    chaos (89:11[10]). His commanding voice is "a mighty voice" (qbl '62, 68:34[33]; cf.
    Ps. 29). Power over nature and power over history are based on power in the skies, in-
    accessible to mortals (68:35[3a], par. ga'"wd16, "his majesty"). This universal power
    he gives (nd!an) to his people (68:36[35], 'az par. ta'agum67 as in 29:1 l). All creatures
    in heaven and earth are called on to acknowledge (by worshiping) this mighty God:
    hd!fr leyhwh kabdd wa'dz, "ascribe to Yahweh glory and strength" (29:l; cf . 96:7;
    I Ch. 16:28; Ps. 68:35[34], tenfi'dz le'ldhim). This figure of speech probably does not
    refer to a cultic investiture of Yahweh but to confession and affirmation of the power
    and glory Yahweh inherently possesses. This affirmation (learned or heard, 62:l2a
    [11a]) is common knowledge: bz belongs to Yahweh (v. l2b[11b]). Nevertheless, a
    hymn to Yahweh as king can say that Yahweh has robed himself (ld!el) in majesty and
    girded himself ('zr hithpael) with bz (93:1). The worshiper pouring out a lament in the
    sanctuary can look on God there and behold (physically) God's power and glory
    (63:312l,lir'6!'uzzckdfrft'Q68efta; cf.96:6,'dzwelip'erelbemiqddid; also I Ch. 16:27),
    so that it is reasonable to think of a visual representation. But the possibility of individ-
    ual ceremonial acts cannot alter the fact that no one can give or bring Yahweh anything
    that he does not already have.
    In laments the motif of trust leads to affirmation of Yahweh's greatness and power,
    on which one can rely; the poet also prays for a demonstration of God's power to save.
    In 62:8(7) the meaning of 'dz modulates to the equivalent of Eng. "refuge," since the
    beset psalmist finds in Yahweh sflr:uzzt, the "rock of my might" (or "my mighty
    rock"). In parallel are words like "salvation," "honor," and "refuge" (vv. 3,12[2,11]).
    The psalmist miraculously experiences Yahweh as a "strong refuge"; in this experience
    he himself is a kind of portent to many (71:1, k"mOpel hdyilt Prabbtm wc'attd mahost-
    b-z). Another psalmist confesses: "You are my refuge (mahseh), a strong tower
    (migdal-'62) against the enemy" (61:4[3]). The persecuted supplicant sees in Yahweh a
    strong deliverer (140:8[7], '02 yeifr'alD. Finally, the psalmist can pray for Yahweh to
    give his strength (tcndh:uzzefti) to his servant (86:16).
    Yahweh can be addressed directly as "my strength" (59:10,18[9,17]; in v. l0[9]
    'uai should be emended to 'uai with LXX, Targ., and Heb. mss., as well as the anal-
    ogy of v. 18[17]; in both verses the parallel is miigd!). At the same time, in the oath
    section of the lament 'uzz"ka can be objectified as the subject of praise (59:17[16], with
    mdnbs and miigd! in parallel). The speaker of a lament remembers the great and won-
    derful acts of Yahweh in nature and history Q7:l2llll), acts that imbue the worshiper

    12.H.-J. Kraus, Psalrzs 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), l8l-82; cf. Hamp; for another interpretation
    -+ VI, 108.
    llY zz

    with conhdence and trust. The psalmist also knows that Yahweh has made known (yd'
    hiphil) his 'dz among the peoples (v. 15[14]).
    Lament and petition (and the supposed priestly oracle of salvation) are followed by
    praise and thanksgiving, in which God's saving power is proclaimed (e.9.,28:7-8[6-
    7l). In Ps. 30:8(7) the text should probably be emended to leharerA bz (with Targ.) and
    the verb read as he'"ma/tdnt: "By your favor, O Yahweh, you have established me on a
    strong mountain [or: 'firm ground']." Here 'oZ describes the nature of the firm founda-
    tion on which Yahweh has set the psalmist, whose life was threatened. The use of 'dz in
    138:3 is not without its problems. Aquila (see also Jerome) has probably preserved the
    correct interpretation: tarfitpdni, "you give me great space, in my soul [or: 'life'] there
    is strength."
    As we would expect, hymns also extol the strength and power of God. Because of
    Yahweh's great power (b"rdp'uu"kd), even Yahweh's enemies must ultimately do him
    homage (66:3; kbi must be translated in this sense).13 Yahweh is also praised for sum-
    moning his strength for his people (68:29[28]). This text is not easy to translate. The
    MT means: "Your God has summoned might for you [taking the suf. of 'uzzefia as an
    objective gen.l, the strength of God, which you have done [or: 'used'] for us." The
    phrase 'uzzd'"l6htm should be emended to'dz hd'clohtm; the versions suggest reading
    ;awwEh instead of siwwd and 'el1heyln without a suffix ("Summon, O God, your
    might"); but'uad can also be interpreted as an imperative: "Prove yourself mighty, O
    God, as you have done for us before."
    The introduction to a hymn may contain predications that belong by nature in the
    body: "Let us sing aloud to God our strength" (81:2[l]). A different nuance appears in
    89:18(17), which proclaims Yahweh as tip'ere!'uaam6, "the glory of their strength"
    (the suf. refers to the people). Finally, 118:14 uses "strength" in parallel with "song"
    and identifies both entities with Yahweh ('ozzi wezimrdlt yA; so also Ex' l5:2; Isa.
    l2:2)'r+
    The royal psalms assume that Yahweh is strong; the king rejoices in that strength
    (21:2llD and the worshipers pray Yahweh to rise up in his strength and power to inter-
    vene against the enemy (21:A|L3D. As part of the enthronement ceremonial, the scep-
    ter (matlah:uzz"kfr, "scepter of your might" = "your mighty scepter") is conveyed to
    the king (l l0:2).
    In the historical summaries, besides the general view that Yahweh shapes and gov-
    erns history, we find certain events singled out as being inaugurated by Yahweh, e.g.,
    the miraculous feeding during the wandering in the desert. For this purpose the (cre-
    ative) power of Yahweh (be'uu6) was invoked, bringing out the south wind (78:26)'
    which together with the east wind drove flocks of birds toward the Israelites (v. 27). Ps.
    78:61 says that Yahweh abandoned his sacred ark, identified as 'uzzd and tip'art6, to
    captivity and into the hand of the foe (cf. I S. 4). This comports well with the descrip-

    13. F. Criisemann, Studien zur Formgeschichte von Hymnus und Danklied in Isriiel. WMANT
    32 (1969),175 n. 5.
    14. P. C. Craigie, W 22 (1972) 145-46, citing Ugar. 'z and Qmr (see J. C. de Moor, UF I
    [969] 179), translates "refuge and shelter."
    ill,z

    tion of the ark as 'or6n 'uzz"kA ("ark of your might" = "your mighty ark") in Ps. 132,
    which appears to speak of a procession with the ark (v. 8; cf. v.7:2 Ch. 6:41). In an-
    other historical summary the recapitulation of history is understood as "seeking
    Yahweh and his strength" (Ps. 105:4 = I Ch. 16:11).
    In the Zion hymns the use of bz does not vary from what we have observed already.
    Yahweh, who dwells onZion, is celebrated and afErmed by the worshiping community
    as a refuge, strength, and help (46:2[]); every pilgrim is happy whose strength is in
    Yahweh (8a:6[5]).
    It is not just God's help, mercy, and goodness that can be associated with bz,' the
    power of God's anger is also a reality in the OT, and Ps. 90:1 I warns against underesti-
    mating it "Who considers the power of your anger? Your wrath is great." It is therefore
    good to know that the strength of King Yahweh loves justice (99:4).
    b. Wisdom Literature. In wisdom literature the secular usage of 'dz predominates.
    For example, the description of kviathan says that strength spends the night in its neck
    (Job 4l:l4l22l), and Job ironically characterizes Bildad's "wise counsel" as assistance
    by an arm without strength (26:2, z"r6a' ld':62). The capable wife is not only diligent
    but physically strong and powerful (Prov. 3l:17 , hdgcrd !"'62 molneyha, "she girds her
    hips with strength"; "strength and dignity l'az-w'hadarl are her clothing," v. 25). Prov.
    l0:15 expresses the conviction that the wealth ofthe rich is (like) their fortress (qirya!
    'uu6; cf. also 18:11). A brother offended is more obdurate (and less approachable)
    than a fortified city (18:19). Prov.2l:22 appears to explain the superiority of wisdom
    to outward strength: "One wise persgn goes up against a city of warriors (gibb6rtm)
    dnd brings down the 'dz in which they trust." P.ov.24:5 moves in the same direction:
    'A wise person is strength, and one with knowledge strengthens [increases] strength."
    The point of this saying is probably that the one who is wise is truly the one who is
    strong. By contrast, Eccl. 8:l appears to view '62 in a negative light: "Wisdom makes
    one's face shine (tdTr), while 'o-z distorts one's face"; herc'oz means "hardness," and
    no emendation is needed.
    As an example of the theological use of 'oz in wisdom literature, a typical wisdom
    commonplace may be cited: "In the fear of Yahweh there is strong confidence" (Prov.
    14:26, mi!yal.t-'az). We also find an element of the traditional i€m theology: "The name
    of Yahweh is a strong tower" (18:10, migdal-'az). God's total power and freedom pre-
    vail over all human concepts of justice (Job 12:16, 'imm6'6zw"1fiityA, "with him are
    strength and success"). Finally, one of the discourses of Elihu speaks of the creative
    power of God, which controls the snow and the rain (Job 37:6; the text contains a
    dittography, and should be emended either to w"laggeflem frmdfir in which case'uzzA
    should be read as the impv. '622fi, "increase," or to wcgelem m"dtdr 'uu6, "and the
    shower of rain is his might").
    c. General Usage Elsewhere. One of the earliest texts illustrating the general usage
    of '6zin the OT is Gen. 49:3, in the Blessing of Jacob, where Reuben as the firstborn is
    addressed as "my might" &abi), "the firstfruits of my vigor" (re'it!'6nt), and "excel-
    ling in power" Orcler 'az [a by-form of '02]). Also early is the Song of Deborah (Jgs.
    5:2-31);w. 19-21describe the battle at Taanach, in which Yahweh intervened with the
    natural resources at his disposal. This may have occasioned the interpolated lst-person
    lty 'u

    summons in v.2l to come forward with might, i.e., to participate in the promising bat-
    tle (ti{reftt napit'6z, "May my soul come forward with might"; or, if we take nepei in
    the sense of "neck," "You shall tread on the neck of the strong";I5 in either case 'dz is
    connected with the military prowess of the combatants). Human ability and activity are
    reflected in David's dancing with all his might before Yahweh when the ark was
    brought to Jerusalem (2 S.6:14, bef;ol-'dz; I Ch. 13:8 describes the scene differently:
    David and all Israel dance before God with all their might).
    Material objects and localities may also be described as possessing '62, e.g., a city
    (Isa. 26:1, ir'62-hni, "We have a strong city" [with reference to Jerusalem]), a scepter
    (Jer. 48:17, mafieh:62, expressing the strength of the Moabite domain, which is about
    to be shattered), or an inaccessible fortified height (Jer. 5l:53, m"rbm 'uzzi) fike that of
    Babylon, which will nevertheless be taken at Yahweh's judgment. Outward strength
    thus also symbolizes hubris. Ezekiel compares the royal house of Judah to a vine,
    whose sturdy stems could have been used for rulers' scepters but are now destroyed
    (Ezk. 19:11,12,14, ma!!Eh-'dz). When Tyre is destroyed, even the strong pillars
    (maW"b6! 'uzzeU will fall to the ground (26: I I ). Scholars dispute whether the k"h-'dz
    ljhwh with which the priests and Levites praised Yahweh during Hezekiah's Passover
    celebration were mighty (loud) musical instruments (2 Ch. 3O:21).
    That 'dz can also refer abstractly to the power and might of a political entity is
    shown by Amos's prophecy of doom against Samaria (3: l l): this power will be demol-
    ished.
    Several texts use gd'6n and'o-z together in the sense of "insufferable pride or €uro-
    gance," which Yahweh will bring low (l*v.26:19 Ezk.24:21;30:6,18; 33:28). Ezk.
    24:21 speaksof theJerusalemsanctuaryas"yourmighty pride" (ge'6n-'uu"\em).This
    pride always involves elements of rebellion and sin against Yahweh, so that 'dz moves
    imperceptibly from its secular to its theological usage.
    d. Theological Usage Elsewhere. It appears that only in late texts did 'o-z acquire
    clearer theological overtones, again primarily in poetic passages (i.e., in formulaic ex-
    pressions).IntheSongof theSea(Ex. 15:l-18)Yahwehispraisedforthestrengthwith
    which he guided his people to his holy abode (v. l3b). Hannah's hymn of praise (l S.
    2:l-lo) expresses assurance that Yahweh will give strength to his king and exalt the
    horn of his anointed (v. l0). A similar notion appears in Mic. 5:3(4): the future ruler
    and savior will stand and feed his flock in the strength of Yahweh his God (the transla-
    tion of bz as "majesty" is not justified).
    In Isa. 51:9 the prophet calls on the "arm of Yahweh" (a synecdoche in which the
    arm is already strong in principle; cf. Yahweh's oath by his mighty arm in 62:8) to
    awake and put on strength (li|ii:62; cf. Ps. 35:23;44:241231). If the text is correct in
    Isa. 52:1, which addresses the sarne summons to Zion, the reference can only be to the
    strength and power vouchsafed and guaranteed by Yahweh (the "beautiful garments" in
    v. lb have led some exegetes to emend 'uuek b 'edyek, "your jewelry"). A judgment
    oracle seeks to make clear that Yahweh alone is God and that every knee shall bow to

    15. R. G. Boling, Judges. AB 6A (1975), I13. '


    tll, 'zz

    him and every tongue affrrm (45:.23): "Only in Yahweh are acts of righteousness and
    strength" (;"ddq6! wa'oz, v. 24). The affirmation of the individual is the same, e.g.,
    49:5 (the servant of Yahweh declares, "and my God is my strength") or Jer. 16:19:
    "Yahweh is my strength and my stronghold, my refuge in the day of trouble" ('dzwith
    ma'Az and mands).16 Yahweh's power exhibited in his glorious theophany is extolled in
    Hab. 3. The list includes glory (h6il and praise GehiilA), brightness, rays of light
    (qeren), and power (v. 4, idm l.tepybn'uudh, "there is the cloak of his power"; there is
    no good reason for the general interpretation of this clause as a gloss: the phenomena
    accompanyingthetheophanyarenotthemselvesthepowerof Yahweh; cf. I K. 19:11-
    t2).
    But God's power also has destructive potential. ln Ezn 8:22, for example, a maxim
    states that "the hand of God is gracious to all who seek him, but his power and his
    wrath are against ('uzzd w"'appi'al) all who forsake him" (the two nouns may be inter-
    preted as a hendiadys for "his powerful wrath" or "his wrathful power").

    4. md'62. The noun mi'62 involves the semantic elements of protection and refuge
    but also of security and strength, which may be imagined quite concretely in the form
    of an inaccessible stronghold or citadel on a rock. This meaning, in the first instance
    concrete and secular, can be abstracted and transferred to theological situations, which
    identify Yahweh with a md'62 as a refuge for the persecuted, oppressed, and assailed.
    Used in the general sense, ma'62 appears as a stronghold in the story of Gideon's
    call (Jgs. 6:26). Isa. l7:9, too, makes reference to "fortified cities" ('drA md'uzz6!),
    which will be deserted and destroyed; lsa. 23:4 (actually an oracle against Tyre [cf.
    v. 51, but md'62 hayydr?? must refer to Sidon) calls Sidon a "fortress by the sea," which
    will meet disaster. Behind this disaster stands Yahweh, who will destroy all the for-
    tresses of Phoenicia (v. ll; reading md'uueyhd with lQlsa). Ezekiel's oracle against
    Egypt predicts that Yahweh's wrath will strike the Egyptian city of stn, called ma'62
    misrayim, "the stronghold of Egypt" (30: l5). In Nah. 3: I I the ma'62 ("fplace ofl ref-
    uge") Nineveh seeks (in vain) from the advancing enemy may be meant abstractly, but
    v. 12 probably refers to strongholds (lcol-miSsdrayif;) that will fall like ripe fruit into
    the mouth of the "devouring enemy." This uniformly concrete and secular meaning of
    md'6zis maintained throughout the OT, in early and late traditions. lsa.23:14 (cf. v. l)
    calls Sidon a fortified and secure harbor (md'uzz'!en), over whose destruction the ships
    of Tiushish will wail (i.e., lament).E;2k.24:25 shows that Jerusalem too was thought of
    as a ma'62: md'uzzdm parallels such valued feelings as the joy of their glory and the de-
    light of their eyes; cf. v. 2l , which describes the temple as gc'6n 'uzzckAm, "proud trea-
    sure."l7 The phrase md'62 rd'it may be translated as "head protection" or "(military)
    helmet" (Ps. 60:9[7] = 108:9: "Ephraim is my helmet" [spoken by Yahweh]).
    In addition to this concrete meaning, the OT contains a wide range of texts that use

    16. W. Thiel, Die deuteronomistische Redaktion von Jeremia l-25. WMANT 41 (1973),
    l95ff.
    17. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),503.
    ll9'zz

    ntd'62 in a figurative and theological sense. In most cases it is Yahweh who is the ref-
    uge, haven, or sanctuary for those who flee to him. Isaiah castigates his people because
    they take refuge with Pharaoh instead of listening to Yahweh (Isa. 30:2, ld'62 b'md'62
    par'dh, par. lahnsdfl. The Jerusalemites' forgetfulness of God (17:10a) serves as the
    justification for the oracle of disaster that follows (vv. 10b-1 1): "For you have forgot-
    ten the God of your salvation, and have not remembered the sr2r md'ua€kl'
    Affirmation of Yahweh as md'62 appears in Psalms of various genres. In all cases
    strong defense, protection, and refuge are the defining semantic elements. An individ-
    ual hymn of confidence describes Yahweh as mn'62-ltayyay ("refuge of my life," possi
    bly an objective gen.: "for my life"); therefore anxiety and fear are immaterial (27:l).
    The parallel characterizes Yahweh as light and salvation. The same affirmation in an
    individual hymn of thanksgiving (Ps. 28) speaks of Yahweh as strength for "his peo-
    ple" (v. 8, yhwh '62-l.d.m6; reading l"'amrni with LXX, Syr., and several Heb. mss.),
    while for his mdiial.t he is mi'62 yeifi'61(the one who provides refuge in acts of salva-
    tion). The same psalm calls Yahweh 'uui fimfrginni, "my strength and my shield"
    (v. 7). A lament prays urgently that Yahweh will be the petitioner's "rock of refuge"
    $frr-mn'62, 3l:3121; the parallel stich has bAl m";fid6!). The afflicted psalmist, praying
    for deliverance from the snare, is convinced that Yahweh is his refuge (v. 5, kt-'attah
    md'fiut; cf. 43:2: "the God in whom I take refuge").
    Didactic poetry influenced by wisdom shares this conviction. In the time of trouble,
    Yahweh is the salvatiol |eifr'il and refuge @a'frzzad of the righteous (;addiqtm)
    (37:39). The maxims of Ps. 52 similarly reveal the influence of wisdom. V. 9(7) looks
    with disfavor on one who would not find md'62 in God but trusts instead in abundant
    riches and proves strong in destruction (yd'dz bchawwd!6).
    The affirmation that God is a "strong refuge" @a'fiut lrdyil) appears in hymnic
    texts, e.g., 2 5.22:33 (Ps. 18:33[32] reads hamm"'azz"r€ni hayil, "who has girded me
    with strength"; but in the context of v. 32 the MT of v. 33a makes good sense). Isa.
    25:l-5 praises God as a shelter and refuge (twice in v. 4, par. rnaltseh) to the poor and
    needy (dal, 'elybn). The force of 27:5 is somewhat obscure. Apart from the question of
    how v. 5 relates to vv.2-4, this verse with the words yaltaz€q bcmd'fizzt appears to al-
    lude to the notion of asylum in the temple: someone whose life is threatened can flee to
    the temple and grasp the horns of the altar (l K. l:50). Affirmation, proclamation, and
    eschatological expectation of Yahweh's power to protect are heard, e.9., in Jer. 16:19:
    yhwh'uui fimi'uat frmenttst bjdm sard; Joel4:16(3:16): wihwh maltoseh l''ammb
    frmd'62lilnA yiira'el; and Nah. l:7: 16p yhwh lcmd'62 bjbm sdrd.
    From the concrete meaning "stronghold" through the personification of refuge and
    strength in Yahweh, the usage of mi'izfinally reaches the level of abstraction, as in the
    great sermon of Ezra (Neh. 8: 10), which calls joy in Yahweh strength (ki lte/wal yhwh
    ht' m.d'uzzckcm), or in Prov. 10:29, where for the blameless (reading lauam) the "way
    of Yahweh" is a defense, refuge, and stronghold (contra most comms., which translate
    the text as "a refuge for one who walks blamelessly," or the like). The "way of
    Yahweh" may be the code of conduct observed by the devout or the way shown by
    Yahweh (ordained destiny).
    Dnl. I 1 contains seven occrurences of mA'62. In vv. 7, 10, and 19, the word denotes
    ttY zz 11

    the fortress in the literal sense, while in v. 3l it refers to the Jerusalem sanctuary
    ( miqddi ), thought of as a fortress. Who the "god of the fortresses" ('eldah ma'uzzim) in

    v. 38 might be is unclear. V. 39 returns to the notion of fortified sites (mipserA


    md'uuim) or garrisons. Only in v. I do we appear to have figurative usage; the text of
    the MT, however, is out of order.l8 The reference is probably to Michael, who stands
    beside God as "support and protection" in the battle with the angelic princes.

    IV. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Dead Sea Scrolls most of the occurrences of deriva-
    tives of 'zz are in the Thanksgiving Scroll. Only a handful are verb forms: Phdiz
    b"kdab (lQH 7:17,19), "to strengthen with power" (formally, derivation from rvz is
    also possible); yd'62 libbdm (CD 20:33), "let their heart be strong," referring to the
    hearts of the men belonging to the community, who hearken to the instruction of the
    Teacher of Righteousness. Most instances are nouns ('62 or md'62), in either secular or
    theological contexts: rfil.t61'6z, "mighty winds" (1QH 1:10, creation theology); God as
    a "strong wall" (3:37; cf .6:26-27); a "strong wall" (among other things) constituting a
    prison for the devout (5:37), but "strong bars" for protection against enemies (6:28);
    God's "strength" as a support for the faithful (7:6; cf. 18:13); "a strong tower and a
    high wall" symbolizing the secure believer (7:8; cf. lQSb 5:23); the "rock of my
    strength" is with God (9:28); the works done by God's "strong right hand" are praised
    (17:18; cf. l8:7). At Qumran md'62 appears to have a wider range of usage than in the
    OT: a rootstock retains its "vigor" even in the heat (lQH 8:24); the lamenting believer
    finds no "refuge" (8:27); "strength" has departed from the body ofthe lamenter (8:32);
    declining "strength of the loins" symbolizing weakness (8:33); rejection of possessions
    as a place of"refuge" (10:23); and finally mi'6zas a "place ofrefuge on high" (10:32).
    The Manual of Discipline speaks of "strong justice" (miipay 'Az, IQS 10:25). The
    way of the steps of the devout leads over a "mighty rock," identified with God's truth
    (11:4).
    The War Scroll extols God's great "strength" (1QM 11:5; 14:11,16; l. 16 prays that
    God will rise up in "might"; cf. Ps.2l:14[13]; Isa.5l:9).
    The Rule of the Blessings also speaks of the "power of God's mouth" ('dz ptkd),
    with which God establishes his dominion among the nations (lQSb 5:24). A notewor-
    thy usage occurs in 4Q175 (4QTes| 26, which calls the fortification of Jerusalem the
    "bulwark of wickedness" ('oz reia'). There are still other occurrences of forms of 'zz,
    e.g., in lQ27 4:l;1Q35 1:1;4Q403 (4QshirShabbd) t:2S; 4Q494 (4QM) l3; and 1QH
    2:2 (without context). It can be seen that, although there is increasing blending among
    the individual terms, their meanings do not essentially go beyond OT usage.
    Wagner

    18. See 8I1S and the comms.


    t2 \l{azar

    119 'azar:1li! 'dzdr: 119 'Ezer: i1-ll]9 'ezrd;ir1lij 'azdr6:'PlV 'az(ilir; alV- ll
    'azar Il

    L l. The Roots'zr I and II; 2. Occurrences. II.


    1. Verb; 2. Nouns. IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l. l. The Roots'zr I and II. Heb. 'zr reflects two distinct Semitic roots, 'qlr > 'zr I and
    {zr > 'zr
    lI. Originally, they had only the radical r in common; in the course of phonetic
    development, however, they coalesced after the 2nd millennium s.c.e. and finally be-
    came homophones and homographs.
    The verbal root'8r > 'zr I is attested in the Amorite onomasticon, in Ugaritic, He-
    brew, Aramaic, and Phoenician, in North Arabian anthroponymy, and in Arabic, South
    Arabian, and Ethiopic. It normally means "help." In South Arabian, however, it occurs
    also in the idiomatic syntagm '8r b'nr/b'ly PN ('/r "against" someone) b- ("for" a mis-
    deed), which in fact means "requite someone for something," e.g., l'drn binhmw bhwt
    Qrn, "to pay them back for this war."l In Sabaic, however, the reflexive St stem of the
    causative means "ask forgiveness,"2 from the etymological meaning "cause oneself to
    be helped." This meaning corresponds exactly to that of stem X of Arab. 'dr (ista'dara).
    In Classical Arabic the meaning of stem I ('adara) is "forgive," ultimately a semantic
    .dr
    derivative of "help." The root is not attested in Akkadian, which instead uses deriva-
    tives of rA;u, "help)'
    The root fzr is intransitive. The stative means "be abundant"; the active means
    "come together (in a group), form a mass, assemble." This root is attested in He-
    brew ('zr II) and Arabic (fazura); the noun fer occurs in Amorite, Ugaritic, and
    Minaean.

    2. Occuruences. In the MT the verb 'dzar occurs 56 times in the qal (with an addi-
    tional 19 occurrences of the ptcp. 'dzEr), 4 times in the niphal, and once in the hiphil.
    The subst. 'Ezer occurs 21 times and 'ezrd 26 times (3 times with the directional
    enclitic -d).

    'azar B. Q. Baisas, "Ugaritic g/r and Hebrew 'zr l)' UF 5 ( 1973) 4l-52; U. Bergmann, '"119
    'zrtohblp," TLOT,11,872-74;G. Brin, "TheRoots'zr-'uir,theB\blel'l,ei24 (1959/60) 8-14;
    M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, "fiaierufiuli Dienstmann, Bursche,'* WO 3 (1964-66) 189-
    -'jungeraus Ugarit," UF 12 (1980) 410-12; E. Lipiriski,
    9l; M. Heltzer, "flZR in den Verwaltungstexten
    I* poime royal du Psaume D{XXU l-5, 20-38. CahRB 6 (1967), esp. 35-42; P. D. Miller,
    "Ugaritic GZR and Hebrew ZR lI:' UF 2 (1970) 159-75', A. F. Rainey, "lldnu r4sutni lillikfi!"
    Orient and Occident. FS C. H. Gordon. AOAT 22 (1973),139-42; V. Sasson, "Ugaritic 1' artd lzr
    and Hebrew i6wa' and'ozeri UF 14 (1982) 201-8.
    t. c/s, rv 308,22.
    2. CIS, tY 568, 4.
    '11{dzar l3

    lI''zr I.
    l. Verb. The verb ir I, "help," conveys the notion of protection, as the noun'czarA
    ("enclosure") shows. God is frequently the subject, and a phrase denoting the believer
    or the people of God the direct object. For example, the Blessing of Jacob says of Jo-
    seph: "The God of your father will help you, and El Shaddai will bless you" (Gen.
    49:25). When Samuel sets up the Ebenezer stone, he says: "Thus far Yahweh has
    helped us" (1 S. 7:12). As here, in 2 Chronicles the reference is often to help in battle:
    Asa cries to God as the only one who can help, praying "Help us" (14: l0); Jehoshaphat
    cries out to God, and God helps him (18:31); God helps Uzziah against the enemy
    (26:7); Hezekiah says: "Yahweh our God is with us, to help us and to fight our battles"
    (32:8). An interesting text is 25:8: "God has power to help or to overthrow (hi[itlf'
    Authors of laments pray to Yahweh for help: "Help us, O God of our salvation (y4ia')
    . . . deliver (hirytl) us, and forgive us our sins" (Ps. 79:9); "Help me, save (h1ita') me"
    (lO9:26); "I am persecuted, help me" (119:86). Or the text says that Yahweh helps the
    righteous and rescues (plt piel) them (37:40 [also with hbiial), that he will help the
    holy city when morning dawns (46:6[Eng. v. 5]), or that he helped the psalmist, who
    was being pushed hard to the point of falling (ll8:13). In the salvation oracle of
    Deutero-Isaiah, we find such statements as: "Do not fear, for I am with you . . . I will
    strengthen ( ms piel) you, I will help you, I will uphold (tdmaQ you with my right
    hand" (Isa.4l:10; cf. vv. 13,14).
    Other subjects include the gods, who are called on ironically for help (Dt. 32:38);
    the gods of Aram, who helped their worshipers and to whom Ahaz wishes to turn
    (2 Ch. 28:23); the hand of God (Ps. I 19:173); the ordinances (miipdttm) of God (Ps.
    I 19:175); and the angel Michael, who comes to help Daniel (Dnl. l0:13). In the secular
    domain, the subject may be a warlord or warrior (1 K. 20:16; Josh. 1:14; 10:4,6,33;
    Ezn8:22; I Ch. 12:18,20,23117,19,221) or even Egypt, whose help, however, is useless
    (Isa. 30:7; cf. 3l:3: both the helper ['dzer) and the one helped ['azfir) will fall fkAial,
    ndpal)). Outside military contexts, the verb can denote moral or social support (Isa.
    4l:6, the makers of idols "help" each other; Ezr. l0: 15), or assistance in performing a
    task (2 Ch.32:3).
    We also find the construction 'azar le, which likewise means "help, come to the aid
    of': Job 26:2 (Job says ironically to Bildad, "How you have assisted the weak!"); cf.
    also 2 S. 8:5 (par. I Ch. 18:5: in battle); 2 S.2l:17 (Abishai comes to David's aid and
    kills the Philistine); Isa. 50:7,9 (God helps the servant of Yahweh); Zec. l;15 (the pa-
    gan nations helped Yahweh in his anger against Israel); I Ch.22:17 (David orders the
    leaders of Israel to help Solomon); 2 Ch. l9:2 ("Should you help the wicked?" par.
    "love those who hate Yahweh"); 26:13 (helping the king against the enemy); 28:16
    (Ahaz asks Assyria for help). The syntagm 'azar le can be compared to the use of
    hbiia' l' (e.g., Ezk. 34:22; Ps. 86:16; I 16:6). Since several of the texts in question are
    relatively late, the use of l" before the direct object may reflect Aramaic influence. If
    the verb 'dzar is followed by a circumstantial expression introduced by min (e.g.,Ezn
    8:22), it effectively means "save." This meaning is confirmed by Gk. spzo- in Ps.
    ll9:173; Ezr. 8:22;2 Ch. 14:10(11); 18:31; 32:8. The usual translation is boeth6o,
    "help."
    l4 119'dmr

    Only in 2 Ch. 14:10(l l) is 'zrconstructed with bAn. . . /','this usage is explained by


    instances in Mishnaic Hebrew and especially in Sir. 42:5.Examination of the parallels
    shows that 'azar bAn ra! P'An kdah means "help the rich or the poor," i.e., help whom-
    ever one wishes.
    The only occurrence of the hiphil is the participle in 2 ch. 28:23 (see above; possi-
    bly to be read as a qal). The meaning of the niphal is passive in Ps. 28:7 ("I was
    helped") and Dnl. 1l:34 (the wise among the people receive a little help) but reflexive
    in z ctr. 26:15:"for he [Uzziah] did wonders to help himself, until he became strong."
    In I Ch. 5:20 Driver interprets 'zr as'zrlliprobably, however, the form should be in-
    terpreted as the niphal or qal of 'zr I.3 Ullendorff cites the Ethiopic version of Jgs. 15:9,
    whire Heb. wayyinndteifr is translated by the reflexive form of 'zr.a Although Dillmann
    here translate s with "impetum facere,"s which might suggest
    'zr II, the context, which
    has to do with vengeance, suggests comparison with South Arabian '/4 "requite." In
    1 Ch. 5:20 the reflexive reading wayy€'dzerfi '"bhem, "they helped each other against
    them," is possible; this was the interpretation of the Masoretes. But the South Semitic
    evidence iuggests the reading wayya'z'rfi'"khem, "and they took vengeance on them'"
    The style of I Ch. 5:20 is so reminiscent of certain South Semitic inscriptions that it
    would not be surprising if an Arabic text served as the Chronicler's model.

    'dzer; it is
    Nouns. The noun 'er is sometimes vocalized, as 'ezer sometimes as
    2.
    therefore not always possible to decide whether we are dealing with the noun "help" or
    the ptcp. "helping, helpful." The textual tradition does not clarify the problem; cf. Ps.
    124:3 aMT '€zer llQPsa ?ze-r); lsa. 44:2 (MT ya'zere[d, lQIs" '6zEr).It therefore ap-
    pears proper to disregard the Masoretic vocalization and compare the substantival us-
    age of 'ziwittr that of 'ezrd form'ezrdl likewise meaning
    and its archaic or archaizing
    "help, support," where such confusion is impossible. The nouns ?Zer and'ezrAfeZra!
    are equivalents, as the synonymous phrases 'Ezer missdr (Dt. 33:7) and 'ezrd! mis;ar
    (Ps. 60: l3[1 1]; 108: l3[12]) show.
    It is necessary, however, to distinguish 'ezr6, "help, support" (Lam' 4:17)' from the
    noun'azar6, "enclosure, court," which appears in Isa. 3l:2; Job 3l:21 (despite the
    Masoretic vocalization 'azrali)i 2 Ch. 4:9 (twice); 6:13; Sir. 50:1 l. The latter word is
    also used for the "ledge" of the altar (Ezk- 43 14,17,20; 45:19; see IV below)'
    The syntagm b" +'ezrd occurs in Nah.3:9; Ps.35:2; with'ezerin Ex. l8:4; Dt.
    33:26;Hos. 13:9;Ps. 146:5;and with'Oz€r inPs. 118:7(reading b"ezri).Itisalways
    God from whom help is expected, except in Hos. l3:9, which says that there will be no
    one to help when Yahweh destroys Israel, and Nah. 3:9, where the Libyans served as
    "helpers" of Thebes in EgyPt.
    The syntagm l" +'ezrioccurs I I times, frequently with reference to help in baule. The
    inhabitants of Meroz are to be cursed because they did not "come to the help of Yahweh"

    3. G. R. Diver, CML, 142 n. 17.


    4. E. Ullendorff, "ISS 7 (1962) 347: --+Vvl na1ai.
    5. kxLingAeth, 1003.
    1l{dznr l5

    (Jgs. 5:23); the inhabitants of the coastal cities have looked to Egypt and Cush for help,
    and deliverance (hinnd;el) from Assyria (Isa. 20:6; cf. also 3 I : I ); Pharaoh's army set out
    unsuccessfully to help Israel (Jer. 37:7); Ahaz gives the king of Assyria all his treasures,
    but it does not help him (2 Ch.28:21). According to Isa. l0:3, the unjust judges will find
    no help when the enemy comes. The Psalms repeatedly call on God to "make haste to
    help" (hfi16 l"'ezrd); 'ezrd always has a pronominal suffix. In parallel, twice we find "do
    not be far" (22:20U9);71:12|l)) and twice lrissi/, "deliver" (40:14[3]; 70:2[1]); once
    God is addressed as "my salvation" (Ps.38:23[22], fifr'al).
    In Isa. 30:5 we find l"'Ezer and in I Ch. 12:19(18) le'ozer. In the latter verse, how-
    ever, the vocalization should be l"'ezref;a; in the last line of the tricolon, similarly,
    'ezreftd, "your help," should be read. The MT reads: "Peace GAl6m) to you / and peace
    to your helpers! / For your God helps you ('ozar"ki)." In Isa. 30:5 we could, read la'zdr
    instead of l"'Ezer so as to have two infinitives; lQlsa, however, reads: "not as a help
    (lc'ezrA), and you will not profrt \Ail) from it." This variant shows that 'zrtzrh is a sub-
    stantive; since the LXX omits ld' fhiil, hiiutdil may be considered a gloss.
    A third syntagm hdyA + 'zrtzrh + suffix or /i ("to me") or mis;ar ("from the en-
    emy") occurs with'ezrd in Ps. 27:9 (par. "God of my salvation [ye-ia']") and 63:8(7)
    (par. "shadow of your wings"), with'ezer in Dt. 33:7 (against the enemy), and with
    'dz€rin Ps. 10:14 (God is the helper of the orphan) and 30:ll(10) ("Hear. . . be a
    helper to me"). In these texts God is the help expected. This syntagm may be placed
    alongside nominal clauses in which God is the subject and'zrfzrh the predicate: with
    'ezrdin Ps.40:18(17) ("my help and my deliverer Imfualletl") and 46:2(1) (par. "ref-
    uge"), with 'ezrdld in Ps. 94:17 ("If Yahweh had not been my help"), with ?=zer in Ps.
    33:20 (help and shield); 70:6(5) (help and deliverer); I l5:9-l I (help and shield), and
    with 'dzdr in 54:6(4) (par. "upholder lsdmak) of my life fnepefl").
    The syntagm 'An'dz€r "there is no helper," describes a desperate situation. When Is-
    rael had no helper, God sent Jeroboam (2 K. 14:26). When God had no helper in his
    wrath, his own arm helped (hdita') him, and his wrath sustained (sdmab him (Isa.
    63:5). The speaker of a lament says that trouble is near and there is no one to help (Ps.
    22:l2llll). The wretched, whom God bowed down with hard labor, fell down with no
    onetohelp(Ps. 107:12).DevastatedJerusalemhasnoonetohelp(Lam. 1:7).Theking
    delivers those who have no helper (Ps.72:12). The king of the North has no one to help
    him and comes to his end (Dnl. I l:45). Similar is ld'-'dz€r in lob 29:12 (Job delivered
    the orphan who had no helper) and 30:13, where the text may be comrpt (possibly
    reading'A;Er: no one restrains the enemy INRSVI). Job 6:13 is clearly comrpt and
    probably must be read h€'m€'ayin'ezrdlt 'dbi, "Behold. from where will I obtain my
    help?" (cf. Ps. 121:l).e
    The participle means "auxiliary troops" or "adjutants" bound to the person of a war-
    lord. This applies to the "helpers of Rahab" in Job 9: 13, who correspond to the "gods,
    helpers" of Kingu;7 it applies also to the "auxiliaries" of King Zedekiah inEzk. 12:14

    6. Against this emendation see G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XYI (1963), 161.
    7. EnEl IY 69.
    t6 l.l{azar

    (reading 'oz"rdyw).In Ps. 89:20(19) (reading the ptcp. 'ozar),'zr I is used with gibb|r
    (cf. Ezk. 32:21 I Ch. 121 [possibly 'zr II]; see III. I below ] . Jer. 47:4 may also refer to
    "auxiliary troops." Ezk. 30:8 prophesies that the "helpers" of Egypt ('6zereyhd) will be
    broken. In Isa. 31:3 the participle is involved in a play on words between '6zer and
    'd.zttr (see ll.l).
    In poetry the noun 'Ezer may modify mfrg€n, "shield" (Dt.33t29) or parallel it (Ps.
    33:20; ll5:9-11); both terms stand metaphorically for God. Here the meaning of 'ezer
    is closer to "protection." By contrast, in Ps. 20:3(2); l2l:l-2; 124:8, 'Ezer means the
    "help" expected from God. In Gen. 2:18,20, '€7e4 "help]' concretely denotes the
    woman, who is meant to be a help to the man. This specialized meaning of '?zerrecalls
    Sab. (/)'Qrl which refers to female relatives.8 In Dnl. ll:34 'Ezer is the internal object
    of 'dzar niphal: "bring help."

    3. Names. The verb 'zr I is very common in the Semitic onomasticon. It is used to
    form theophorous names that give thanks for a happy event, perhaps the birth of a child
    or the happy outcome of a difficult delivery. The root appears frequently in Amorite
    personal names expressing trust in a deity: ya'Qar-'il, ya'Qir-'il, or ya'{ur-'il, "God has
    helped"; ya'ilur haddu, "Haddu has helped"; etc.e We also find the act. ptcp. 'd4iru:
    'ih-'aQirl, "My God is my helper" or "My God, my helper!"to Also frequent is 'airu,
    "help": 'adrl-haddu, 'aQri-'a[], 'abi-'airl, etc. Some of these names appear later at
    Ugaril.tt
    The great majority of Phoenician and Punic names with the element 'zr are com-
    posed of the noun 'azr followed by a theophorous element (e.g.,'zrb'I, 'zrmlqrt) or a di-
    vine name followed by a perfect (e.g., 'imn'a; mlqrt'Zr))2 Used by itself, 'zr is either a
    pet name or a thanksgiving name: 'a(z)zilr "helpful."l:
    In Aramaic the noun 'idr/'edf "help," appears particularly as a predicate in
    theophorous names, e.g., hadad:i/ri, 'attar:idri, 'idr-'ili (cf. 'adrt-'El in I S. 18:19;
    2 S. 21:8).t+
    Atheophorous name with the verbal predicate 'd$ar is found also in Nabatean
    (qws'dr), as the Greek transcription Kosadaros shows.ls
    The verb 'dzar appears also in the Ammonite PN 7'z116 Finally, the element '/r is
    very frequent in North Arabian names.17
    The Hebrew proper names using 'zrlfrtquite naturally into this broader context and

    8. Beeston, 13.
    9. I. J. Gelb, Computer-Aided Analysis of Amorite. AS 2l (1980),256,259f-
    10. AN, 215. Ct. also iamai-[azir (APN, 193).
    tt. PNU, lo7.
    12. Benz,375-76.
    13. Cf. a-zu-ri (APN, 49a).
    14. APN,265b.
    15. LidzEph,II,339-40; AS, \,923.
    16. K. P. Jackson, The Ammonite Language of the Imn Age. HSM 27 (1983),95.
    17. G. L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-lslamic Arabian Names and Inscrip-
    tions (1971), 412, 617,675.
    119, 'azar t7

    reflect the same tendency as in Aramaic ('eli'ezer, yeh6:e7e4 'ozar-yA, etc.). Outside the
    Bible, Hebrew names with 'zr appear in cuneiform Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
    texts, in the Aramaic papyri, and in the legends of Palestinian seals. According to IQM
    4:13, the name 'zr'l, "help of God," was borne by one of the standards of the victorious
    sons of light.

    lll.'zr II.
    l.Verb. Theverb'zrllprobablyappearsonlyin I K. l:7; lCh.12:22(21);and2Ch.
    20:23.The contexts and comparison with Arab. lazura, "be abundant," suggest some
    such meaning as "come together (in a group), form a mass, assemble." The syntagm
    'dzar'aharA X,'Join someone, support someone" (1 K. l:7), appears nowhere else.l8
    Another hapax legomenon occurs in 1 Ch. 12:.22:'dzar irr, which might be translated
    'Join forces with." In 2 Ch.2O:23 we find 'azerfi ii b"r€'Ehfr lemaihi!, "they joined to-
    gether, the ones against the others, to (their own) destruction."

    2. Nouns. The noun (zr appears frequently in the mythological and epic texts of
    Ugarit as a "Homeric" epithet for gods and heroes. On the basis of Arab. Eaztr "abun-
    dant," scholars agree that {zr should be translated "hero" or "leader." Indeed, the con-
    textual meaning of gzr suggests comparison with words like 'abbir; "strong"; 'addttr
    "mighty"; kabbir "great"; and ialltt, "ruler." This comparison would argue for a form
    (aulru, with the Hebrew equivalent 'auir.ldentifrcation of (,zr with fizr is inappropri-
    ate, since the latter is connected with Arab. fiazara, "look on with suspicion," and
    means rather "superintendent."le The Hurrian narte fia-ie-ru-fu-ll should also not be
    associated with'dQiru or (,auiru.2o It is based on Saiiirum, "container," and denotes a
    maker of vessels.2l
    The noun {zr > 'zr (pronounced 'dztr or 'autr) is attested in 2 S. 18:3 and Ps.
    89:20(19). This interpretation would also yield a clearer sense than MT 'dzdr in Ezk.
    32:21 and I Ch.l2:1, possibly also in Jer.47:4 and Ezk. 30:8. In 2 S. 18:3 we have the
    only text with the plene reading 'zlr preserved by K "It is better that you serve as our
    leader from the city" (NRSV "send us help"). If Ps. 89:20(19) was written originally as
    a purely consonantal text, it could be read as it 'zr 'l gbr (cf.4QPs 89), "I have set
    (iatti) aleader ('azztr) at the head of ('al) the army (ge!ilrd)" (cf. Gen. 41:33; Isa.
    3:25), or "I have set (iattt) a leader ('auir) against a warrior (Sibbdr)l' probably a ref-
    erence to Goliath. The expressiol'Zry hammilhdmi, "leaders in battle(?)," in 1 Ch.
    l2:l may be compared to gibb6r@) milhdmA Gs. 24:8; 2 Ch. 13:3) and '"zAz milhdmA
    (lsa. 42:25; cf. Ps. 24:8). In Ezk. 32:21the'zryw conespond to the ('eb) gibbbr?m and
    are therefore also "leaders." This meaning would also be appropriate in Ezk. 30:8 and
    Jer.47:4, but the context is too vague to be certain.
    Lipiriski

    18. HAL, II, 8l l, assigns it to 'zr I.


    19. Cf. Heltzer.
    20. Alalakh 269, 22; contra Dietrich and Loretz.
    21. Tell al-Rimah, no. 126,21.
    l8 l.Vu'atur

    IY. Dead Sea Scrolls. To date the root !r I appears some 30 times in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls: l0 times as a verb, I I times as the noun 'ezef and9 times as the noun 'ezrA (the
    last only in IQM and 1lQT). The distribution carries little significance; the concentra-
    tion in the milhdmd literature is not surprising.
    Syntactic usage is approximately the same as in the OT. As the distribution would
    suggest, the texts speak most often of God's helping his community. He supports his
    holy ones (lQM l:16) and makes use of his angels for help (lQS 3:24; 1QM 13:10'14;
    17:6;4Q171 [4QCatenaa] frs. 12-13 l:7; cf.9). Belial likewise helps the sons of dark-
    ness (lQM 16:11; cf. 1:2), but this help does not endure (lQM l:6; lQpHab 5:11). The
    Essene community at Qumran celebrates the help of their God (lQM 13:13) and the
    help of God's deliverance (4QM" t4Q49ll fr.ll2:14;4QMe [4Q49512:2); it sees this
    help realized in the continued existence of the community and understands the commu-
    nity as the agent of God's help (1QM 12:7; l3:8). The degree to which this divine help
    is understood militarily is illustrated by the mention of a battle standard named'€zer
    'dl, "help of God" (1QM 4:13; see above). The devout worshiper probably has concrete
    assistance in mind when he says that he has been "helped" (= delivered) by God from
    the hand of the one stronger than he (lQH 2:35; cf. 5:6; 7:23). Finally, the "marriage
    ritual" 4Q502 records the benediction bdrfik'dl yiird'El 'aier 'dzar [ . . .], "blessed by
    the God of Israel, who helps [ . . .]" (24:2).zz
    The noun 'azdrd appears in I lQT only in the construct phrase 'azral mizbEaft, which
    denotes the narrow "altar ledge" to be sprinkled with sacrificial blood in the course of
    the various sacrificial rites (16:03,17;23:13,14;37:4).lt is unclear whether this ex-
    plicit construct phrase represents a semantic shift from the use of 'ozdrd alone in Ezk.
    43:14,17,20.
    Fabry

    22. l. M. Baumgarten, "/"rS 34


    (1983) 125-35.

    1p\ 'apr;nJp{atara

    I. Etymology; 2. Occurrcnces; 3. Meaning;4. LXX; 5. Dead Sea Scrolls. II. Lexical Field:
    1.
    l. nEzer;2. zdr;3. tfirim; 4.liw6; 5. lewdy6l; 6.;?ird; 7. kcler III' Ancient Near East:
    l. Egypt; 2. Mesopotamia; 3. Greece and Rome. IV. OT: 1. Royal Crown; 2. Material; 3. Crown
    of the High Priest; 4. Marriage Crown; 5. Names; 6. Metaphorical Usage.

    'dgan J. Abeler, Kronen, Herrschafiszeichen der Welt (s19gg1' K. Baus, Der Kranz in Antil<c
    und Christentum. Theophaneia 2 (1940); M. Blech, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen. RW
    1OY'dtar t9

    l. l. Etymology. The root 'rr is not widespread in Semitic. Apart from Hebrew, a
    verb 'rr and a noun '!rt arc found only in Phoenician and Punic. The so-called wreath
    inscription from Piraeus states that the Sidonian colony decided to donate a golden
    wreath (l'tr . . . '!rt ltr;) to im'b'l bn mgn for his services during the building of the
    temple, to inscribe this decision on a stele, and to set this stele up in the vestibule of
    the temple.l This decision reflects a custom borrowed from the Greeks. Similarly a
    Latin-Punic bilingual on the funerary stele of a Numidian says that the departed was
    "possessor of a wreath" (dl 'trt) and "possessor of a name of heroism" (dl im f;mt).z
    A Neo-Punic inscription from Maktar uses 'rr, in a different sense; the phrase '/rf
    'drt'probably refers to the magnificent facade of the temple.3 Line 6 of an inscrip-
    tion from Carthage was thought to read wt'rt wl'trtft, but the actual reading is wt'rt
    klt)tb.+ The end of the line, however, clearly reads Dr',i :r,t which Ferron translates
    "au sommet du fronton."s As in KAI 145, then, we are dealing with an architectural
    feature.
    Citing Guillaume, HALrefers to Arab. 'tr but this is based on a typographical error.6
    Guillaume compares the Arabic root ?r "bend, twist," to Heb. 'tr1 The Arabic verb
    might correspond to the Hebrew semantically, but not phonetically.
    The connection to Akk. elru, "headband," goes back to Bezold;8 the translation is
    probably based on association with Heb. '"gardMorerecent lexicons enter itwder idru
    B (or itru, iyru), "stap or band," or id/tru, III, "band."e It is not possible to establish its
    precise meaning from an occurrence in a list of gifts given to Amenophis IV.to It is not
    impossible that an Akkadian word ilru or etru is related to Heb. 'o1ar6, b:ut the evidence

    38 (1982); R. M. Boehmer, "Htirnerkronel' Rl,A, lY,431-34; H. Bonnet, "Kronen, Kr6nung,"


    RAR,394-400; A. Brekelmans, Martyrerkranz. Analecta Gregoriana 150 (1965); R. Delbrueck,
    "Der spiitantike Kaiserornatl' Die Antike 8 (1932) l-21; L. Deubner, "Die Bedeutung des
    Kranzes im klassischen Altertum," ARW 30 (1933) 70-104; O. Fiebiger, "Corona. l): PW lV,
    1636-44; R. Ganszyniec,"Kranzl' PW, Xl, 1588-1607; W Grundmann, "m6$avoq, meQov6o,"
    TDNT Yll, 615-36; H.-D. Kahl, "Weihekrone und Herrscherkrone" (Habil., Giessen, 1964);
    J. Kiichling, De coronarum apud antiquos vi et usu. RW l4l2 (1914; vol. I = diss., Mtinster,
    l9l3); L. Ltiw, "Kranz und Krone," Gesammelte Schriften, III (1893,21979),407-37;
    C. Meister, "Kranz Krone," BHHW, II,999-1000; C. Strauss, "Kronen," l,exAg, lll,8ll-16;
    Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera ex recensione Aemilii Kroymann. CSEL 70 (1942),
    153-88 (De corona); E. Unger, "Diadem und Krone," Rl^A, ll,20l-ll; H. Waetzoldt and R. M.
    Boehmer, "Kopfbedeckungi' RLA, Yl, 197-210.

    L. KAI 60, quotation l. 3.


    2. KAI165.6.
    3. KAI 145.3; see J. G. F6vrier, Sem 6 (1956) 17-18.
    4. RES 13 = C1S 6000 (bis).
    5. J. Ferron, Studi Magrebini, I (1966),67-80 and pl. l.
    6. HAL,II, 815.
    7. A. Guillaume, Abr-Nahrain 3 (1961162) 6.
    8. C. Bezold, Babylonisch-assyrisches Glossar (1926),26, with a question mark. Still cited
    by K8L2,698.
    9. See, respectively, CAD, VII, l0b; AHw, l,364b.
    10. EA 14, III, 16.
    499 'iitar

    is not clear enough for it to serye as an etymology of the Hebrew root 'rrll The word
    etdru(m), "take away, rescue;'I2 cited by GesB and BDB, can hardly have anything to
    do with Heb. 'lr.
    In Jewish Aramaic the primary meaning is "surround," in Middle Hebrew,
    "wreathe."

    2. Occurrences. The verb 'dtar occurs just twice in the qal, with the meaning "sur-
    round": I 5.23:26 reports that Saul and his followers set out to entrap David by encir-
    clement; Ps. 5:13(Eng. v. 12) says that Yahweh's favor surrounds the righteous like a
    longshield. There are four occurrences of the piel, which means "'make crowned' . . .
    as a permanent condition."l3 Since the "performance of the action itself is attested in
    the qal with the meaning "surround," neither the piel nor the hiphil should be consid-
    ered a denominative verb.14
    The piel appears in Cant. 3:11: the bridegroom is crowned by his mother with a
    wreath or crown. It also appears three times in the Psalms. Ps. 8:6(5) speaks of the indi-
    vidual whom Yahweh crowns "with grace and mercy" (hesed weral.tamtm; cf. the very
    similar expression in llQPsa 19:8). Ps. 65:.12(ll) declares that Yahweh has crowned
    the year with his goodness; the fertility of the land is ascribed to Yahweh's interven-
    tion, here a "circuit," "a progress through the land by God in person";l5 v. 12b(1lb)
    says, "Your wagon tracks overflow with riches." Ps. 103:4 says that God crowns the
    soul of the psalmist with steadfast love and mercy.
    The hiphil is a hapax legomenon. The MT of Isa. 23:8 contains the fem. ptcp.
    hamma'attr6, describing Tyre. The same passage in lQIsa reads hm'trh, probably a piel
    or pual participle. The Syr. and Vulg. provide passive readings: "crowned." The inter-
    pretation of the passage is disputed. Since Duhm, exegetes have tended to replace Tlre
    with Sidon, the "bestower of crowns," the founder of numerous monarchic city-states
    in such areas as Cyprus.l6 In short, Isa. 23:8 predicts that the Phoenician city will be
    disgraced even though she wears a crown or even though she bestowed crowns and
    wreaths, installing client rulers in many of her colonies.lT
    The noun 'atard occurs 23 times in the OT; with the exception of 2 S. 12:30 par,.
    1 Ch.2O:2 it appears only in poetic texts: 5 times in Proverbs, 4 times in Isaiah, 3 times
    in Ezekiel, twice each in Zechariah and Job, and once each (besides 2 Samuel and
    I Chronicles) in Jeremiah, Psalms, Song of Songs, Esther, and Lamentations. Finally, it
    occurs in the Hebrew text of Sirach: 45:l2a (ms. B); 5o:l2c (ms. A); 6:3lb (ms. A =
    2Q18). The verb occurs in 45:25-26 (ms. B) and 6:3lb (ms. A = 2Q18). The absolute

    I l. Personal communication from R. Borger.


    12. AHw, l,264; CAD, 4,401-4.
    13. HP,205.
    14. Ct. BDB,742-43; cf. HAL, II, 815.
    15. H. Schmidt, Die Psalmen. HAT A$ (1934), in loc.
    16. See also O. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39. OTL (Eng. trans. 1974), 160, 162, 166.
    17. W. Rudolph, "Jesaja 23,1-14: FS E Baumgiirtel. EF NIO (1959), 166-74, esp. 172; simi-
    larly H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27 (Eng. trans. 1997),428-29.
    '199'dtar 2t

    form'%drd appears only twice (Ezk. 2l:31126}. Cant. 3:11); the construct form is
    'atere1. This form used absolutely should probably replace the plural form 'atar61 in the
    tlree texts where it occurs (Zec.6:ll,14; Job 3l:36); it is also conceivable that -6!
    should be interpreted as an archaic or archaizing singular ending.ts It is possible, how-
    ever, that the form should be treated as a plural of magnitude (see IV.3 below).

    3. Meaning. The word 'olarA covers a fairly broad range of meanings. The basic
    sense of the root is "surround, encircle"; from it develops the meaning "wreath" of
    flowers, leaves, or twigs, in other words, a botanical crown. This meaning then gives
    rise to the general meaning "crown," a metallic wreath. As parallelisms show, "tard
    can refer to a wide variety of head coverings or ornaments, e.9., ;cptrd (lsa. 28:5),
    ;dnip (lsa.62:3), misnepe!(Ezk.2l:31126l),liwyA (Prov.4:9, etc.). Presumably the di-
    adem (ndzer), which is part of the royal insignia, can also be called 'aturA. In other
    words, 'o1ard can denote not just the royal crown of gold but also the cloth cap deco-
    rated with precious stones, the diadem, or the head covering recalling the Assyrian ti-
    ara, decorated with ornate bands.le

    4.IXX. The LXX regularly lses stdphanos to translate 'alarA; fts semantic range is as-
    tonishingly similar to that of the Hebrew word: stdphanos can refer to an encirclement, a
    city wall, a wreath, or a crown (of twigs or flowers as well as metal). There are 50 occur-
    rences of stdphanos intheLXX,zo 23 of which translate '%arA; in addition, there are 9 oc-
    currences in Sirach, 7 in I Maccabees, I in 2 Maccabees, 2 in Judith, and 1 in Baruch 6
    (= Letter of Jeremiah). Once (Isa. 22:21) stdphanos represents 'alnEt, twice (Lam.2:15;
    Ezk.28:12) kfrlil, and twice (Prov. l:9; 4:9) liwyd. lt has no Hebrew equivalent in Isa.
    22:18 (but cf.22:21) and Ps. 65:12(ll), where the noun stdphanos represents the verb
    'ittartd.In four passages (Ps. 5:13[12]; 8:6[5]; 103:4; Cant. 3:11) the verb stephando
    translates 'dtar; it appears also in Jdt. 15:13; 3 Mc. 3:28; and 4 Mc. 17:15.

    5. Dead Sea Scrolls. The root 'rr does not play an important role in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls. In lQSb 4:3 the priest is promised that "eternal blessings" will be the crown of
    his head; llQPsa 19:7-8, adapting Ps. 103:4, says of Yahweh: m't hsydyw hsd
    wrhmym, "who crowns his faithful with steadfast love and mercy." The Temple Scroll
    uses lrft twice (17:l [restored];40:11) for an architectural feature.

    II. Lexical Field. The terms "wreath," "crown,"


    and "diadem" translate several He-
    brew words, the specific meanings of which need to be distinguished.

    l.n€zer The noun -s 1lJ nEzer refers to the royal diadem. When the text refers to
    the royal headdress, 'otard can subsume nezer.

    18. E. Lipiriski, W 20 (1970) 34-35.


    19. Cf. Barrois, Manuel d'archiologie biblique, II (1953), 55-56
    20. Grundmann (624 r.57) counts only 49.
    f.VY'atur

    2. zEn The golden wreath ( zEr) arotnd the ark of the covenant is to be thought of as
    an omate golden molding (Ex. 25:11;37:2); it is also mentioned in connection with the
    table (25:24-25;37:11-12) and above all the incense altar (30:3-4;37:26-27).

    3. tirrim. According to GesB, the tfrfim (l K. 7:18, etc.) are "decorations joined to-
    gether to form a wreath." The description of the metalwork for the temple is not de-
    tailed enough, however, to permit definite conclusions in the case of each individual
    word. Noth proposes for 1fir the meaning "plate, panel," "from which the meanings
    'course' and then 'row'could have developed."2l

    4. liwyd. The noun liwyd, "garland" (Prov. l:9: 4:9; 14:24 cj.; and possibly 1 K.
    7:29), deives from averb lawd III, "twist, turn," attested in Hebrew only in its nominal
    derivative.22 Prov. l:9 says the instructions ofparents are "a fair garland" (liwyalhEn)
    on the head of their son and a "necklace" ('%dqtm) around his neck. According to 4:9,
    wisdom will place on the head of one who hearkens to her "a fair garland" (liwyal-hen)
    and thus bestow "a beautiful crown" (%lerel tip'ere1).ln 14:24, too, liwya! must be read
    in parallel with'atere1, so that the proverb reads: "The crown of the wise is their wis-
    dom, but folly is the garland of fools."

    5. PwAy61. In the description of how to make the ten stands for the ten basins in the
    temple, the MT uses the form ldy61Q K.7:29,30,36). This form would derive from a
    sg. l6yd, otherwise unattested. In all likelihood, however, the form should be lewdydl
    so that here we would have the pl. of liwyA (see II.4 above). The text clearly refers to
    some kind of "wreaths" (cf. NRSV) firmly attached to the stands.23 To date, the phrases
    mE'EPer Ti ldy6l in v. 30 and k"ma'ar-ii w'l6y61in v. 36 defy interpretation.

    6. ;"pirA. On the evidence of Isa. 28:5, where septral tip'drd ("a garland of glory")
    parallels '"yere1 p"pt ("a diadem of beauty"), {cptrA means "garland, wreath, crown."
    The occurrence of this word in Ezk.7:7,10, however, remains unexplained.2a

    7. kelenHeb. keler occurs only three times in the OT: Est. l:ll;2:17;6:8. Each
    time it is qualified by malf;tt1. In the first two texts, kcler denotes the headdress of a
    queen (Vashti in 1:ll, Esther at her enthronement in2:17); in 6:8 it refers quite re-
    markably to the adornment of a horse's head. The noun derives from a verb ktr lI
    (piel), "surround" (cf. 'dtar).The LXX translates with didddma (cf. Vulg. diadema),
    identifying keler with the diadem denoted elsewhere in the OT by nEzer In the book
    of Esther keler refers to the tall, rigid tiara that adorned the head of the Persian king
    (Gk. kidaris = tidra orth6), the "crown" worn only by the great king, singling him
    out from all others. Since it can be shown that the consorts of Hellenistic kings wore

    21. M. Noth, Kbnige. BKlxll (1968), 150-51.


    22. --> YIt, 475.
    23. See also Noth, BK lxll,144.
    24. SeeW Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),195;'J. Reider, W4(1954)278.
    199'dtar

    the diadem,2s the interpretation of the LXX and Vulg. is correct; the author of the
    Hebrew text clearly ased kcler in a broader sense. Crowning with the diadem appears
    not to symbolize installation as coregent but recognition as lawful consort.
    According to the MT of 6:8, Haman proposes that the king adorn the one he wishes
    to honor with royal robes that the king has worn and with a horse "that the king has rid-
    den, with a royal diadem [or: 'royal iara,' keler malbfrd on its head." Since it is impos-
    sible to picture a horse wearing either the tiara of the great king or the diadem of the
    queen,26 we should accept the suggestion of Gerleman and translate: "and a horse like
    that on which the king rode when the royal diadem was placed on his head."
    There is one occurrence of a denominative verb (hiphil) derived from keler in Prov.
    14:18, with the meaning "crown oneself': "The simple are adorned2T with folly, but the
    clever crown themselves (yabtirfi) with knowledge."

    III. Ancient Near EasL


    l. Egypt. The outstanding adornment of Egyptian deities was their headdress, the at-
    tribute by which they are most easily recognized. A crown was not just decorative, be-
    ing above all a symbol expressing the nature of the god: gods of the heavens and of
    light wore crowns adorned with the sun disk, gods whose realm is the air wore feath-
    ered crowns, gods whose animals were horned had a pair of horns symbolizing their
    strength. Like all symbols, crowns were also vehicles of power, in which the atfibutes
    and forces they represented were effectively present. The crowns ofthe king and queen
    mediated and guaranteed the divine power they claimed; therefore the royal crowns en-
    joyed their own cult. The earliest crowns were those of the two lands. The white crown
    was a tall headdress terminating in a knob; its wearer represented the territory of Upper
    Egypt. The red crown was a cap, the back of which rose steeply, with an upwardly
    coiled "wire" in front. It symbolized the territory of Lower Egypt. The two crowns,
    representing the principle of dualism, were first associated with the ruler of both lands
    on the Narmer palette. In the late period we find flamboyant composite crowns. Since
    the New Kingdom, the cult of the dead allotted the departed a wreath, usually of olive
    leaves, as a sign of vindication in the final judgment. This "wreath of vindication"2E
    was worn like a crown by the departed. Christianity later borrowed it as the "crown of
    life."

    2. Mesopotamia. The usual Akkadian word for "crown, tiara" is agfr(m), a mark of
    sovereignty denoting both the tiara of the gods and the headdress of the king.2r The
    form was not critical; what mattered was that the agfr expressed the power and function
    of its wearer. The term therefore served to denote any headdress of a deity or of the

    25. G. Gerleman, Esther BK XXI (1973), @.


    26. Ibid., 116-17; for a different view see H. Bardtke, Das Buch Esther KAT XVIV4-5
    (1963), 348.
    27. G. R. Diver, Bibl32 (1951) l8l.
    28. D. Jankuhn, Ie*AS,111,764.
    ^Hw, l, 16-17; CAD, Yl, 153-57.
    avv'atur

    king, be it a band, a circlet, or a cap. In every era, of course, there were prescribed
    forms for the tiaras of individual deities and for the "crown" of the king. A crown, cap,
    or helmet with the horns of a bull, however, always symbolized divinity. As a rule, such
    a headdress was worn only by a god, but in a few cases also by the divinized king. In-
    terpretation confronts the difficulty that pictorial representations show changes in fash-
    ion that cannot be integrated with the texts because much of the terminology remained
    the same, although the words probably referred to different forms of headdress in dif-
    ferent eras and regions. For example, the word kubiu, denoting a soldier's cap, can re-
    fer both to the king's crown and (with horns) to the tiara of a god.30 A total of 115 dis-
    tinct forms of headdress have been found in pictorial representations.3l

    3. Greece and Rome.In the Greco-Roman world, wreaths found their place primar-
    ily in the cult. They adorned priests, altars, those who offered sacrifice, sacrificial ani-
    mals, and seers. The symbolism indicated that the person or object so adorned was sep-
    arated from the profane world. From this cultic usage derived the use of wreaths at
    banquets and athletic competitions, in triumphal processions, and in the cult of the
    dead. Wreaths were symbols of divine favor and protection. The close connection be-
    tween cultic and political life led to holders of public office wearing wreaths as a sign
    of their dignity. Over time, these wreaths developed into a variety of crowns. To wear
    the victor's crown in an athletic contest was considered the highest form of earthly hap-
    piness. The wreath also found employment in the private sphere, adorning singers, for
    example. Wreaths were used to express joy and honor. Wreaths of precious metal
    served as votive offerings and tokens of honor. Aristophanes makes fun of the multipli-
    cation of wreaths inhis Equites (Knights): when a sausage dealer informs the council
    that anchovies are the cheapest they have been since the outbreak of war, he is awarded
    a wreath as a bearer of good news. Weddings were also occasions for coronation, and
    the guests at banquets and symposia were crowned with wreaths. Finally, wreaths were
    used in the funerary cult and to honor the dead. The use of wreaths in the Roman cult
    for the most part probably echoed Greek usage. The diadem, which signified sover-
    eignty and encircled the tiara worn by the Achaemenids, formed part of the Hellenistic
    royal ornaments since the time of Alexander the Great. Beginning with Ptolemy IY the
    diadem was represented on coins as a rayed wreath. At Rome the diadem a hated
    symbol of despotism did not come into use until the late period.
    -
    -
    When we move from the Greco-Roman world and the Hellenistic Near East to the
    OT world, we are struck by the little use made of crowns, wreaths, and coronation.
    Only in the later strata of the OT do the terms come to be used more often, primarily
    figuratively. The reserye of the OT shows that Israel rejected the cultic and magical use
    of the wreath (a botanical crown), from which developed the crown proper' a metal
    wreath, customary among its neighbors.

    30. AHw,1,497-98.
    31. R. M. Boehmer, R1"4, VI, 204,206,2O9.
    109'dtar

    rv. oT.
    l. Royal Crown. It is striking that the crown of Saul, the first king of Israel, is men-
    tioned for the first time in the story of his tragic death. The Amalekite who brought Da-
    vid the news of Saul's death concludes his account: "Then I took the crown (hann€7er)
    that was on his head and the armlet that was on his arm, and I have brought them here
    to my lord" (2 S. l:10). It is nowhere stated that David wore the crown or diadem of
    Saul. We do read in 2 S. 12:30 that, after defeating the Ammonites, David took "the
    crown of their king ('oyere1 malf;nm) from his head . . . and it was placed on David's
    head." A particular problem is presented by the statement that its weight was a talent of
    gold (some 80 lbs.) possibly a measure of its value, unless attendants held it over the
    king's head. A further - complication is the parallel in I Ch. 2O:2, where the Vulg. and
    possibly the LXX read milkdm, a reference to the imperial deity of the Ammonites.32
    Nothing is said of a coronation of Solomon or his successors. Not until Joash are we
    told once more of a coronation: the high priest Jehoiada sets the diadem (once again
    nezer) onhis head (2 K. I l:l2par.2Ch.23:ll).r: 1n the case of the kings of the north-
    ern kingdom, we can only theorize that they wore a crown or diadem, perhaps follow-
    ing the example of their neighbors, the kings of Phoenicia, and of the Aramaic rulers.
    The so-called Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III represents Jehu as wearing a pointed
    cap, possibly decorated with precious stones. The "proud garland [or: 'crown']" of Isa.
    28:1,3 may be seen as a reference to the royal house, which failed to distance itself
    from the doings of the upper class of Samaria. The threat addressed to the king and the
    "lady" (geptrd, i.e., the king's mother) indicates that each wore a magnificent crown
    (*yere1 tip'e re!, Jer. I 3: I 8; cf. similarly Ezk. 2l:31126D.
    Herod the Great was buried with a diadem on which was set a golden crown.34 We
    read in I Mc. 1l:13 that Ptolemy VI Philometor wore two crowns: the crown of Egypt
    and the crown of Asia.

    2. Material. Even in the ancient world, crowns were generally made of gold (see lrr
    /rrs in the Phoenician wreath inscription),35 as we can see from 2 S. 12:30 par. 1 Ch.
    20:2 (kikkar-zdhafl and Est. 8:15 (the crown of Mordecai, '"1ere1 zdhd! g"ddl6). Ps.
    2l:4(3) and Sir. 45: 12 also speak of an 'alere! paz, a crown of fine gold (if paz actually
    means"finegold"). InSir.45:12thecrown ('trt)is oneof theornamentsof thehigh
    priest, but we can conclude from Ps. 2l:4(3) that the royal crown of Israel was a golden
    diadem (elsewhere usually called n€ler), which, as Ezk. 2l:31 teaches, was probably
    studded with precious stones (cf. 2 S. 12:30) and was worn over the turban (mi;nepe1).
    As elsewhere in the ancient Near East, the king received the crown from the hand of the
    deity (cf. Ps. 2l:4[3]). The royal power and dignity symbolized by the king's crown

    32. See W. Rtillig, WbMyth,1,299.


    33. For a discussion of the coronation ritual, see -+'lll ndzar ll.3; -s119 'wd, IV.l.b; -+
    11D9'ammfiQ.
    34. Josephus Ant. 17.8.3 $197.
    35. KAr 60.3.
    '19Y'alar

    were bestowed by God. The crown was presumably worn on state occasions and per-
    haps also when the king engaged in battle (cf. 2 S. l:10, ndzer).
    There is plentiful evidence that lsrael's neighbors believed that the king was ulti-
    mately crowned by the deity. This idea is attested also in Ps. 21:4(3): it is Yahweh who
    bestows blessings and success on the king and sets the crown on his head.

    3. Crown of the High Priest. only gradually did the royal ideology of the high priest
    develop and find acceptance. This development is graphically illustrated inZec.6:9-
    14:7*chaiah is commanded to collect silver and gold brought back by the returning
    exiles and to make 'aIdr6! to set on the head of the high priest Joshua son of Jehozadak.
    V. 14 says that the crown(s) are to remain as a memorial in the temple of Yahweh. The
    pl. -pr61has caused problems since time immemorial; for example, the Targ. inter-
    prets it as a plural of magnitude ("a large crown"). Others have suggested that the form
    refers to a composite artifact: a multiple crown like the papal tiara or crown described
    in Rev. l9:12.t0 Rudolph is probably correct, however, in assuming that we are dealing
    here with an archaic singular ending -6! < -4 and that obviously only one crown is
    meant. Since it is unreasonable to assume that Joshua wore the crown at all times, v. 14
    also creates no problems. When the crown was not being used on an official state occa-
    sion, it was deposited in the temple, where it both recalled the founders and evoked
    constant recollection of Yahweh's steadfast love and mercy. Since the crown was a
    symbol of royal dignity, while the high priest originally wore a turban (mi;nepe!, Ex.
    28:4, etc.), many exegetes substitute Zerubbabel for Joshua in v. I L Rudolph is right
    not to follow this lead: 7**.6:9-14 for the fust time legitimizes Joshua as a royal high
    priest and descendant of David. Sir. 45:12, too, is probably dominated by the notion of
    the royal high priest. This ideal became a reality under the Hasmoneans. Each of the
    eight heads of this house, from Jonathan to Antigonus, was both high priest and the
    secular leader of the Jewish people.

    4. Marriage Crown. Since the bridal couple is celebrated as king and queen, the
    wreath or crown plays an important role in the marriage ceremony (as in the Greco-
    Roman world).37 To the accompaniment of music (1 Mc. 3:39), the bridegroom,
    crowned by his mother (Cant.3:11), approached the bride. The allegory in Ezk. 16
    shows that the bride was also adorned with a beautiful crown ('aterel tip'ereg Ezk.
    16:12), in this case by her father; bridal wreaths might be made of myrtle, roses' or
    gold.38 A lover would also present a beautiful crown to a prostitute (Ezk.23:42). Ac-
    cording to 3 Mc. 4:8, during a persecution in Alexandria young Jewish couples had
    ropes wrapped around their necks instead of wreaths on their heads. During
    Vespasian's war, an edict prohibited the crowning of the groom; during the war of Qui-
    etus (governor of Judea in I l7 c.r.), the crowning of the bride was prohibited.3e

    36. E.g., L. G. Rignell, Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharia (1950), in loc.


    37. See, e.g., Euripides lphigenia in Aulis 9O5-6.
    38. St.-B.,I,508-9.
    39. Mish. Sola9.l4.
    1Di 'dtar

    5. Names. In one text (l Ch. 2:26) 'a1drd is the name of a woman, the second wife of
    Jerahmeel. This name reflects 'Joy over a daughter who adds to the number of chil-
    dren."4o
    Several toponyms are based on the pl. of 'ftdrA; they are understood either in the sense
    of "enclosure" or "cattle pen,"4l or as a plural of differentiation: stones forming a kind of
    crown around a ring of hills.42 (1) The 'ayr@bAry6'dp in Judah of I Ch. 2:54has not been
    identified. (2) The 'alr6! i6pdn in Gad mentioned in Nu. 32:35 has likewise not been
    identified, if it is not to be equated with Khirbet'Afi5riis/z (see below). (3) The '"!dr6!in
    the southern region of Ephraim (Josh. 16:2) is probably the same as 'atr61 'qddar on the
    border with Benjamin (16:5; l8: l3); it may be identical with Khirbet'Attara at the south-
    ern foot of Tell en-Naqbeh. (4) The 'atdrdlonthe northern or eastern border of Ephraimite
    settlement (Josh. 16:7) may possibly be identified with Tell Sheikh ej-Jiab in the Jordan
    Valley northwest of Phasaelis. (5) The most famous site is the 'atdr6l east of the Jordan
    (Nu. 32:3,34), which appears also in the inscription of King Mesha of Moab ('!n1;+t O.-
    spite the final consonant, which mocks the principles of phonetic equivalence, it is proba-
    bly to be identified with Khirbet'AtterEs/z, some 6 mi. northwest of Dibon. (6) The Targ.
    to Jgs. 4:5 mentions an'trwtbetween Ramah and Bethel. (7) Eusebius was familiar with
    two sites named Ataroth near Jerusalem; the names suggest identification with Khirbet
    'A$ara at the foot to Tell en-Nagbeh and Khirbet 'Attara (= Khirbet el-Khardba).++
    (8) The modern village of el-'Atttua north of Jifna may represent an ancient Ataroth by
    chance unrecorded in the 0T:

    6. Metaphorical Usage. Wisdom literature frequently uses the image of a wreath or


    crown. A good wife is her husband's wreath (Prov. l2:4). Grandchildren are "the
    wreath of the aged," and the glory of children is their fathers (17:6). The gray hair of
    the aged is "a glorious crown" (qyerel tip'ere1, 16:31), and "rich experience is the
    crown [or: 'ornament']45 of the aged" (Sir. 25:6). A father's insffuction and a mother's
    teaching are "a fair wreath" (liwya!hEn) on their son's head (Prov. l:9). Above all,
    however, wisdom herself is the power that brings honor. "She will place on your head a
    fair wreath (liwya! b€n); she will bestow on you a beautiful uown ('a1ere1 tip'erefi"
    (4:9; cf. also 14:.24). Thus the fear of God can be understood as a crown of wisdom
    (Sir. I : I 8; LXX stdphanos sophtas almost surely repres ents 'atere! l.to[mA, not n€7er) -a6
    Wisdom can be worn like a glorious robe and put on like a splendid crown (Gk.
    stdphanon agallidmatos, Sir. 6:3 l).

    40. J. J. Stamm, Hebriiische Wortforschung. FS W. Baumgartner SW 16 (1967), 327 -28. Ct.


    the allegorical interpretation in Jer. Sanh. 2.2Ob.
    41. See, respectively, K. Elligea BHHW, l, 144; HAL, II, 815.
    42. E. Kiinig, Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Wdrterbuch zum AT (1936), s.v.
    43. KAI 181.1l.
    44. Onomasticon 26.15-16.
    45. G. Sauer, "Jesus Sirachl' Historische und legendarische Erziihlungen. JSHRZ llU5
    (1981), s67.
    46. Ibid.,508 n. 18a.
    112'ayin

    On the other hand, loss of a wreath represents loss of human glory and honor; it
    means suffering and abject misery. Job (19:9) says of himself: "He has stripped my
    glory from me, and taken the crown from my head." Jeremiah utters the same threat
    against the king and the king's mother (Jer. 13: l8), referring to their imminent deporta-
    tion: "Take a lowly seat, for your beautiful crown has come down from your head." In
    Lam. 5:16 the lsraelites themselves declare, "The wreath has fallen from our head."
    Finally, crowns and wreaths represent sharing in the coming kingdom of glory.
    When Isa. 62:3 says, "You shall be a wreath of glory (',yerel tip'erefi in the hand of
    Yahweh and a royal diadem [reading fis'ntp melfrf;i] in the hand of your God," the ref-
    erence is to Jerusalem of the eschaton; but Wis. 5:15-16 extends this vision to all the
    elect: "The righteous shall live forever, and their reward is with the Lord; the Most
    High takes care of them. Therefore they will receive from the hand of the Lord a glori-
    ous kingdom and a beautiful diadem (t6 didddma tofi hillous)|'
    D. Kellermann

    I. The Word. II. Ancient Near East: l. Egypt; 2. Mesopotamia; 3. Ugarit. III. OT: l. Sensory
    Organ;2. Locus of Personality; 3. Idioms; 4. Metaphors; 5. God's Eye. IV. Deuterocanonical
    Texts. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. The Word. The word 'ayiz occurs 866 times in the Hebrew OT with the meaning
    "eyel' 23 times with the metaphorical meaning "spring." It occurs 5 times in the Ara-
    maic portions of the 0T.

    'ayin. M. Dahood, "Zacharia9,l,'Etl 'AoAui CBQ25 (1963) 123-24; E. Dhorme, L'emploi


    mdtaphorique des noms de parties du corps en hibreu et en akkadien (1923,21963), 75-80;
    E. Ebeling,'Auge," RI-A.,1,313; idem, "Blick, bdser,"RI-A, II,55; C. Edlund,'Auge," BHHWI,
    153; H. Goeke, "Das Menschenbild der individuellen Klagelieder" (diss., Bonn, l97l), esp.
    214ff.:W. Helck, " Augen des Kiinigs,'" lzxA7, I, 560; E. Jenni and D. Vetter, '11! 'ayin eyel'
    TLOT ll, 874-80; A. R. Johnson, The Wtality of the Individual in the Thought of Ancient Israel
    (21964); O. Keel, Deine Blicke sind wie Tauben. SBS 114/l 15 (1984); idem, Jahwe-Vsionen und
    Siegelkunst. SBS 84/85 (1977); H.-J. Kraus, "Htjren und Sehen in der althebriiischen Tradition,"
    in Biblisch-theologische Aufsiitze (1972),84-101; M. Lurker, rildrterbuch biblischer Bilder und
    Symbole (21978); L. Malten, Die Sprache des menschlichen Antlitzes in der Antike. FUF 27
    (1953); W. Michaelis, "600d\p6e," TDNT, V, 375-78; P. H. Middendorf, "Gott sieht" (diss.,
    Freiburg, Breslau, 1935); F. Ntitscher, "Das Angesicht Gottes schauen" nach biblischer und
    babylonischer Auffassung (1924,21969): A. L. Oppenheim, "'The Eyes of the Lord,"' ,IAOS 88
    (1968) 173-80; E. Otto, 'Auge," IzxAg,1,559-60: S. C. Reif, 'A Root to Look Up? A Study of
    the Hebrew nS' inl' Congress Volume, Salamanca 1983. SW 36 (1985), 230-44; A. E. Rtithy,
    "'Sieben Augen auf einem Stein,' Sach. 3,9," TZ 13 (1957) 523-29; F. J. Stendebach,
    "Theologische Anthropologie des Jahwisten" (diss., Bonn, 1970); H. W. Wolff, Anthropology of
    the OT (Eng. trans. 1974).
    111'ayin

    The word is probably a primary noun, found in all the Semitic languages: Ugar. 7,'t
    Ak}* lnu/€nu,'2 the Canaanite glosses in the Amarna texts have the suffixed form
    fiinaia;3 Phoen. h,' Aramaic dialects 'yn (Jewish Aram.'And'or 'aynd'; Syr.'aynd);a
    Arab.'ayn; OSA 'yz;s Eth.'ayn. An Egyp. 'yn is attested only in written characters; the
    normal word for "eye" is irf.6
    Apart from the primary noun, the qal participle of a denominative verb )n occurs
    once in the OT (l S. 18:9 Q), with the meaning "look upon with suspicion."
    Denominative verbs are found also in Ugaritic,z Jewish Aramaic, and Middle Hebrew.
    A poel participle has been conjectured in 1 S. 2:2932.4
    Finally, several personal names derive from 'ayin, including'ely6'Ana.y, "my eyes
    are with [or: 'toward'] Yahweh," which imitates an Akkadian pattern.e
    In the LXX the Greek equivalent ophthalm6s occurs almost 700 times; it is used al-
    mostexclusivelytotranslate'ayin-toThelexicalfieldincludes+illll ltdzAand+i'lN"l
    ra a.

    II. Ancient Near East.


    l. Egypt.In Egypt the eye plays an important role as the organ by which light and
    the physical world are perceived; it is also expressive of personal power. The signifi-
    cance of the eye as a human organ is illustrated by the use of the phrase "every eye" to
    mean "everyone." A major metaphorical use of "eye" is in the epithet "eyes of the king
    of Upper Egypt," used (together with "ears of the king of Lower Egypt") as an honor-
    ific title of high officials, especially in the Eighteenth Dynasty. Egypt is called "eye of
    Re" and "healing eye" (w/3.t). An "evil eye" is in part an apotropaic force, in part a
    harbinger of affliction.
    In mythological thought the sun and moon were the eyes of Horus, god of the heav-
    ens. Later we read also of the "eyes of Re"; the sun god is said to illuminate the land
    with his two eyes.ll Usually, however, the sun is the "eye of Re" and the moon the "eye
    of Horus." Horus loses his eye in his battle with Seth; Thoth brings it back and heals it
    (a mythological representation of the phases of the moon). Therefore the healed eye or
    udjat eye (wds.t) is a symbol of life and strength, often used as an amulet with
    apotropaic powers. Drawn on a coffrn, a pair of eyes serves in part to avert the forces of
    evil, in part to let the dead person look out from the tomb.l2 The solar eye can be sent

    l.WUS, no. 2055; UT, no.1846.


    2. AHw, 1,383; CAD, VII, 153-58.
    3. BI*,52m.
    4. DNSI,II, 839.
    5. Biella, 363.
    6. See, respectively, WDIS, I, 189, 106-7.
    7.WUS, no. 2055a: UT, no.1846.
    8. H. J. Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT YllUl (1973), 116-17.
    9. IPN, 163,216.
    10. Michaelis, 376.
    I l. H. Ringgren, Liber amicorum. FS C. J. Bleekcr (1969), l4l.
    12. RAR,854-56.
    llY'ayin

    forth by the sun god for various purposes. More often, however, texts speak of the an-
    gry solar eye, sep.uated from the deity, which must be appeased and brought back. Un-
    der these circumstances, it is often identified with a divinized wild lioness.13
    The identification of the divine with light is paralleled by the receptivity to light of
    the human eye. The relationship between divinity and humanity is that of sight. Blind-
    ness is separation from God. Just as the divine eyes .ue undamaged, so the eyes of hu-
    man beings are to be whole.la

    2. Mespotamia. In Mesopotamia inu namirtu means both "bright eye" and "happy
    face." A sharp eye was considered a sign of a sharp mind. The eye expresses both ap-
    proval and displeasure. Someone who has won favor is described as ia in PN maru,
    "pleasing to the eye of PN." Goodwill and the like are indicated by the expression nii
    tnE, "rusingof the eyes." The moon is referred to metaphorically as the eye of heaven
    and earth. Reproductions of eyes were presented as votive offerings and used as amu-
    lets.15 Also *it"phori""l is the expressionobonrnu (="tIGI), "eye-stone," referring to a
    jewel set in a piece of jewelry (cf. Ezk. l:4,7,16,22).16 There was a widespread belief in
    the effect of the evil eye, based on the notion that the eye can function as an indepen-
    dent force. For protection against the evil eye, we find amulets such as miniature hands
    with outstretched fingers made of imitation lapis lazuli.

    3. Ugarit. A small tablet in Akkadian with an incantation against eye diseases has
    been found at Ugarit.rT The similarity of the poetic language of Ugarit to that of the OT
    is illustrated, e.g., by the comparison of an eye to a pool. Both also speak of the "spring
    of the eye." In each case there is probably a play on the double meaning of 'n, "eye"
    and "spring."rs The combination of yn and h, literally "wine of brightness," refers to
    'p'p, "pupil"
    sparkling wine.le We find 'n and rli in parallelism.2o The combination of
    'n
    (not "eyelash"[?]), and is found only in Ugaritic and Hebrew.2l

    III. OT.
    Sensory Organ. [n the first instance, "eye" denotes the physical organ that enables
    l.
    people to see. Relatively few texts, however, limit the meaning of the eye to this func-
    iion, and most of these speak of a defect: a blemish in the eye (Lev. 2l:.20), failure
    (kilyiln, Dt. 28:65) or dimming (khh, Zec.11:17; Gen. 27:l;Dt.34:7) of the eyes; weak
    (rkk, Gen. 29:17) or "heavy" eyes (kbd, Gen. 48: l0); eyes that have grown weak (khh)

    13. RlR, 733-35.


    14. E. Otto, Gott und Mensch. AHAW 1964:1,47ff.' l0l-5.
    15. Ebeling, RI"A,, 1, 313.
    16. Boson, RLA', 11,270.
    17. W. von Soden, UF I (1969) l9l.
    18. M. Dahood, RSe I, 149-50, no. 123, citing Cant.7:5(Eng. v.4).
    19. Ibid., 209, no. 247, citir,g Prov. 23:31.
    20. Ibid., 299, no.435, citing Jer. 8:23.
    21. Ibid., 30l, no. 440, citing Jer. 9:17(18); Ps. 11:4; 132;4; Prov. 4:25', 6:4;30:13; Job
    4l: l0(18).
    ll9-'ayin 3l

    or fixed (qfim,| 5.3:2 Q;4:15; cf. I K. 14:4); weary eyes (dll,lsa.38: l4); eyes that rot
    (mqq niphal, Z,ec. 14:12), are darkened (&,it, Ps. 69:24123)), fail (klh, Job l1:20; cf.
    17:5), orare wasted (klhpiel,l-ev.26:16; cf. I S.2:33); redness ofeyes (haf,lilfi1,Prov.
    23:29); cf. also Prov. 15:30.
    Ex. 2l:16 requires an Israelite who knocks out (nkh + iht) the eye of a male or fe-
    male slave to release that slave. In Jgs. 16:21 the Philistines gouge out (nqrpiel; cf. I S.
    11:2) Samson's eyes. In 2 K. 25:7 Nebuchadlezzar has Zedekiah's eyes put out ( l4lr
    piel; cf. Jer. 39:7; 52:.ll). In the context of a threat oracle, Ezk. 6:9 speaks of crushing
    (ibr; cf . BHS) the eyes that turned after idols. We note in such texts that both honor and
    disgrace find expression in the body, so that disgrace may be effected by destruction of
    the latter, e.9., by putting out the e!es22 an illustration of how fluid the boundary is
    -
    between the eye as a physical entity and its personal connotations. The same principle
    applies to positive statements: the eyes of the blind see ([sa. 29:18) or are opened (35:5;
    cf .42:7).
    The eye appears in the talion formula inBx.2l:24;Lev.24:20 ('ayin taba!'ayin);
    Dt. 19:21 ('ayin bc'ayin); cf. Jgs. l6:28.2t
    The eye as the organ of vision is also meant in the idiom that speaks of vanishing
    from someone's eyes (Jgs.6:21; cf. Nu. 1l:6). An eye that sees can also testify on
    someone's behalf (Job 29: l5; the verbal action of the sensory organ is noteworthy; cf.
    also Prov. 25:7b,8).
    Another group of texts sees in the eyes the part of the body in which sleep has its
    home. Sleep flees from (nddmin) the eyes (Gen. 3l:40); David allows his eyes no sleep
    (Ps. 132:4; cf. Prov. 6:4;EccL8:16); someone who has been sleeping opens his eyes
    (Job 27:19).In Ps. 77:5(4) the psalmist laments, "You have taken hold of my eyelids,"
    probably meaning that God refuses to let the autlor sleep. In these texts, too, the per-
    sonal connotation is unmistakable. Also in this context belongs the idiom "lays one's
    hand on someone's eyes" (Gen. 46:4) a description of the final service done for
    someone who is dying.
    -
    Jer. 8:23(9:1) calls the eye a fountain of tears (mcqdr dim'd); cf. Jer. 9:17(18);
    13:17; 14:17; Ps. 116:8; l19:136; Jer.31:16; Lam. 1:16;3:48-49;3:51 (see BI1^9);
    2:ll; cf. Job 16:20.
    Just as the shutting of eyes is associated with death, so the opening of eyes is as-
    sociated with awakening to new life (2 K. 4:35, preceded in v. 34 by the magical act
    in which Elisha lays his eyes upon the eyes of the dead child). The element of life is
    also present when the tribal oracle says that Judah's eyes are dark (halltlt) with wine
    (Gen. 49:12), or when Jonathan's eyes are described as brightening at the taste of
    honey (1 S. A:271Q),29;' cf .Ezr. 9:8). Excessive vitality, noted with disapprobation,
    is indicated by the statement that someone's eyes swell out with fatness (ya;a'
    meheleb, Ps. 73:7).
    David is described as having beautiful eyes (1 S. 16:12). Such beauty can be empha-

    22. ILC, t-II,24t.


    23. A. Alt, KlS, 1,341-44; K. Elliger, Lcviticus. HAT U4 (1966), 335.
    118'ayin

    sized by makeup (2 K. 9:30; Jer. 4:30; Ezk. 23:40). Conversely, a bandage over the
    eyes can serve as a disguise (l K. 20:38,41).
    In Ex. 13:9,16; Dt. 6:8; I l:18, the phrase "between the eyes" is a periphrastic refer-
    ence to the forehead. All these texts appear in the context of Dtn or Dtr paraenesis,
    which calls obseryance of the Feast of Unleavened Bread a "reminder" (Ex. l3:9) and
    thesacrificeof thefirstbornorthewordsof the tdrdan"emblem"(-+nlDUlD !6!AP6!'
    Ex. 13:16; Dt. 6:8; l1:18) on the forehead.
    The same expression appears in Dt. 14:1, where the Israelites are forbidden to make
    a bald spot "between the eyes" when in mourning, and in Dnl. 8:5,21, which describe a
    male goat with a horn "between its eyes."
    In polemic against idols, we find the statement that idols cannot see even though
    they have eyes (Ps. 115:5; 135:16).
    The eyes of animals are mentioned in Gen. 30:41; Job 28:7; 39:29: 4O:24;
    4l:10(18); Prov. 1:17; Jer. 14:6; cf. Dnl. 8:5,21.
    Finally, we find the fundamental statement that Yahweh made the eye (Prov. 20:12;
    Ps. 94:9). These words "withdraw hearing and sight from the sphere of absolute human
    sovereignty" and emphasize human responsibility for the gifts of creation2a another
    -
    instance of the personal significance of what in essence is just a bodily organ.

    2. Locus of Personality. In most texts the eye is the locus of personal perception and
    knowledge. In the eye the human "soul" is revealed.2s Gen. 3:5 and 7 clearly illustrate
    this personal admixture. The snake declares that the eyes of the man and the woman
    will be opened as the result of their eating of the tree in middle of the garden, so that
    they will be like God (v. 5); v. 7 confirms that their eyes are indeed opened but with
    -
    the consequence that they both recognize that they are naked.26 In2l:19 God opens
    Hagar's eyes so that she sees the well (cf. Nu. 22:31). In 2 K. 6 Elisha prays that
    Yahweh will open the eyes of his servant (v. 17) and of the Arameans (v. 20); both
    prayers are answered. In Ps. 1 19: I 8 the psalmist asks Yahweh to open his eyes that he
    may behold the wondrous things in Yahweh's law. Yahweh's "enlightening" ('wr
    hiphil) the eyes implies renewal or preservation of life (Ps. 13:4[3]; l9:9181;zt cf. Prov.
    29:13; l5:30).
    Prov. 20:13 takes us into the sphere of practical everyday wisdom: "Open your eyes'
    and you will have plenty of bread." Perception thus presupposes an inward disposition
    not necessarily available at will but frequently experienced as a gift. [t is rooted in en-
    counter with objects, with human beings, and with God.28
    On the other hand, the eyes of the people are shut as the effective result of Isaiah's
    message a collective blindness that nullifies the disposition to perceive (Isa. 6:10;
    -
    cf.32:3; 44 18).In these passages the eye is associated with the heart. The eye is ac-

    24. Kraus, 87.


    25. Stendebach,263.
    26. Cf. Stendebach, 130-34.
    27. Kraus, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 274'
    28. Stendebach,263-&.
    |.!'ayin

    cordingly a concentrated expression of the personality, of people's disposition toward


    God, human beings, and the world about them.2e In a similar vein, 43:8 speaks of the
    people as being blind, though they have eyes, and 29:10 says that Yahweh has closed
    the eyes of the prophets.
    The personal nature of perception is likewise evident in Ezk. 40:4 and 44:5: "See
    OA'O wirh your eyes"; cf. Gen. 45:12;Dt.3:21; 4:3,9;7:19:' 10:21; ll:7;21:7;29:2-
    3G-0;Josh.24:7;1S.24:11(10);2 5.24:3; I K. l:48; LO:1;2K.7:2,19;22:20;lsa.
    6:5; 30:20; 33:17 ,20:64:3; Jer.20:4;42:2; Mal. 1:5; Ps. 35:21; 9l:8; Job 7:7,8a; l0:18;
    l3:l; 19:27;20:9;28:10;42:5;Eccl. ll:9;2 Ch. 9:6; 29:8;34:28.In all these passages,
    'ayin is associated with a verb of seeing or perceiving; the concentration of this usage
    in Deuteronomy and Dtr texts is striking (in 2 S. 16:12 read b"'onyi; see BIIS).
    An aspect of direct personal encounter and perception is expressed by the idiom
    "eye in eye" ('ayinb"'ayin, Nu. 14:14; Isa. 52:8), in the sense ofa real, personal revela-
    tion of God (cf. Jer.32:4;34:3).ro
    In this context, too, belong the words Moses addressed to Hobab, who was familiar
    with the country the Israelites were about to enter: "You will serye as a pair of eyes
    (P'Anayim) for us" (Nu. 10:31; cf. Job 29:15).
    Isa. 11:3 also presupposes that the eye is the agent of perception. The future king
    willnot judge by what his eyes see (lcmar'Eh 'Andyw), which the context describes as
    an unrighteous (because superficial) judgment.In I S. l6:7, contrariwise, the eye is the
    object of perception: human beings look on the eyes, the outward appearance, while
    Yahweh looks on the heart.3l The expressions b"An€ in Lev. l3:5 and mar'Eh'AnA in
    13:12 refer to examination of lepers by a priest.
    The language of prayer in the Psalms likewise treats the eye as the agent of percep-
    tion. The psalmist sees Yahweh's steadfast love before his eyes (26:3) possibly a
    -
    reference to a manifestation of Yahweh's love occurring in the course of worship;32 the
    wicked have no fear of God before their eyes (36:2ll)); the sinner's guilt is set before
    his eyes (50:21). The speaker of 101:7 declares that no liar shall continue before his
    eyes; his eye seeks out instead the faithful in the land (v. 6).
    Job curses the night on which he was conceived because it did not hide trouble from
    his eyes (Job 3:10). According to28:20-21, wisdom is hidden from the eyes of all the
    living.
    In Prov. 4:21 the wise teacher cautions the listener not to let his words escape from
    his eyes. Prov. 20:8 describes a king as "winnowing" (zdrd piel) all evil with his eyes,
    separating the evil from the good as grain is winnowed during threshing. Eccl.
    5:10b(llb) states that the eyes of the rich must look on as their wealth is consumed.
    F*cL.2:14 observes that the wise have eyes in their head, whereas fools walk in dark-
    ness.
    The eyes also serve as the agents of aesthetic appreciation (Gen. 3:6; I K. 20:6;

    29. Edlund, 153.


    30. Ntitscher, 55.
    31. Stoebe, KATYIlUl,30l, conjecturing a secondary correction in v. 12.
    32. Kraus, Psalms 1-59,327.
    l:Y'ayin

    Lam. 2:4). Ezekiel's wife is described as attractive, the "delight of his eyes" (Ezk.
    24:16:cf.vv.2l,25).Eccl. 11:Tobservesthatitispleasantfortheeyestoseethesun.
    Thus the eye can also be the agent of affect and emotion, longing and desire (Prov.
    27:20;tt cf. Eccl. l:8; 2: l0; 4:8). Rachel says to her father: "Do not let [anger] flare up
    in the eyes of my lord" (Gen. 3l:35; cf. 45:5). In Ezk. 23:16 (Oholibah's lusting after
    the Babylonians), the eyes are the instigators of sexual desire (cf. Isa. 3:16). Ezk.2o:7-
    8 speaks of idols as abominations (iiqqfis) on which the eyes feast (cf. 20:24). con-
    versely, Job says (3 1 : I ) that he has made a covenant with his eyes not to look on a vir-
    gin; in v.7 he says that his heart has not followed his eyes (cf. Nu. 15:39). In the Song
    of songs, on the other hand, the man sings the praises of his beloved for making his
    heart beat (lbb piel) with a glance of her eyes (4:9). And the woman says that in the
    eyes of her lover she has become as one who finds ial6m (8:10).
    A broad spectrum of inward states can find expression in the eyes, for the "soul" re-
    veals itselfin the face and its expression. Ifthe "soul" is vigorous and healthy, the eyes
    are bright. The psalmist who is weak and has lost his vigor laments that the light of his
    eyes has departed from him (Ps. 38:l l[10]).34 Thus the eye can be the locus ofrespect
    or disrespect. Job 15:12 speaks of eyes that "flash" (r7m; some mss. have rmz; LXX
    readsy"rumfrn; cf. BHS), i.e., roll in anger.3s According to Est. 1:17, the conduct of
    Queen Vashti will make all the husbands of the realm contemptible (Dzlr hiphil) in the
    eyes oftheir wives (cf. 3:6; Neh.6:16). The expression "honor in the eyes of' (kabbdj
    b") appears in 1 Ch. l9:3.
    Isa.2:11 speaksof"eyesofpride"(cf.5:15; l0:12;Ps. 18:28[27); l0l:5;prov.6:17;
    2l:4;30:13;25.22:28 [cf. BIIS]; 2K.19:22=lsa.37:23;also Ps. 13l:l). InJob22:29
    "downcast" (iafi) eyes are a sign of humility.
    Prov. 2l:10 observes that people find no mercy in the eyes of the wicked (cf. ps.
    10:8; l5:4; 54:9Ul;92:l2llll), Prov. 22:9 speaks of a good eye,23:6 of a malicious
    eye (cf. 28:22; Dt. l5:9; 28:54,56).
    The expression "Do not let your eye be saddened (-+ Dln hfis)l' i.e., "show no pity,"
    has a marked affective accent (Gen.45:20;cf. Ps. 88:10; Job 3l:16).It occurs in Dt.
    7:16in the context of the destruction of the peoples and in 13:9(8); 19:13,21 25:12in
    the context of legal proceedings (cf. also Isa. 13:18; Ezk.9:5;16:5). Eyes ..waste
    away" ('iJ) with grief (Ps. 6:8[7]; 3l:10;10 cf. Lam. 5:17, hik).
    Dt. 28:32 threatens the disobedient Israelites that their eyes will grow weak (klh)
    with straining in vain to see their deported sons and daughters (cf. ps. 69:4[3];
    I 19 :82,123 ; Lam. 4:17 ).
    To direct one's eyes toward someone (Anayim'al, I K. l:20;2 Ch.20:12) or to look
    upon someone (Isa. 17:7) signifies concentration of attention on the part of the subject
    in hope and expectation (also Ezk. 18:6,12,15;23:27;33:25; ps. l2l:l;123:l;DnL
    4:31[341 [Aram. ntlf; cf . also Ps. 25:15; I 19:148; 123:2; l4l:8; 145:15). Wandering

    33. O. Pltigea Spriiche Salomos. BK XVII (1984),326.


    34. rLC, t-il, 174-75.
    35. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XYI (1963),270.
    36. L. Delekat (W 14 U9641 52-55) proposes the meaning "swell up."
    y.\ .ayin

    eyes, on the contrary, betray a lack of attention (Prov. 17:24).37 Therefore the eye (lit.
    "the daughter of the eye," the pupil; see below) should not rest (Lam. 2:18). Negatively,
    Jer. 22:17 says that Jehoiakim's eyes are set solely on his own dishonest gain. A
    voluntative accent is present when the psalmist vows never to set anything that is base
    before his eyes (iillenegeQ, Ps. 101:3). Mic.4:ll says that the eyes of the enemy look
    ot (bdzd b") Zion with satisfaction, gloating over her destruction (cf. Mic. 7:10).38
    Job says that his eye pours out tears to God (Job 16:20), spends the nights in bitter-
    ness (17:2), and grows dim (khh) from grief (17:7).
    In Prov. 4:25 the sage counsels: "Let your eyes look directly forward," for "eyes that
    are easily diverted lose sight of the word of truth."3e Wov. 4:21 advises the disciple not
    to let the words of the teacher escape from sight. The eyes should instead delight in the
    ways of the teacher (23:26). The eyes of a fool roam to the ends of the earth (17:24),
    "because a fool has Do goal."40 Therefore we find the prayer that Yahweh will turn
    aside the eyes of the devout psalmist from looking at vanities (Ps. 119:37).
    An extremely personal and deliberate mode of seeing is denoted by the expression
    "raise (ndid') one's eyes" (e.g., Gen. l3:10; Dt.4:19; Josh. 5:13; Isa. 4O:26;49:18;
    5l:6;60:4; Jer.3:2i Ezk.8:5; Zec.2:1,5U:18;2:ll; Ps. l2l:l; Job2:12; Dnl.8:3;
    10:5; I Ch. 2l:16). This idiom usually denotes an introductory action followed by
    ra'd, frequently followed in turn by wchinnEh, "and behold." But it can also express
    desire, longing, dependence, etc.4l Kraus speaks of a "heightened mode of seeing,"
    in which the perception of outward form is permeated with its initial interpretive ex-
    periences. The word hinndh is meant to alert the reader truly to perceive a situation
    or a person.42
    The expression takes on a special accent in Gen. 13:14, where Yahweh commands
    Abraham: "Raise your eyes now, and look." These words may reflect the ancient legal
    practice of taking effectual ownership of land by a visual survey (cf. Dl 3:27; J{:{).ez
    More specifically, ownership of land was transferred by its owner's taking the new
    owner to an elevated site to show the extent of the property.#
    In Nu. 24:2 the raising of Balaam's eyes means that he conveys a blessing.as In Gen.
    39:'7 the expression has an erotic connotation (cf. Isa. 3:16).40 In Gen. 44:21, similarly,
    the expression iim'Anayirn conveys a sense of personal favor (cf. ler.39:12;40:4).

    37. Johnson, 47.


    38. On the text see I. Willi-Plein, Vorformen der Schrifiexegeses innerhalb des ATs. BZ,AW
    123 (1971),87.
    39. O. Pltigea AK XVII, 49-50.
    40. rbid.,206.
    41. Jenni and Vefter, 876-77.
    42. Kraus, 85.
    43. D. Daube, Studies in Biblical law (1947,21969), 34-35.
    44. D. Daube, "Rechtsgedanken in der Erziihlungen das Pentateuchsl' Von Ugarit nach
    Qumran. FS. O. Eissfeldt. BZAW77 (21961), 3241, esp.35; idem, Joumal of Roman Studies 47
    (1957) 39-52, esp. 39-40.
    45. Stendebach, 66, 266.
    46. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. l99l), 149.
    119- 'ayin

    Conversely, in Cant. 6:5 the young man says to his bride: 'Turn your eyes away from
    me, for they overwhelm (rhb hiphil) me."
    Deliberate refusal to take notice of something is expressed by the words "close ('/rn
    hiphil) the eyes to" (Lev. 2O:4; I S. 12:3; Isa. 33:15 l'sml;Ezk.22:26;Prov.28:27; cf .
    Lev.4:13; Nu. 5:13 [niphaU; 15:24 [simply mE'Anayim]). A bribe is called a "covering"
    (kesfi1) of the eyes (Gen. 20: 16).47 To motivate a prohibition against accepting bribes,
    Dt. 16:19 cites a maxim that clearly belongs to the wisdom tradition: 'A bribe blinds
    the eyes of the wise."48
    Intention is conveyed by the idiom "set one's eyes to . . ." (it1 l',Ps. 17:ll).
    Scorn and derision are expressed by narrowing (qr;) the eyes (Ps. 35:19; Prov. 6:13;
    10:10), secret planning by closing them ('-rh, l6:30).+s
    Prov. 30: 17 says: "The eye that mocks (f S f ) a father and scorns (bfiz l") the aging
    (ziqnat) of a mother will be pecked out by the ravens of the valley and eaten by the vul-
    tures."
    Prov. 23:5a cautions against striving after wealth: "When your eyes light upon it, it
    is gone." This involves a play on words with v.25b, which says that wealth flies like an
    eagle toward heaven.so
    Eccl. 6:9 teaches: "Better is the sight of the eyes than the wandering of the gullet
    (h"loft-ndpei)," i.e., "Better to have something in view than hungry jaws." Does this
    convey the traditional wisdom that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush? Or
    better alive than dead (cf.6:7)? Or having to look on the good fortune of others is still
    better than being dead (cf. 5:10[11])2sr
    Prov. l5:30 reflects psychosomatic relationships: "The light of the eyes rejoices the
    heart,"
    Visionary sight is the subject of Nu. 24:3-4. Balaam is called a man with an opened
    (ie1um) eye and uncovered (SXfiy) eyes;s2 cf. vv. 15-16. In Job 4: 16 Eliphaz says that in
    a vision a form stood before his eyes.
    Johnson is therefore correct in saying that the eye is associated with a wide range of
    "psychical" activities, so that at times the use of 'ayin is almost synonymous with
    nepel and pdntm (cf. Job 24:15).st

    3. Idioms. Some very common idioms also have a personal aspect. For example, ap-
    proval or liking is expressed by the words "good in the eyes of' (76! ot ylb bc); exam-
    ples include Gen. 16:6; Dt. l:23; Josh. 22:30,33; Jer. 26:14; 4O:4; Zec. ll:12; Esl
    l:2L; 2:4,9; 3: I l; 8:5,8; I Ch. 2l:23.

    47. ->YIJ,263-&.
    48. G. von Rad, Deuteronomy. OTL (Eng. trans. 1966), l15.
    49. But see BIIS,' Pliiger, BK XVII, 188, 196.
    50. Cf. Amenemope, chap. 7 (col. 10, 4-51' AOP,4O; ANET, 422).
    51. Lohfink, Kohelet. NEB (1980),48.
    52. On i"1um see Noth, Numbers. OTL (Erg. trans. 1968), 190; Stendebach, 265 n. 194; -+
    EhD srz.
    53.Pp.47-48.
    llY'ayin

    The expression "right in the eyes of' (ydidr be) occurs in Dt. 12:8; Josh. 9:25 (t6! +
    y.ir); Jgs. 14:3,7; 17:6;21:25: I S. 18:20,26;2 S. 17:4; 19:7(6); I K.9:12; Jer. 18:4;
    26:14;40:4,5; Prov. 12:15;21:2; 1 Ch. l3:4; 2 Ch.3O:4.
    Disapproval or dislike is expressed by "bad/evil in the eyes o?' (r" or ra'b"): Gen.
    2l:ll-12;28:8;48:17; Ex. 21:8; Nu. 11:10; Josh. 24:15; I S. 8:6; l8:8;29:7;2 S.
    ll.,25; Jer. 4O:4.s4
    The presence of someone as an eyewitness is expressed by "before the eyes of'
    (P'€nA), e.g., Gen.23:ll,l8:'L,ev.20:17:'25:53;26:45; Nu. l9:5;20:8,12,27; Dt. 1:30;
    4:6,34;6:22;25:9;28:.31; I S. 12:16; Isa. 13:16; 52:lO; Jer. 16:9; 19:10;Ezk.4:12,
    etc.; Hos. 2:12(lO); Joel l: 16 (neged); Zeph. 3:20; Ps. 79: l0; 98:2; Job 2l:8;Ezr. 3:12
    (D'); Neh. 8:5; 1 Ch. 28:'8;29:10,25;2Ch.32:23.T\e frequent use of the expression in
    Ezekiel is noteworthy.
    Another common expression is "find (md;d')lgive (nd!an) favor (h€n)ss in the eyes
    of': Gen. 30:27;32:6(5); 33:8,10,15;34:ll; 39:4,21; 47:25,29:50:4; Ex. 3:21; ll:3;
    12:36;Nu.32:5;Dt.24:l;l S. 1,18; 16:22;20:3,29;25:8:27:5;25.14:22;16:4; I K.
    11:19; Prov. 3:4ftenweidkel-t6b); Ruth 2:2,10,13; Est.2:15 (n(');5:2(ni');5:8;7:3.s0
    This usage probably originates in the realm of aesthetic perception; the eye thus shifts
    from being the locus of aesthetic judgment to being the locus of moral judgment.sT
    This holds true for both judgment of others and judgment of oneself. In this context be-
    long the many warnings of wisdom literature against being wise in one's own eyes, i.e.,
    considering oneself wise (Prov. 3:7; 26:5,12,16; 28:ll:' 30:12; cf. also 12:15; 16:2;
    2l:2; Job 32:l; lsa. 5:21).
    Other examples: "be slight (qll) in the eyes of' (Gen. 16:4 [cf. v. 5]; Dt. 25:3 fqlh
    niphall; 1 S. 18:23 [q// niphal]; cf. also 25.6:22ltapalD; "be hard (qdi6)" (Dt. l5:18);
    "act like one who jests (glrq piel)" (Gen. 19:14); "make their reputation stink (b'J
    hiphil)," i.e., "bring into disrepute" (Ex. 5:21;;sa "appear like one who mocks (r"piel)"
    (Gen.27:12); "be great (Saddl) in the eyes of'(Ex. l1:3; cf. Josh. 3:7;4:14); "be like
    grasshoppers" (Nu. 13:33; cf. I S. 15:17); "disguise one's mind = dissemble (.(nft piel)"
    (1 S.21:14[l3]);"have aprecious Oaqar) life" (l 5.26:21;cf.v.24lgdl];2 K. 1:13-
    14; Ps. 72:14); "be like a bearer of good news (mcpaiiEr)" (2 5.4: l0); "wish to honor
    someone" (2 S. l0:3); "be difficult (pl'niphal) to do" (2 S. l3:2); "be worthless (idw')"
    (Ezk.2l:281231;;se "0" a burden ('dmAl)" (Ps. 73:16); "be unclean Gmnl'oo (Job l8:3);
    "become thorns" (Nu. 33:55; cf. Josh. 23:13).
    In Jer. 7:11 the inhabitants of Jerusalem are asked accusingly, "Has this house . . .
    become a den of robbers in your eyes?" (cf. Hag. 2:3). Zec. 8:6 asks rhetorically
    whether something that seems too wonderful in the eyes of the inhabitants of Jerusalem

    54. Cf. III.5 below with reference to God.


    55. -+pn finn.
    56. See III.5 below with reference to God.
    57. Stendebach, 7 4, 265; Johnson, 47-48.
    58. See HAL,l,107.
    59. See W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),438.
    60. A by-form of tm': or cj. lmm niphal, "be blocked, be silent": Fohrer, KAT XY[,297.
    llYayin

    must also seem too wonderful (pl'niphal) in the eyes of Yahweh (cf. Ps. 118:2). Prov.
    l7:8 calls a bribe a "magic stone" ('e!en ltdn) in the eyes of the giver: it is like a magic
    charm that guu[antees success.
    In the light of this evidence, it seems odd that Wolff discusses the eye only cursorily
    inhis Anthropology of the OZ It is impossible to support his statement that the priority
    of the ear and speech for truly human understanding is clear.6l The eye and the ear
    stand rather in a relationship of equivalence. Kraus describes the situation more accu-
    rately: "No organ of the human body reflects the totality of life more impressively than
    does the eye. . . . All the motions and emotions of the inner life are manifested in the
    eye."62

    4. Metaphors. The eye appears also in metaphorical contexts. In 2 S. l2:11, e.g., we


    find the "eyes of the sun" used in the sense of "broad daylight."
    The eye of a metallic substance &fd) is its luster (Ezk.l:4'7,27;8:2; Dnl. 10:6;
    etc.). Nu. I 1:7 says that the "eye" of the manna was like the "eye" of gum resin i.e.,
    similar. According to Jenni and Vetter,63 these examples
    -
    belong un-
    its appearance was
    der the general category of "the visible."
    Ezk. I : 18 speaks of "eyes" on the rims of the wheels. Zimmerli sees in them deco-
    rative wheel ornaments, which, however, are to be understood in a deeper sense as
    symbolizing Yahweh's all-seeing presence.# Ezk. lO:12 adds that the bodies of the
    cherubim, including their hands and wings, were covered with eyes. Zimmerli views
    this description as a secondary elaboration of the text; here too, he maintains, only
    the rims of the wheels were involved.6s Keel thinks these "eyes" were reinforce-
    ments (made of nails?), which were (once again?) common on Mesopotamian chari-
    ots since the time of Ashurbanipal. He also cites Egyptian Bes figurines, which in
    the period of the New Kingdom were occasionally covered with copper nails, but in
    the late period were sewn with "eyes." The Ezekiel passage also refers to eyes in the
    literal sense. They are the counterpart to the faces of the four living creatures; like
    these, they establish omnipresence. In 10: 12 we already find the "wheels" thought of
    as independent angelic beings; such figures play a role in prerabbinic and rabbinic
    literature.66
    Prov.7:2 compares the teachings of the instructor to the pupil (?.i6n) of the eye
    -
    "vulnerable but precious."67 Prov. 10:26 says that the lazy are like smoke to the eyes of
    their employers useless and annoying.68
    -
    In the light of Ps. 17:8, where ba1 is probably a gloss on ii6n, the phrase ba1:6nug

    61. P. 118.
    62. P. 84.
    63. P.878.
    64. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 129. See BRLz,252; ANEE no. ll; AOB2, 567; cf . Zec. 4:2,l0b.
    65. Ezekiel l.227.
    66. Keel, Jahwe-Visionen, 268'69.
    67. Plciger, BK ){Yll, 7 6.
    68. rbid., 129.
    llY'ayin

    in Lam. 2:18 should be in interpreted as meaning "eyeball." The attempt by Robertson


    to read it as a poetic image for "tears" on the basis of Arab. bint al-'ain is wide of the
    mark.69
    Zec. 3;9 speaks of a "single stone" with seven eyes that Yahweh has set before
    Joshua. Galling thinks this refers to a precious stone of a sort familiar from seals. The
    "eyes" are an engraved wreath of seven small circles ('ayin) being a circle in Old
    -9
    Hebrew script. The reference is to the single precious stone in the frontlet (,til) of the
    high priest (Ex. 28:36ff.).70 Riithy suggests that the textof 7*c.3:9 (like that of 5:6) is
    corrupt and should be read 'wnym.1l
    The MT of Zec. 9: I reads: "For to Yahweh belongs [or: 'Toward Yahweh is di-
    rected'l the eye of man." While Elliger follows the MT, Rudolph proposes reading
    'ordm instead of 'd/dm, interpreting the "eye of Aram" as a laudatory reference to Da-
    mascus.72 This interpretation is certainly preferable to translating 'ayin as "substance"
    or "spring" in the sense of "offspring," or interpreting lc as emphatic and translating
    "truly Yahweh is the eye:'73 Dahood interprets 'An 'd/dm as "surface of the earth," cit-
    ing Prov. 30:l4b; Gen. l6: l2; Job 36:28; ler.32:20;7nc. l3:5.74In this case 'An 'd,!dm
    would be equivalent to'€n hi'dre.s in Ex. 10:5,15; Nu. 22:5,11.
    InCant. l:15;4:l;5:12,theeyesofthebrideandbridegroomarelikenedtodoves.
    Keel finds here a stereotyped metaphor or simile and proposes translating 'Anayim as
    "glances," arguing that the Hebrews did not think of the eye as a form but in terms of
    actions like glowing and sparkling (cf. Prov. 23:31;Ezk.l:7; Dnl. 10:6). The point is
    the dynamic quality of the eyes (cf. Isa. 3: 16). The tertium comparationrs of the meta-
    phor is the dove's mobility and function as a messenger (cf. Ps. 55:7[6]; Gen. 8:8-12;
    Ps. 56:1; 68:12tr.[1lff.1;.zs As messenger of the goddess of love, the dove conveys love
    and tenderness. The metaphor should be translated: "Your glances are messengers of
    love."76
    Cant. 7:5(4) compares the eyes to pools: they are "dark and deep as two pools." Dnl.
    10:6 says that the eyes of the angel were like flaming torches, a variation on the the-
    ophany imagery of Ezk. l:26-27.77
    In Nu. 16:14 Dathan and Abiram ask whether Moses wants to put out (n4r piel) the

    69. E. Robertson, "/IS 38 (1937) 59. Cf. W. Rudolph, Das Buch Ruth-Das Hohe Lied-Die
    Klaglieder KAT XYIU3 (1962),22O.
    70. K. Galling, Verbannung und Heimlehr FS W. Rudolph (1961),93-94.
    71. P. 527.
    12.K.Elliger,DasBuchderzwdlf kleinenPruphetenII.ATD25 1t19rt,144-45;cf.idem,
    7AW 62 (1949150) 63ff.; Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja l-8-Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KATXIIU4
    (1976), 168.
    73. See, respectively, E. Lipidski, W 20 (1970) 47; G. Gaide, Jdrusalem, voici ton rui. l,D 49
    (1968), 59-60; P. J. van Zijl,,INSL l (1971) 59tr
    74. M. Dahood, CBQ 25 (1963) 123-V4. Ct. LidzEph,1,42.
    75. For a different interpretation see H.-P. M0ller, Vergleich und Metaphcr im Hohenlied..
    oBo 56 (1984), 13.
    76. Keel, Deine Blick, 53-62-
    77. Pldger, Das Buch Daniel. KATXYIII (1965), 148.
    l'.! 'ayin

    eyes of the men, i.e., blind them "with the unfulfilled promise of bringing Israel into a
    pleasant and fertile land."78
    In 2 S. 20:6 David orders Abishai to pursue Sheba, lest the latter reach the fortified
    cities and thus "tear out (nsl hiphil) our eyes." Hertzberg suggests the translation
    "snatches away our eyes."7e In either case, the image is of something irreplaceable.
    Dnl. 7:8 describes a small horn growing up among the ten horns of the fourth beast:
    there were eyes like human eyes in it (cf. v. 20). The interpretation of the vision in vv.
    23-27 makes no mention of these eyes, which recall the eyes of Ezk. 1:18.80 In Ezekiel
    they signify the all-seeing omnipresence of Yahweh; here they probably allude to the
    arrogant insolence of the satanic power.

    5. God's Eye. When anthropomorphic language speaks of God's eye, the emphasis
    is on the eye's function as the locus ofpersonal attitudes and actions. For instance, nu-
    merous texts speak of finding favor (masa' hEn) in the eyes of Yahweh: Gen. 6:8; l8:3;
    19:19; Ex. 33:12,13,16,17; Nu. l1:11,15; Jgs. 6:17; 2 S. 15:25 (see III'3 above).
    Other texts speak of someone or something as being wicked or evil (ra', r") in the
    eyes of Yahweh, i.e., displeasing Yahweh: Gen. 38:7,10; Nu. 22:34; Dt.4i25; l7:2;lgs.
    2:ll;3:7,12; Isa. 59:15; 65:12;66:4; Jer.7:30; Ps. 5l:6(4); Prov. 24:18; I Ch. 2:3;
    2l:7;2 Ch.2l:6.81 There is a notable concentration of this usage in Deuteronomy, the
    Dtr corpus, and Chronicles.
    Ex. 15:26 calls on Israel to do what is right oAidr) in Yahweh's eyes; cf. also such
    passages as Nu. 23:27; Dt. 6:18; 12:25,28; Jer.27:5;34:15;2 Ch. 14:l(2) (161 + yir).
    As in the case of ra', this usage is concentrated in Dtn (Dtr) texts and the associated
    material in Chronicles, especially in the stereotyped verdicts concerning kings.
    The expression "good (tdb, ytb) in the eyes of Yahweh" appears in Lev. 10: 19; Nu.
    24:l;Dt.6:18; 12:28; Jgs. l0:15; I S. 3:18; 2 S. 10:12; 15:26; I K. 3:10; 2K.20:3 =
    Isa. 38:3; Mal.2:17; I Ch. 19:13; 2 Ch. l4:l(2).
    Saul's life is precious in the eyes of David; so too is David's in the eyes of Yahweh:
    I5.26:24: cf. Isa. 43:4;49:5; Ps. l16:15; Job l1:4; 15:15; 25:5). Conversely, some-
    thing can also be small (i.e., insignificant) in the eyes of Yahweh (2 5.7:19 = I Ch'
    17:17:' cf . 2 K. 3:18).
    In 2 S. 22:25 =Ps. 18:25(24), the worshiper declares that Yahweh has recompensed
    him according to his cleanness in (lcnege!) Yahweh's eyes. In his prayer at the dedica-
    tion of the temple, Solomon prays that Yahweh's eyes may be open toward this house
    an expression of Yahweh's gracious care and solicitude (1 K. 8:29 = 2 Ch. 6:20; cf .
    -Dt. 1l:12; I K.8:52; 9:3;2K. 19:16 = lsa.37:l'7;Zec.9:8;82 l2:4;DnL9:18; Ps.
    33:18;34:16[15]; Job 24:23;ez 2 Ch. 6:40;7:15,16; Neh. 1:6). Yahweh's beneficent

    78. Noth, Numbers, 125.


    79. I and II Samuel. OTL (Eng. trans. 1964), 369.
    80. Pltigea KAf XVI[, I16.
    81. See IIL3 above with reference to humans.
    82. But cf . BHS; Rudolph (KAT Xllll4, 169) retains the MT, contra Elliger, ATD 257, 145.
    83. See Fohrer, KATXVL370.
    112'ayin

    presence is expressed superlatively in Ps. 139:16, where the psalmist declares that
    Yahweh's eyes saw him even when he was an embryo (gdlem). The same love and fa-
    vor are described in 2 Ch. 16:9: Yahweh's eyes range (.ir21 piel) throughout the whole
    earth to help his faithful ones (cf. Ezr. 5:5 [Aramaic]). God promises the psalmist that
    he will make his eye watch over him ('aleyka 'Ani, Ps.32:8). Elihu instructs Job that
    God does not withdraw (gdra') his eyes from the righteous (Job 36:7). Jer. 24:6 says
    that Yahweh will set his eyes on (iim 'al) the exiles for good.
    The idiom has negative force in Am. 9:4, an oracle describing the wrathful gaze of
    God. Here the preposition is 'al instead of the more common D',' beneficence is usually
    expressed by the prep. 'el (e.g., Ps. 34:16-17[5-l6l;.sl Yahweh can hide compassion
    from his eyes (Hos. l3: 14) or hide ('lm hiphil) his eyes (Isa. l:15). In Ezekiel we read
    with surprising frequency that Yahweh's eye will not pity, will not spare (ftr2s, 5:11;
    7:4,9; 8:18; 9: l0; cf. 20:17). Job indicts his God: "Your eyes are against me, and I shall
    be gone" (Job 7:8). Here God's enmity toward Job is concentrated in God's eye (cf.
    16:9). In 10:4 Job asks whether God has "eyes of flesh," the eyes of a mortal, because
    God persecutes him so; cf. also Jon.2:5(4);Ps.3l:23(22).
    The notion of Yahweh as an eyewitness to human actions appears in Isa. l:16 (cf.
    Isa. 65:16; Jer. l6:17).
    In Jer. 5:3 the prophet asks Yahweh rhetorically, "Do your eyes not look for truth?"
    The question reflects Yahweh's personal interest in the conduct of Israel.
    Yahweh's omnipresence and omnipotent judgment find expression: "Though they
    hide from my eyes85 at the bottom of the sea, there I will command the sea-serpent, and
    it shall bite them" (Am.9:3; cf. Jer. 16:17 32:19;Am.9:8; Ps.66:7; Job 34:21;Prov.
    15:3).
    Hab. l:13 says that Yahweh's eyes are too pure to behold evil.Zec- 8:6 emphasizes
    that in Yahweh's eyes nothing is too wonderful (p/'niphal), i.e., nothing is impossible.
    The connotation of judgment is present in Ps. 5:6(5), which says that the boastful
    will not stand before Yahweh's eyes. Human ways are under the eyes of Yahweh; he
    sees them clearly (Prov. 5:21; cf. also Ps. l1:4; Job 14:3).
    An element of appraisal can be heard in Ps. 90:4, where the psalmist avows that a
    thousand years in Yahweh's eyes are like yesterday when it passes (or, with LXX and
    Syr., "is past"; see BHS).
    Prov. 22:12 says: "The eyes of Yahweh keep watch oYer knowledge." This means
    that Yahweh's eyes not only see but penetrate to the heart of all that takes place.
    Isa. 3:8 says that the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Judah defy the eyes of Yahweh's
    glory. The text is problematic. One solution is to delete 'ny (see BHS). Wildberger sug-
    gests emending'ny to penA or reading it as a comrption of original im.86
    The eye of God appears also in metaphorical contexts. For example, Dt. 32:10 says
    that Yahweh guards Israel as the pupil (?.i6n) of his eye (similarly Z,ec.2:12181; Ps. 17:8).

    84. Ndtscher, 128-29.


    85. Scholars consider minnegeQ'Anny to be secondary; see BI1S.
    86. Isaiah l-12, 125.
    lll'ayin

    InZec.4:10b a mythological allusion lies behind the interpretation of the seven


    lamps of the lampstand (4:2) as the eyes of Yahweh ranging (^Iifif piel) through the
    whole earth. Behind this language lies the Mesopotamian notion of the seven planets,
    which the Sumerians considered "transmitters of orders" of the most high god, repre-
    senting the universal sovereignty of this god in its totality.8T According to Keel, the
    "seven eyes," like the four faces in Ezekiel, signify not simply omniscience but effec-
    tual omnipresence.8s [n the ancient Near East, identification of the eye with a lamp is
    not a kind of allegory; it expresses a profound inward kinship between the two entities,
    for 'ayin means both "eye" and "brightness." "Bright" eyes characteize the living
    (Prov. 29:13; Ps. 13:4[3]; 1 S. l4:29). Keel notes also the eye of Horus, depicted with a
    lamp in many illustrations of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties. Thus the great
    lampstand with its seven times seven lamps proclaims the inexhaustible vitality of
    Yahweh, whose effectual omnipresence the pusillanimous community will experience
    shortly. Seybold sees in the light symbolism of 7,ec.4:10b "the presence of God as lord
    over all the earth."se Behind the "eyes" of Yahweh stands the secret service of the Per-
    sian state (cf. also 2 Ch. l6:9).eo

    fV. Deuterocanonical Texts. Deuterocanonical texts paint the same picture. The
    eye (ophthalm6s) as a physical organ appears in Tob. 2:10 (LXXBA' LXXS differs);
    3:17 (S);5:10 (S);6:9 (BA; S differs);7:6ill:7,8,11,12 (BA; S differs); 1l:16 (S);
    l4:2 (S). Sir. l7:6 emphasizes that God made human eyes;22:19 cites a proverb: "One
    who pricks the eye brings tears." Sir. 43:4 (H) observes that the burning sun inflames
    the eyes.
    Here too, however, the personal element predominates. In Tob. 3:12 (BA; S differs),
    Sarah declares that she has raised her eyes to God an expression of hope and trust.
    -
    Tob. 3:17 (S) reports the healing of Tobit, "so that he might see God's light with his
    eyes" here the eye is an agent ofperception and knowledge (cf. Tob. 5:21 [S]; Jdt.
    -
    7:27; Add. Est.4:lTilLXX = 13:18 NRSVI; Wis. 3:2; Sir. 16:5 [H]; 17:13; 30:20 [H];
    38:28; 51:27 lHl;2 Mc. 8:17).
    The notion of presence as an eyewitness is expressed by the phrase "before the
    eyes" (apdnanti tdn ophthalm6n, Sir.27:23 cf . I Mc.2:23).
    In Tob. 4:7 ,16 (BA), the eye reflects the inner disposition (cf. Sir. l4:8). Sir' 23:24
    speaks of haughty eyes (cf. also 26:9, with erotic connotations);26:ll cautions against
    an impudent eye; 35:10 (= 32:10 LXX) is an exhortation to worship the Lord with a
    good and upright eye.
    The eye appears in a metaphorical context in Tob. l0:5 (BAS), where Anna calls her
    son Tobias the light ofher eyes (cf. Tob. 11:13 [S]; Bar. 3:14). Sir. 20:14 says that a
    fool has many eyes, not just one probably an image of instability and greed.
    -
    87. F. Horst, Die zwiilf kleinen Propheten. HAT U143,231.
    88. lahwe-Vsionen, 316-17.
    89. K. Seybold, Bilder zumTbmpelban' SBS 70 (1974),34.
    90. Ibid., 83, citing A. L. Oppenheim, "The Eye of the t ord," JAOS 88 (1968) (= FS E. A.
    Speiser) 175.
    l'.! 'aYin

    As in Hebrew, we also find formulaic expressions with personal connotations:


    "good in the eyes" (Jdt. 3:4 [cf. 12:14]; Wis. 9:9; 1 Mc. 1:12); "find favor in the eyes"
    (Sir. 45:l); "raise the eyes" (1 Mc.4:12;5:30; 9:39).
    An erotic element is present when Judith is described as making herself beautiful
    "to entice the eyes of all the men" (Jdt. 10:4;et cf. l6:9). Therefore Sir. 9:8 admonishes:
    "Turn away your eyes from a shapely woman."
    The eye as agent of aesthetic perception appears in Sir. 40:22 (H, supplemented by
    LXX): "Grace and beauty delight the eye, but the flowers of the field more than both"
    (cf. also 43:8 [H]; 45:12 [H, with LXX]).
    Sir. 4: I admonishes not to keep needy eyes waiting. Bar. 2: l8 speaks of failing eyes.
    According to Sir. 4:5, one should not avert one's eye from the needy (cf.27:l).
    The connotation of valuative judgment is present when Sir. 8:16 (LXX + H) says
    that blood counts as nothing in the eyes of the quick-tempered. [n the eye reside guile
    and deception (12:16), greed (14:9), and grudging charity (14:10). Sir. 17:8 is difficult
    to interpret: "He has set his eye on their hearts."e2
    Sir. 18:18 observes that the gift of a grudging giver makes the eyes dim. Sir. 20:29
    states that favors and gifts blind the eyes of the wise (cf. Dt. l6: l9). It is God, however,
    who gives light to the eyes (Sir. 34:20 l= 3l:29 LXXI; cf. Bar. l:2).
    Sir. 23:19 says that a fornicator's fear is confined to the human eyes of those who
    can catch him, rather than the eyes of the Lord.
    Sir.27:22 cautions against people who wink. Sir. 3l:13 (H; = 34:13 LXX, differ-
    ently) warns: "Remember that an evil eye is evil; God hates the evil of an eye; God has
    created nothing more evil."
    Some texts also speak of God's eyes. For example, Sir. 10:20 says that those who
    fear God are honored in God's eyes; I I : 12 states that the eyes of the Lord look kindly
    on the poor (cf. 15:19).
    Israel's ways are not hid from God's eyes (Sir. 17:15; cf . 39:19 [H]). According to
    17:19, God's eyes are ever on the Israelites. God's eyes are ten thousand times brighter
    than the sun (23: l9). The eyes of the Lord are on those who love him (34: l9).

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Dead Sea Scrolls, too, the personal meaning of the eye
    predominates. The physical organ is mentioned in the context of a simile in 4Qplsad
    1:1, whichspeaksof eyemakeup(cf. also 1lQT48:8 andthetalionformulain6l:12).
    The eye is associated with the erotic and sexual realm in lQpHab 5:7; IQS 1:6; CD
    2:16. Blind eyes in the metaphorical sense are mentioned in IQS 4:Il; cf. IQS 5:5.
    Formulaic expressions with personal reference also appear, e.g., l'yny in the sense of
    being present as an eyewitness (lQS 5:8; IQH 14:16; 15:20; l8:7; CD 9:18; llQT
    63:6; cf. 1QS 10:11; lQM ll 15 l7,2; IQH 11:1,19; lQSa 2:7;4QpHosb 2:13). The
    phrase "ight (yir) in the eyes of' appears in CD 3:6; 8:7; l9:2O.In lQS ll:3,6, the eye

    9l . On the text see Tnnger, "Das Buch Judith," Historische und legendarische Erziihlungen.
    JSHRZ y6 (1981), 496.
    92. Sauer, "Jesus Sirach," JSHRZU6,547.
    llY'ayin

    is the agent of perception and knowledge. In IQH 5:34 the worshiper's eyes have be-
    come dull with sadness (cf. IQH 7:2;9:5). The eye is compared to a moth in a furnace
    in 1QH 9:5. In IQH l8:19 we learn that the worshiper relies on God's opening his eyes
    (cf. CD 2:14).ln lQH 2:31 the worshiper avows that God's eyes have been over him to
    protect him. The "good/evil in the eyes of God" is found in IQH 14:18; 16:18; 17:24;
    llQT 55:16.
    Stendebach

    l'9- 'ayin; ll\8 maydn

    I. Occurrences, Etymology; II. Significance; III. Geography; IV. Creation and Sacred
    History; V. Figurative Usage; VI. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Occurrences, Etymology. The noum'ayin denotes a spring 19 or 23 times in the


    OT, depending on whether it is interpreted as a toponym or as a reference to a spring in
    Jgs.7:l; I S.29:l; I K. l:9;Neh. 2:l3.rThe noun ma'yan, with preformativem-, oc-
    curs 23 times in the OT; strictly speaking, it means "spring site," but it is usually used
    simply in the sense of "spring." This usage takes a word that refers primarily to an or-
    gan of the human body and applies it to a geographical phenomenon; there are other
    examples. The etymology is discussed in the preceding article. This transference is
    found in all Semitic dialects, including Akkadian and Ugaritic; it appears also in other
    languages.2
    When a spring is called 'ayin, "eye" (the OT also uses --) 11lD mAqbr), it is reason-
    able to assume that springs are thought of as "eyes on the face of the earth" or as the
    eyes of a monster dwelling in the depths, in the waters under the earth.3 There is, how-
    ever, no evidence of such a conception in the OT. The rare phrase "eye of the (whole)

    'ayin. G. Bienaim6, Moise et le don de I'eau dans la tradition juive ancienne: Targum et Mid-
    rash. AnBibl gS (1984); T. Canaan, "Haunted Springs and Water Demons
    jn_Palestine," IPOS I
    (1920) 153-70; A. Causse, "Le jardin d'Elohim et la source de vie," RIIR 81 (1920) 289-315;
    J. A. Emerton, "'spring and Torrent' in Psalm lxxiv 15," Volume du Congrds, Gen|ve 1965. SW
    l5 (1966), 122-33; P. van Imschoot, "U6sprit de Yahv6, source de vie dans I'AT," RA 44 0935)
    481-501; T. J. Jones, Quelle, Brunnen und Cistenten im AT (1928); O. Keel, M. Ktichler, and
    C. Uehlinger, Orte und landschaften der Bibel, I (1984); A. Legendre, "Fontaine," DB, II
    (1899), 2302-6: S. Lehming, "Massa und Meriba," 7AW73 (1961)71-77; J. Obermann, "Wind,
    Water, and Light in an Archaic Inscription from Shechem:' JBL 57 (1938) 239-53; P' Reymond'
    L'eau, savie et sa signification dans I'AT. SV76 (1958); A. Schwarzenbach,Die geographische
    TerminologieimHebrriischendesATs(1954);W.R.Smith, ReligionoftheSemites (repr'21956),
    165-84; E. Zolb, "'Eyn 'adam (Zach.lX l)l' W 5 (1955) 90-92'

    l. For the former see Mandelkern; for the latter, lerlni, TLOT ll, 874-75; HAL, lI' 817 .

    2. See AHw, I,383; WUS, no. 2056; Schwarzenbach, 55.


    3. For the former see Schwarzenbach, 55; for the latter, Jones, 2.
    llY'ayin

    earth" (An hA'dres, Ex. l0:5; Nu. 22:5,11) refers to the surface of the earth or land. The
    in61 tehdm ("springs of the deep") are mentioned only in Prov. 8:28 (cf. Dt. 8:7,
    '!dnd! fi!"hAmd!) in the context of creation; the expression does not reflect a mytho-
    logical background, but simply represents an attempt to portray the heights and depths
    of the whole world. The deluge narrative, where the mythological coloring is generally
    quite clear, speaks of the ma'yend! f hAm in Gen. 7:ll; 8:2; this phrase can refer only to
    the springs of the primal deep, not to the eyes of a chaos monster. The use of 'ayin in
    conjunction with "water" refers to the bright play of light on a spring, as in the expres-
    sions '6n hammayim ("bright water," Gen. 16:7; 24:13,43) and'An6lmayim (Nu. 33:9);
    again, there are no mythological overtones. Especially in bright sunlight, a spring bub-
    bling out of the earth gleams like an eye. The LXX frequently uses ge' to translat e 'ayin,
    "spring," ard ma'yan even in toponyms and in the disputed text Dt. 33:28.

    II. Significance. In the Near East, especially at the edge of the desert, water is pre-
    cious. Springs are generally rare; with their fresh, bubbling, and hence "living" water,4
    they are preferred to cisterns and are very important for the water supply. Even in the
    Nile Valley, where the river provides the needed water, the single major fresh-water
    spring not far from Heliopolis was highly esteemed since time immemorial. Its impor-
    tance was less economic than mythological and theological: "The Egyptians consid-
    ered the water of this spring to be the milk of the heavenly ocean in which the sun god
    was wont to bathe his countenance."S
    With no major river to provide water for irrigation, Palestine was dependent on rain-
    fall; here the economic significance of springs was primary and had theological impli-
    cations. Especially in time of war, the availability of springs was important: a besieged
    city had to have access to a spring with its reliable flow of water (as illustrated by the
    water supply systems of Jerusalem,Hazor, and Megiddo); an army invading a foreign
    territory had to find springs. It was not without good reason that religious ceremonies
    were performed at springs during the military campaigns of Mesopotamian rulers.6 For
    the same reason, it was important to block the flow of springs outside a city in the face
    of an approaching enemy (2 Ch.32:3-4). When an enemy was to be annihilated totally,
    all the springs were stopped up (2 K. 3: l9), removing or sharply restricting one of the
    necessities of life.
    During periods of drought, when even the cistems were exhausted, springs and the
    brooks they fed constituted the last hope for saving humans and animals from dying of
    thirst (1 K. l8:5). The enormous importance of springs is also illusrated by the precept of
    Lev. I l:35-36: "Everything on which a carcass [of an unclean animal] falls is unclean. . . .
    But a spring or a cistern holding water shall still be clean." This stipulation probably re-
    flects the notion that the cleansing element itself cannot be rendered unclean; fundamen-
    tally, however, it embodies the necessity of preserving the vital water supply.

    4. --r IY 333.
    5. A. Wiedemann, Das alte Agypten (1920), 16.
    6. B. Meissner, Babylonien und Assyrien, 2 vols. (1920-25), ll, 87.
    ll9-'ayin

    Of course there were not enough natural springs flowing from a hillside or rising
    from a valley floor to provide sufficient water for human beings and their flocks and
    herds. People had to search out underground watercourses by digging wells. When wa-
    ter rose..in a well, when the "brightness" of the water was Seen, the well could also be
    called an 'ayin, "sping." In either case, the groundwater of the subterranean ocean is-
    sued forth. The same narrative can therefore tse 'ayin and -+ 'lNI b'?r interchange-
    ably (Gen. 24 uses 'ayin7 times, be'er twice; Gen. l6 uses each twice). It is also possi-
    ble that natural springs were enclosed to collect and protect their water; then they could
    be considered wells. The Spring Gate of Neh. 2: 14 and 32: 15 was possibly a structure
    protecting the spring that supplied Jerusalem with water.

    III. Geography. Springs were very special places in the regions occupied by no-
    mads as well as in Palestine, where they were not plentiful. In the steppe, people col-
    lected around them with their animals, families, and whole clans; the inhabitants of a
    town collected around a nearby spring. Of course, the spring was the primary given; it
    came first. The settlement was secondary; it came later. Springs had been given names
    since time immemorial; the name was then transferred to the adjacent settlement. Sev-
    enteen such names are listed in HAL;I it is unclear in many cases whether the name be-
    longs solely to the spring or to the adjacent settlement as well. To the extent that the
    names can be interpreted, they provide information about notions associated with the
    springs. Some evoke their economic necessity: 'An ganntm, "spring of gardens" (Josh.
    15:34, in the lowland; 19:21 and 2l:29, in Issachar); 'An rdg€I, "spring of the fuller"
    (Josh. 15:7; 18:16; etc.); 'An rtmmdn, "spring of the pomegranate tree" (Neh' 1l:29; cf.
    Josh. 19:7); 'Antappttaft, possibly "spring of the apple tree" (Josh. l7:7); probably also
    'An-dd'r "spring of the settlement" or "spring of the former generation" (Ps.
    83: l1[Eng. v. l0]; I S. 28:7, 'An ddr). Some springs are associated with fatna: 'An geQi,
    "spring of the kid" (Josh. 15:62, etc.), as well as '0n haqqdrd', "spring of the partridge"
    (Jgs. 15:19), if this interpretation is correct. The Spring of the Kid might be so named
    because its water "leaps" like a kid. More likely, however, this name derives froni a
    widespread ancient popular belief, still current among Palestinian Arabs,S that "mur-
    muring" springs, which change their appearance by daylight and dark, are inhabited by
    spirits, usually beneficent; people perhaps imagined that a demon in the form of a goat
    dwelt in this spring. The name "Dragon's Spring" (An hattanntn.) in Neh. 2:13 may re-
    flect the same belief, especially since the "Serpent Stone" was located there (1 K.
    1:9).r11r" name'Aniemei, "springof thesun"(Josh. l5:7; 18:17),mayfallintothe
    same category. It is possible, too, that 'An haqqOrA'means "spring of the one who
    calls"; unlike the situation in Jgs. 15:19, it is unclear who this was perhaps a
    demon?
    -
    The Hagar narrative (Gen. 16) still alludes clearly to a numen residing at a spring.

    7. HAL, II, 819-20.


    8. See Canaan.
    9. See HAL,II, 820.
    ll9-'ayin

    Fleeing from Sarai, Hagar comes upon a spring in the desert (v. 7); there she finds the
    "angel of Yahweh" (mal'ak yhwh), who speaks to her and gives her a promise of off-
    spring. "So she named the name of Yahweh, who had spoken to her: 'You are ?-7
    rdi' . . . . Therefore the well was called be'€r lahay rdT' (vv. l3-14).In the light of the
    phrase '€l rdi, this difficult name is often interpreted as meaning "well of the living
    one who looks upon me." In any case, at or near this spring people worshiped a deity
    whose original name is obscure; this etiological narrative, using the mal'af; yhwh and
    perhaps the 'el rdi as a preliminary stage, identifies the deity with Israel's God
    Yahweh.
    Jgs. 1 5: I 8- I 9 also contains an etiological narrative, intended to explain the name of
    the spring flowing from the cave at Lehi, which is not named for the legendary jawbone
    of a donkey with which Samson killed a thousand Philistines (vv. 15ff.). Indeed, v. 17
    does interpret the toponym etiologically with reference to this jawbone. The preceding
    story of Samson's victory over the Philistines provided an opportunity to associate the
    "caller" (see above) in the name of the spring with the exhausted Samson. In contrast to
    Gen. 16, the original presence of a numen has been totally erased. The OT preserves
    only traces of the belief not unknown in Israel of divine beings dwelling in and
    around springs. In the OT, - springs are not sacred -sites in this sense.
    While people could move or desert their settlements, springs were fixed points on
    the map, beyond human influence. They could be used to find one's bearings with as-
    surance or define boundaries meant to endure into the distant future. This is probably
    why place-names containing'?ln appear frequently in the allocation of the tribal territo-
    ries (Josh. 15-19) on the basis of concrete observations, claims, and theoretical calcu-
    lations. Yahweh assigns the territories by lot. He also uses springs as important refer-
    ence points.

    IV. Creation and Sacrcd History. Among the marvelous works of the creator God,
    springs are singled out occasionally on account of their importance for all things living.
    For example, Ps. lM:10ff. speaks of springs that gush forth in the valley and give drink
    to the wild animals. They appear in the first place in the description of the water supply
    established by the creator. Prov. 8:24-30 speaks of depths and springs, mountains and
    hills, earth and fields, the heavens, clouds and springs emerging from the primal sea,
    the sea and the foundations of the earth. The observer's gaze moves from the depths to
    the heights and back to the depths. When God created the primal sea, he caused it to
    serve his purposes, making it the source of springs and streams (Ps. 74: 13ff.). And
    when water gushes forth from the rock at Yahweh's command, it is a demonstration of
    his creative power (114:8), which his people experience in the desert. It is springs and
    rain that render the land fertile; they are a sign and a gift of divine blessing (84:7[6]),
    prayed for by pilgrims going up to Jerusalem tfuough a dry valley (v. 8t7l). Yahweh
    can also use his creative power to punish sinful humanity: this power opens and shuts
    the springs of the primal sea (Gen. 7 :ll1' 8:2), so that the waters of the deluge inundate
    the earth and extinguish all life on it. In order that the new exodus through the desert
    may succeed, Yahweh gives his promise to the people in exile: "I will open rivers on
    the bare heights, and springs in the midst of the valleys" (Isa. 4l:18).
    48 11!'ayin

    This prophetic oracle is not the first occasion on which springs play a role in the his-
    tory of Yahweh's people. Here the prophet of the exile alludes to the narratives con-
    cerning Israel's wanderings in the wilderness after the exodus from Egypt. But already
    in the patriarchal period, sites associated with springs are important. "In the wilderness
    by a spring on the way to Shur," Hagar receives from the "angel of Yahweh" the prom-
    ise crucial for Ishmael and his descendants (Gen. 16:7). Springs are sites of deliver-
    ance. At the spring outside the city of Nahor (Gen.24), Abraham's servant learns and
    experiences that Yahweh has granted his mission success (v. 56); here he meets
    Rebekah and is able to bring the future matriarch back to his master Isaac. After the ex-
    odus, the people who have escaped from Egypt under Moses' leadership arrive at Elim
    on their journey to Sinai; there are twelve springs there, reason enough to encamp (Ex.
    l5:27).
    Even more important for Israel's wilderness period, however, is the region of
    Kadesh and its springs. The people went there directly (according to Jgs. ll:16) and
    stayed there a long time (Dt. 1:46). There were located the "spring of judgment" (?r
    miipd!, Gen. l4:7) and the waters of Meribah (Nu. 27: l4), where disputes were settled
    by judicial judgment. This spring was certainly already sacred and the site of a tribunal
    before the Israelites. Nomadic tribes probably met here and shared their traditions. The
    so-called Moses band may well have received its roots of law and order here (Ex. l8).
    This group probably established contact here with related tribal groups already living
    in Palestine (see the narrative of the spies in Nu. 13-14) and laid the groundwork for
    the occupation of Canaan (Dt. 9:23).In Josh. 146-7 Caleb appeals to a divine oracle
    received through Moses in Kadesh in which he and his descendants are promised pos-
    session of the land (Nu. 14:24). Kadesh, its location fixed by its springs, is an impor-
    tant site. It plays an important role in defining the southern boundary of the land be-
    stowed by Yahweh (Nu. 34:4) during the conquest under Joshua (Josh. 10:41). Even in
    Ezekiel's scheme for the allocation of the land (Ezk. 47:19; 48:28), the southern
    boundary runs "from Tamar as far as the waters of Meribath-kadesh."
    But for Israel the significance of this spring region, the "waters of Meribah," was
    not exclusively positive. An invasion of the promised land attempted against the will of
    Yahweh proved a disaster (Nu. 14:40-45;Dt. l:41-46). This interpretation of the failed
    undertaking linked the theme of rebellion and murmuring with Kadesh. In an etiologi-
    cal narrative associated with Kadesh that seeks to explain the name of the spring (Nu.
    20:2-13; cf. Ex. l7:l-7), the word m'rl|d, "contention," was associated with the rebel-
    lion of the whole people together with Moses and Aaron against Yahweh: "These are
    the waters of Meribah, where the people of Israel quarreled with Yahweh, and by
    which he showed his holiness" (v. 13). Ps. 8l:8(7) says that God tested Israel at the wa-
    ters of Meribah unlsss the text should be emended to read tilhdnEni, "you [Israel]
    -
    tested me," to agree with the content of the tradition elsewhere (cf. also Ps. 106:32).
    Because of its great importance, it was natural for Kadesh to be included in the list of
    Israel's encampments in the wilderness (Nu. 33:36-37).
    Dt. 8:7ff. vividly describes the goal of Israel's pilgrimage: "a good land, a land with
    flowing streams, with springs and underground waters welling up in valleys and hills."
    The springs are among the primary blessings of the promised land. But they also play a
    112'ayin

    role in the subsequent history oflsrael. The toponym 'An dOr merely denotes the place
    where Saul met the medium (l S. 28:7). But in the story of the Davidic succession, crit-
    ical events take place at springs in the vicinity of Jerusalem: Adonijah celebrates be-
    side En-rogel (l K. l:9), and at David's behest Solomon is anointed king at Gihon (vv.
    38-39). Without trying to define the role Gihon played subsequently in the royal ritual
    (see the discussion of Ps. I l0:7), we may safely assume that both springs were sacred
    at the time of David. Located outside Jerusalem, Gihon provided an accessible source
    of water; later a conduit was built to bring its water into the city. In Isa. 8:6 it represents
    Yahweh's dependable care for his people: he will save Jerusalem even if this spring
    ceases to flow (cf. 2 Ch. 32:3-4,1l; -+ l1B'l etbbn). This notion then occasions the es-
    chatological prophecy of the miraculous spring issuing from the temple (Joel
    4:18[3:18]), yielding fertility and blessing.
    The prophecy in Joel is related to the vision of the temple spring in Ezk.47; this text
    does not use the word'ayin, but speaks of water flowing from below the threshold of the
    temple and swelling to become a mighty river, bringing fertility and vitality to the region.
    This theme is developed further inZec. l4:8: when the land is restored at the eschaton,
    living water will flow from Jerusalem, half to the western sea and half to the eastern sea.

    V. Figurative Usage. The OT milieu associates springs with fertility and life, a
    nexus of ideas reflected in similes and figurative language. A tree beside flowing water
    must be particularly luxuriant (Ps. l:3). Gen.49:22likens the tribe of Joseph to a fruit
    tree by a spring. This same image probably lies behind the oracle of judgment against
    Ephraim in Hos. l3: l5: although Ephraim prospers and flourishes, Yahweh will send a
    violent east wind that will cause its wells to dry up and its springs to be parched. The
    Lord will take away the resources by which the people live. This figurative language
    recalls places like En-gedi, where vegetation flourishes in the midst of a desert (cf.
    Cant. 1:14; Sir. 24:14).
    Human beings, the source of life for others in the literal and figurative sense, can
    also be compared to springs. A wife and mother is the wellspring of the family. In the
    language of love, she is called "a garden spring, a well of living water, and flowing
    streams from Lebanon" (Cant.4:15). The bride is accordingly "a garden locked, a
    spring sealed" (4:12). A woman is a fountain of life and of all kinds of benefits for her
    husband (cf. Prov. 3l:10-31), a notion that can be expressed in the image of a spring.
    This is probably the idea behind the obscure question of5:16: "Should your springs
    flow in the street, your streams in the open places?" This is quite possibly a warning to
    a man not to squander his resources on a "strange woman" ('iiiA Tdrd),ro leaving him-
    self without offspring, or wasting on her the resources he lives on. In context, however,
    the "springs" belonging to the man are clearly an image of his wife. A spring can also
    symbolize the vital social role played by the righteous (25:26). If they give way, they
    are like a polluted spring, worthless. Finally, when Zion is spoken of as a mother (Ps.
    87:5-6), the metaphor of a spring is ready to hand. Possibly, however, v.7 ('All my

    10. -+ IY 56.
    ll9-'ayin

    springs are in you") reflects instepd the notion of Ps. 46:5(4), the streams of blessing
    issuing from Zion, the "springs of salvation" (Isa. l2:3) set there by God, the divine
    source of all prosperity.
    Another difficult text, Dt. 33:28 ("So Israel settled in safety, the spring of Jacob
    alone"), may also be an example of figurative language, if 'An is not emended to 'a-2,
    "dwelt."ll God's blessings bring fertility in the promised land. Z,ec.9:l ("For to
    Yahweh belong 'An 'djdm and all the tribes of Israel") is another much-debated text,
    translated variously and often emended; its interpretation probably has to do with'ayin
    meaning "eye" rather than "spring."l2

    VI. Dead Sea Scrolls. The noun 'ayin with the meaning "spring" does not occur in
    the Dead Sea Scrolls. There are 1l occurrences of m'yn,6 in parallel with zqw4 which
    appears more often. T[vo texts are so fragmentary that they convey little: "wellspring of
    life" (1Q35 2:l); "wellspring of knowledge" (1Q36 l2:2).tt God is often referred to
    metaphorically as a spring, as is God's antagonist, the "angel of darkness" (lQS 3:21):
    "With the wellspring (mjn) of light is the source of truth, but from the fount (mqwr) of
    darkness comes the source of evil" (lQS 3:19), the fundamental statement of the advice
    to the teacher on distinguishing spirits and giving instruction. The prayer in lQS l0:12
    addresses God: "Founder of my well-being, fount(mqwr) of knowledge and wellspring
    (m'yn) of holiness, height of majesty and all-powerful one of eternal glory." The suppli-
    cant expresses the dependence of his well-being on God, from whom come revelation
    and the ethical qualities that bring and are the condition of salvation. In IQS 11:7 we
    should probably read m'wn, "place" (of glory), although the preceding line reads
    "fount (mqwr) of righteousness." The latter is apparently the knowledge bestowed by
    God. In IQH 1:5 God is apparently referred to as "wellspring of stre[ngth]"; no more
    of the damaged text can be reconstructed.ln 5:26 the speaker probably the Teacher
    of Righteousness
    -
    says that God has hidden the wellspring of understanding and the
    -
    counsel of truth from his enemies on account of their wickedness: God refuses to be-
    stow understanding on these enemies and bars them from the "community of the new
    covenant." In 6: 17-18 we read of the fire of judgment that issues from God, destroying
    the men of wickedness and all sinners: God is the source of light and the eternal fount
    (mqwr) of the fire that devours the wicked. In 8:6 the speaker gives thanks to God for
    calling him into the community, which he uses the image of a plantation to describe. Its
    members draw from the "mysterious fount," the revelation of God, which flows within
    the community. In an allusion to paradise, 8:12 speaks of the "fount of life" that pro-
    vides holy water undoubtedly divine revelation. In 12:13 the speaker thanks God for
    -
    opening to him the fount of his strength (cf. 1:5). In all these passages, God is the well-
    spring from which knowledge, power, and life issue for the teacher and his community.
    Schreiner

    ll.HAL, II, 818, citing an otherwise unattested 'wn lll.


    12. W. Rudolph,Haggai-Sacharja l-8-Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KATXIIU4 (1976): the eye
    of Aram; NRSV: the capital of Aram.
    13. J. T. Mitik, DtD, r, 137, r39.
    ir! ?r 5l

    .yp _+ t'19'y7
    I'1,

    E I. Ancient Near East: l. Mesopotamia; 2. Egypt;3. West Semitic Region. IL Etymology and
    Meaning. III. History: l. Bronze Age;2. hemonarchic Period;3. Monarchic Period;4. Persian
    Period; 5. Hellenistic Period. IV. OT Tradition: l. Early Narratives; 2. Leamed Reflection;
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    Eisman, 'A Tale of Three Cities," BA 4l (1978) 47-6O;8. Z. Eshel, "The Semantics of the Word
    ?r in the Language of the Bible," EethM 18 (1972173)327-41,423-24: D. G. Evans, "'Gates'and
    'Streets,"' JRH 2 (1962) l-12; R. Feuillet, "Les villes de Juda au temps d'Ozias," W ll (1961)
    270-91; L. R. Fisher, "The Temple Quarter," ./SS 8 (1963) 34-41; A. Fitzgerald, "btwlt and, bt as
    Titles for Capital Cities," CBQ37 (1975) 167-83; R. G. Fox, Urban Anthropoloey 0977);F. S.
    Fick, The City in Ancient Israel. SBLDS 36 (1977); V. Fritz, "The 'List of Rehoboam's For-
    tresses' in 2 Chr. 1l:5-l2l' Erlsr 15 (1983) 46-53; C. H. J. de Geus, 'Agrarian Communities in
    Biblical Times," ks communautds rurales, II, Antiquit4. Receuils de la Soci4ti Jean Bodin pour
    I'histoire comparative des institutions 4l (1983), 2O7-37;idem, De isradlitische Stad. Palaestina
    Antiqua 3 (1984); R. Gonen, "Urban Canaan in the Late Bronze Period," BASOR253 (1984) 6l-
    73: J. M. Halligan, 'A Critique of the City in the Yahwist Corpus" (diss., Notre Dame, 1975);
    W. W. Hallo, 'Antediluvian Cities," JCS 23 (l97on l) 57 -67; M. Hammond, ed., The City in the
    Ancient World (1972); R. Hanhart, "Die jahwefeindliche Stadtl' Beitriige zur alttestamentliche
    Theologie. FS W. Zimmerli (1977), 152-63; B. Hartmann, "Mdgen die G0tter dich behiiten und
    I

    .1lf ?r

    I. Ancient Near East.


    l. Mesopotamla. Sum. zrz (sometimes unug) and Akk. dlu(m) refer to a settlement
    in contrast to the unsettled steppe (Sum. edln, AY,k. s?ru[m/). The terms apply to both
    the open village with (if one includes uru.ie) its surrounding fields and the fortified
    city or town, in contrast to the unfortified settlement (Sum. zaf- gan, AY,k.

    unversehrt bewahren," Hebrtiische Wortforschung. FS l.l4 Baumgartner SW 16 (1967), 102-5;


    M. Hengel, ludaism and Hellenism (Eng. trans. 1974);2. Herzog, "Enclosed Settlements in the
    Negeb and the Wilderness of Beer-Shebal' BASOR 250 (1983) 4l-49; idem, "Israelite City
    Planning, Seen in the Light of the Beer-Sheba and Arad Excavationsl' Expedition 20 (1978) 38-
    43; idem, Das Stadttor in Israel und in den Nachbarkindern (1986); D. C. Hopkins, The High-
    lands of Canaan. SWBA 3 (1985); I. W. J. Hopkins, "The City Region in Roman Palestine," PEQ
    I l2 ( 1980) l9-32; idem, The Urban Geography of Roman Palestine ( 1965); A. R. Hulst, '"1r9 ?r
    City," TLOT II, 880-83; A. J. Jawad, The Advent of the Era of Tbwnships in Northern Mesopota-
    mia (1965); W Johnstone, "OT Technical Expressions in Property Holding," Ugaritica 6 (1969)
    309-17, esp. 315-17; A. H. M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (1971); B. J.
    Kemp, "The Early Development of Towns in Egypt," An tiquity 5l ( 1977) I 85-200; idem, "Tem-
    ple and Town in Ancient Egypt," in P. Ucko et al., eds., Man, Settlement and Urbanism (1972),
    657-80; A. Kempinski , The Rise of an Urban Culture. Studies of the Israel Ethnographic Society
    4 (1978); idem, Syrien und Paliistina (Kanaan) in der letzten Phase der Mittelbronze II B-7zit
    (1650-1570 v. Chr). Aer q OSSI); K. M. Kenyon, Digging llp Jerusalem (1974);idem, Royal
    Cities of the OT (1971); F. Kolb, Die Stadt im Altertum (1984); C. H. Kraeling and R. M. Adams,
    eds., City Invincible (1960); P. Lampl, Cities and Planning in the Ancient NearEasr (1968); N. P.
    Lemche, Ear$ Israel. SW 37 (1986); W J. van Liere, "Capitals and Citadels of Bronze-Iron
    Age Syria in Their Relationship to Land and Water," Annales arch6ologiques de Syrie. Revue
    d'archiologie et d'histoire l3 (1963), 107-22: S. F. Loewenstein, "The Urban Experiment in the
    OT" (diss., Syracuse, l97l); R. A. F. Mackenzie,"T\e City and Israelite Religion," CBQ25
    (1963) 60-70; A. Mazar, "Three Israelite Sites in the Hills of Judah and Ephraim," BA 45 (1982)
    167-78; B. Mazar, Cities and Districts of Israel (1976) (Heb.); T. L. McClellan, "Town Planning
    at Tell en-Naqbehl' ZDPV 100 (1984) 53-69; L. M. Muntingh, "'The City Which Has Founda-
    tions'," FS A. van Selms. POS 9 (1971), 108-20; N. Na'aman, "Hezekiah's Fortified Cities and
    the LMLK Stamp," BASOR 261 (1986) 5-21;E. Neufeld, '"The Emergence of a Royal-Urban So-
    ciety in Ancient Israel:' HUCA 3l (1960) 3l-53; E. W. Nicholson, "Blood Spattered Altars?" lrl
    27 (1977) l13-17; M. Noth, "Jerusalem and the Israelite Tradition," Laws in the Pentateuch and
    Other Studies (Eng. trans. 1966), 132-44; D. Oates, "The Development of Assyrian Towns and
    Cities," in P. Ucko et al., eds., Man, Settlement and Urbanism (1972),799-804; P. J. Olivier, "In
    Search of a Capital for the Northern Kingdom," JNSL ll (1983) ll7-32; A. L. Oppenheim,
    "Land of Many Cities," in I. M. Lapidus, ed., Middle Eastern Cities (1969), 3- 18; E. Otto, "Gibt
    es Zusammenhiinge zwischen Bevtilkerungswachstum, Staatsbildung und Kulturentwicklung im
    eisenzeitlichen Israel" in O. Kraus, ed., Regulation, Manipulation und Explosion der Beviilker-
    ungsdichte. Verdffentlichung der Joachim Jungius Gesellschafi der'Wissenschafien Hamburg 55
    (1986), 73-87; idem, Jerusalem (1980); P. Parr, "Settlement Patterns and Urban Planning in the
    Ancient Levant," in P. Ucko etal., Man, Settlement and Urbanism (1972),805-10; A. Parrot, Sa-
    maria, the Capital of the Kingdom of Israel (1958); D. N. Pienaar, "The Role of Fortified Cities
    in the Northern Kingdom during the Reign of the Omride Dynasty," JNSL 9 (1981) 151-57;
    A. de Pury l.a ville dans le ProcheOrient Ancient. Actes du Colloques de Cartigny 1979. Ca-
    hiers du Centre d'Etude du Proche-Orient Ancien, Unive.rsiti de Gen|ve (1983), 219-29
    H. Reviv, "Early Elements and Late Terminology in the Descriptions of Non-Israelite Cities in
    the Bible," IEJ 27 (1977) 189-96; idem, "Jabesh-Gilead in I Samuel ll:.'1.-41' The Jerusalem
    Cathedra I (1981) 4-8; idem, "On Urban Representative Institutions and Self-Govemment in
    .1!Y
    ?r 53

    maikdnu[m]). The further differentiation of the semantic field of dlu(m) as a fortified


    center (alaniiu dannfrti)t surrounded by satellite towns (alani sefiruti ia lim€tiiunu),2
    royal residence (dlu id iarri),3 regional adminis?.'ative center,4 garrison city (dl
    massarti),s and fortress reflects the functional variety of the Mesopotamian city. Its so-
    cial complexity is reflected in the dlu(m) terminology of urban districts (alu eiiu, "new
    city"; dl ilani, "city of the gods") and quarters assigned to various professions, social
    classes, and ethnic groups, as well as of the subject of city-related administrative func-
    tions (mala din dlim, "according to the decision of the city";.o
    In contrast to the OT, cuneiform literature from the 3rd millennium until well into
    the 1st holds cities in high esteem, which can reach the point of deification (e.g., in the
    Sumerian hymns extolling Kish, Babylon, and Nippur and the Akkadian hymns to
    Babylon, Arba'il, and Ashur); few negative voices are heard.T

    Syria-Palestine in the Second Half of the Second Millennium s.c.l' JESHO 12 (1969) 283-97;
    L. Rost, "Die Stadt im AT," ZDPV 97 (1981) 129-38; O. Rrisslet "Ghain im Ugaritischen," ZA
    54 (1961) 158-72; C. Schiifer-Lichtenberger, Stadt und Eidgenossenschaft im AT. BZAW 156
    (1983); K. L. Schmidt, Die Polis in Kirche und Welt (1939); Y. Shiloh, "Elements in the Devel-
    opment of Town Planning in the Israelite Cityi' IEJ 28 (1978) 36-51; idem, Excavations at the
    City of David I, 1978-1982. Qedem 19 (1984); idem, "The Four-Room House, Its Situation and
    Function in the Israelite City:' IEJ 20 (1970) 180-90; idem, "The Population of Iron Age Pales-
    tine in the Light of a Sample Analysis of Urban Plans, Areas, and Population Density," BASOR
    239 (1980) 25-35; G. Sjoberg, The Preindustrial City: Past and Present (1960); W. von Soden,
    "Tempelstadt und Metropolis im Alten Orient," in H. Stoob, ed., Die Stadt (1979), 37 -82; L. E.
    Stager, "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel," BASOR 260 (1985) l-35; J. J.
    Stamm, "Ein ugaritisch-hebriiisches Verbum und seine Ableitungen," TZ35 (1979) 5-9; E. Stern,
    Material Culture of the l,and of the Bible in the Persian Period 538-332 s.c. (1982); H. Strath-
    mann, "ndtrrq," TDNT VI, 516-35; H. Thdmor, "Some Aspects of the History of Samaria during
    the Biblical Period," Jerusalem Cathedra 3 (1983) l-l l; idem, "Temple Cities and Royal Cities
    in Babylonia and Assyria," in City and Community, Proceedings of the l2th Conference of the Is-
    rael Historical Society (1968), 179-205; V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews
    (Eng. trans. 1959); idem, "Die hellenistischen Stadtgrtindungen von Alexander dem Grossen bis
    auf die Rtimerzeitl' Philologus Sup 19 (1927), I -2 I 6; W Thiel, Die soziale Ennvicklung Israels
    in vorstaatlicher Zeit (21985); J. A. Thompson, "The Israelite Village," Buried History l9 (1983)
    5l-58; idem, "The 'Town'in OT Times," Buried History 19 (1983) 35-42;T. C.Yiezen, Jahwe
    en zijn stad (1962); G. Wallis, 'Terusalem und Samaria als K0nigsstiidtel' W 26 (1976) 480-96;
    idem, "Die Stadt in den Uberlieferungen der Genesis," 7AW 78 (1966) 133-47; M. Weber, An-
    cient Judaism (Eng. trans. 1952); idem, Economy and Society,2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1978), II,
    1212-1372; H. Weippert, "Stadtanlage," BRL2, 313-17; J. V. Kinnier Wilson, "Hebrew and
    Akkadian Philological Notes," "/SS 7 (1962) 173-83, esp. 181ff.; E. Wirth, "Die orientalische
    Stadt:' Saeculum 26 (1975) 45-94; G. E. Wright, Shechem (1965); Y. Yadin, Hazor Schweich
    l*ctures, 1970 (1972).
    t. otP 2, 164, r,36.
    2. OrP 2, 164, t,37-38.
    3. ABL 895:4.
    4. CAD, Vt,382.
    5. EA76:36.
    6. TCL 4,79:24.
    7. Erra Epic, l, 46-60; Hallo, 57.
    ir! ?r

    2. Egypt. Egyp. niw.t (nww) means "city,'8 in contrast to wlty.t, "village, family-
    based community." These meanings of wfty.t preserve an echo of the predynastic struc-
    ture of society; the growth of cities during the Old Kingdom is associated with the
    monarchy. City planning in the initial stages of urban development is reflected in the
    ideogram nwt, "settlement," which shows a circular settlement like that found at el-
    Kab,e with main streets in the form of a cross. The ideogram tl?, represents royal urban
    foundations rectangular in shape (e.g., at Abydos) beginning in the Old Kingdom; this
    form remained influential well into the New Kingdom in rectangular temple and for-
    tress cities.

    3. West Semitic Region. The meaning "city" for Ugar. 'r pl. 'rm, is established by its
    use in parallel with pdr l.to Derivation from a verb 'yr or Syr cannot be established,
    since the existence of a verb fyr alongside zfr is not certain.ll In Phoenician the ex-
    pression 'r shrw appears in the inscription of Eshmunaton.l2 The aspect of fortification
    becomes primary in the meaning of OSA ? "citadel."t:

    II. Etymology and Meaning. Heb. ?r occurs 1,092 times in the OT;la outside the
    Bible, it occurs as h'yrh, "to the city [Jerusalem]," in the fourth Lachish ostracon.l5 Its
    feminine gender is explained by the function of the city as mother and nurturer of her
    inhabitants (2 S. 20:19).16 The pl.'dfim derives from the lexeme'ar > Aroer (Nu.
    2l:15; Dt. 2:9;4:48;Josh. l2:2), which still occurs in proper names.lT The plural end-
    ing -tm can express the collective identity of a city and its satellites.r8 It is likely that
    the noun ?r is associated with a verb *'r "protect" (D132:11; Job 8:6).le That the as-
    pect of protection is central to the semantic field of ?r is shown by the terms used anti-
    thetically. Lev. 25:19 and 3 I contrast ir as a settlement fortified by a wall with -r "llll
    hdpEr, "village." In 1 S. 6:18 the fortified city (ir milsa-r) is distinct from the open rural
    settlement (kdper happcrdzt). In Nu. 13:19 the statement of the spies' mission uses ?r
    as an inclusive term covering both mal.t"neh and mip;dr; the clear semantic connota-
    tion of ?r prefigures the report ofthe spies (v. 28) that they found fortified cities: forti-

    8. R. Faulkner, Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian (1962), 125.


    9. Bietak, IzxAg, Y, 1234-35.
    10. For the singular see KTU l.4, VII,9. For the plural see 1.4, VII, 7; l.l4,III' 6; IY 49;
    1.16, Y 47.For parallels withpdr I, see 1.4, VII, 8, l0; 1.14, III,7; IY 50; see UT nos. 1847'
    2019.
    I l. Contra Hartmann, 102ff. See M. Dahood, RSe I, 307-8; A. F. Rainey, UF 3 (1971) 157.
    12. cts, I, tl3.
    13. Biella, 385.
    t4.TLOT, II,880-81.
    15. KAI194.7.
    16. D. Michel, Hebniische Syntax, I (1977),76; for a different explanation (ir we'Em = city
    and clan), see A. Malamat, UF ll
    (1979) 535-36.
    17. GK, 996.
    18. Michel, Syntax,I, 40; criticized by Conti, AION 4l (1981) 152-53.
    19. Stamm,5ff
    .t'! ?r

    fication is semantically proper to ?r distinguishing it from an unfortified settlement.


    The settlements to which ?r refers range in size from small refuges to fortified cities
    (2K.17:9; cf. also Dt. 3:5,19).

    III. History.
    l. Bronze Age. T\e politicalstructure of Bronze Age Palestine was defined by the
    concurrent existence of numerous city-states controlling small areas of only a few
    square miles;zo the organization of territorial states such as Shechem in the Late
    Bronze Age remained episodic. The cities were concentrated in the fertile plains along
    the coast, the plain of Jezreel, and the Shephelah. The intensity of urban settlement var-
    ied: there were high points in the Early Bronze (EB II-IID and Middle Bronze (MB
    IIB) periods and a marked drop-offin the Late Bronze period, accompanied in the 14th
    through 12th centuries B.c.E. by a breakdown of long-distance commerce, the violent
    destruction of many urban settlements, and the reduction of most Canaanite settle-
    ments to villages.2t These events also put an end to the dimorphic structure reflected in
    the patriarchal naratives of Proto-Israelite pastoral clans and Canaanite city-states,
    thus laying the foundation for the establishment of Israel as a tribal society of shep-
    herds who gradually shifted to subsistence agriculture, a way of life independent of the
    culture of the Canaanite city-states.22
    The OT preserves hardly any traditions embodying historically reliable memories of
    the political structures and forms of sovereignty typical of the pre-Israelite cities.
    Among the many OT references to pre-Israelite kings and royal cities, only Jgs. 5:19
    can be considered an immediately reliable tradition concerning the pre-Israelite period.
    In Jgs. 4:4-22*, the representation of Hazor as a royal city is traditio-historically
    secondary, accomplished by the introduction of Jabin in vv. 2 and 17. Josh. 11:1-9 is
    dependent on Jgs. 4:2,17; Josh. l0*. The motifs of Jericho (Josh. 2:2; 8:2), Ai (Josh.
    8:2,14,29), and Heshbon (Nu. 21:25-26) as pre-Israelite royal cities, as well as the
    story of Makkedah (Khirbet el-Qom),23 which originally involved only anonymous
    Amorite kings, are not historical, since these sites were not settled in the Late Bronze
    Age. Dr theology paints the cities of the indigenous population as 'dfim g'ddl6!
    Abc$rd!baildmayim (Dt. 1:28; 9:l) with walls, gates, and bars (3:5) in order to repre-
    sent the occupation of the land as God's gracious gift. Along the same lines, Josh. l0: I -
    5,23b,29-39 uses a city list from the time of Solomon to summarize the occupation as a
    string of victories over city kings (cf. Dl7:241.2t This line of interpretation is contin-
    ued in Neh. 9:24 and Gen. 14.
    The OT does not preserve any recollection of a democratic form of government in

    20. Buccellati, 25ff.


    21. For EB II-IU see M. Broshi and R. Gophna, BASOR 253 (1984) 41ff. For MB IIA see
    Broshi and Gophna, BASOR 261 (1986) 72tr.For Late Bronze see Gonen,6lff.
    22. E. Otto, BN 23 (1984) 68ff. For the patriarchal narratives see M. B. Rowton, ,INES 35
    (1976) t3-2O.
    23.D. A. Dorsey, Tel Aviv Journal 7 (1980) 185-93.
    24. Y. Fitz, ZDPV 85 (1969) 136-61.
    I

    .1!! ir

    the pre-Israelite cities.2s The motif of the ydiepd gi!'6n negotiating with Joshua (Josh.
    9:3-4) presupposes the prohibition against making a beril (Ex.34:12, penlikrd! befi!
    Pydic! ha'dres; etc.). The point of I S. 5:9-10 is to recount the effect of the ark on the
    entire population of Beth-shemesh and their reaction.
    Non-Israelite in origin, however, is the motif of oligarchic hegemony exercised by
    the ba'"lC (migdal) ielem (Jgs.9:6tr.,46-47), associated with Manasseh, during the
    Early Iron Age.26
    The scarcity of historical data on the political structure of pre-Israelite cities does
    not support the theory that Israel's origins are to be sought in the social conflicts of ur-
    ban civilization during the Late Bronze Age in Palestine.

    2. Premonarchic Period. Preexilic strata of the OT interpret premonarchic Israel af-


    ter the model of the later period as a structure of fortified cities ( I S. 9). There is no ar-
    chaeological evidence of Early Iron Age fortifications at Shiloh or Hebron, which I S.
    4:13,18; 2 5.3:27 describe as fortified cities with Bates.27 Jgs. l9 pictures Gibeah as a
    city with an open square (Jgs. 19:15,17) and probably a gate (v. 16), quite unlike the
    modest village of the Early Iron Age.28 The same applies to the description of the vil-
    lage of Early Iron Age Jericho as a "city of palms" (Jgs. 1:16; 3:13). Exilic and
    postexilic strata ofthe OT reinforce the retrojection ofurban features into the early his-
    tory of Israel (Nu. 32:16-17,34-36; Dt.3:19; Jgs. ll:26; l8:28b:'21:23b;1 S.8:22;
    18:6; etc.), especially in the description of early Israel by means of city lists (Josh.
    13'.17-20,25,27; 15:21-62; l9:35-38; etc.) from the period of the monarchy.
    Against the background of the numerous unfortified cities of the Late Bronze Age,ze
    the characterization of premonarchic settlements as 'artm is based on the astonishing
    use of free-standing walls to reinforce early Israelite cities,3o the circular arrangement
    of houses in Beer-sheba and other settlements in the Negeb,3l as well as Ai and
    Megiddo,32 and refuge towers like the one at Penuel (Jgs. 8:17) and Janoah.33 There
    were also unfortified settlements like Tell Masos and Khirbet Raddana.3a
    The first stages of Israel's urbanization were also marked by the emergence of ex-
    tensive town sites from the villages typical of the Early Iron Age, with areas of as little
    as half an acre to over two acres. The average population density was 40 to 50 persons

    25. Contra SchEfer-Lichtenberger, 209ff.


    26. H. Reviv, IEJ 16 (1966) 252-57.
    27 .For Shiloh see I. Finkelstein et al., Qadmoniot 17 (1984) l5-25; for Hebrot, BRLZ,l45.
    28. Cf. Rost, 131-32: P. W. Lapp, BA 28 (1965) 2-lO.
    29. Gonen,69-70.
    30. Beth-zur: R. W. Funk, The 1957 Excavation at Beth-zur AASOR 38 (1968),6-7; Giloh:
    A. Mazar, 1El 31 (1981) Iff.; Mizpah: McClellan, 54; Bethel: J. L. Kelso, The Excavation of
    Bethel. AASOR 39 (1968), 16-17.
    31. Herzog, "Enclosed Settlements," 41ff.; cf. also Braemer, 28ff.
    32. Shiloh, "Elements," 36ff.
    33. E. Otto, ZDPV 94 (1978) 108-18.
    34. On the former see Z.Herzog, Beer-Sheba, II (198.1), 80-81; on the latter, J. A. Callaway
    and R. E. Cooley, BASOR 2Ol (1971) l-19.
    1r! ?r

    per dunam (= I ,000 sq. m., about % acre):3s Beer-sheba (stratum VII), with an area of 4
    dunams, had 160-200 inhabitants; Giloh, with 6 dunams, had 240-300; Ai, with a bit
    more than l0 dunams, had 400-500; Khirbet Radana, with under 5 dunams, had fewer
    than 250;'Izbet Sarta, with under 2 dunams, had fewer than 100. Large towns like Tell
    Mosas (stratum II) housed 1,400 to 1,800 inhabitants on 35 dunams, Tell en-Nasbeh
    (stratum I) 800 to 1,000 on 20, Khirbet el-Kheibar (coordinates: 1954. 1764) 1,400 ro
    1,750 on 35, and Megiddo (stratum VB) 1,600-2,000 on 40.:o
    Political leadership of the settlements was in the hands of the assembly of the izn,td
    hdir (Jgs. 19:22, etc.) and the ziqnA hdir (l S. 16:4), whose respective jurisdictions
    can no longer be determined; this structure is identical to that of family organization of
    the clan. A settlement and the miipdhd living there can be considered as a unit (cf. Jgs.
    6:24;8:32,'oprd l'oprall '"pt hd'e7ri).37 (Fictive) genealogies made it possible to in-
    corporate non-Israelite localities such as Shechem and Tirzah into the Israelite tribal
    system (Nu. 26:28-34; 27:l-ll; 36:lO-12; Josh. 17: l-6; I Ch. 7:14-19; for toponyms
    represented as descendants of an ancestor, see I Ch. 7:8; 8:36; as ancestors of clan
    eponyms, see I Ch. 8:37). Hostility within Israel between city and countryside is alien
    to the early period of Israel's history. Only in I S. I I : I -4, in the special circumstances
    of Transjordan, do we find initial attempts of settlements to achieve independence.38
    Relationships between Israelite tribes and Canaanite city-states ran the gamut from
    Asher's vassalage to Acco through the formal treaty of Benjamin with the Gibeonite
    tetrapolis to military conflict (Jgs. 5); they cannot be reduced uniformly to hostility be-
    tween city and countryside, but involved a wide range of sociohistorical and religious
    factors.

    3. Monarchic Period. With the formation of the Davidic state, the network that
    bound settlements together in a structure of genealogically defined communities re-
    treated in favor of a hierarchical alignment, both territorial and political, of administra-
    tive districts (1 K. 4:7-19) with a capital city.re 6 the Davidic period, these districts
    still were based on the tribal boundaries (2 S. l5:2); in the period of Solomon, however,
    they incorporated both Israelite and Canaanite territories4o and became disengaged
    from the genealogical integration of premonarchic society. Now a new form of integra-
    tion was needed; it was found in the hierarchy of governmental administration, based
    on power. The new administrative structure was reflected in a hierarchy of cities and
    rural settlements, from which the social tensions in Israelite society could cause con-
    flict between city and countryside to arise.al Subordinate to the royal capital were the
    provincial capitals, in which the governors of the provinces resided. For the third,

    35. Shiloh, "Population."


    36. Otto, "Gibt es Zusammenhdnge," 8lff.
    37. On the ending 6/a! see A. F. Rainey, BASOR 231 (1978) 4.
    38. See Reviu "Jabesh-Gilead."
    39. H. w. Rosel, ZDPV 100 (1984) 84-90.
    40. G. E. Wright, Erlsr 8 (1967) 58*-68*.
    41. See IV.l and 3 below.
    .P[ ?r

    sixth, and seventh provinces, Arubboth, Ramoth-gilead, and Mahanaim are named
    (l K. 4:10,13-14); Megiddo was probably the center of the fifth province and Hazor of
    the eighth province, Naphtali. Subordinate to the provincial capitals were the provin-
    cial towns (l K. 4:13). The city lists in Josh. 15-19 are administrative documents
    drawn up to aid in the assessment of taxesa2 and the organization of the militia (Am.
    5:3); they reflect the urban structure of Judah during the monarchy.a3 The towns func-
    tioned as centers for the surrounding villages (ha;Ertm, Josh. 15:32,36,41; etc.). It is
    impossible to reconstruct a more precise differentiation in the administrative hierarchy
    involving the towns and villages.
    During the exilic period, the motif of daughter cities (b"n61eyhd), which has its
    traditio-historical roots in the hierarchy of non-lsraelite settlements ( 1 S. 6:18;27:5-6),
    was extended literarily to cities outside Israel (Nu. 2l:25,32;32:42; Josh. 17:ll; Jgs.
    l:27; ll:26; ler. 49:2;Ezk.26:6); in the late postexilic period, under the influence of
    the Persian administrative structure, it became the organizing principle of Judahite set-
    tlements (Josh. 15:28; I Ch.7:28;8:12; Neh. l1:25; etc.).
    The royal cities were the focus of the settlement hierarchies: Jerusalem in the south
    and, after the division of the kingdom, Shechem, Penuel, Tirzah, and Samaria in the
    north. lncreasingly Jerusalem became quite simply the city (hd1r; 2 S. 15:25; I K.
    8:44,48; Neh. 2: 3 ; 1 I :9; tsa. 36: I 5 ; 37 :33,35 ; Ezk. 7 :23; 9 :4,9; 7nph. 3 :l).u
    The theory that Jerusalem was the personal property of the Davidides on the basis of
    a ius expugnationis, extending the Canaanite concept of the city-state,4s 6ndt no sup-
    port in the use of the expression ?r dAwt! with reference to Jerusalem. In 2 S. 5:7,9,
    this phrase is applied to part of the city, identical with the acropolis,m the m';u/a1
    ,5iydn (see also I K. 8:l;9:24); it does not refer to the city itself (2 S. 6:10,12,16; Isa.
    22:9-10).In 1 K. 20:30 and 2K. lO:25, too, ?r refers to the citadel of a city; it is not re-
    stricted to the temple precincts.aT Even less likely is the theory that Samaria constituted
    a city-state.48 The administration of the capital cities Jerusalem (2 K. 23:8) and Sa-
    maria (2 K. 10:5), including police powers (1 K. 22:26), was in the hands of a iar ('al)-
    hd1r who, as a late preexilic seal confirms, was one of the royal officials.ae
    The original function of the city was to serve as a protected settlement for families en-
    gaged in agriculture. Now, going beyond the immediate protection of its inhabitants, the
    city took on certain military functions of the state. As early as the time of David, Dan and
    Beer-sheba were probably fortified border outposts.s0 Solomon secured important travel

    42. O. BAchli, ZDPV 89 (1973\ t-14.


    43. P. Welten, Die Kiinigsstempel. ADPV (1969), 93-102.
    44. See also KAI 194.7.
    45. Alt, "Jerusalems Aufstieg," 254; Buccellati, 31ff.
    46. On the excavations see Shiloh, City of David, 15ff.
    47. Contra Fisher.
    48. Alt, "Samaria"; see more recently S. Timm, Die Dynastie Omri. FRIANT 124 (1982),
    142tr.
    49. See Avigad, IEJ 26 (1976) 178-82; U. Rtitersw0rden, Die Beamten der israelitischen
    Ktinigszeit. BWANT l 17 (1985), 38tr.
    50. Y. Aharoni, IEI 24 (1974) 13-16.
    .1rY
    ?r

    and trade routes by means of fortified cities in densely settled areas and by chains of
    strongholds elsewhere (l K. 9:15,17-19). Fortification of Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer
    with casemate walls and six-chambered gatessl secured the major travel artery between
    Egypt and Syria; fortification of Beth-horon secured the link between the coast and the
    mountains of central Palestine; and a chain of strongholds secured the road from Judah to
    Eilat.sz Many other cities were fortified to serve as garrison cities ('drA hdref;cp, 'drA
    happdrdltm, 1 K. 9:19; 10:26) and to strengthen the security of the region.s3
    After the division of the kingdom, the security of the heartland of Judah was in-
    creased against attack from the south (2 Ch. I I :5b,6- l0a0) by a ring of fortified cities
    ('drtm lemd;dr), while Asa secured the north of Judah by building Geba and Mizpah
    (l K. l5:22).sa This system of fortifications was reinforced by an additional ring of
    strongholds around Jerusalem.55
    For the northern kingdom, the scanty literary references to fortifications (1 K.
    12:25; 15:17; 16:24,34;22:39) are compensated for by a wealth of archaeological evi-
    dence from urban centers along major travel routes, such as Dan, Hazor, Kinneret,
    Megiddo, Tirzah, Shechem, and Samaria, as well as from towns far from these routes,
    such as Khirbet el-Marjameh.s6
    In the hierarchical political and social structure of Israel, the cities became interme-
    diaries of governmental administration, as is attested archaeologically by the Iron Age
    palaces of Lachish, Megiddo, and Hazor, and the storehouses (miskcn6!) of Arad, Beer-
    sheba, Lachish, Beth-shemesh, Shechem, Megiddo, and Hazor.sT The'drA hammis-
    k"nbl 0 K. 9:19) served to collect taxes and provide supplies for the garrisons.s8
    The urbanization of Israel, which began in the l0th century, radiated from the capi-
    tal city; the result was the centralized direction of city planning, based on a layout that
    developed from the round village of the Early Iron Age: a circular city wall and main
    street, with houses arranged radially, together with a public square associated with the
    gate area.se This plan was utilized at Tell Beit Mirsim, Beth-shemesh, Tell en-Nasbeh,
    Megiddo, and probably at Jokneam.60

    51. Dever, 269ff.


    52. Z. Herzog, Beer-Sheba II (1984),83.
    53. On the fortifications see N. L. Lapp, BASOR 223 (1976) 25-42.For an archaeological dis-
    cussion see de Geus, Stad,76-81.
    54. On the former see Y. Yadin, BASOR 239 (1980) 19-23: Rehoboam; Na'aman, 5ff.: Heze-
    kiah; Fritz,46ff.: Josiah; see also D. Ussishkin, Tel Aviv Joumal l0 (1983) l7l-72. On the latter
    see S. Timm, ZDPV 96 (1980) 22-23.
    55. A. Mazar, Erlsr 15 (1981) 229-49.
    56. See also i(A1 l8l.l0-ll, 18-19. On travel routes see Pienaar, 151ff. On Kinneret see
    V. Fritz, IEJ 33 (1983) 257-59. See also Mazar, "Three Israelite Sites," 171ff.
    57. On the palaces see V. Fritz, ZDPV 99 (1983) 22tr.; on the storehouses, Z. Herzog, "The
    Storehouses," in Y. Aharoni, ed., Beer-Sheba I (1973),23-30.
    58. J. Naveh in Y. Aharoni, ed., Arad Inscriptions (1981), 142-48.
    59. On urbanization see B. S. J. Isserlin, W 34 (1984) 169-78. On city planning see Herzog,
    "City Planningl' 38-43. On the radial arrangement of houses see Shiloh, "Town Planning";
    McClellan. On the square and gate area see Herzog, Stadttot 160ff.
    60. A. Ben-Tor et al., /E/ 33 (1983) 30tr.
    .1t! Tr

    The urbanization of Israel was reflected linguistically in the increased use of the ex-
    pressions ys'mikkol-'drA yiird'€l (l S. l8:6) and ifiblhlk ii l"irb (1 S. 8:22; Ezr.2:l;
    Neh. 7:6; cf. I K. 22:36).It also exerted increasing influence on the social structure of
    Israel. In the rural villages most of the population were engaged in agriculture, making
    their living, as the many silos and presses for wine and oil show, by working the land
    belonging to the settlemefi (icdeh hdir Josh.2l:12; migr"iA hea'rim, Nu. 35:5).ot 1n
    the capital cities, however, distinct quarters housed different classes of craftspeople
    (Jer. 37:21; Neh. 3:32) and merchants (l K. 2O.'341.02 Among the provincial cities, the
    textile industry was concentrated in Lachish and Tell Beit Mirsim, the wine industry in
    Gibeon, and metallurgy in Tell Deir'A[a.or The process of urbanization and division
    of labor was accompanied by a social differentiation into poor and wealthy strata (2 S.
    l2:l-4),u which led to slum areas such as those found at Tirzah, Shechem, and Jerusa-
    lem,6s as well as a general impoverishment of the country villages during the period
    from the 8th through the 6th century.66
    Another consequence of urbanization was an increasing shift of Israelite legal and
    judicial institutions to the cities.In Dt. l3:13-19; l9:1-13; 20:10-20:'21:l-9, urban le-
    gal traditions have entered the stream of Israelite legal history.67 These traditions, un-
    known to the Covenant Code, underscore the growing importance of cities as the sites
    where legal cases were decided,68 especially after the legal reform of Jehoshaphat
    (2 Ch.19:5-11). lnDt. 12-26 ir and + -lirU ia'ar cat be used interchangeably (cf.
    l3:13ff. [Eng. 13:12ff.1; 17:2tr.).os Dt. l9:2a,3b,4bc,5b illustrate how before Dtn the
    asylum function shifted from the local sanctuary (Ex.2l:13-14) to three special cities.

    4. Persian Period. The lists preserved in Ezr. 2:21-35; Neh- 3:2-22; 7:25-38; ll:25-
    35 provide information concerning the settlement pattern in the province of Yehud dur-
    ing the Persian period. The territory described in these lists, the extent of which is con-
    firmed by finds of coins and official seals, was limited to the region bounded by
    Mizpah to the north, Beth-zur to the south, Jericho and En-gedi to the east, and Azekah
    and Gezer to the south. The province was divided into at least five districts, whose cen-
    ters were Beth-zur, Beth-haccherem, Keilah, Jerusalem, and Mizpah (Neh. 3:l-22).
    Gezer and Jericho were probably the centers of two additional districts.T0 Neh. I 1:25-
    35 reveals an administrative hierarchy of district capital, its subordinate towns, and
    their "daughter" villages. This hierarchy was focused on Jerusalem, whose signifi-

    61. migrai see Barr.


    See Feuillet, 275ff.; on
    62. I. Mendelsohn, BASOR 80 (1940) 17-21.
    63. See Frick, 127tr. On Tell Beit Mirsim cf. D. Eitam, Tel Aviv Journal 6 (1979) 150tr.
    64. D. Michel, TRE, [Y,72tr.
    65. See,respectively,R.deVaux,Azclsrl,T2-73;Wright, 154-55: Shiloh, Cityof David,28-
    29.
    66. C. H. J. de Geus, ZDPV98 (1982) 54tr.
    67. Benjamin, 177-348.
    68. Z. Herzog, Stadttor 163-64.
    69. C. M. Carmichael, The Laws of Deuteronomy (1974),261-62.
    70. Stem,245ff.
    .'t!! ?r

    cance was increased by Nehemiah's program of fortification and enforced repopulation


    (Neh. 2-7; ll).zt
    For the province of Samaria (Neh. 2:10,19;4:l!l), the evidence is scantier. The
    only cities for which there is literary evidence are Samaria and Shechem.T2 These
    towns of central Palestine appear quite modest when compared to the great coastal cit-
    ies of Acco, Dor, Jabneh, Ashdod, and Ashkelon, under the sovereignty of Tyre and
    Sidon.zr Herodotus describes Gaza as holding its own in the company of Sardis.Ta At
    Shikmonah and Tell Abu Hawam we find the beginnings of orthogonal city planning.Ts
    The foci of the Persian military infrastructure, which was aimed at Egypt, were for-
    tresses and supply depots along the coast road (Shikmonah, Tell Qasile, Ashdod, Tell
    Jemmeh, Tell el-Far'a [south]) and in the Negeb (Tell Sera', Beer-Sheba, Arad, Khirbet
    Ritma, Kadesh-barnea, Tell el-Kheleifeh).

    5. Hellenistic Period. The classic Greek polis was a single entity constituting both
    city and state.76 Externally, it was characterized by political and economic autonomy,
    including the right to strike coinage; internally, it was characterized by self-governance
    of the ddmos in ekklEsia arrd boul6 and by legal and cultic independence. The polis sur-
    vived transformed in the Hellenistic Near East, becoming integrated into the concept of
    a territorial state ruled by a monarch. Alongside the administrative units of Coele-
    Syria, representing ethnic groups like the Judeans and the Idumeans, intensively
    hellenized areas were home to such semi-autonomous cities with a polis form of gov-
    ernment. In line with the classical notion of the polis, Hellenistic political theory could
    treat these cities as "allies" of the king. Despite their organization as poleis after the
    classical model, however, their administration and economy were controlled by offr-
    cials of the king.zz In actual practice, loss of political freedom changed the nature of
    the Hellenistic polis markedly from that of the Greek polis. Theoretically, however, the
    polis was still the highest constitutional concept, distinguishing such a settlement from
    others that did not enjoy this right (villages, colonies).
    The Phoenician and Palestinian coast, already urban in the Persian period, became a
    center of Hellenistic poleis. Acco-Ptolemais was probably the capital of the Ptolemaic
    province "Syria and Phoenicia." Other regions with cities established as Hellenistic
    poleis or hellenized by renaming and the introduction of a polis constitution included
    northern Transjordan and the land around Lakes Gennesaret and Semechonitis, form-
    ing a wall against the Arabs.78 These foci of Ptolemaic urban hellenization (including

    71. Otto, Jerusalem, l00lff.


    72. Josephus Ant. 11.8.6 $$340-45. For Samaria see Tadmor, "Samaria," 8ff; for Shechem,
    N. L. Lapp, BASOR 257 (198s) t9-43.
    73. See Pseudo-Scylax; K. Galling, ZDPV 6l (1938) 83tr
    74. Hist.3.5.
    75. Stern, 230.
    76. Kolb,58tr.
    77. Hengel,23.
    78. Tcherikover, H ellenistic Civilization, 90ff .
    '1t Tr

    Ptolemais, Scythopolis, Philadelphia, Rabbat-Moab, Gerasa, Gadara, Hippos, Abila,


    and Philoteria) supported a policy of controlling the Mediterranean ports and the trade
    routes between the ports, the Persian Gulf, and the Arabian Peninsula.Te By contrast,
    Seleucid hellenization (represented by such cities as Antioch, Laodicea, Apamea,
    Beroea, Dura Europus, and Damascus) was guided by the desire to establish a homoge-
    neous culture.80 These disparate goals resulted in substantial differences between Ptol-
    emaic and Seleucid city planning.sl Ptolemaic planning concentrated on the acropolis
    or citadel; residential areas were structured only superficially by main streets, with sec-
    ondary streets branching off from them. Seleucid planning was more concerned with
    the total form of the city, using a hippodromic street plan that included an agora and
    adorning the residential quarters with public buildings.
    No new Hellenistic cities were founded in Judea; the influence of urban Hellenism
    was also slight in Samaria and Idumea, despite the Macedonian colony in Samaria82
    and the small rural cities Marissa and Adoraim. Southern Palestine was defended mili-
    tarily against the desert by a chain of fortresses from the Dead Sea (including En-gedi)
    through Arad to Beth-zur. Jerusalem played a special role as the Ptolemaic temple city
    Hierosolyma and the heart of the temple state Judah. Attempts to hellenize Jerusalem
    as a polis during the Seleucid period, however, remained unsuccessful.83 The slight in-
    fluence of the Hellenistic polis idea in Judea as well as in the Ptolemaic heartland of
    Egypt is reflected also in the depoliticized and therefore de-hellenized use of the term
    pdlis in the LXX (see VI below).

    IV. OT Tiadition.
    l. Earty Narratives. Patriarchal narratives preserving memories of the dimorphic
    way of life of the proto-Israelite pastoral families reflect a critical attitude on the part
    of shepherds toward urban population centers, with which they necessarily came into
    contact. Gen. 26: 1- I 1 pictures the city as a center of political power that seeks to sub-
    ject the shepherds to its will; the shepherds in turn experience the city as a source of le-
    gal insecurity and conflicts (cf. also Gen. 34).84 Gen. 19 and Jgs. l9 present the city as
    an inhospitable place of moral comrption; it is a source of the disintegration of the ru-
    ral ethics of family solidarity. These two narratives enshrine the criticism of the city by
    the countryside.8s

    2. l*arned Reflection. Gen. 4:1,(2),17-18 is a fragmentary history of civilization


    originating in learned Judahite circles. Exhibiting a positive estimate of cities, it links
    agriculture with urban civilization in a pattern of cultural progress that sees cities

    79. M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities (1932).


    80. M. Hadas, Hellenistic Culture (1959),24tr.
    81. Barghouti, 209-29.
    82. Tcherikover, "Stadtgrtindungen," 73-74.
    83. Tcherikov er, H ellenistic C ivilization, ll7 ff .
    84. E. Otto, Jakob in Sichem. BWANT 110 (1979), 169-81.
    85. De Pury 219-29.
    .1rg
    ?r

    emerging from agricultural civilization. In Gen. l0:8-12, a traditio-historically related


    reflection on the history of civilization, the origin of kingdoms and empires is traced
    back to the urban center of Babylon; the founder of the city is identified as a despot.
    Philo of Byblos has a similar account.86
    The story of the Tower of Babel in Gen. l1:2-5,6acyb,8 puts a negative face on the
    connection between imperial and urban ideology. The claim of an urban metropolis of
    a Mesopotamian empire to be the center of humanity, it suggests, does not unite hu-
    manity but divides it. This Israelite narrative probably criticizes the interdependence of
    political power and urban culture in Israel.
    The theology of the Tetrateuch, reflecting the views of rural Judah, borrowed
    these positive and negative traditions to illustrate the ambivalence of urban culture
    as an element of human civilization. Once the protective security of paradise was
    lost (Gen. 2:4V3:24), creative labor became a necessity to secure the necessities of
    life; humankind, having fallen from the security of Yahweh's protection into a
    yearning for autonomy, turns on its head every vital cultural achievement, abusing
    urban civilization (4:17) as a triumphal attempt to take heaven by storm (11:l-9).
    Gen. 12:l-3 offers the alternative: not through the grandiose organization of a me-
    tropolis but through the blessing of Abraham, in which all the families of the earth
    share through Israel and toward which neutrality is impossible, is the unity of hu-
    manity realized.
    In Dt. 6:10-13 (see also 19:l),87 the Dtn tradition presents a positive assessment
    of the urban structure of Israel as a cultural element borrowed from the indigenous
    population, but warns against the danger of self-assurance, trusting in the security
    of the fortified cities, which is an affront to Yahweh. Incorporation of 6: l0- 13 into
    the Dtr context ratifies this perspective as applying also to the new Israel of the
    postexilic period. Under prophetic influence, this warning was expanded to include
    danger of idolatry, promoted by the city (6:14-19; cf. also 13:13-19; see IV.3 be-
    Iow).
    The Chronicler's History records a positive assessment of cities and the urban orga-
    nization of the land, not only in the detailed description of Nehemiah's efforts to fortify
    Jerusalem but also in the favorable verdict on preexilic kings conveyed by statements
    concerning city building.ss

    3. Prophetic Criticism. The prophetic movement in the northern kingdom does


    not criticize cities per se, leveling social criticism only at epiphenomena of urban
    culture. Prophecy in the southern kingdom, however, incorporates the criticism of
    cities associated with rural Judah that is reflected in the Tetrateuch. This criticism is
    directed specifically against Jerusalem: the city is built on bloodguilt and iniquity
    (ddmtm and 'awld, Mic. 3:10; Hab. 2:12; cf. Ezk. 22:2). It is a place of oppression

    86. Eusebius Praep. evang. l.10.9,12-13,35.


    87. Benjamin, 136ff.
    88. P. Welten, Geschichte und Geschichtsdarstellung in dem Chronikbiichern. WMANT 42
    (1973),9-s2.
    Tf ir

    ('dieq, Jer. 6:6; ybnd, Zeph. 3:1) and perversity (mufieh, Ezk- 9:9), of tumultucus
    pleasure and inappropriate carousing (tsa. 22:2; cf. Jer.7:34). This criticism reflects
    the social differentiation that accompanies urbanization and interferes with the ad-
    ministration of justice (Mic. 3:9-ll; 6:9-16). The theological critique preserved in
    the Judahite interpretation of the Hoseanic tradition (Hos. 8:l4b) sees the city as an
    expression of aspirations for security that flout the creative power of Yahweh. Mic.
    l:13 views the city as the fountainhead of l1a11a'1 andpeia', breaking Israel's bond
    with Yahweh. In the Jeremianic tradition (Jer. 2:28) and the Dtr tradition dependent
    on Jeremiah (Jer. 7:17-18; ll|2;2 K.23:5; etc.), which borrows Hoseanic motifs
    while giving them a Judahite interpretation, the city is a hotbed of idolatry. As a con-
    sequence, its destruction is predicted (Mic. l:8-16; 3:12; Jer.2:15;5:17; etc.); its
    walls cannot protect it (Dt. 28:52). In the perspective of Isaianic theology (Isa'
    32:19), destruction of the mighty city that arrogantly turns its back on God can be an
    element of the salvation to come. For Jeremiah, the protective function of the city is
    turned on its head (Jer. 8:14): the only survivors will be those who voluntarily leave
    the city and surrender to the enemy (21:9; 38:2).

    4. Zion. Prophetic criticism has its theological antipode in the theology of Zion and
    the Jerusalem cult. With the help of mythological motifs, Jerusalem is pictured as the
    city of God (?r '"l6htm[-hAnfr], Ps. 46:5[4]; 48:2[1]), the place of God's presence (Ps.
    46; 48;76) chosen by Yahweh (132:13), where the forces of chaos are shattered and
    from which peace goes forth throughout the world (46:10-l lt9-l0l). In the view of this
    theology, the fortifications of Jerusalem are themselves an empirical expression of
    God's presence and of the power and security of the city they provide. By the same to-
    ken, other fortified cities besides Jerusalem can also be cities of God ('drA
    'ebhtm,2S.
    l0:12) protected by Yahweh (Ps. 127:l).
    In the exilic period, the motif of Jerusalem's election was combined with that of
    cultic centralization (l K. 8:16ff.; etc.) in a Dtr reform program for the postexilic pe-
    riod. The Deutero-Isaianic tradition transferred the cultic conception ofthe sacredness
    of rhe sanctuary to the city of Jerusalem as ir haqqdde.i (Isa. 48:2; 52:1). In the
    postexilic period, this motif became widely influential (Neh. l1:18; Dnl. 9:24; I Mc.
    2:7; 2 Mc. l:12; 3:l; 9:14; etc.). As the city chosen once more by Yahweh, Jerusalem
    will overflow with the prosperity that promotes life (Zec. 1:17). Yahweh will dwell in
    the midst of her as ir-hdamel (Zec.8:3).

    5. Apocalypse of Isaiah. Prophetic and cultic interpretations come together in the


    Apocalypse of Isaiah (Isa. 24-27). Despite substantial differences among scholars in
    the identification and dating of its literary strata,8e there is general consensus that Isa'
    24-27 reflects a lengthy process of continual reinterpretation.
    Isa. 24:7-12(13); 25:l-5 26:l-6 constitutes a self-contained unit interpreting the
    traditions recorded in 24:l-6,14-20,23; 25:6-7,8*,9-lOa; 26:7-21. lsa. 24:7'12(13)

    89. See H. Wildberger, Isaiah 1i-27 (Eng. trans. 1997\, 447tr.


    .1![ ?r

    elaborates the prophecy of doom in 24:l-6 in terms of the destruction of urban life; the
    prophetic hymn of thanksgiving in 25: l-5 associates the revelation of Yahweh as king
    in Jerusalem with the destruction of a metropolis; and the antithesis between Jerusalem
    and the metropolis destroyed by Yahweh informs the hymn in26:l-6, which builds on
    25:9-10a, especially the motif of the mountain of God.
    This interpretive stratum associates the doom and deliverance of the age to come
    with the respective fates of a metropolis that represents paradigmatically the world fall-
    ing prey to destruction and Jerusalem, which represents the coming age of salvation.
    The metropolis will be destroyed by Yahweh despite its military might as qiryA bcsfrrd
    (25:2) and qiry6 niigd!6 (26:5).It will become a desolation (ir iammi, 24:12) and a
    heap of stones (gal, 25:2). Riotous hedonism, music, and wine stand for the way of life
    of this city (Isa. 24:8-ll). The towering city stands for the attitude of its inhabitants:
    they are insolent kejtm) and violent ('dri;tm). With their ruthless blasts, they represent
    the chaos that overwhelms the poor and needy (25:4-5).
    This interpretive stratum does not criticize cities in general: in contrast to the
    false triumphalism of the metropolis, it presents a different reality in the image of
    the new Jerusalem. It too will be a strong city (?r 'a2,26:l). But it will be Yahweh
    who sets up its walls and bulwarks. Its inhabitants are a giy ;addiq (26:2).Instead
    of the raging of the violent and arrogant, there will be steadfast trust in Yahweh.
    Instead of humiliation and destruction, Yahweh will establish peace for the inhabit-
    ants of the new Jerusalem (26:3). The destitute will triumph over the arrogant. In
    the contrasting descriptions of the doomed metropolis and the new Jerusalem, the
    universalistic mythological tradition is fleshed out with concrete details drawn
    from urban life. The contrast between the conduct of the violent and arrogant and
    that of those who trust steadfastly in Yahweh represents the contrast between the
    age of disaster and the age of deliverance. To interpret the motifs associated with
    the godless city as reflecting concrete historical events is to ignore the intent of this
    stratum.
    The concrete historical dimension appears only in the subsequent redactions that in-
    troduce the themes of Moab (25:lob-12) and hope for reunification (27:6-l l). The ur-
    ban symbolism was already so central to the material that these later redactions could
    not help associating their additions with the somewhat inappropriate motif of the de-
    stroyed city (25:12; 27 :10-ll).

    6. Wisdom. Wisdom tradition uses the city as a symbol of the attitude that relies on
    power and strength rather than wise conduct. Trust in the strength represented empiri-
    cally by a fortified city is inferior to a life guided by wisdom, the source of true
    strength (kov. 2l:22). Self-control and self-mastery are superior to the brute force
    demonstrated by conquest of a city (16:32).In contrast to the cultic theology associ-
    ated with Jerusalem, wisdom does not see a city's strength as an expression of
    Yahweh's mighty presence. Neither does it follow prophetic criticism in attacking
    triumphalistic self-assurance apart from and therefore hostile to Yahweh. For wisdom,
    the fortified city represents an unauthentic externality in contrast to the inward heart,
    the authentic site of the distinction between strength and weakness.
    -t!! ?r

    V. Qumran. The word ?r appears some 90 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls; the major-
    ity of occurrences (55) are in the pesharim, the Damascus Document, and the Temple
    Scroll.eo
    In lQpHab prophetic criticism of cities is applied to the writer's present situation.
    Social criticism takes a back seat to religio-political controversy. The motif of the
    bloody and iniquitous city (Hab. 2:L2) is interpreted as referring to the prophet of lies,
    who leads many astray in order to build a'yr iww (lQpHab 10:10), which lQpHab
    12:7, combining Hab. 2:17 with 2:12, sees as a reference to Jerusalem. The act of
    bloody violence against the city is interpreted as the desecration of the temple by the
    wicked priest, the violence against the countryside as his dispossession of the poor in
    the cities of Judah. Similarly, aQpNah 2:2 interprets the motif of the 'yr dmm (Nah.
    3:1) as a reference to the 'yr 'prym in the hands of those who "seek after smooth
    things." In interpreting Hab. 2:12,17, the criticism of lQpHab 12:6b-10 evinces a con-
    ception of graduated holiness inherent in the temple, the temple city, and the outlying
    cities of Judah. This conception of varying degrees of holiness inherent in different re-
    gions of the holy land with its houses and cities a three-day journey, an inner zone
    -
    with a radius of some 4 mi., each centered on the temple city as the sacred focal point
    of the land, the temple mount, and finally the temple itself with its own gradations
    becomes explicit in the Damascus Document and especially the Temple Scroll. Jerusa-
    -
    lem as temple city is called 'yry (llQT 47:15,18; 52:19), h'yr (46:13,17), ir hmqdi
    (CD l2:1,2; l lQT 45:11-12,16-17), 'yr hqdi (CD 2O:22), 'yr mqdiy (llQT 47:9,13)'
    h'yr 'ir 'ny iwkn btwkh (45 13-14), h'yr'ir 'qdyi lilcyn imy wmqd(iy bwkh) (47:3-4),
    h'yr'ir'nwlq mikn't imy wmqdiy btwkh (47:10-11), and 'yry 'ir'nwlq mqdi liwm imy
    btwkh (52:19-201.er
    The notion of holiness finds concrete expression in the application of the penta-
    teuchal regulations governing the purity of the camp (cf. Nu. 5:2-3) to Jerusalem and
    the cities of Israel (CD 12:l-2,19,22-23; llQT 47:2-7), a development that can appeal
    to Isa. 52:1 (cf. Rev. 2l:27)- The temple city demands a celibate life (CD 12:1-2; llQT
    45:ll-12;51:5-10). Women, lepers, and the physically handicapped are excluded from
    the city (45:12-18). Defilement through excrement is prevented by a mqwm yd 3'000
    yards northwest of the city (46:13-16). Josephus's information about the Essene Gate
    and Bethso in his description of the "first wall" may indicate that this is not simply a
    literary fiction but may reflect Essene practice in Jerusalem.e2 Meat from animals
    slaughtered under secular auspices must remain outside the city (47:7-18). The cities
    throughout the countryside, too, are governed by holiness regulations, less stringent
    than those governing the temple city (CD 12:19; llQT 47:3). In particular, these regu-
    lations forbid burial within a city and require special cemeteries for every four cities
    (48:12-14).

    90. Yadin, Temple Scroll,3 vols. in 4 (1983), II, 453.


    9r. rbid., r, 280.
    92. BJ 5.4.2 $145; see Otto, Jerusalem, 124-25; see also B. Pixner, 'An Essene Quarter on
    Mount Zion?" Studia Hierosolymitana I (1976) 245-85.
    a)9 'dkar

    VI. LXX. The LXX uses pdr,r to translate ?re3 [n the LXX pdlrs occurs approxi-
    mately 1,600 times, including some that render qiry6, ia'ar (Dt. 14:21), mdq6m (Dl
    2l:19), bird (Est.l:2,5; etc.), or'armdn (Isa. 34:13). The passages where 7r is trans-
    lated by k6md (Josh. 10:39; 1 Ch. 27:25;2 Ch. 14:13[ 14]; Isa. 42:11) are probably
    meant to clarify the postexilic hierarchy of settlements. Texts that could not be inter-
    preted on the basis of the postexilic urban geography were liable to misinterpretation:
    in Josh. l0:2, e.9., 'arA hammamlAli is translated metr6poleds. The translation of 7r
    ddwtQ as hd dkra Dauidreflects the architectural history of Jerusalem in the Hellenistic
    Period.e+
    The theoretical political implications of the term pdlis are not reflected in the LXX.
    The words politeilesthai, politeta, and politeuma appear only in those parts of the LXX
    without a Hebrew prototype.es
    The depoliticizing of the term p6lis in the LXXe6 can hardly be an expression of de-
    liberate rejection of Hellenism; it is more likely due to the modest influence of the
    polis notion not only in Judea but also in Egypt, the Ptolemaic heartland.eT
    E. Otto

    93. Strathmann,522.
    94. Otto, Jerusalem, 115ff.
    95. For a discussion of the texts see Schmidt, 96-97.
    96. Strathmann,523.
    97. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization, 25.

    A)9- 'akor; "tilu Pny 'cmeq 'df,6r

    I. General: l. Statistics;2. Cognate Languages and Ancient Versions; 3. Basic Meaning. II.
    Biblical Usage: l. Verb; 2. Valley of Achor.

    I. General.
    l. Statistics. The root '/cr appears in the OT both as a verb and as an element of a
    toponym and of personal names. There are no other nominal derivatives. The verb oc-
    curs 14 times (not counting Job 6:4 cj., where the emendation of ya'arftfrni to ya'af,rfini
    is unnecessary;r and Jgs. I l:35 cj., where the eniendation of /<r' hiphil to '/cr hiphil is

    'Alar H.-D. Neef, "Die Ebene Achor das 'Tor der Hoffnung,'" ZDPV 100 (1984) 9l-107;
    -
    J. J. Stamm, "Das hebriiische Verbum 'dkat' Or 47 (1978) 339-50.

    t. HAL, il,824.
    1)V'.akar

    also unnecessary, the more so since ?r hiphil is otherwise unattested). In Sir. 37 12'kr
    is uncertain;2 in 7:10 ?r hithpael should probably be emended to 'Dr hithpael.3 The
    formybkr should probably be read in Lachish ostracon 2:5.4
    Of the 14 occurrences of the verb in the MT, 12 are in the qal, 2 inthe niphal. The
    other stems, in particular the piel (see I.3 below), are not found. It is noteworthy that of
    the 12 occulrences of the qal, 6 are participles (see I.3 below).
    There are 5 occurrences of the toponym '€meq 'dkbf "Valley of Achor"; the same
    name occurs twice in the Copper Scroll from Qumran (3Q15 1: l; 4:6).s 11r"." are 5 oc-
    currences ofthe PN 'o$rdn(all in the phrase "Pagiel son ofOkran"; the association of
    this name with 'tr is uncertain);6 there is a single occulrence of the PN 'dbar (l Ch.2:7,
    a secondary wordplay associating the name 'dknn with the verb 'kr; cf. Acharos in
    Josephus;7 also AcharinlxxB consistently and in LXXA losh.7:24 for Heb. 'dkdn).
    The OT occulrences of the verb, the toponym, and the personal names are generally
    assigned to the same root. Nonetheless, since the connection of the name 'of;rdn with
    the verb '/cr is uncertain and the assimilation of the name 'd$dn to the root *r is second-
    ary and artificial, the personal names can have no bearing on the meaning of OT '&r.

    2. Cognate languages and Ancient Versions. Middle Hebrew and Jewish Aramaic
    use the root ?r with the basic meaning "make (a liquid) turbid." In some passages (e.g.,
    Gen. 34:30), early Jewish exegesis uses this metaphor to interpret OT 7<r8 The root has
    the same meaning in Mandaic, Samaritan, and Christian Aramaic.e In a similar vein,
    the Vulg. generally uses (con-, per-) turbare to translate '/<r For the Valley of Achor,
    Jerome cites a traditional interpretation tumultus atque turbarum, "tumult and
    throng."to In seven passages the Syr. tses d"lah, "disturb, make (water) turbid," to
    translate OT 'fra t t but it retains the Hebrew consonants, probably with the meaning of
    Syr. 7<r (see below), in 1 Ch. 2:7 or interprets the word as meaning "destroy, damage"
    (;bd, Prov. ll:17; 15:6,27; hrr aphel, Gen. 34:30). In Jgs. ll:35 LXXA translates 'ftr
    with tardssd (as do Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion in I S. 14:29). Elsewhere it
    displays a striking lack of consistency in its treatment of Heb. 'kr.rz The Targ. (Penta-
    teuch and Prophets) does not translate but uses Heb. ?r as a loanword.
    In Syriac, ?r means "hold back, hinder."l3 It is related to Mand. akr I, "detain, te-

    2. D. Barth{lemy and O. Rickenbach er, Konkordanz zum hebriiischen Sirach (1973),29b.


    3. I. Levi, The Hebrew Tbxt of the Book of Ecclesiasticus. SSS 3 (1904)' in loc.
    4. KAI 192.5; Stamm, 342; DNSI, 11,842.
    5. See also Eusebius Onomasticon 84.18-21; F. Wutz, Onomastica Sacra. TU 41,2 vols.
    (1914-15), s.v. Achor and AXop.
    6. M. Noth, [PN,253.
    7. Ant. 5.l.lO, 14 $$33, 44.
    8. Levy, WTM, Ill,647-48; Jastrow, 1079.
    9. See MdD, 18: akr Il; HAL, 11,824.
    lO. Epistula 108 ad Eustochium, 13 (CSEL 55 U9121, 306-51).
    I l. Brockelmann, LexSyP, 155.
    12. Stamm,344.
    I 3. Brockelmann, lzxSyr2, 523.
    1)l'alar

    tain, hold back, restrain, obstruct."l4 OSA 7<r "contradict, raise objections, act in a hos-
    tile manner," "contest (a claim), refuse (a request)," clearly belongs here as well.15 The
    only occurrence of Pun. '/cr means "destroy."to Finally, Mandaic and Old South Arabic
    have a root 7cr with the respective meanings "plow, dig, cultivate," and "become preg-
    nant, be fertile."lT The root 'kr is not found in Ugaritic or Akkadian.
    The various meanings of ?r can hardly be related to each other, and so we must dis-
    tinguish three homonymous roots: ?r [, "push back"; 'tr II, "make turbid"; and '/<r III,
    "be fertile."

    3. Basic Meaning. Because in Josh. 6-7 and I Ch.2:7 ?r appears in conjunction


    with + d-lfl hrm, "ban, devote, devoted thing," some have proposed for 'kr the basic
    meaning "declare taboo, make unavailable to others."l8 But neither the meanings of ?r
    in cognate languages nor the ancient versions support this interpretation. Furthernore,
    if this resultative sense were actually present, we would expect that ?r would occur
    also or even primarily in the piel.le The significantly frequent use of the qal participle,
    in at least one instance (l K. 18:17)20 almost as a fixed "title" or technical term, also
    speaks against this understanding. Above all, in several OT passages this translation
    would make no sense.2l
    Most scholars assume an exclusively metaphorical use of '/<r II, "stir up, make tur-
    bid" (see I.2 above), translating the qal of OT 'tr as "confuse, trouble, disturb" and the
    niphal as "be confused, be disturbed l'22The OT, however, displays no trace of the sup-
    posed basic literal meaning "make turbid."23 In addition, the more general meaning
    "injure, trouble," required by the various contexts, is hard to derive from the supposed
    basic literal meaning; at the very least, an additional specialized meaning must be as-
    sumed for Ps. 39:3(Eng. Y.2).24
    All the OT occurrences of the verb 'tr are easy to interpret, however, if OT ?r de-
    rives from ?r I (see I.2 above), with the concrete literal basic meaning "hold together,
    restrain, push back (with effort, with violence, or with hostile intent)," extended to the
    more general meaning "hinder, beset, treat with hostility, injure."
    For the toponym 'dmeq 'dft6a it is reasonable to postulate an original association
    with ?r III, "be fertile" (see I.2 above).

    14. MdD, 17-18; associated by HAL, ll, 824, with Arab. 'aqara.
    15. For the former definition see Biella, 363-64; for the latter, Beeston, 14-15.
    16. DNSr, \,842.
    17. See, respectively, MdD, 18: akr lll; Beeston, 14-15.
    18. E.g., KBLz, 703, following F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertiimer I (1901), 41ff.
    19. HE 123tr.
    20. T. Dozeman, "The 'Troubler' of Israel: *r I
    in Kings 18,17-18:' Studia Biblica et
    Theologica 9 (1979) 8l-93.
    21. Stamm.
    22. Cf . HAL, ll, 824; cf . GesB, 585; l*xHebAram, 595t Kdn,ig, Hebrtiisches und aramiiisches
    Wiirterbuch zum A\ 327; Stamm.
    23. As Stamm also observes.
    24. Stamm, 349-50.
    '1)9 'Akor

    II. Biblical Usage.


    l. In Ps. 39:3(2) almost all modern translations and commentators treat the
    Verb.
    words fiV"'€pi ne'kar as standing in adversative contrast ("but," "nevertheless"; cf.,
    however, LXX kai, Vulg. er) to v. 3a9(2afl), which it follows syndetically, linking it in
    (synonymous) parallelism (contrary to the MT pointing) with the following asyndetic
    clause in v. 4aa(3ac), and translate accordingly.2s But the noun clause in v. 3b(2b) is a
    circumstantial clause concluding the two preceding verbal clauses in v. 3ac0(2aa|);26
    it must describe a state occasioned by refusal to give voice to inward distress. Ps.
    39:3b(2b) should be translated: "while my distress remained suppressed" (niphal ptcp.
    of 'kr). The same participle in Prov. l5:6b should be interpreted similarly: "but the in-
    come of the wicked is kept down" in other words, in contrast to the righteous de-
    -
    scribed in v. 6a, the wicked receive no return.
    Derivation of OT 7cr from '/<r I also accounts for the six occurrences of the finite
    verb in the qal. By making their father odious (b',i hiphil) to the inhabitants of the land,
    Simeon and Levi "frustrated" him, i.e., they made it impossible for him to lead a suc-
    cessful life among the Canaanites (Gen. 34:30). Saul's unfortunate order "frustrated"
    the land, preventing success in battle (l S. 14:29). By transgressing the ban, Achan
    made the Israelite camp itself an object for destruction and thereby "frustrated" it, pre-
    venting it from achieving its goal of capturing Ai (Josh.6:18). Because Achan "frus-
    trated" the Israelites under Joshua's leadership, "obstructing" their success, Yahweh
    "obstructs" him: he is stoned by the people (7:25). Elijah rejects Ahab's rebuke: it is
    not the prophet who has "frustrated" Israel to its detriment, but the king and his father's
    house (1 K. l8:18).
    For the qal participle, too, the basic privative meaning of 'kr I is clear: "hinder, ob-
    struct (with hostile intent), trouble." In all six occurrences it is construed as a noun
    rather than averb (nomen regens in a construct phrase). It is a kind of appellative or ep-
    ithet characteizing the subject in question primarily as the possessor of an attribute
    rather than as the performer of a particular action (cf. the ptcps. 'dye!, g6'el, '6hE!, and
    maibiD.In I Ch. 2:7 the event recounted in Josh. 6-7* has become the distinguishing
    feature of its central figure: Achan now bears the nickname and title "the troubler of Is-
    rael" ('6$Er yiird'El [determined!]). Ahab does not accuse Elijah of having troubled Is-
    rael through a specific list of actions but of being himself "the troubler of Israel" (?!dr
    yiird'El [determined], I K. l8:17). Jephthah's daughter, too, became one of his "troub-
    lers"andenemies (we'atthdyt!b*dkcrdy [determined],Jgs. Il:35). InProverbsthede-
    termined qal participle occurs twice in parallel with other nominalized participles.
    Here too, however, it probably functions as a kind of technical term or title characteriz-
    ing the personal nature of the subject rather than the name of that subject's actions. One
    who is cruel is "his own enemy" ('6f;8r ie'dr6, 1 l:17). One who takes a bribe is "the en-
    emy of his own household" (akzr bAfi, $:27). And one who is "the enemy of his own
    household" ('6ker bdb) will inherit wind (11:29).

    25. See also BHK and BI1S.


    26. GK, $$156, l4le, l42d; D. Michel,Tempora und Satutellung inden Psalmen(1960)' 75' 185.
    1)9'dkar 7t

    2.Valley of Achor In a secondary literary development, the story of Achan in Josh. 6-


    7* has beenlinked to the narrative of the capture of Ai in Josh. 7-8.* The figure of Achan
    was originally not associated traditio-historically with the Valley of Achor; the evidence
    includes the two different names 'lot and'kr.27 Ttte Achan material was reshaped second-
    arily to provide an etiology for the name of the valley, with the verb 'kr I serving as the
    link (Josh. 6:18;7:24-26; see [I.l above). This clearly secondary association of the
    toponym with the verb '/<r I does not prevent deriving it from 'tr [II, "be fruitful." The use
    of the name in Isa. 65: l0 and Hos. 2:17(15) supports this etymology. This would argue in
    favor of identiffing the Valley of Achor with Wadi en-Nuwe'ime rather than Buqei'a.28
    In Isa.65:10 "Valley of Achor" appears in parallel with "Sharon"; like the latter
    (33:9; 35:2; cf. Cant. 2:l; 1 Ch. 27:29), it denotes a fruitful, almost paradisal region.
    Sharon to the west and the Valley of Achor to the east comprehend the whole land, so
    that the two names together signalize the fertility of the whole land (cf. Isa. 65:9: "in-
    heritor of my mountains"). The allocation of herds (of cattle) to the Valley of Achor
    and flocks (of sheep and goats) to Sharon is not intended to denigrate Sharon,2e but has
    a stylistic explanation: the merism "flocks and herds" is divided between the two fertile
    valleys that mark the eastern and western borders of the land. In the admittedly late text
    65:9-10, there is no hint of the troubling of Israel that links the story of Achan in Josh.
    6-7* with the Valley of Achor. Josh. l5:7 likewise mentions the Valley of Achor in a
    neutral sense with no negative overtones as a location on the northern border of Judah.
    It also appears neutrally in the Copper Scroll from Qumran (3Q15 l:1; 4:6).
    In Hos. 2:17(15), in the context of a new entrance into the promised land from the wil-
    derness, Yahweh promises to espouse Israel once more and to restore her vineyards to
    her; in parallel, he will make the Valley of Achor a door of hope (pelah tiqwd). Modern
    commentators find in the name "Valley of Achor" an allusion to the Achan story.3o gr,
    there is nothing in Hos. 2:16-17(14-15) to support this interpretation; indeed, such a con-
    notation would appear to be out of the question, since it contradicts the message of the
    text. [n parallel with the gift of the vineyards and mentioned immediately after them, the
    Valley of Achor must be understood as the first portion and quintessence of the fertile
    land that opens in this valley.3t In the context of the new entrance into the promised land,
    the Valley of Achor symbolizes not Achan's troubling of Israel but the gift of the fertile
    land.32It is reasonable to suppose that the "Valley of Achor" played this entirely positive
    role, recalling the first exodus, in the occupation traditions ofthe northern tribes, centered
    on Jericho and Gilgal, and that Hosea, preaching in the northern kingdom, is alluding to
    this tradition of Achor and the entrance into the promised land.
    Mosis

    27. M. Noth, Josua. HATW (31971),43ff.; Neef,92-93.


    28. For the former see F. M. Abel, G4ographie de la Palestine, I (21933), 406; H. W. Wolff,
    ZDPV70 (1954) 76-81; Neef, passim. For the latter, Noth, HATW3, in loc., etc.
    29. Neef, 103.
    30. See also Neef, 97-101.
    31. As noted also by Neef, 100.
    32. F. l. Andersen and D. N. Frcedman, Hosea. AB 24 (1980),275.
    12 )v'at

    I. Etymology. II. Ancient Near East. III. OT: I . General; 2. Draft Animals; 3. Forced Labor;
    4. Foreign Domination; 5. Positive Symbolism. IV. LXX.

    I. Etymology. While KBL2 still derived the word 'ol from 7/ II, "put in," rlIAI treats
    it in Ugaritic and Canaanire (bulfilu), as well as Imperial
    as a primary noun, attested
    Aramaic, Jewish Aramaic, Palmyrene, and Nabatean (cf. Arab. {ullu, "neck ring of
    prisoners").t The Akkadian word for yoke is niru (cf. Syr. nird) or (in literary contexts)
    ablanu.

    II. Ancient Near East. Texts from Mesopotamia and Amarna-age Palestine use the
    yoke as a metaphor of political and religious subordination and subjection. The king
    lays the yoke of his overlordship on those he has subjugated;2 as obedient subjects,
    they bear the yoke of their overlord.3 To rebel against an overlord is therefore to "break
    the yoke."a Sometimes "bearing the yoke" is equated explicitly with forced labor, but it
    can also be from the perspective of the overlord a metaphor for stable govern-
    - -
    ment.s Since the kings of Mesopotamia considered their actions to be commanded by
    the gods, the deity was thought of as the agent who imposed the yoke on conquered
    peoples; to rebel was to shake off the yoke of the deity.6 The king can also describe
    himself as bearing the yoke of the deity.T One Babylonian myth recounts that Marduk
    created humans to "bear the yoke," to serve Marduk instead of other gods.8 This
    religio-political metaphor is not found in Egypt, perhaps because, in the Egyptian view,
    the stability of the world depended not on the obedience of the people to the king and
    the obedience of the king to the gods, but on the presence of the king, who was also
    god.e

    III. OT.
    The word b-l occurs 40 times in the OT (including 15 times in I K. 12
    l. General.
    par. 2 Ch. 10, and 7 times in ler. 17-28), always in contexts dealing with some other

    '61. C. L. Tyer, "The Yoke in Ancient Near Eastern, Hebrew, and NT Materials" (diss.,
    Vanderbilt, 1963).
    l. See KIU 4.7 49; EA l, 257 :15:' 296:38; DNSI, ll, 842.
    2. ANET 297.
    3. ANET, 314; EA 257 :15:. 296:38.
    4. AMB, l, 27,218.
    5. For the former see ANET, 287,316; for the latter, 286.
    6. For the former see ANET 297,383; for the latter, 291,292.
    7. ANET, 307.
    8. ANET, 99: Tyet 27.
    9. Tyer, 35-36.
    )v'at l5

    topic;'61 is never the subject of a narrative. Therefore the OT provides no information


    about what an ancient yoke looked like, although it can hardly have differed greatly
    from the yoke of today. This consists of a beam joining two animals (the OT mentions
    only cattle; see III.2 below) to pull a plow or cart; on both sides of the neck of each ani-
    mal there are pegs to which cords (mds€rdfi are attached; these are tied together under
    the necks of the animals.lo

    2. Draft Animals. In three texts (always in a negated clause), b/ refers to an agricul-


    tural instrument. "Water for purification" is to be prepared from the ashes of a red
    heifer (pdrd) without defect, "on which no yoke has been laid ('lh)" (Nu. l9:2). For pu-
    rification in case of murder at the hands of a person unknown, a young heifer ('egla1
    bdqdr) "that has not pulled (mik) in the yoke" is to be killed over flowing water (Dt.
    2l:3). The Philistines want to be rid ofthe ark and are advised to prepare a new cart
    and two milch cows @arfi) "on which a yoke has never been placed ('lh)" (l S. 6:7).
    Use of the cows as draft animals would render them profane.
    The simile in Hos. ll:4 also refers to a yoke on an animal's neck: "I was to them
    like those [= like one of those] who ease the yoke on their jaws." The proposed emen-
    dation of 'dl to 'ftl ("and I was like one who lifts an infant to his cheeks") is not persua-
    sive.ll And it is probably unnecessary to introduce a yoke in l0:1 l: "and Ephraim was
    like a trained heifer ('egh) that loved to thresh; and I passed over ('dpar + 'al) her fair
    neck; I wanted to harness Ephraim." Objections to the proposed emendation "and I
    placed (?r hiphil) a yoke on her fair neck" include the need to assign a specialized
    meaning to the verb 'apa11t2

    3. Forced lnbor The word 'dl is central to the account of Rehoboam's negotiations
    with the representatives of Israel (l K. 12 par.2 Ch. l0), in which the lexeme -+ 1f)
    kbd in particular describes the "heaviness" of the yoke. The representatives of Israel
    say: "Your father made our yoke hard (qih hiphil); now therefore lighten (qll hiphil +
    min) the hard @Ai6 service of your father and his heavy (kabeil yoke that he placed
    (nd!an) on us, and we will serve you" (l K. l2:4 = 2 Ch. l0:4). Rehoboam turns to the
    "young men who had grown up with him," citing in abbreviated form the words of Is-
    rael's representatives: "Lighten the yoke that your father put on us" ( I K. l2:9b = 2 Ch.
    l0:9b0). Rehoboam moderates the words of Israel's representatives by omitting the
    first clause and the "hard service" and not describing the yoke as "heavy." The young
    men cite the same words, again somewhat altered: "Your father made our yoke heavy
    (tDd hiphil), but you must lighten it for us" ( I K. l2: l0a9 = 2 Ch. 10: l0ap). That the
    young men cite these words in fuller form than they were recounted by Rehoboam is
    probably due to the "anecdotal nature" of the account.l3 They advise Rehoboam to an-
    swer: "Now, whereas my father laid on ('ms +'al) you a heavy (kAbe{ yoke, I will add

    10. On the whole subject see Dalman, AuS, I1,93-105; BRL, 428; 8RL2,253,255.
    11. Cf. BHS.
    12. Cf . BHS; -+ '1I9 'alar Ill.2.d.(4).
    13. M. Noth, Kdnige. BKlxll (1968),270.
    ll'at

    to (ysp hiphil + 'al) your yoke" (1 K.l2:lla=2Ch.l0:l la). Rehoboam follows their
    advice: "My father made your yoke heavy, but I will add to your yoke" (1 K. l2:14a9;
    somewhat different in 2 Ch. 10:14, where b/ appears only in the first clause).
    The same usage appears in Neh. 5:15 if we accept the proposed emendation of
    hikbtdfr'al to hiftbi/fr'61 'al ("the former governors . . . laid a heavy yoke on the peo-
    Ple").14

    4. Foreign Domination. ln Jer. 27-28 a yoke plays a role in a prophetic symbolic ac-
    tion. The yoke itself is referred to by the word mild/mdt6! (27 t2i 28:10,12,13[twice]),
    while b/ is used figuratively for the "yoke of the king of Babylon" (27:8,11,12;
    28.,2,4,11,14). The two chapters did not originally form a unit: ch. 27 is a lst-person
    account, while ch. 28 is in the 3rd person. Jeremiah is commanded by Yahweh to make
    straps and yokes (mdt6!) (v.2a), put them on his neck (v. 2b), and send them to five
    neighboring kings (v. 3). There is an accompanying message to the kings: a threat
    against the nations that will not put (nd!an) their neck under the yoke of the king of
    Babylon (v. 8) and a promise for those that will bring (06'hiphil) their neck under the
    yoke of the king of Babylon (v. I I ). The oddity that Jeremiah puts the yokes on his own
    neck and (then?) sends them is usually resolved by eliminating the suffix in v. 3a,ls
    making the text read: 'And send (word) to the king of. . . ." In this reading, however, the
    message is remarkably abstract: the kings in question are to accept the call to bear their
    yokes while the yokes themselves are in Jerusalem. It makes more sense to keep the
    MT in v. 3a (so that Jeremiah sends several yokes) and treat v. 2b as a secondary addi-
    tion to establish a link with ch. 28 (see below). ln 27:12 the prophet surprisingly
    changes the addressee of the message (perhaps vv. 12-22 are secondary)16 and says to
    Zedekiah: "Put your neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon."
    Ch. 28 describes the conflict between Jeremiah and Hananiah, who frames his
    prophecy of deliverance with the words: "Thus says Yahweh Sabaoth . . . I have broken
    the yoke of the king of Babylon . . . for I will break the yoke of the king of Babylon"
    (vv. 2,4b). The change from the afformative conjugation (idbant) to the preformative
    ktbAi reflects the genre of the prophecy: the prophecy of deliverance here follows
    the model of prophecies of doom.lT Then Hananiah takes the yoke (m61d; not previ-
    ously mentioned in ch. 28) from Jeremiah's neck, breaks it, and says in the name of
    Yahweh: "This is how I will break the yoke of King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon from
    the neck of all the nations within two years" (v. I la). Jeremiah responds: "You have
    broken wooden yokes (mdt6!) only to forge iron yokes (mdt6!) in place of them. . . . For
    thus says Yahweh, I have put an iron yoke ('ol) on the neck of all these nations" (vv.
    l3ap-l4aa). The meaning ofv. 13 can only be guessed at: "by his action Hananiah has
    invoked an even greater, unshatterable yoke, perhaps from Jahweh himself."ls

    14. See BHS; HAL, II,456.


    15. E.g., W. Rudolph, leremia. HATUI2 (31968), 176.
    16. W. Thiel, Die deuteronomistische RedaktionvonJeremia2645.WMANT52 (1981),8.
    17. K. Koch, Growth of the Biblical Tradition (Eng. trans. 21988), 207.
    18.Ibid.,206.
    l!'at

    Also striking is the change fromm6t6,te the yoke borne by Jeremiah (vv. 10,12), to
    mdt6!(v.13, as in 27:2).In27:2the reference is probably to several yokes (see above),
    and in 28:13 we may have a "general plural."zo wanke proposes a different analysis:
    "When the narrative speaks of making a yoke, it uses the plural '(yoke) bars'; the sin-
    gular 'yoke' denotes the finished yoke resting on the neck of Jeremiah."2l Comparison
    with other texts using mot6/mdt6!- always in a figurative sense does not help. The
    - the correct reading
    plural appears also in the phrase mdt6! 'dl and in Ezk. 30: 18 (where
    is probably matt6!, "staffs");zz in I Ch. 15:15 m6t6lmeans the "poles" used to carry the
    ark. The sg. mOtd, "yoke," appears in Isa. 58:6(twice),9, and Nah. I : 13, where the odd
    suffixed form mdtEhfr may suggest the reading mo$ehfr.23
    The phrase mdt6!'61 occurs twice. The first concludes Lev. 26:4-13, a promise of
    blessing if Israel keeps the laws: "I am Yahweh your God who brought you out of the
    land of Egypt. . . . I have broken them6t6lof youryoke" (v. l3). l*v.26:4-13 served as
    the model for Ezk. 34:25-30,2a a description of the age of salvation in which the recol-
    lection of Yahweh's act of deliverance (Lev. 26:13) was reshaped into a promise of de-
    liverance to come and was made the focus of the passage: 'And they shall know that I
    am Yahweh, when I break the md!6! of their yoke" (Ezk. 34:27b).
    In contrast to general or usage, which treats m6fi/ma!6! as a parallel term synony-
    mous with b/ (see above), these passages appear to use md!6!for the wooden bars from
    which the yoke was constructed.2s
    Contrary to the traditional interpretation, Isa. 9:3(4) ('e!:Al subboli . . . hahitt^ld)
    should probably be understood as referring not to the future but to the past ("for the
    yoke oftheirburden. . .you have broken"), to the departure ofthe Assyrians from the
    northern region west of the Jordan in the last third of the 7th century.26 In Isa. l0:27a
    ("his burden will be removed from your shoulder, and his yoke will be destroyed from
    your neck") and similarly l4:25b we find two late actualizations of 9i3(4).27 Jer.
    30:8 ("I will break - the yoke from
    - offhis [MT 'your'] neck, and I will burst his bonds")
    probably belongs to the same category.28 According to Gen. 27:40, Esau (Edom) will
    throw offthe overlordship of Jacob (Israel): "You shall break his yoke from your neck."
    Once (Dt. 28:48) Yahweh threatens to put an "iron yoke" (foreign overlordship) on the
    neck of Israel if the people are disobedient. The statement of Isa. 47:6 is unique: the
    prophet charges "virgin daughter Babylon" with cruel treatment of the elderly: "you

    19. + VIII, 153.


    20. Rudolph, HAT Ul2, 180.
    21. G. Wanke, Untersuchungen zur sogeruuu,ten Baruchschrifi. BTAW 122 (1971),24.
    22. See 8IlS,' see further below.
    23. W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-kphanja. KAT XI[U3 (1975), 159.
    24. F. L. Hossfeld, Untersuchungen 7u Komposition und Theologie des Ezechielbuches. FzB
    20 1219srr,273-76.
    25. R. Hentschke, BHHW,II, 869.
    26. H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in Josiazeit. WMANT 48 (1977), 148, lj3-74.
    27. H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Etg. trans. l99l), 441; Isaiah 1j-27 (Eng.trans. 1997),79-
    80.
    28. Rudolph, HAT Ul2, l9l.
    iie,'aM

    made your yoke exceedingly heavy on (kbd 'al) the aged." The text of Isa. 10:27b ("a
    yoke before fat") is colrupt; so possibly is the text of Lam. l:14 ("the yoke of my
    sins").

    5. Positive Symbolism. It is rare for a yoke to convey a positive sense. In Jet 2:20 it
    symbolizes Yahweh's tutelage ("long ago you broke your yoke and burst your bonds");
    the wording of 5:5 is similar. It can also represent ennobling hardship: "It is good for
    one to bear (ndid') the yoke in youth" (Lam.3:27).

    IV. LXX. The LXX has no problems with 'dl, which it translates 27 times with
    l0 times with kloi6s.
    zyg6s/zyg6n, and
    S chmoldt

    fll\ 'am:)!-D ma'al;)yit mo'al; it}YD ma'oleh;7Wt1ma'"16; i1)vn f'da; )

    )y_ *tt; iby 'illt; i1i7y '.nya

    -+ ;r!! 'ah,
    - i17\ 'dleh, + 11'1Y. 'elyon

    I. Etymology. II. Ancient Near East: L Egyptian; 2. Canaanite; 3. Ugaritic; 4. Akkadian. III.
    OT: L Occurrences; 2. Synonyms and Antonyms; 3. Verb; 4. Nouns. IV. l. Dead Sea Scrolls;
    2.LXX.

    'ald. F. Asensio, "Observaciones sobre el 'holocausto'y el sacrificio 'pacifico'en el culto de


    Israel," studiaMissionatia23(1974)l9l-2ll;W.B.Barrick,"TheMeaningandUsageofRKB
    in Biblical Hebrew," JBL l0l
    (1982) 481-503; J. B. Bauer, "Der 'Fuchs' Neh 3'35 ein
    Belagerungsturml' BZ 19 (1975) 97-98;L. Boisvert, "Le passage de la mer des Roseaux et la foi
    d'Isra€I," Science et Esprit2T (1975) 147-59 G. Brin, "The Formulae 'From . . . and Onward/
    Upward'0)yDlnN);11 . .. D)," JBL99 (1980) 16l-71; H. A. Brongers, "Das Zeitwort'alaund
    seine Derivate l' Travels in the World of the OT.IFS M. A. Beek (1974),30-40; M. Dahood, "The
    Divine Name'Eli in the Psalms," ?S 14 (1953) 452-57 S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire
    du culte dans la 'septante,' Etudes et Commentaires 6l (1966); M. Delcor, "'Ahh (Gen 31, l0)
    sensu sexuali, sicut etiam slq aram.l' QuadSem 5 (1974) 106-7; G. R. Driver, "Hebrew 'al,
    ('High One') as a Divine Title: ExpT 50 (1938/39) 92-93; J. H. Eaton, "Some Misunderstood
    Hebrew Words for God's Self-Revelation," BT25 (1974) 331-38; I. Eph'al, "The Assyrian Ramp
    at Lachish," Zion 49 (1984) 333-47; H. J. Fabry, "'Ihr alle seid Sbhne des Allerhtichsten' (Ps
    82,6)i Bilp 15 (1974) 135-47; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire I and II,"
    JAOS 8I (1961) 178-221; idem, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire. BietOr 19 (1967); W. Gross,
    ..Die Herausfiihrungsformel," zAw 86 (1974) 425-53; J. D. Heck, "The Missing Sanctuary of
    De1g1 33:121', JBL lO3 (1984) 523-29; J. Hoftijzer, "Der sogenannte Feueropferl' Hebriiische
    Wortforschung. FS W. Baumgartner SW 16 (1967), ll4-34; W. H. Irwin, "The Punctuation of
    lsaiah 24 14-l6a and 25:4c-5: CBQ 46 (1984) 215-22; N. M. Loss, "La terminologia e il tema
    del peccato in Lev 4-5," Salesianum 30 (1968) 437-61; S. M. Paul, "Two Cognate Semitic Terms
    i'2!-'ata

    I. Etymology. The root'lh is found in all Semitic languages: AY*. elh(d;r Ugar.
    'ly;z Can. 'ly;3 Arab. 'lwfly;+ OSA 7y, "be high, prominent"5 (in pNs:
    Qmr'ly, smh'ly,
    and'lym or '$n\;Eth. la'ala, "be high, superior";7 cf. Egyp. '(r)fry.s The root is usu-
    ally assumed to have three radicals: x7y. There are morphological and historical rea-
    sons, however, for considering a two-radical primary noun 7 with the meaning "that
    which is above, height." The verb ?ft would then be a tertiae infirmae denominative
    with a basic meaning indicating movement upward: "go up." The noun forms are sec-
    ondary derivatives of the verbal stem.

    II. Ancient Near East.


    l. Egyptian.Egyp. i'(r) ('ry after the Middle Kingdom), "go up," is found as early as
    the Pyramid Texts: go up to a place, go up to something, or go up to someone (a person
    of high rank).e Causatively, it means "bring someone or something up."lo Both forms
    of the verb can also express the goal, with the meaning "arrive."l I we also find the fig-
    urative meaning "approach (a person)."t2

    2. canaanite. In extrabiblical Hebrew, the hiphil appears in a Lachish ostracon:


    "Shemayahu took him and brought him up to the city."t3 In Phoenician inscriptions the
    nominal prep. 'u'lt is common. The verb 7y is relatively rare; it appears as a military
    term in the Ahiram inscription: "If a king from among the kings or a governor from

    for Mating and Copulatioti' W 32 (1982) 492-94; J. Reider, "Etymological Studies in Biblical
    Hebrew," w 2 (1952) I 13-30; idem, "substantival 'al in Biblical Hebrew," JeR 30 (1939/40)
    263-70; B. Renaud, "Os6e ii 2'. 'lh mn ft'rs.. essai d'interpr€tation:' W 33 (1983) 495-5@;
    R. Rendtorff, studien zur Geschichte des opfers im Alten Israel. WMANT 24 (1967); L. Rost,
    "Erwiigungen zum israelitischen Brandopferl' Von IJgarit nach Qumran. FS O. Eissfetdt. BZAW
    77 (1958), l7'l-83:, L. Ruppen, "Erhcihungsvorstellungen im AI," BZ 22 (1978) 199-Z2O;
    K. Rupprecht, "FlN;] ID i]?lt (Ex l, l0; Hos 2, 2) 'sich des Landes bemtichtigen,?- ZAW g2
    (1970) M2-47; J. F. A. Sawyer, "Hebrew words for the Resurrecrion of the Deadl' w 23 (1973)
    218-34; S. Shibayana, "Notes on ?i! and;tly," JBR 34 (1966) 35g-62;G. Wehmeier, *i)y ,lhto
    go up," TLOT 11,883-96; J. Wijngaards, "N'I'ti't and ;r)y;t, a Twofold Approach to the Exodus,',
    w t5 (1965) 9t-102.
    l. AHw, I, 205-10; CAD,IV,I 10-35.
    2. WUS, no. 2030; U?! no. 1855.
    3. DNSI,II, 853.
    4. Weha 658.
    5. Biella, 365.
    6. On the first see Jamme, no. 552, 4; on the second, no. 555, l, 4; on the last, no.689,4;745,
    2; 575,2.
    7. Dillmann, IzxLingAeth, 54ff.
    8. WbAS, r,4t.
    9. For the first see Pyr 369; cf . Amduat I, 28; with r: Theban Tomb, no. 66 Edfu, I, 3 15. For
    the second, Pyr 452. For the third, Pyr 1455, 1773: cf. the formulaic usage in urk., l, l2l, etc.
    10. For the former see Edfu, l, 513, 579: for the latter, Dend Ma4 III, 54; ly, 27a.
    ll. Pyr 452.
    12. Book of the Dead, 189; Theban Tbmb, no. 36; ct. Edfu, 1,315.
    13. KAr 194.7.
    ihv'ata

    among the governors or the commander of a camp goes up against Byblos and exposes
    this sarcophagus, may the staff of his power be stripped of its leaves."la The causative
    stem is used as a sacrificial term: "Everyone who offered a burnt offering or a minl.td in
    the sanctuary";l5 this text also uses the noun 7r, "burnt offering." The only other nomi-
    nal form attested is rn [ "upper portion;' with the prep. I or l-m.t6 A unique usage ap-
    pears in a formula for testamentary adoption: "who has taken his place ('lt) as a son."l7
    In Aramaic inscriptions s/4 generally replaces 7y.ta 1" occurrence of the latter in
    the Sefire inscriptions is interpreted by Degen as a form of 7/, "enter."le We do find 7y
    used as a military term: "[and the king] who goes up and captures LBKH or H[. . .]"
    (text damaged). Besides the prep. 7, we find the noun form'ly(t) with the meaning "up-
    per portion": "[with the kings] of Upper Aram and Lower Aram";zo "On the day when
    he doe[s] so, may the gods overthrow [th]at ma[n] and his house and all that is in [it],
    and may its lower part become its upper Parll'zr In both cases, the antonym is /ftf.

    3. Ugaitic. Ugar. 7y appears frequently in connection with the offering of sacrifices


    and the ascent of the gods to Zaphon, the mountain of the gods. In everyday usage 7y
    means "climb (into bed), go to bed:'22 At the behest of El, KRT mounts the platform of
    the tower to offer sacrifice.23 With a silver bowl full of wine and a golden bowl of honey
    he mounts the platform of the tower to offer sacrifice to his father El.z The ascent of the
    gods to the mountain of the gods is recounted frequently: 'Anat "goes up to Mount
    Mslmt, to Mount Tliyt, and she goes up weeping to Arr, to Arr and toZaphon";2s 'And
    Baal ascends to the heights of Zaphon!'26 "Baal ascends (to the mountain)" should be in-
    terpreted in the same way.27'Attar ascends to the peak of Zaphon in an unsuccessful at-
    tempt to sit on the throne of Baal.28 The causative i7y can denote the offering of a sacri-
    fice; it occurs also in the expression "offer apgr sacrifice."2e'Anat bears (i'ly) the body of
    Baal to the crest of Zaphon.3o The phrase 'ly n'm appears as an epithet for Baal.:t

    14. KAI1.2.
    15. KAI 159.8 (Punic).
    16. KAI 14.12 145.14.
    17. KAI124.3.
    18. KAI 222A.5.27, C.4;224.14-16; cf . HAL,II, 828.
    19.KAI 2228.35; R. Degen, Altaramiiische Grammatik (1969), 73 n.67.
    20. KA|222A.6.
    21. KAt 222C.24.
    22. KTU l.l'7, I, 38; probably also I, 4, 14.
    23. KTU 1.14, II,20; cf. II,2l (probably dittography).
    24. KTU 1.14,[v,2.
    25. KTU r.10, III,28-30.
    26. KTU 1.4,IV 19.
    27. KTU 1.10, ru, ll.
    28. KTU 1.6, l, 57 .
    29.For the former see KTU 1.19, IV 23, 30. For the latter, 6.13-14; M. Dijkstra and J. C. de
    Moor, UF 7 (1975) 175.
    30. KTU 1.6,I, 15.
    31. KTU l.16, IIL 6-9; see Dahood and Itr.4.c below.
    ril'aj6

    4. Aklradian. ttw. elfr(m) is the closest equivalent to Heb. /ft in its range of mean-
    ings, its wealth of nominal derivatives, and its widespread use. One nominal form, elA
    I, means "high" in both the literal and figurative senses. Examples of literal usage in-
    clude: "who conquers the high mountains"; "strong cedars grown in the high moun-
    tains"; "their high citadels, as solidly founded as mountains"; "I love your tall stature";
    in oil augury and similar contexts, e.g., "if the central part of the oil is high [= stands
    outl and does not level out with the surface of the water."32 Figuratively, elfimay mean
    "exalted": "the singer sings 'Exalted Eaf "; cf. such old Babylonian pNs as A-li-a-at-
    KA-Sin, "Exalted is the Word of Sin," and E-li-e-re-sa, ..Exalted is her [= the god-
    dess's] desire."33 It may also mean "proud": "the gods vouchsafed me to walk with my
    head high, full ofjoy and happiness."3a
    A second nominal form, elfi II, means "upper," often with an antonym in the im-
    mediate context: "have I not sealed with my seal the lower house and the upper
    house?"35 Examples of topographical usage are: "I climbed the upper mountains
    and crossed the lower mountains"; "on the upper gate of X"; "the upper river (dis-
    trict) and the lower river (district)."r0 5o."rimes elfi serves as a geographical
    name: "the decision concerning the expedition against the upper country is being
    made"; "I ruled over the cities of the Upper Sea [= the Mediterranean or Lake
    Urmial."37
    The verb elfr covers such a wide range of meanings that we must content ourselves
    here with a few comments of particular importance for Heb. 7ft.r4 The primary use of
    eM is to denote movement to a higher place: "he went up [from Ur] to Babylon and
    spent the night there."3e Many texts speak of going up to court or to the king or palace:
    "come up to me, you and the elders of the land you rule, for a conference"; "as many as
    ten times we went up to the prince."no People speak also of going up to a temple: "I
    went up to Emasma5 to offer sacrifice."4l we often frnd elfi used as a military term: "I
    will lead the troops and go up against X"; "PN went up and conquered both cities."42
    Many texts speak of ascending into the heavens: "whether we ascend into the heavens
    or descend into the underworld"; "let us ascend into the heavens like smoke"; "we can-
    not ascend to you, nor can you descend to us"; cf. "Ishtar descended into the under-

    32. See, respectively, VAB, 4,234, i, lO; UAB, 4,138, ix, 4; TCL, 3,2fi VAB, 4, 140, ix, 53:
    cT s, 5,39.
    33. See, respectively, H. Zimmern, Beitriige zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion.
    Assyriologische Bibliothek 12 (1901), no. 60, 15; CAD,IY I I l; CT 6, 48b,22.
    34. L. W. King, Letters and Inscriptions of HammuraDi, 3 vols. (1898-1900), I, 98:96.
    35. Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies (1944),yL,20:7.
    36. For the first see CT 13,42, I5. For the second, ARM, 2,87,7; cf . TCI- 12, 13,2O3,2.For
    the third, A. G. Lie, Inscriptions of Sargon II (1929),98.
    37. For the former see AkM, l, 53, r. 6; for the latter, CAD,IV, l13.
    38. For a full treatment see AHw, I, 206-10; CAD, ly, ll4-35.
    39. KAR,43,26.
    40. TCI. 17,76,23.
    41. For the former see TCI. 19, 7 5, 7 ; for the latter, CAD, lV, I 17 .
    42. For the former sen ARM, l, 53, 5; for the latter, EA 8l:46; cf. I 14:18.
    ihv'ah

    world and never rose again."a3 By contrast, Dumuzi ascends from the underworld.a
    Note the proverbial statement: "When they are happy, they [human beings] speak of as-
    cending to the heavens; when they are sad, they speak of descending to the under-
    world."a5

    III. OT.
    l. Occurrences. a. Verb. The verb 'dl| occurs 890 times in the OT.a6 Thete are 612
    occurrences of the qal: Genesis, 44; Exodus, 36; Leviticus, 4; Numbers, 23; Deuteron-
    omy,24; Joshua, 48; Judges, 57; 1 Samuel48;2 Samuel, 22; I Kings,38; 2 Kings' 52
    (including 2K. 16:12); Isaiah, 34; Jeremiah, 4l (including Jer. 46:8); Ezekiel, l8; Ho-
    sea, 6; Joel, 7; Amos, 5; Obadiah, l; Jonah, 3; Micah, 2; Nahum, 1; Habakkuk, l;
    Zechariah,6; Psalms, l2; Job, 6; Proverbs, 6; Ecclesiastes, 2; Ruth, l; Song of Songs,
    5; Lamentations, l; Daniel, 3:Ezra,8; Nehemiah, 10; I Chronicles, 1l;2 Chronicles,
    25. The niphal occurs l8 times: Exodus, 3; Numbers, 7; 2 Samuel, l; Jeremiah, 2;
    Ezekiel,2;Psalms, Z;Ezra,l. The hiphil occurs 255 times: Genesis, T; Exodus, 23;Le-
    viticus, 10; Numbers, 12; Deuteronomy, 8; Joshua, 7; Judges, 14; I Samuel,22 (in-
    cluding I S. 28:11a);2 Samuel, 13 (including 2 S. 15:24); I Kings, 15 (including I K.
    8:4b; 10:5);2 Kings, T; Isaiah,6 (including Isa.40:31); Jeremiah,20 (including Jer.
    52:9);Ezekiel, 19 (including Ezk. l9:3); Hosea, l; Amos,6; Jonah, 1; Micah, l;
    Nahum, l;Habakkuk, l; Psalms, g (including Ps.5l:2lfEng. v. l9l); Job,2; Proverbs,
    l; Lamentations, l; Ezra,5: Nehemiah, 3; I Chronicles, l3; 2 Chronicles, 27 (includ-
    ing 2 Ch. 5:5a). The hophal occurs 3 times: Jgs. 6:28; Neh. 2:8 (text uncertain; see
    BHS);2 Ch.20:34. The hithpael occurs twice: Jer. 5l:3 (text uncertain); Ps. 37:35
    (with BHS reading wmt'lh instead of wmt'rh).
    The verb is found in every book of the OT except Zephaniah and Malachi. Usage is
    concentrated in the Dtr History (377 occunences) and the Tetrateuch (169 occur-
    rences). The Chronicler's History lags well behind with 104 occulrences. The verb oc-
    curs with surprising frequency in Judges (72), I Samuel (70), and Jeremiah (64); sev-
    eral of the occurrences in Jeremiah can be ascribed to the Dtr redaction of the book.
    b. Nouns. Of the nominal forms derived from 'lh, the first is the basic word'al,
    "height": 1 S. 2:10; 2 5.23:l; Isa. 59:18;a7 63:7;Ezk. l9:l l; Hos. 7:16:' ll:7;+8 *u'u,
    in Gen. 2'7:39;49:25; Ps. 50:4 is probably not a miswriting of mimma'al.4e Other de-
    rived nouns are: -) 'dleh (18 times); + '6h (287 times); md'al (Neh.8:6); ma'"leh (19
    times: Nu. 34:4;4 in Joshua; 2 in Judges; I S. 9:l l;2 S. l5:30; 2K.9:27; Isa. l5:5; Jer.

    43. See, respectively,F,A246 15', KBo, 1,3,r.2;EA264'.15'. Nergal and Ereshkigal; CT 15,
    46, r. 5.
    44. CT 15, 47, r. 56-57 cf. "whether you are spirit that has ascended from the underworld,"
    CT 16, 10, iv,42-43.
    45. Ludlul, II,46.
    46. HAL, II, 828-30; Wehmeier, 884-85: 888 times.
    47. Klostermann; cf. H. Gunkel, Schdpfung und Chaos (1895)' 108: "amount."
    48. But cf. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 108, 192-93.
    49. As suggested by Ktinig, Hebriiisches und aramrtisches Wdrterbuch zum AT 1t1936r'
    against K0nig, see GesB, 5851' cf. HAL, 11,824.
    iiYata 81

    48:5 lQ); Ezk. 40:31,34,37 fall O]; Neh. 9:4; 12:37; 2 in 2 Clronicles); ma'"ld (47
    times: Ex. 20:26; 2 in I Kings; 8 in 2 Kings; 5 in Isaiah; 9 in Ezekiel [including
    40:6,31,34,37 Ql; Am. 9:6 Q; 15 in Psalms [pl. in superscriptions]; Ezr. 7:9;2 in
    Nehemiah; I Ch. 17:17:2 in 2 Chronicles); te'ald (Jer. 30: l3; 46:11); ''li (Prov. 27:22);
    r/li (Josh. 15: 19; Jgs. l:15): 'aliyd (20 times: 4 in Judges; 2 S. 19: l; 2 in I Kings; 4 in
    2 Kings; Jer.22:13,14; Ps. 104:3,13; 2 in Nehemiah; I Ch. 28:ll:'2 in 2 Chronicles);
    -+ I'i'?V 'elybn (53 times); 'aMi/'alyd (Gen. 36:40; I Ch. 1:51); 'alwdn/'alydn (Gen.
    36:23); ?1, (1 S. l:34:16:, l4:3; I K.2:27; cf. I Ch. 24:3);'el'dlE'(Nu. 32:3,37; Isa.
    l5:4; Jer. 48:34).

    2. Synonyms and Antonym.s. Because the verb is widely used in many different
    ways, we find a wealth of synonyms in the immediate and extended context.
    Movement in general: -+ '119 'dbar (Mic. 2:12-13): -+ Nll b6' (Gen. 45:25; Ex.
    7:28;Dt.l:24); -+1);t namk (Ex. 33:l; Jgs. I l:16; 25.l7:21;lsa.2:3;8:7;Mic.4:2);
    -+ Nl! yd;d'(l K. 10:29); -+ E1i2 qilm (Gen.35:1,3; Dt. 17:18; Josh. 8:1,3); -+ D'l''l
    rfrm (l S. 2:1,7); -+ i'llD pdnA (Dt. l:24; 3:l); -+ l?tl na-ga.f (Josh. 8:1 l).
    Military contexts: ldhamniphal (Dt. l:41-42; Josh. lO:36:' 19:47; Jgs. l:3; K. I
    12:24; 20:l:2 K. l 2: 1 8[l 7); 2 Ch. ll:4; -+;1Dn)D milhdmd); -+ "1]I sir ( 1 K. 20: 1 ;
    2K.6:24;16:5:,17:5:18:9; Isa. 2l:2); tdpaS (2K.16:9; l8:13; Isa. 36:l); ntir hiphil
    (Josh.7:3;Jgs.8:ll);baqa' (Isa.7:6); hdni0 S. ll:l); +f'111 hdrabQer.50:21);-r
    d1ll hdram I hiphil (Jer. 50:21); -+ l?'l' ydrai (Dt. 9:23); iddad Qen 49:28): -r rlli?
    iarap (Jgs. 15:6).
    Sacrifice: -+ Ilf I zabah (8x.24:5;Dt.27:6-7; Josh. 8:31; I S. 6:15; 10:8); qrr (Jer.
    33:18;48:35:'2Ch.29:7);ngi hiphil (Ex.32:6);'afdi"lamtm (l K.3:15); 'dSdzelah
    (Jer.33:18).
    The verb -+ 'I"lr ydra! functions as a direct antonym, as is clear from texts that use
    both verbs in parallel to express movement in opposite directions (Gen.24:16;28:.12
    Ex.l9:24;Nu.20:27-28;Dt.28:43;Jgs.14:1-2,19; 16:31; 2K.l:4,6,16; Jer.48:18; Ps.
    lO4:8; lO7:26:' Job 7:9; Prov. 30:4; Eccl. 3:21; 2 Ch. 18:2).

    3. Verb. Drawing on the basic meaning of its nominal root 7, "height," 7/d denotes
    movement toward an elevated goal. From its use in highly differentiated contextual set-
    tings, the verb can represent a wealth of semantic aspects.
    a. Physical Movement. In everyday usage the basic meaning of 'dldh qal is "move to
    a higher location from a lower."so Abraham goes up from Egypt into the Negeb (Gen.
    13:l). Joseph's brothers go up from Egypt into the land of Canaan (Gen. 45:25). The
    Israelites' journey from Rameses to Succoth (Ex. 12:37) is interpreted in v. 38 as "go-
    ing up." The route from Egypt to Canaan or to an intermediate station was clearly con-
    sidered an "ascent" (Ex. l3:18; Nu. 20:19; 32:ll; Jgs. 1l:13,16; 19:30; I S. 15:2,6;
    I K. 9:16; Isa. I l: l6; Hos. 2: l7). By the same token, the journey from the desert into
    Canaan was described as an ascent (Ex. 33: I ; Nu. 13:17 ,21 ,30; Dt. l:21 ,26,41 ; by con-

    50. GesB,589, following Graf.


    rW'aj.d

    trast, Job 6: 1 8 speaks of caravans that "go up into the waste" ltahfrl, because, like the
    sea viewed from the harbor, the desert waste appears to be higher). It is therefore nec-
    essary to consider in each case whether and to what extent there is a reference or an al-
    lusion to one of the exodus formulas. Such an allusion is clearly likely when the return
    of the exiles is described as "going up" or "coming up" (Ezr. 2:1,59;7:6,7,28;8:li
    Neh. 7:5,6,61 l2:l; cf. d below). [n any event, this usage became such a standard fea-
    ture of the language that topographic references can be omitted entirely (Gen.
    44:17,24,33-34;45.9;50:5-7,14). In the immediate context, travel in the opposite di-
    rection, from Canaan to Egypt, can be expressed by yrd (44:23,26;45:9). The hypothe-
    sis of a specialized meaning for 'dld, "go north," after the analogy of Akk. el4 is there-
    fore unnecessary.5l
    Whenever the terrain permitted, cities were situated on elevations; therefore ZId
    frequently refers to going up to or entering a city. Judah goes up to Timnah to shear his
    sheep (Gen. 38:12,13); Saul and his servant go up to the town (1 S. 9:11,19). After Sol-
    omon is anointed king at Gihon, he and his retinue go back up to the city (1 K.
    1:35,40,45).
    In geographical lists ild serves to describe a boundary following rising terrain
    (Josh. 15:6,8; l8:12; l9:ll,l21sz or the terrain itself (11:17; l2:7; 15:3,6-8; 16:1).
    In specialized contexts 'dh can express a wealth of nuances, but they all can be un-
    derstood as involving upward movement.53 For example, according to Gen. 49:4, Reu-
    ben's sin consists in having gone up onto his father's bed; in a dream Pharaoh sees
    seven ears ofgrain growing up on one stalk (41:5,22); in his dream Jacob sees angels
    ascending and descending(yrd!) on a heavenly ladder (28 12); the dawn rises (19:15;
    cf, 32:25,27: Jacob wrestles until the dawn rises); a cloud rises from the sea (1 K.
    18:44; cf. Jer. 10: l3; 51: l6; Ps. 135:7); a snare springs up from the ground (Am. 3:5); a
    razor passes over the head (Jgs. l3:5; 16:17;1 S. 1:11); the lot comes forth (from the
    vessel) and falls on someone (Lrv. 16:9; Josh. 18:11; 19:10); a wound heals (Jer. 8:22);
    flesh covers bones (Ezk. 37:6,8); goats cover the sheep (Gen.31:10,12);sn locusts
    cover the land (Ex. lO:12,14); frogs come up (qal) out of the Nile, frogs that Aaron, at
    Yahweh's command, causes to come up (hiphil) and cover the land (Ex. 8:1-3[5-8]);
    Yahweh will inflict (hiphil) on lsrael all sorts of maladies and afflictions if Israel does
    not observe his instructions (Dt. 28:61), The element of bringing or carrying up is also
    central to the other texts that use the hiphil of 'dl6: the bones of Joseph (Gen. 50:25; cf.
    Ex. 13: 19; losh. 24:32) and Saul (2 S. 21: 13) are carried up; so too are vessels (Ezr.
    1:11; cf. Jer.27:22), wood (2 Ch.2:15), chariots (2Ch.l:17), tithes (Neh. 10:39), and
    tribute (2K.1'l:4). The tabernacle is provided with a lampstand on which seven lamps
    are set up (Ex. 25:37); the Israelites are to prepare pure oil so that a lamp may be set up

    51. So W. I*slavZAWT4 (1962)322-23: Shibayana; contra G. R.Driver,ZAW 69 (1957)74-


    77.
    52. Bechli, ZDPV 89 (1973) 6-7.
    53. Wehmeier, 888.
    54. Cf. Paul.
    iiq'atb

    to burn regularly (8x.27:20; cf. 30:8). Finally, the hiphil of 'dld can refer to animals'
    chewing the cud (Lev. 1l:3-6,26;Dt. L4:6-7).
    The words of admiration spoken by the lover in Cant.7:7-10(6-9) use 'dlA mel.a-
    phorically: the intimacy of the lovers is compared to the climbing of a palm (v. 9[8]).
    The prophetic oracle ofjudgment in Jer. 4:5-31 likens the foe from the north advancing
    against Israel to storm clouds rising (v. 13) and a lion that goes up from its thicket
    (v. 7). A contrasting image compares Yahweh to a lion coming up from the thickets of
    the Jordan to put the enemy to flight, bringing deliverance to Israel (50:44). This image
    has been incorporated secondarily into the oracle against Edom: the disaster about to
    befall Edom will mount up and swoop down like an eagle (49:22).
    b. Figurative Usage. The verb 'dldis often used figuratively. One "goes up" to a per-
    son of high rank. Contrary to general usage (one usually "goes down" to Egypt), Jo-
    seph "goes up" to Pharaoh in Egypt (Gen. 46:31). The same notion lies behind Hos.
    8:9, which states the reason for Israel's affliction: "They have gone up to Assyria." The
    sons of Eliab refuse to go up to Moses (Nu. 16:12,14). The word is also used in foren-
    sic contexts: the Israelites go up to Deborah for judgment (Jgs.4:5); people go up to
    the judgment of the elders in the gate to obtain a judicial decision (Dt. l7:8; 25:7; Ruth
    4:1).
    Gen. 49:9 compares Judah to a young lion going up from the prey in other words,
    -
    Judah will be great and powerful. According to Dt. 28:43, aliens will ascend above Is-
    rael while Israel sinks (yrd) lower and lower. The panegyric that concludes the book of
    Proverbs extols the capable wife as surpassing all (al6 'al, Prov. 3l:29). Contrariwise,
    the image of rising balances signifies worthlessness (Ps. 62:10[9]).
    Figurative usage can also describe anger (2 S. 1l:20; 2 Ch.36:16: Ps. 78:21,31;
    Prov. l5:l thiphill)orcriesof distress (8x.2:23; I S.5:12; ler.l4:2) asrising,andpic-
    ture human wickedness as coming up before Yahweh (Jon. l:2; cf . Ps.74:23).
    c. Idioms and Technical Terminology. Among idioms and technical terminology us-
    ing'dld (apart from formulas associated with the exodus; see d below), we may note
    the following:
    'dld 'al-rhalt or 'al-l€!. The use of 'dl6 with rfial.t occurs 5 times (with minor varia-
    tions) in Ezekiel,4 times with reference to Israel. The hidden thoughts and secrets of
    the heart rise up and are revealed. According to I 1:5; 14:3,7 ,Israel has its inmost heart
    set on apostasy from Yahweh; its mind is set on the giilAhm. It is not clear whether
    20:32, a late text, refers to willful idolatr-yss or to an awareness brought about by God's
    judgment that Israel faces an empty future without Yahweh and must therefore turn to
    alien cults like the other nations. Postexilic prophets of salvation adopt the expression,
    replacing rfralt with l€!, probably taking Jer. 3l:33 as their cue. According to Isa.
    65:17, the coming of salvation will mean that the afflictions of the past will not be re-
    membered (-+ "l)l zd[ar); they will no longer arise in the heart. With fourfold repeti-
    tion, Jer. 3:16 says that the "ark of the covenant of Yahweh," the embodiment of the
    law (Ex. 25:16; cf. Dl 10:1-5; 1 K. 8:9), will not come to mind, will not be remem-

    55. Van den Born, in loc.


    ;tW'dla

    bered (xkr), will not be missed, will not be made again. It is superfluous, because in the
    age of salvation the law of Yahweh will be written on people's hearts (Jer. 3l:33).
    The expression'dld'al-:i"pa1 ldi6n, fowd only in Ezk.36:3, means "become an ob-
    ject of gossip."
    As Ludlul II, 46 shows, 'dh haiidmayim(A), "motnt up to heaven," is a proverbial
    expression (see I.4 above). In Ps. 107:26 it is purely metaphorical. In Isa. 14:13,14 Jer.
    5l:53, it expresses human hubris; in Am. 9:2 it describes the futility of any attempt on
    the part of the wicked to escape Yahweh's clutches (cf. Ps. 139:8 with slq). Finally, Dt.
    30:12 states that it is totally unnecessary to do any such thing in order to receive
    Yahweh's commandment.
    In I K. 10:29'dld is used as a technical commercial term: a product "comes to" (i.e.,
    costs) a certain amount.
    In I K. 5:27;9:151,9:21 = 2 Ch. 8:8, the hiphil is used for the conscription of forced
    labor.
    In its frequent use as a military ternt 'db means "attack" (qal) or "bring against"
    (hiphil).so In Josh. 7:2 Joshua sends spies up to Ai before attacking and capturing the
    city (8:1,3,10 [Dtr],11). The same Dtr hand as in 8: l0 probably framed the account of
    the successful attack on Jericho by the "people" (6:5,20), as well as the summary in
    Jgs. 1:l-4. In Jgs.6:3 the Midianites and Amalekites attack Israel; in 15:10 the
    Philistines do the same. In I K. 14:25 = 2 Ch. l2:9, Shishak attacks and takes Jerusa-
    lem; in I K. I 5: 17 = 2 Ch. 16: I , King Baasha of Israel attacks Judah; etc.
    In these and similar texts, 'ald is constructed with 'cl (Jgs. l8:9; I K. 2O:22;2 K.
    l2:18U7);17:3; 18:13 = Isa. 36:l; 2K.18:25 = Isa. 36:10; 2K.23:29; Jer.50:3,21;
    Ezk. 38:11,16; Joel l:6; Nah. 2:2; I Ch. 14:10), 'el (Nu. l3:31; Josh. 15:15; Jgs. l:l;
    l2:3;20:23,30; I S.7:7;25.5:19;2 K. l6:9;Jer.35:ll;49:28,31),orD"(Isa.7:6).A
    variety of phrases express the same meaning: 'dld l"hilldhem, "Eo up to fight" (2 K.
    3:21;2 Ch. 35:20); 'dld lammilhdmd (l K.20:26;2K. 16:5; Isa. 7:l) or bammilhdmA
    (l S. 29:9), "go up to battle"; 'dlA bammahaneh (l S. 14:21). Analogously, the hiphil of
    'alimeans "bring against" (Jer.50:9; Ezk.16:40;23:46;26:3;2Ch.36:17).In the im-
    mediate and extended context we naturally find many examples of military terminol-
    ogy (see III.2 below). Termination of battle or retreat is expressed by 'dl6 mE'al (l K.
    15:19 = 2Ch.16:3;2K.12:l9ll8l;Jer.2l:2;34:21; cf. I S. 14:46;2 S.23:9).In Ex.
    1:10 and Hos. 2:2(1:l l),'dh min-ha'ares may mean "take possession of the land" or
    "withdraw from the land."57
    Prophetic oracles of judgment interpret the enemies attacking Israel as the declared
    and inexorable judgment of Yahweh. In the symbolic description of the judgment on
    the harlot Jerusalem in Ezk. 16, Yahweh summons all her lovers to desecrate the faith-
    less city (v. 37) and gather ('alri hiphil) an assembly against her to condemn and punish
    her (cf. the secondary inclusion of the same image in 23:46).In Jer. 5:7- I 1, an oracle of

    56. R. Bach, Die Aufforderungen zur Flucht und zum Kampf im alttestamentliche
    Prophetenspruch. WMANT 9 (1962), 63.
    57. For the former translation see Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974),24,28; Wehmeier,
    887; for the latter, Rupprecht; HAL, 11,829.
    iiYata

    Yahweh, v. l0 (a late interpolation) compares Jerusalem to a vineyard attacked and laid


    waste by the enemy. Joel l:5-14 summons the people to a communal lament in re-
    sponse to a plague of locusts; v. 6 compares the locusts to a powerful enemy nation in-
    vading the land of Yahweh.
    Basing their message on the earlier oracles against the nations, exilic and postexilic
    prophecies of salvation transform the function of the enemy motif. The preexilic ( !) or-
    acle against Nineveh in Nah. 2:2-14(l-13)s8 may have served as the stimulus: an un-
    named enemy (Yahweh?) comes up against ('dh'al-p"nA) the city (v. 2) and destroys it
    utterly. According to Jer. 48:12, Yahweh himself will dispatch (.i/ft piel) the destroyer
    of Moab to go up against the land and its towns (v. l5).se 4tu'ntt Babylon Yahweh
    leads ('dld hiphil) "a company of great nations," which will attack and conquer it (Jer.
    50:9); cf. Ezk.26:3, where Yahweh hurls "many nations" against Tyre. Yahweh turns
    the advance of Israel's enemies around, making them attack themselves, so that they
    will be destroyed and Israel will be delivered. The secondary prophecy of the gathering
    and deliverance of Jacob in Mic. 2:12-13 speaks of a champion who will go np ('dl6)
    before the remnant of Israel and eliminate every obstacle that stands in the way of entry
    into Jerusalem.60 V. l3b names Yahweh himself as this champion, going at the head of
    his people.
    d. Theological Usage. Of theological significance are the phrases and formulas us-
    ing the qal or hiphil of 'dh in recalling the exodus from Egypt, in the cultic contexts of
    pilgrimage and sacrifice, and in conjunction with the notion of exaltation or rapture
    and ascension.
    (l) Exodus. The OT speaks with astonishing frequency of the exodus from Egypt,
    using a wide variety of idioms and formulas, directly or by allusion. For the event of
    the exodus itself, the OT uses two verbs: -+ RIt ydsd'(76 times) and 'dh (42 times).
    According to Noth, we are dealing here with a primary credal statement, fixed at an
    early date; it referred originally to the miracle at the Sea of Reeds and became the nu-
    cleus around which all the rest of the pentateuchal narrative crystallized. He considers
    the alternation between yd;d' and'dl6 tobe quite random.6l Humbert sees in ya;a' an
    expression of a juridical and political element emphasizing deliverance from captivity
    .d/d
    and thus the sociological aspect ofthe exodus, while conveys the geographical and
    military aspect.62 Wijngaards restricts the formulas using the hiphil of ydsd'to the mes-
    sage of deliverance from slavery. By contrast, the formula with the hiphil of 'dh is
    cultic in nature; it often refers to the occupation of Canaan, and was associated with the
    sanctuaries of the northern kingdom. For Lubsczyk, ydsd' and'dh mark priestly and
    prophetic exodus traditions, each with its own theological significance.63 According to
    Richter, the yasd' and 'dh formulas are of equal antiquity and developed in the north-

    58. Deissler, Zwdlf Propheten. NEB (1984), II, 203ff.


    59. On the text see BF1S.
    60. T. Lescow, ZAW 84 (1972) 46-85.
    61. Noth, History of Pentateuchal Traditions (Eng. trans. 1972),46-51.
    62. P. Humbert, TZ 18 (1962) 357-61.
    63. H. Lubsczyk, Der Auszug Israels aus Agypten. ETS ll (1963).
    iirab
    ern kingdom.e The 'dl6formulawas associated with the tabernacle, while no concrete
    Sitz im lzben can be identified for yd;d'. Zenger theorizes that the ya-ga-'formula had its
    Sitz im lzben in the conception of Yahweh as king.65 The 'dld formula is earlier, refer-
    ring primarily to the event of the exodus; Jeroboam used it as a presentation formula.
    The contradictory conclusions of current scholarship make it advisable to examine sep-
    arately the theological function and Sirz im Leben of the 'dl6 formulas and their con-
    texts.
    (a) The hiphil of 'dh in the relative clause: "Here is your God, O Israel, who
    broughtyouupoutof thelandof Egypt"(l K. 12:28); "theseareyourgods,Olsrael,
    who brought you up out of the land of Egypt" (Ex. 32:4,8); "this is your God, who
    brought you up out of Egypt" (Neh.9:18). Neh.9:18 proves to be secondary;it is de-
    pendent on Ex. 32 in its singular construction of God and in the omission of "land." In
    I K.12 we have a pre-Dtr account antedating 722;it originated in Jerusalem. Ex. 32 is
    probably dependent on this account.6 The general agreement in the wording ofthe for-
    mulas supports the possibility that they reflect an ancient cultic formula from Bethel,
    adopted by Jeroboam as a presentation formula. [n other preexilic texts using the hiphil
    of 'dld in a relative clause, Moses is always the subject (Ex.32:1,7,23; 33:1). This for-
    mula was borrowed by the Dtr corpus and reshaped in narrative form (1 S. 12:6; 2 K.
    17:36; Jer.l6:14; Am. 3:l[?]).
    (b) The hiphil participle of 'dl6: "I am Yahweh your God, the one bringing you up out
    ofthelandofEgypt"(Ps.8l:IIIl0l).Thisisunquestionablyapreexilictextenshrininga
    liturgical formula; it echoes the beginning of the Decalogue and appears in the context of
    prohibition of other gods. A cultic Sirz im l,eben is also likely for the pre-P conclusion of
    the law in Lev. l1:45: "I am Yahweh, the one bringing you up out of the land of Egypt."
    Both formulas have God speaking in the lst person; both appear in legal contexts.
    In Josh. 24:t7 and Jer.2:6 the situation is different. The former is probably pre-Dtr;
    it reads: "Yahweh our God, he is the one bringing us up from the land of Egypt"; cf.
    Jer.2:6: "Where is Yahweh, the one bringing us up from the land of Egypt?" This pas-
    sage comes from the first scroll. Josh,24:17 may well be based on a credal formula, the
    precise wording of which can no longer be determined. By contrast, Jer. 2:6 could re-
    flect a liturgical formula. The same may also be true of Dt. 20:1: "Yahweh your God,
    the one bringing you up from the land of Egypt, is with you." Boecker sees here sup-
    port for his theory that the formula is closely associated with the Yahweh war.67 Dt.
    20:1 is probably, however, not an element of the ancient war code but a paraenetic
    bracketing introduced by Dtr redaction (cf. 2K. l7:7). This also argues against the the-
    ory of Richter that the redaction of the Dtn laws took place in the northern kingdom.oa

    64. W. Richter, "Beobachtungen zur theologischen Systembildung in der alttestamentlichen


    Literatur," Wahrheit und Verkundigung. FS M. Schmaus, 2 vols. (1967),1, 175-212.
    65. E. Tnnger, ZDMG Sup I (1969), 334-42.
    66. Gross, 433;C. Dohmen, Der Bilderyerbot. BBB 62 (1985), 102tr
    67. H. J. Boecker, Die Beurteilung der Anfiinge des Kdnigtums in den deuteronomistischen
    Abschnitten des l. Saumuelbuches. WMANT 3l (1969),42.
    68. Richter, FS Schmaus,184.
    ihv'a,a 87

    (c) Infinitive ba'ol6! + "from Egypt": this and the following formulas are formulaic
    indications of time. "[srael, on coming from Egypt, took away my land," says the king
    of the Ammonites to the messengers of Jephthah. The reply of the messengers uses the
    same formula (v. 16). It appears again in a similar context in I S. l5:2, in words spoken
    by Yahweh: "I will punish the Amalekites for what they did to Israel, by opposing them
    on their coming out of Egypt." In the same context Saul advises the Kenites to with-
    draw, "for you showed kindness to all the people of Israel on their coming out of
    Egypt" (v. 6). The texts using this formula are early (preexilic) and exhibit no trace of
    Dtr language. The context indicates that they refer to the situation of the wilderness;
    the use of 'dld emphasizes the element of journeying.
    (d) The phrase y6m '416! (inf .) + suffix indicating the human subject: "There she [Is-
    rae[ shall go as in the days of her youth, as on the day of her coming out of Egypt"
    (Hos. 2:17[5]). rlhe same formula appears in Isa. 11:16: "So there shall be a highway
    for the remnant of the people left by the Assyrians, as there was for Israel on the day of
    its coming from the land of Egypt." While Hos. 2:17(15) is preexilic and non-Dtn, Isa.
    11:16 is probably from the hand of a late redactor. The formula does not refer to the ex-
    odus and wilderness experience in general, but accentuates clearly the event of the
    flight from Egypt.
    (e) The phrase (l')mtybm + 'al6{ha'416! + 'a8 hayydm hazzeh: in Jgs. 19:30 the Le-
    vite whose concubine was killed by the Benjaminites commands his emissaries to ask
    the tribes of Israel: "Has such a thing ever happened from the day of the Israelites'
    coming up from the land of Egypt until this day?" In Yahweh's words to Nathan forbid-
    ding David's building of the temple ,2 S. 7:6 says: "I have not lived in a house since the
    day of my bringing up the people of Israel to this day" (cf. the variant in I Ch. l7:5).
    Both passages are early and pre-Dtn. The context of Jgs. 19:30 probably points to the
    radition of the wars of Yahweh, associated with the northern kingdom,6e while 2 S. 7:6
    is clearly associated with the southern kingdom and Jerusalem. The other occurrences
    of this formula are Dtr (Dtr) or are dependent on this material (cf. I S. 8:8; Jer. I 1:7).
    Of the two early texts, 2 S. 7:6 probably represents the source of Dtr usage.
    All the temporal formulas and formulaic idioms are secondary relative to the lst-
    person liturgical formulas with God as subject of 'dld hiphil. They show that already in
    the preexilic period and before Deuteronomy a wide variety of formulaic expressions
    could be used to refer to the exodus. Their Sirz im l*ben cannot be determined; their
    actual setting is literary. Although it is possible to discern certain semantic distinctions
    and to identify usages that are characteristic of P or Dtr material, it is hardly possible to
    decide whether and why a particular formula was used in every instance. They all can
    be used to refer to the exodus.
    We can determine a Sitz im l,eben for two other formulas, to the extent that they may
    be considered independent and not reformulations or variants of the formula'aldhiphil
    with divine subject. In 1 S. 10:18 we read: "Thus says Yahweh, the God of Israel: I
    brought up Israel out of Egypt." In v. 19 Samuel shifts without fansition to direct dis-

    69.Ibid.
    88 ilrv'dln

    course and speaks of the "sons of Israel"; it is therefore reasonable to conclude that
    v. 18 is quoting a formula (cf. also Jgs. 6:8). In both cases we are dealing with an inde-
    pendent adaptation of a formula deriving from prophetic discourse.T0 This pre-Dtn for-
    mula also gave rise to the exodus formula in question. The late texts Am. 9:7 (cf .2:10);
    3:l (all Dtr); and Mic. 6:4 (postexilic)71 confirm this conclusion, each in its own way.
    The Sirz im Leben of this formula is the prophetic fib or lawsuit.
    The postexilic redactor ofthe book ofJeremiah sees the return ofthe exiles as a par-
    allel to the exodus from Egypt. He finds the new demonstration of Yahweh's power so
    extraordinary that it causes the foundational event of the exodus to be forgotten: "It
    shall no longer be said: As Yahweh lives, who brought Israel up out of the land of
    Egypt,' but: 'As Yahweh lives, who brought Israel up out of the land of the north and
    out of all the lands where he had driven them"'(Jer. 16:14-15; cf. 23:7-8). The
    postexilic community was clearly familiar with the credal affirmation of the exodus in
    this form, so that they could use the contrasting motif to awaken new hope. Since it is
    unlikely that the formula came into being in this period, it appears to reflect an earlier
    formula, which may possibly recur in Jgs.6: 13: "Did not Yahweh bring us up from
    Egypt?" If so, we may in fact be dealing with an ancient credal formula.T2
    In the narrative sections of the Pentateuch, the hiphil of 7/d is used extensively to
    develop the theme of the exodus, albeit without any apparent fixed association with any
    of the exodus formulas. It is hard to decide whether individual texts represent allusions
    or free formulations. In alluding to the exodus formulas, J uses the hiphil of 'dh but
    varies the formulation freely (Ex.3:8,17 [divine subj.];33:l; Nu. 16:13 [human subj.];
    and, if the pre-Dtn portions of 8x.32 can be assigned to J,32:1,23 [human subj.]). To
    the extent that independent E texts can be identified at all, E does not use any ofthe for-
    mulas but does allude to them (Gen. 46:4; 50:24 [divine subj.]; Ex. l7:3; Nu. 2l:5 [hu-
    man subj.l).
    The 'ald hiphil formulas have been associated with the northern kingdom and its
    sanctuaries.T3 This theory is connected with the assumption that the formulas using
    'ald were repressed because they conveyed overtones of cultic politics and went out
    of use entirely after the exile; the ydsd'formulas prevailed because they had no such
    overtones.T4 We may note, however, that in the exilic and postexilic period apart
    from the Dtr History, which stands in the Dtn (Dtr) linguistic tradition and uses
    - .d/6
    only when incorporating traditions of the northern kingdom the use of 'dld is not
    -
    infrequent: Lev. ll:45; Jer. 16:14;23:7 (postexilic); Jer. ll:7 (Dtr); Mic.6:4; Isa.
    I 1:16; Nu. 14:13; 32:11; also the secondary Amos texts 2:10; 3: l. Furthermore, both
    yasa' and 'alA are used side by side in Jer. 3l:32 (cf . 2:6), by the Dtr Jeremiah text
    ll:4 (cf. 11:7), as well as by the author of the Dtr History (l S. 12:6; cf. 12:8). At

    70. W. Richter, Die Bearbeitungen des "Retterbuches" in der deuteronomisclrcn Epoche.


    BBB 2t (1964), 105-9.
    71. T. Lescow, ZAW 84 (1972) 187.
    72. Wijngaards, 99-100.
    73. Wehmeier, 894-95, following Wijngaards, 100.
    74. See also Richter, Bearbeitungen, lO8.
    r?t!'db

    most, we may conclude that in this later period the distinction between ydsA'and'dh
    had faded.
    (2) Pilgrimage. Many texts use Zld to describe the encounter with God, who dwells
    in heaven, in terms of going up to the sanctuary or the mountain of God, so that in these
    contexts the verb becomes a technical term for "go on pilgrimage." The complex tradi-
    tional web of the Sinai pericope often speaks very concretely of Moses as going up or
    receiving the command to go up the mountain to God (Ex. l9:3) or to Yahweh
    (24:12,15,18;32:30: cf. Dt. l0: I ); other texts speak of Moses and Aaron (Ex. 19:24) or
    Moses, Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, together with seventy of the elders of Israel, al-
    though Moses alone is allowed to approach God (24:1,9). According to 24:13, Moses
    goes up the mountain of God, while in 34:2 he is commanded to go up the mountain
    and present himself before Yahweh on its top (cf . 34:4, where he carries out the com-
    mand). By contrast, the people are forbidden to go up Mt. Sinai (19:23).In Nu. 20:27
    (P), Moses goes up Mt. Hor with the son of Aaron, who is wearing the vestments of his
    father as a sign of succession; according to a later P text (33:38), Aaron himself goes
    up Mt. Hor to die.
    The premonarchic and early dynastic period knew a series of local sanctuaries, the
    goal of regular pilgrimages by individual families or clans. They are usually provided
    with secondary familial etymologies. For example, Jacob goes on pilgrimages from
    Shechem to Bethel to set up an altar and a pillar there (Gen. 35:l-9,14-15 [E]). In its
    present context, this account presents itself as the fulfillment of the vow made in
    28:20ff.; in fact, however, we are dealing with a narrative doublet based on 28:10-22
    (JE) and repeating the etymology of 28:18-19. According to 12:8 (J), Abraham had al-
    ready built an altar there. Later the Israelites go up to Bethel to inquire of God (Jgs.
    20: l8) and to offer sacrifice (20:26ff.; cf . 2l:2). On his way to Gilgal, Saul meets men
    who are "going up to God at Bethel" (l S. l0:3). Year by year, Elkanah would go up
    with his family to Shiloh to pray before Yahweh and to offer sacrifice (l S. l:3,7,21,22;
    2:19). lsaac goes up to Beer-sheba, where Yahweh appears to him (Gen. 26:23-25 UE
    or Dtrl). According to Jgs. 2l:5,8, the Israelites go up "to Yahweh at Mizpah." Elijah
    goes up ro the top of carmel to pray to Yahweh (1 K. 18:42).
    With the building of the Jerusalem temple, the significance of the local sanctuaries
    decreased, a development encouraged by the monarchy on religio-political grounds to
    establish Jerusalem as the central metropolis of the state and the temple as the national
    sanctuary. To this end, David had a solemn procession transfer the ark, which had been
    brought lp (Ald hiphil) from Beth-shemesh to the house of Abinadab (1 S. 6:21;7:1),
    to the city of David (2 S. 6:2,12,15), whence Solomon finally had it brought into the
    temple. According to the pre-Dtr narrative underlying I K. 8: I - I 1 *,zs 1[is was done in
    a great procession. Ps. 47;6(5) may reflect a liturgical representation of such an ark
    procession.
    According toPs. 122:4, it is obvious that the tribes should make a pilgrimage up to
    Jerusalem to praise Yahweh, for "so it was decreed for Israel." Depending on the date

    75. Hentschel, I Kdnige,2 Kbnige. NEB (1984),55.


    i17t'd,a

    of this psalm, the poet is referring either to the pre-Dtn "pilgrimage stratum" (Ex.
    34:22,23,24b,26a),76 which requires Israel to go up three times each year to appear be-
    fore Yahweh (34:24b), or to the Dtn summary of the obligatory annual festivals (Dt.
    l6:16-l71.tt The acceptance of the Jerusalem pilgrimage is illustrated negatively by
    lK. 12:27-28, where Jeroboam seeks to prohibit the northern tribes from going on this
    pilgrimage, saying: "You have gone up to Jerusalem long enough!" By contrast, Hos.
    4:15 (bonowing from Am. 5:5) warns Israel sternly against entering (+ Nll b6') into
    Gilgal and going up to Beth-aven (= Bethel; cf. already Am. 5:5).
    In the exilic period, a prophetic oracle (Jer. 3l :6) promises the exiles renewed cultic
    communion with the temple of Zion: as pilgrims they will go up to Zion, to Yahweh
    their God. In a postexilicZion hymn of unknown authorship (lsa.2:2-4 = Mic. 4:l-3),
    which has affinities with Isa. 56:3-7;66:18'23;7*c.8:20'23, the horizon expands. Not
    just the Israelites scattered among the nations but all the nation themselves will arise
    and make pilgrimage toZion, to encounter Yahweh in his sanctuary and to receive in-
    struction from him (cf.7*c. 14:16-19).
    (3) Sacrifice. The hiphil of 'dld is used 77 times for the offering of sacrifice, 6l
    times in conjunction with + flrY 'oM. There is no consensus as to whether the hiphil is
    meant to express the placing of the sacrifice upon the altar or its rising in smoke. The
    former interpretation is supported by several passages that use the qal of 'dl6 with sac-
    rificial victims to mean "ascend the altar." According to 1 K. 18:29, the prophets of
    Baal prophesy until the gfain offering "goes up" (is offered). Isa. 60:7 says that sheep
    and rams "will go up to acceptance on my altar." In l*v.2:12 and Ps' 51:21(19)' it is
    also possible to read the hiphil. Irss conclusive are the passages that describe the king
    or a priest as going up to the altar to offer sacrifice (l K. 12:32'33;2K.23:9; Isa. 57:7)'
    The latter interpretation is supported by the association with '6ld and the fact that a sac-
    rifice to the deity was not considered consummated until it had been burned.
    Of course the hiphil of'dld can be used for othcr types of sacrifice as well, "esp. var-
    ious types mentioned in sequence whose purposes are not clearly distinguished"T8 (Ex.
    30:9;40:29;I*v. 14.20; Josh.22:23; lgs.20:26;21:4;2 S. 6:17; 24:25 = I Ch.2l:26;
    1 K. 9:25; I Ch. 16:2;2 Ch. 35:14; Jer. 14:12; Am. 5:22).It is impossible to sustain
    Wehmeier's hypothesis that in various passages that do not include more specific lan-
    guage the hiphil of 'dld has the general meaning "to sacrifice," since the immediate
    contexts of all the passages he cites (except 2 S. 15:24) speak explicitly of burnt offer-
    ings.ze
    It is noteworthy, nevertheless, that the P texts differ significantly from the earlier
    tradition in their use of sacrificial terminology. In the earlier texts, the hiphil of 7/d
    clearly predominates; with few exceptions (Ex. 30:9; 4O:29; I-ev. 14:20; 17:8)' P
    avoids this expression. The Chronicler turns out to be surprisingly independent of the P
    .d/d predominates, not only where earlier
    terminology; here once again the hiphil of

    76. J. Halbe, Das Privilegrecht lahwes. FRIANT ll4 (1975),206-9,316-17.


    77. Braulik, Deuterunomium 1-16,17. NEB (1986), 120.
    78. Wehmeier, 8E9.
    79.Ibid.
    ihv'ah 9l

    sources are incorporated but also in passages composed by the Chronicler without a
    model in the sources (1 Ch. 16:40; 23:31:'29:21;2Ch.23:18;29:7,27;Ezt.3:2-3,6).
    (4) Exaltation, Ascension The hiphil of 'dld is used in texts that speak of the ex-
    altation or ascension of human beings. Since the two notions have different religio-
    historical origins, I shall discuss them separately.
    The hymnic predications of Yahweh in the Song of Hannah (l S. 2:1-10) speak of
    God's exaltation of human beings: "Yahweh kills and brings to life; he brings down to
    Sheol and raises up. Yahweh makes poor and makes rich; he brings low and also exalts
    (+ Dll rfrmpolel). He raises up (+ dll qilm hiphil) the poor from the dust; he lifts up
    (mm hiphil) the needy from the ash heap" (vv. 6-8).80 This very general theolo-
    goumenon of exaltation appears in a hymn of thanksgiving, i:e., not (yet) in a statement
    about human beings but in the context of praise of Yahweh. Vv. 7-8 describe the group
    exalted by Yahweh as comprising the poor 1+ ): dal) and needy (-+ l1\lt, 'e!ybn).
    Here exaltation means the social rehabilitation of the weak and oppressed. The state-
    ment of v. 6 is more general, praising Yahweh as lord over life and death. The exalta-
    tion he performs is understood as deliverance from death or the fear of death occa-
    sioned by serious illness or affliction caused by enemies. As a rule, deliverance from
    enemies is expressed by the hiphil of rfim (e.g., Ps. 3:4[3]; 92: I I [0]), whereas state-
    ments using the hiphil of'dh suggest deliverance from the danger ofdeath caused by
    serious illness. In Ps. 30:4(3) the psalmist gives thanks: "Yahweh, you have brought up
    my soul from Sheol," in parallel with "You have healed me" (v. 3[2]). Ps. 7l:20 de-
    scribes deliverance from the assaults of enemies and from deadly disease as being
    brought up "from the depths of the earth." Other texts use different terminology, such
    as rfrm polel (Ps. 9:14[13]), qhm hiphil (41:11[0]; cf. 4O:3121), or fgb piel (Ps.
    69:30129D. Deliverance from deadly disease is probably also behind Ps. 40:3(2): "He
    drew me up from the desolate pit, out of the miry bog," although the psalm does not
    mention disease explicitly until vv. 13-18(12-17). These verses, however, probably
    represent an independent lament (cf. Ps. 70). In Jon.2:3-lO(2-9), a secondary psalm of
    thanksgiving, the speaker depicts his deadly peril: he is sinking in deep waters and de-
    scending into the earth (w. 6-7a15-6aD.In contrast, he describes Yahweh's saving in-
    tervention: "You brought up my life from the Pit" (v. 7b[6b]). Deliverance from deadly
    disease is depicted in mythological images, all of which describe the realm of death.
    The psalmist identifies the most profound reason for his suffering as God's having de-
    serted him, so that he is cut off from all possibility of life. Only the direct intervention
    of God can end his affliction. The image of descending into Sheol that describes the
    psalmist's illness is transformed into its opposite: God intervenes to deliver the psalm-
    ist, bringing him up, exalting him.8t
    In the strict sense, the rapture or ascension of a human being is mentioned only in
    connection with the death of Elijah (2K-2:1,'A/lhiphi|'2:ll,'db qal); cf. the use of

    80. See T. J. Lewis, IBL 104 (1985) 105-8.


    81. C. Barth, Die Errettung vom Tode in den individuellen Klage- und Dankliedern des AT
    (1947), s3tr.
    i1)9'ah

    -) nP) ldqahin2:3,5 andthe rapture of Enoch in Gen. 5:l-4.82 According to2K.2:ll,


    Elijah ascends ('dld qal) into heaven in a whirlwind. The whirlwind and the "chariots
    and horses of fire" in the same verse are traditional elements associated with theopha-
    nies (Ps. 68:18[17]; 77:17tr..16ff.1; Hab. 3:8;Zec.6:l-8; Isa. 66:15). In the midst of a
    theophanic event, Elijah enters the sphere of God. The agent of the event is Yahweh, as
    the redactional introduction2K.2:la makes clear. The notion that human beings who
    enjoy special friendship with the gods ascend into heaven was widespread in the an-
    cient world. Here its formulaic and mythological language elaborates the simple fact
    that Elijah died. The extraordinary personality of the prophet accounts for this euphe-
    mism. His exceptional status is documented even in his death. While other mortals
    must go down into Sheol, he may rise up into heaven'
    Most religions look on heaven as the dwelling place of the gods. Israel, too, from
    the earliest times viewed heaven as the dwelling place of Yahweh (e.g., Dt' 4:39;
    lO:14;26:15; I K. 8:23; Ps. 2:4).s: Thence Yahweh descends to make himself and his
    instruction known to human beings, and thither he returns. So many texts speak of
    Yahweh's descending that in such contexts -) 'I"'lt ydraS witholt further qualification
    becomes virtually a technical term for "come down from heaven"; texts that speak of
    his ascending into heaven, however, are rnre (cf. esp. J).84
    Twice (Gen. 17:22;35:13) P mentions briefly the ascent of Elohim to his heavenly
    dwelling place. Gen. 17:l-22 is a narrative totally characterized by the language and
    theology of P; it is constructed in imitation of the earlier patriarchal traditions and is
    presented as an alternative to them. This narrative culminates in the establishment of a
    beril'6ldm. The introduction (v. la) speaks of God's coming to Abraham, using the
    niphal of -+ ilN'] rd'd, commonly used to denote a prophetic revelation. The narrative
    concludes with the words 'And Elohim went up from ('dh qal + me'al) Abraham"
    (v.22). The text does not identify the location of this ascent, nor does it mention the
    destination (haiidmayim), as usage elsewhere would lead one to expect. Gen' 35: 13 is
    equally vague: "Then God went up from him at the place where he had spoken with
    him." Once again, the text uses the niphal of rd'6 for the coming of God. "P clearly ex-
    presses his religious aversion to entangling the supernatural God in the things of the
    world."85 For P all the emphasis is on the content of Elohim's revelation; the accidental
    trappings of the revelatory process are not significant.
    An ascent of Yahweh is spoken of in Ps. 47:6(5) and 68:19(18). Ps. 47 is a hymn
    celebrating the kingship of Yahweh.86 Its similarity to 1 K. 8: I -9 in language and sub-
    stance leads Kraus to claim with assurance that'dM describes the ascent of the ark to
    Zion.sT "shouting" and the "sound of trumpets," however, are associated with the proc-
    lamation and enthronement of an earthly king (2 S. 15:10; lK. l:34,39;2K.9:13;

    82. See A. Schmitt, Entruckung, Aufnahme, Himmelfuhrt. FzB lO (21976)-


    83. M. Metzger, UF 2 (1970) 139-58.
    84. E. Zenger, in E. Haag, ed., Gou, der Einzige. QD 104 (1985), 49.
    85. H. Gunkel , Genesis (Eng. trans. 1997), lxxxii.
    86. H. J. Kraus, Psalns 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 465ff.
    87. rbid., 468.
    iie,'ak

    etc.). According to ancient tradition, Yahweh's throne is both on Zion and in heaven
    (Ps. 11:4; 103: l9). His ascent establishes his hegemony as lord over all the world, as is
    clear from the epithets meleft and 'elydn (47:3,8-9). The correspondence between
    'elybn and'a-ld suggests strongly that this passage refers to Yahweh's ascent to his
    heavenly dwelling place, where he reigns as king (Isa. 14:14), exalted ('dh niphal)
    above all gods (Ps. 97:9).ss
    Ps. 68: 19( 18) speaks of Yahweh's ascending the heights (mdrbm). The reference is
    probably to neither Zion nor Sinai: the mention of the "captives" and "gifts" that ac-
    company Yahweh's ascent suggest instead his ascent into heaven.8e In the background
    stands the ancient Canaanite notion of the ascent of the gods to Zaphon, echoes of
    which appear in vv. 16-18(15-17). Concretely, the words "you ascended the heights"
    (v. 19[8]) refer to Yahweh's ascent to the mountain of God described in vv. 16-17(15-
    l6), which is identical with his heavenly dwelling place.
    However one interprets the details, these texts express Israel's conviction of
    Yahweh's universal sovereignty. He is exalted ('dld niphal) both "over all the earth"
    (Ps.47:3[2]), i.e., over all the rulers of the earth, and over all gods (97:9).

    4. Nouns. a. ma'ald. The basic meaning of ma'ald derives from that of the verb:
    'Journey up." In Ezl7:9 it refers to the return of the exiles. In the technical sense it
    means "that on which one climbs," "step": the stairs leading to the city of David (Neh.
    3:15; 12:37); the steps of a throne (l K. 10:19-20; 2 Ch. 9:18-19), a gate (Ezk.
    40:6,22,26,31,37), a vestibule (Ezk. 40:49), or an altar (8x.20:26:Ezk. 43:17); and fi-
    nally the divisions of a sundial (2 K. 2O:9-l l; Isa. 38:8).
    The meaning of the phrase itr hamma'"161 in the superscriptions of Ps. l2Fl34
    (lamma'"l61in Ps. l2l) is disputed. Some have interpreted it as referring to the rhetori-
    cal figure of anadiplosis, the repetition of the final word of a verse or strophe at the be-
    ginning of the following verse or strophe. Others, citing Ezr. 7:9, think these psalms
    were sung by the exiles on their return journey. Still others, noting Mishnah Middot
    2.5, think they were sung by the Levites on the fifteen steps of the Nicanor Gate. An in-
    terpretation of these psalms as pilgrimage or processional hymns, which stays close to
    the meaning of the verb, is probably preferable. This group of psalms constitutes a
    small collection of songs sung during the pilgrimage to Jerusalem and/or its final act,
    the procession to the sanctuary.
    b. ma'oleh. The noun ma'oleh denotes the place where one goes up, the "way up": in
    general (Ezk.40:31,34,37;Neh. L2:37), the path leading up to a city (l S.9:ll), the
    Mount of Olives (2 S. 15:30), or the tombs of David's descendants (2 Ch. 32:33).ln
    conjunction with toponyms, it means "ascent" or "pass": m. '"|ummtm (Josh. l5:7;
    18:17), possibly present-day Kal'at ed-Dam in the desert between Jerusalem and Jeri-
    cho;m.'aqrabbim, the so-called Ascent of Scorpions (Nu. 34:4; Josh. l5:3; Jgs. l:36);

    88. As noted already by R. Kittel, Die Psalmen. KAT )(lll (41922), 175; E. J. Kissane, Tfte
    Book of Psalms, I (1953), 206.
    89. Contra E. Podechard, RB 54 (1947) 509 (Zion); and M. Dahood, Psalms II: 51-100. AB
    17 (1968), 143 (Sinai).
    ilw'dta

    m. bAyh\r1n (Josh. 10:10); m. hel.tdres (Jgs. 8:13); m' hallfrlt?1(Isa. 15:5; Jer' 48:5)'
    Most of these ascents and passes can no longer be identified with certainty.
    In Neh. 9:4 ma'"lehappears to function as a technical term denoting a dais, podium,
    or platform for the Levites.
    c. Personal Names. The priest at Shiloh is named ?rt (1 S. 1:3-4,18; l4:3; I K'
    2:27). Tlte etymology and interpretation of this name are disputed. Old South Arabic
    personal names containing the element 'ly may suggest that ?-/i is a hypocoristicon (see
    i above). The PN yhw'ly appears in the Samaria ostraca,eo so that it is possible that the
    name of the priest derives from this form. There is a possibility that Ugar. 7y should be
    interpreted as a divine name synonymous with 7yr.el
    The form 'alwdn (Gen. 36:23) or 'alydn (l Ch. 1:40) is the name of a clan attached
    genealogically to the Horites, the original inhabitants of the mountainous region of
    Seir.e2 The name'alwd (Gen. 36:40) or 'alyd (1 Ch. 1:51) denotes an Edomite clan or
    its chief. Since the Edomites overran the territory of the Horites and assimilated the in-
    digenous population, it is not impossible that these names refer to one and the same
    clan.
    d. other Nouns. other nominal formations include: ma'al, "above," used frequently
    in combination with min or he locale as an adverbial modifier;e1 md'al, "lifting up (of
    hands)," is found only in Neh. 8:6; 'dleh, "that which sprouts, foliage," is discussed at
    -+ ;r)y 'dleh; inkov.27:22 "Ii probably means "pestle" (cf. Akk. elit urst)i'illt (cf .
    Aldr.. elfi) means "upper": Caleb gives his daughter the upper and lower springs as a
    farewell gift (Josh. 15:19 = Jgs. l:15); '"hyA is an upper chamber or loft (Jgs.
    3:20,23,25; I K. 17:19,23 2K. I:2;23|2;Jer.22:13-14), metaphorically a "chamber
    above the waters," the chambers of the heavens (Ps. 104:3,13); finally, te'dl6 tefets to
    what covers over a wound, abstractly "healing" impossible for Israel in Jer. 30:12-
    15 (v. 13) and for Egypt in Jer.46:2-12 (v. ll).
    -

    lY, l. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls use the qal and hiphil of 'db as
    well as its nominal derivatives much like the OT. We find everyday usage' for exam-
    ple, in the law of the sabbath: 'A living person who falls into a water-hole or into a
    [. . .1 ptu"" no one shall lift out" (CD 11: 16-17). Military usage appears in 1QM l:3:
    the sons of light go up to battle against the Kittim (cf. CD 3:7, "Go up and take pos-
    session [of the land]"). It can also be used for retreat from battle (lQM 14:2). CD
    4:18 may also reflect this usage: Israel is trapped in the three nets of Belial (fornica-
    tion, wealth, pollution of the sanctuary); whoever escapes ('lh qal) from one is
    caught by the other.
    Figurative and theological usage is commoner. Abraham is esteemed ('Ah +
    ,6hefl as a friend (of God), i.e., God regards him highly (cD 3:2). whoever enters
    (-r "tf! 'dbar) the covenant is upgraded (U[a hiphil) in the hierarchy of the commu-

    90. w. F. Albright, CBQT (1945)3r.


    91. KTII L 16, iII, 6-9. On the discussion see Dahood; + ll'rl 'elyOn.
    92. Scharbert, Genesis 12-50. NEB (1986), 235.
    93. The formula "from . . . and upward," is discussed by Brin.
    iil'a]D

    nity after an annual testing of his insight and the perfection of his path (lQS 5:24).
    The men of sin, i.e., those who have not entered into the covenant, by their conduct
    have "aroused" ('dld qal) God's wrath, bringing judgment (lQS 5:12). God will
    "lead" (hiphil) the wicked priest to judgment (lQpHab l0:4) but will "raise" (hiphil)
    the merciful poor from the mire (lQH 5:22). Whether the latter statement refers to
    deliverance from oppiession or suggests already a kind of resurrection remains an
    open question. A hope for resurrection is probably behind IQH 3:20: "You have
    saved (-r ..11, pAdd) my life from the pit, from Sheol you have lifted me up (7ft
    hiphil) to an everlasting height."ea Sacrificial terminology appears in the general pro-
    hibition against placing anything on the altar on the sabbath (CD 1l: l7). The mean-
    ing of CD 5:5 is not entirely clear: David's deeds "were lifted up, except for Uriah's
    blood, and God allowed ('zb) them to him." This probably means that David's deeds
    were esteemed, were considered just.
    The Temple Scroll presents a different picture. Here nouns predominate, mostly
    technical architectural terms. llQT 6:6; 3l:6,7 speak of a loft (qltyd) reached by a
    staircase (ma'"hd,7:6; cf.32:ll), a flight of stairs around the structure (msbyb wlh
    m'lwt,30:10), or a circular or spiral staircase ('wlym msbwt, 42:8). A stairwell is to be
    installed to the side of the walls in the porch, in which one may spiral upward (hiphil
    ptcp.) to the second and third porches and to the roof (42:7-9). The elders, the chiefs,
    and the princes are to go up and take their places there during the "offering" (hiphil
    inf.) of the sacrifices (42:15-16).
    Sacrificial terminology appears in a few other passages. Accordingto26:5, the high
    priest is to slaughter the he-goat chosen by lot ('lh hgwrl) and lift (7ft hiphil) its blood
    in a golden bowl (cf. 23:ll;33:14). The offering of sacrifice is also mentioned in 18:9
    and possibly 32:6 (the text is damaged). The meaning of flh in32:12 is unclear. After
    the analogy of I K. 18:32, the text may refer to a kind of trench around the altar. In
    1lQT 61:14 we find the exodus formula with the hiphil participle. In contrast to the
    parallel in Dt. 20:1, the divine subject that introduces the formula is absent here ('nlq
    yhwh'lhyk).In its place we find the assurance of support (hlq 'mk), which concludes
    the sentence in Dt. 20:1. A unique intensive form appears in the expression lwt dbrym,
    "attribute culpability to someone" (l IQT 65:-7,12).

    2. LX){, The LXX usually uses anabainein to translate 'lh; the semantic spectrum
    of the Greek word is similarly broad, so that only in the case of a few technical terms
    did the translators need to have recourse to other expressions.
    Fuhs

    94. See H. Lichtenberger, Studien zum Menschenbild in Tbxten der Qumrangemeinde. SUNT
    15 (1980), 219-27.
    96 i?tri?iv'dhrala

    il!!nliu zhr6h

    I. l. Etymology;2. Occurrences. II. OT: 1. P; 2. Outside P; 3. Prophetic Polemic against the


    Cult; 4. Ezekiel; 5. Psalms; 6. Chronicler's History; 7. The King's 'o16; 8- Human Sacrifice;
    9. Altar of Burnt Offering; 10. hoblematic Texts; 11. Apocrypha; 12. Origin and Meaning' III.
    1. Elephantine;2.LXX;3. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l.l.Etymology. The theory that'o],l. is connected with the Arabic root {ald (fly),
    "bubble up, boil, seethe," goes back to Hommel, who refers to "bubbling fleshpots"
    and the meaning of the participle, "fatty meat."l But Ktinig already stressed that this
    Arabic root cannot cast any light on the etymology of 'db, because in contrast to the
    - Accord-
    zebah (cf. I S. 2: I 3- 14) kettles and pots play no role in the burnt offering.2
    -
    ing to the rules of Hebrew grammar, the form 'db can be analyzed as a qal fem. sg'
    ptcp. of 'd16, "rise up," with the meaning "that which rises up." Kohler attempted to
    treat'dll as an abbrevi ation of hamminhd hd'dld, "the rising offering," citingLat' aqua
    tincta (ink) as a parallel, although he was unable to cite any OT analog to such an ab-

    A. van den Branden, "L6vitique l-7 et le tarif de Marseille, CIS I l65," RSO 40 (1965)
    'AIA.
    107-30; R. Dussaud, I-es origines cananCenes du sacrifice israilite (1921,21941); H. Gese,
    "Ezechiel 20, 25f. und die Erstgeburtsopferl' Beitriige zur alttestamentlichen Theologie. FS
    w. zimmerli (1977), 140-51; idem, "The Atonement," Essays on Biblical Theology (Eng. trans.
    1981), 93-116; G. B. Gray, Sacrifice in the OT (1925; repr. 1971); H. Haag, "Das Opfer im AI"'
    in F. J. Zinniker, ed., Bibel und Liturgie. BibB I (1961), 17-27; B. Janowski, "Erwlgungen zur
    Vorgeschichte des israelitischen ielamim-Opfers," UF 12 (1980) 231-59; idem, Siihne also
    Heilsgeschehen. WMANT 55 (1982); O. Kaiser, "Den Erstgeborenen deiner Sdhne sollst du mir
    geben,"DenkenderGlaube.FSC.H.Ratschow(1976),24-28=hisVonderGrundbedeutungdes
    af, (tSS+), 142-66: B. A. Levine, In the Presence of the l,ord. SJLA 5 (1974), esp.22-23;
    L' Moraldi, "Terminologia cultuale israelitica," RSo 32 (1957) = FS G' Furlani' 321-37 ' esp'
    326-27; W O. E. Oesterley, Sacrifices in Ancient Israel (1937); A. F. Rainey, '"The Order of Sac-
    rifices in OT Ritual Textsl' Bibl 5l (1970) 485-98; R. Rendtorff, Studien zur Geschichte des
    Opfers im Alten Israel. WMANT 24 (1967); H. Ringgren, Sacrifice in the Bible. World Christian
    Bioks 42 (1962); L. Rost, "ErwAgungen zum israelitischen Brandopferl' Von Ugarit nach
    eumran. FS O. Eissfeldt. BZAW 77 (1958), 177-83 = Das kleine Credo und andere Studien zum
    Af OSOS), 112-19;idem,"FragenumBileam," FSW.Zimmerli(1977),377-87;idem,"OpferI.
    ImAT," BHHW,II, 1345-50;idem,"EinPsalmenprobleml'TlZ93(1968)241-46;idem,Studien
    zum Opfer im Alten Israel. BWANT 113 (1981); idem, "Zu den Festopfervorschriften von
    Numeri i8 und 29," TLZ 83 (1958) 329-34; H. H. Rowley, "The Meaning of Sacrifrce in the oT,"
    BJRL33 (1950/51) 74-ll} = From Moses to Qumran (1963), 67-lO7; N. H. Snaith, "Sacrifices
    in the OT," W 7 (1957) 308-17; W. B. Stevenson, "Hebrew 'Olah and Zebach Sacrifices," FS
    A. Bertholet (1950), 488-97;R. deVaux,Arclsrll,4l5ff.;idem, StudiesinOTSacrifice(1964),
    27-51 R. K. Yerkes, Sacrifice in Greek and Roman Religions and Early Judaism (1952).
    l. F. Hommel, Die altisraelitische Aberlieferung in inschrifilicher Beleuchtung (1897),279.
    A similar approach is taken by J. Barth, Wurzeluntersuchungen zum hebrtiischen und
    aramtiischen Lexicon ( I 897), 297 ; and F. Zorcll, lzxH ebAram, 6ola.
    2. E. Kiinig, Hebriiisch und Semitisch (1901),92.
    i?rn?iv'oarbla 97

    breviation.3 How the "rising" is to be understood is also unclear. One might think of the
    sacrifice rising in smoke and fire, or its rising aroma, or the sacrificial animal mounting
    the altar, or the ascent of a worshiper to an elevated site such as a high place (-+ ilDI
    bdmd), a tower, a wall, or the roof of the temple, to offer sacrifice there.a
    An Ugaritic text describes KRT as climbing a tower and the shoulder of a wall to of-
    fer sacrifice; Dussaud connects this scene with 2 K.3:27, which says that King Mesha
    of Moab offered his firstborn son "as a burnt offering on the wall."s Dussaud therefore
    theorizes that the 'o16 was a "tower sacrifice."6 That Ugar. ,f7y, like the hiphil of Heb.
    'ald, can mean "sacrifice" might suggest linguistic and pragmatic affinities.T In the
    early days of Ugaritology, scholars already suggested that the Ugaritic sacrificial term
    Jrp corresponds to Heb. 'dlr2.8 Since the meaning of the root makes it certain that Ugar.
    .Irp means "burnt offering," the parallel to Heb. 'ald cannot be rejected out of hand,
    even though the Ugaritic texts say next to nothing about the ritual of a frp offering.e
    Some have interpreted the consonant sequence m'hb'h in the Proto-Sinaitic inscrip-
    tions as a PN, "Beloved of Baalat";Io Albright, however, analyzed it as m' hb 'lt and
    translated: "Swear to bring a sacrifice."ll Whether 7r in these texts has some connec-
    tion with Heb. 'dld, as Albright would have it, must remain uncertain,l2 for the call to
    offer sacrifice is exceptional in a pilgrimage inscription.
    In Imperial Aramaic the burnt offering (Heb.'6ld) of the Jews at Elephantine is writ-
    ten as'lwh rather than the expected wlh; the emphatic form is 7wr'. Ungnad suggests
    the simple possibility of metathesis.13 The word'lwh does not occur elsewhere in Ara-
    maic, with the exception of the pl. "lawan in Ezr. 6:9. In Syriac, however, we find
    'eh!d', pl.'"lawila,t4 with the meaning "burnt offering," as the equivalent of Heb.'6h.
    More often, however, it means "altar" (cf. I Mc. 2:25, where it stands for Gk. bdm6s).
    The Jewish Aramaic word is 'ald!d'; its only meaning is "burnt offering." In Palmyrene

    3. L. Ktihler, "Hebriiische Vokabeln l: AW 54 (1936) 287-93, esp.292; idem, OT Theology


    (Eng. trans. 1957), 184.
    4. D. Conrad, "Studien zum Altargesetz,Ex2O:24-26" (diss., Marburg, 1968), 114ff (Excur-
    sus: The Cult on the Temple Roof).
    5. KTU 1.14, IY 2ff.; R. Dussaud, CMIBL (1941),534.
    6. Syr23 (1942/43) 39-41; not C. Schaeffer, as stated by B. A. Levine in his introduction to
    G. B. Gray, Sacrifice, xliii. See also H. L. Ginsberg, Lcgend of King Keret. BASORSUp 2-3
    (1946),37.
    7. KTU 1.19, IV, 23,30:6.14; also I K. 12:32-33.
    8. Janowski, "Erwdgwgenl' 232.
    9. KTLI 1.39,4;1.46,7;1.109, l0 (all in conjunction with ilmm; 1.65, 16; b irp il. See
    M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, UF l3 (1981) 87. For a different view see J. F. Healey, UF 15 (1983)
    48.
    10. G. R. Driver, Semitic Writing (1948; tl)76'1,97.
    1 I . W. F. Albright, The Proto-Sinaitic Inscriptions and Their Decipherment. HTS 22 ( 1966),

    17,19-20,42. See also idem, BASOR ll0 (1948) 6-22, esp. 16-17 with n. 52, suggesting the
    reading 'alttu or '6litu.
    12. H. P. Riger, BRLz,292a.
    13. A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyri aus Elephantine (l9l 1), 4.
    14. lzxSyr 526b1527a.
    i?rn?iv'6tar6b

    the only meaning of 7r'is "altar."ls This may be because the altar itself was a conse-
    crated offering.16 Since one inscription from Palmyra that uses the word was written by
    Nabateans, we may conclude that Nabateans also used the word 7r'in the sense of "al-
    tar," if they did not simply conform to local usage when they were in Palmyra.lT
    ln terms of meaning, the Hebrew word -l )r)l lcaltl, "whole offering," could be taken
    as synonymous with 'dl.d. Many scholars think that knltl was the earlier term for a whole
    burnt offering and was later replaced by the term b/d. 18 The few iexts where tdliJ appears
    as a sacrificial term (Lev. 6:15-16[Eng. w. 22-231; Dt. l3:17[l6]; 33:10; I S. 7:9; Ps.
    51:21[9]) and the fact that in 1 S. 7:9 'dld and lealil stand side by side without connection
    and are linked in Ps. 51:21(19) with waw (explicativumZ) suggest instead that l<altl is a
    secondary attempt to hebraize the "foreign" term'dl6 (cf. also Dt. 33:10); the attempt did
    not succeed because the term '6li was already established in the ritual and in popular
    speech. There is also a Phoenician-Punic word kll that appears frequently in sacrificial
    tariffs in parallel with llmm; its relationship to Heb. ldltl is problematic.te
    One passage in the Elephantine papyri luses mqlw an Akkadian loanword (maqlfr,
    "incineration, roasting furnace"), for '6lA.n There is a Lihyanite word hrnm, which
    Caskel vocalizes as *hummat, pl. humam, and translates as "burnt offering";2l whether
    it represents a mode of sacrifice comparable to the 'Ald must remain an open question.
    The single Neo-Punic occurrence of 7t for burnt offering is not as unambiguous as
    scholars suggest.22 It appears in a votive inscription from Altiburus, to whose seven
    easily legible lines two lines have been added in a different script that is hard to deci
    pher. If the reading in KAI is correct, these two lines have no connection with the pre-
    ceding text; they say that someone offered a burnt offering or a grain offering in the
    sanctuary to fulfill a vow. This text would be relevant only to the survival of '6ld in a
    later period.
    In summary, I must say that the precise meaning and etymology of the word'dl6 arc
    obscure. On cogent grounds Rost points out that the term 'dld is neither Greek nor Se-
    mitic in origin.23 The burnt offering probably grew out of a ritual practiced by a popu-
    lation stratum living south of the Taurus, later displaced by Greeks and Semites; the Is-
    raelites then borrowed the 'dld from the Candanites.

    15. DNSI rr, 851.


    16. J. Teixidor, The Pantheon of Palmyra (1979),66; he writes 'allatha.
    17. G. A. Cooke (Text-Book of Nonh-Semitic Inscriptions [903], no. l40A/B; B 2.10)
    speaks of several altars.
    18. See R. Rendtorff, Leviticus. BKlllll-3 (1985-92), 27; A. Kapelrud, TDOT, VII, 184.
    19. Rendtorff, BKlll,27; A. Kapelrud, -r Vtr, 183-84; Janowski, "Erwiigungen," 254-55;
    O. Kaiser, TUAT U3,264-
    20. AP 33: 19. See AHw, ll,607b; cf. S. A. Kaufman , The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic.
    AS t9 (1974),70.
    21. See lS, 77; W. Caskel, Lihyan und Lihyanisch. Arbeitsgemeinschaft fiir Forschung des
    Innde s N ordrhein-We stfalen, Ge i ste swissenschafien 4 (1954), 92, I 17, 134.
    22.M.Lidzbuski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphrt (1898), 1,341; DNSI,II, 851;
    KN 159.
    23. Rost, "ErwAgungen," 180-81 (l16).
    i?rn?iv'dhr6h

    2. Occurrences. The 'dld is the form of sacrifice most frequently mentioned in the
    OT. Even-Shoshan counts 286 occurrences, others 287-2aT\e occurrences are distrib-
    uted as follows: Genesis 7, Exodus 17, Leviticus 62, Numbers 56, Deuteronomy 6;
    thus l48occurrences,morethanhalf of thetotal,appearinthePentateuch, 126of them
    in P. Occurrences elsewhere: Joshua 6, Judges, 6, I Samuel 10, 2 Samuel 5, I Kings 8,
    2 Kings 9, 1 Chronicles 14,2 Chronicles 3O,Ezra 8, Nehemiah l,Job2, Psalms 7,Isa-
    iah 5, JeremiahT,Ezekiel 19, and Hosea, Amos, and Micah I each. The word does not
    appear in most of the Minor Prophets (Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, Nahum, Habakkuk,
    Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi), in the Megillot, in Proverbs, or in Daniel. In
    the Hebrew text of Sirach, Zft appears only once, in 45:l6b of ms. B. In the Aramaic
    sections of the OT, only the pl.'"ldwdn occurs (Ezr. 6:9). The plene form appears only
    48 times. The altar of burnt offering (mizbab hA'Ah) is mentioned 19 times (Ex. 30:28;
    31:9; 35:16; 38:l; 40:6,10,29i [-ev. 4:7,10,18,25[twice],30,34; I Ch. 6:34; 16:40;
    2l:26,29;2 Ch. 29:18). The regular daily burnt offering ('ala1 hattami/) appears 20
    times (4 times as 'ala! tdmid).

    II. OT.
    1. P The distinctive characteristic of the 'dld is that the entire animal is consumed
    by fire; nothing is left for either the person offering the sacrifice or the priest.
    a. The Ritual. The customary performance of an'Ald at the time when P was com-
    posed can be described on the basis of Lev. l. First, the layperson offering the sacrifice
    bings (hiqrip) the animal to be sacrificed. It is noteworthy that in I.ev. L:2 (twice) and
    3a the verb hiqrt! descibes what the layperson does, whereas other P texts often use
    this verb for what the priests do in the sacrificial act. As the next act, the sacrificer
    places his hand on the head of the victim (l:4). This s"mif;i is mentioned whenever an
    animal is to be sacrificed. Its meaning is disputed (+'lDD sdmab. Gese is probably
    correct in citing the notion of "identification" by way of explanation.2s The purpose is
    not "exclusive substitution," in which the victim is slain as the bearer of sin that has
    been transferred to it. Instead, "in the cultic atonement the sacrifice of the victim's life
    is a substitute that includes the one bringing the sacrifice."26 Since none of the early
    texts mentions a s"mt[d in connection with an 'a16, this act was probably not an origi-
    nal element of the'6h ritual.zz The third action is the slaying of the sacrificial animal
    (1:5a,lla), which is slaughtered "before Yahweh" by the sacrificer himself. Several
    texts mention "the spot where the 'o-ld is slaughtered" (4:24,29,33;6:18[25);7:2; cf.
    14:13). It is to be noted that in the ritual of Lev. I it is the sacrificer who slaughters the
    victim, whereas in Ex.29:16 and Lev. 8:19 Moses, functioning as a priest, takes over
    the slaughtering; in Lev. 9:12 Aaron slaughters and sacrifices the 'dld for himself. In
    l-ev. 14:19 the priest is probably the subject of idhat (cf. LXX, which adds ho hiereis).

    24.Cf . A. Even-Shoshan,ANew Concordance of the Bible (Eng. trans. 1985);TLOT II, 885;
    HAL,II,830.
    25. H. Gese, 'Atonement"; similarly Janowski, Siihne,2l9-2O.
    26. Gese,'Atonement," 106.
    27. Rendtorff, 97; more guardedly in BK III, 4748.
    100 il?rril?'iv'6hrow

    Ezk. 44:'11 says that the Levites are to slaughter the '6ld for the people. The Chroni-
    cler's description in 2 Ch.29:20ff. is not entirely clear. Y. 22a does not say explicitly
    who slaughters the '6ld.If the Chronicler had been thinking of the Levites (on the basis
    of Ezk. 44:ll), we would expect that he would not have missed this chance to assign
    them new functions and rights. It is therefore more likely that the slaughtering was
    done by the laypeople offering the sacrifice, as in Lev. 1:5,11.
    The rituals dependent on Lev. I regularly mention the sprinkling (-r izll zdraq) of
    the blood of the '6ld (8x.29:16; Lev. 8: 19; 9:12). Rendtorff is probably correct in sup-
    posing that this sprinkling was not an original element of the '6lA rifial; its real purpose
    was ritually to withhold the blood from human use, a process of particular importance
    in the case of the zelalt and i"lamtm, in which portions of the sacrificial animal were
    eaten (cf. also Dt. 12:6,23;15:23, which permit the secular slaughtering of animals so
    long as the blood is poured on the ground).za ryr"t"us the priest clearly sprinkles the
    blood on the walls around the altar, using a bowl (miTrdq; cf .Znc.9: l5), the sacrificer
    has to remove the skin of the animal himself (but cf. 2 Ch. 29:34); Lev. 7:8 assigns this
    skin to the priest as a perquisite. The sacrificial tariffs from Carthage make varying
    provisions on this point. In one text the skin of the victim belongs to the sacrificer; in
    another the skin is allotted to the priest.2e For Carthage, therefore, we must envision a
    variety of regulations applying to different temples or different periods. For Israel, too,
    we can therefore envision a development of sacrificial practice, with differing regula-
    tions and with changes in the individual rituals as time passed. The next act consists in
    the division of the animal into its natural parts (nittah, "carve, cut up," l:6b;.lo 11r"n
    the priests are to arrange the sacrificial portions including the head, which was cut
    off, and the fat3l
    -
    on the wood piled up on the blazing altar. The sacrificer meanwhile
    -
    has been engaged in washing the entrails and legs (l:9a), so that nothing unclean will
    be placed on the altar. Finally, the priest lays these parts, too, on the fire, thus (as v. 9b
    emphasizes explicitly) making the whole '6b go up in smoke (hiqtir), an offering of an
    appeasing odor to Yahweh.
    b. Birds. The ritual of the bird 'dh (Lev. l:14-11), a later addition, occupies a spe-
    cial place, for 1:2b speaks only ofcattle, sheep, and goats. The ritual itselfis different:
    there is no s"mif,d and no separate act of killing; everything is done at the altar, and
    therefore everything is done by the priest. Lev. l:15-17 describes the offering: the
    priest wrings off the bird's head and burns it, drains the blood against the side of the al-
    tar, removes the crop with its contents32 and discards it near the altar, tears the bird
    open by its wings without severing them, and finally burns the bird on the altar. From
    5:7 and 12:8 we learn that abird'616 represents a concession in case poverty prevents

    Studien, 99ff.; BK III, 54.


    28.
    For the former see KAI 69.4, 6,8, l0; for the latter, 74.2,3, 4, 5.
    29.
    Cf. Mish. Tamid 4.2.
    30.
    Following Elliger's translation (Schmer) of peder found only in Lev. 1:8,12;8:2O; HAL,
    31.
    III, 914: "suet."
    32. H. P. Riiger, "'Dann entfeint er seinen Kropf samt desssen Federn,'" Wort und
    Geschichte. FS K. Elliger AOAT 18 (1973),163-72.
    i?rn?iv'aarata 101

    the sacrificer from sacrificing a larger animal; abird'dld is thus always a private offer-
    ing. Lev. l: 14 specifies a turtledove or pigeon. The sacrifice of Noah (Gen. 8:20 Ul) is
    described expressly as an'old of "every clean bird." Other P texts speak of abird'6h
    as a purification offering in the context of certain rituals: Lev. l2:8 (a woman who has
    given birth, if she cannot afford a sheep); 14:-22,30-31 (someone cleansed of leprosy,
    again in case of penury); 15:14-15 (a man made unclean by a discharge of semen);
    15:29-30 (a woman made unclean by a discharge of blood); Nu. 6:10-1 (a nazirite
    1
    made unclean by the sudden death of someone nearby). "Initially a substitute for a
    more expensive offering (cf. 5:7; l2:8: 14:21-22), during the course of the postexilic
    period the offering of a pigeon changed from an exception conceded the pooq reflect-
    ing the transition from a rural to an urban civilization with its negative consequences,
    to the rule itself."33
    c. Animals Sacrificed. Rendtorff lists the animals sacrificed.3a His analysis reveals a
    pattern in P. Lev. I distinguishes two basic groups of domestic animals: herds (cattle)
    and flocks. The latter are subdivided into sheep and goats. In the calendar of sacrifices
    in Nu. 28-29, however, the basic animal sacrificed in an'dld is a lamb. In the regular
    morning and evening 'a16, two lambs a year old are offered (Nu. 28:3ff.; cf. Ex. 29:38);
    the same is true for the sabbath 'dld. The combination of bullocks (pdrim benA-bdqdr),
    rams, and lambs (in numbers depending on the occasion) is characteristic of P. It ap-
    pears, e.g., in the list of the offerings of the twelve tribal chiefs at the dedication of the
    altar (Nu. 7). Nu. 15, howeveq which regulates supplementary sacrifices, lists the three
    groups of animals in a different sequence: lamb, ram, bull (vv. 5tr.). The same animals
    appear in the new moon offering of the nd(t'inBzk. 46:6: one bull, six lambs, and a
    ram. But we can also observe a more precise distinction among the sacrificial animals.
    A lamb is often mentioned in the context of an 'dld offered by an individual (Lev. 12:6;
    14:10; Nu. 6:14), a ram appears inthe'6ld of the priests (Ex. 29:15ff. = Lev. 8:lSff.;
    9:2; 16:3), and a bull is offered in an 'dld for the whole community (Nu. 15:24).
    There are exceptions to this pattern: in Lev. 9:3 an'dgel and a kcpef are offered in an
    '6ld of the Israelites, in Lev. 16:5 a ram is offered for the whole community, and in Nu.
    8:8 a bull is offered as an'olA for the Levites. There are also exceptions in Ezk. 40ff.: in
    46:4 six lambs and a ram iue required for the sabbath offering of the ndit'; in 43:23 and
    45:23 there is an '6h of bulls and rams.
    The earlier texts agree with P in always specifying domestic animals, with the possi-
    ble exception of the comprehensive language in Gen. 8:20. Many texts give the impres-
    sion that an '016 could involve whatever animals were available, such as suckling
    calves Qtdr61'd161: I S. 6:10,14), oxen (2 S. 24:22), or sheep, goats, and oxen (Ex.
    20:24). Bullocks (par) are mentioned with some frequency (Jgs.6:26; I S. 6: 14 [fem.];
    1 K. 18:30ff.;Ps. 50:9 [cf. Gen. 22:13]). We also find rams ('ayil,Isa.l:11), bullocks
    and rams together Qtar and hyil Nu. 23:l-2,14,29-30; Job 42:8), calves (egel, Mic.
    6:6), sheep (Seh, Gen. 22:7 -8; Isa. 43:23), suckling lambs (teleh baldb, I S. 7:9), and

    33. K. Elliger,l*viticus. HATU4 (1966),37; cf. Mk. ll:15-16 and Mish. Qinnim.
    34. Studien, ll5-18.
    102 ;r?lrn?ty'6hr6h

    kids (g'di 'iutm, Jgs. 13:15). Ps. 66:15 lists fatlings @ebim), rams ('Ahm), bulls
    (bdqdr), and goats ('attfi$im). "It would appear impossible to draw any conclusions
    from these disparate texts concerning the animals customarily offered or even stipu-
    lated for an'aldl' although it may be that "there were specific regulations stipulating
    the animals to be offered in the regular sacrifices at the individual sanctuaries."3s
    d. Daily '6ldh. According to the regulations of P (Nu. 28:3-8; 8x.29:38-42; cf. also
    Lev.6:2),two male lambs a year old are to be sacrificed every day as a regular burnt of-
    fering; Nu. 28:3 requires them to be without blemish. One is sacrificed in the morning,
    the other at twilight. Nu. 28:6 calls this regular offering 'Ala! fimtd. The passages that
    follow dealing with the festival sacrifices (Nu. 28:10,15,24,31;29:6,11,16,19,22,25,
    28,31,34,38) emphasize that they are additional to the 'ala! hattdmtd. The only excep-
    tion is the formulation in Nu. 28:23, which states that the sacrifice on the first day of
    the Feast of Unleavened Bread is additional to the morning'dld ('Ola! habbdqer); this
    morning 'dld is qualified by the addition 'aler lc'dlal hattamt!. We may therefore con-
    clude that '61a1 habbdqer is the earlier expression.
    In 1 K. 18:29,36, the hour of an offering is referred to twice: "the time of the offer-
    ing of the grain offering(-+ minfifl";v.29 adds "as midday passed." The use of ->
    ifi)D minttt to designate the evening sacrifice as is still the practice today in the af-
    -
    ternoon prayer of the synagogue, which takes place at the ninth hour (3 p'm.)36 re-
    -
    veals a practice earlier than that documented by P: the evening sacrifice was not a lamb
    but a bloodless offering. This earlier practice appears also in the liturgical measures of
    King Ahaz (2 K. 16:10-28): in addition to all the other sacrifices, the king commands
    the priest Uriah to offer on the new altar the "morning burnt offering" ('ola! habbOqer)
    and the "evening grain offering" (minfial hfr'erefl.
    In Ezekiel, too, in an appendix to the regulations governing the sacrifices offered by
    the ndsi'(46:13-15), we find instructions for the daily sacrifices. Here a single yearling
    lamb without blemish is to be offered as an '6lA "morning by morning." Only in the
    postexilic period is there evidence for the daily morning and evening sacrifices re-
    quired by P ( I Ch. 16:40; 2 Ch. L3:11; esp. Ezr. 3:3). That in a period of economic dis-
    tress the offerings given to God were not reduced from what they had been but were
    rather increased, as Ezr.3:3 attests, illustrates the devotion of the returning exiles. This
    devotion left its mark on the sacrificial cult. The "evening minltd" nevertheless contin-
    ued to be used to designate the time of day: Ezra speaks his penitential prayer at the
    time of the evening minfui (9:5), and the angel Gabriel appears to Daniel at this hour
    (Dnl. 9:21); cf. also Jdt. 9:1. This usage shows that the old terminology was preserved
    even when the bloody evening sacrifice had long since been introduced.
    e. Special Occasions.In addition to the daily 'd16, the regulations governing festival
    sacrifice in Nu. 28-29 stipulate that the 'dl6 is the fundamental festival sacrifice for
    sabbath and new moon as well as for all the following festivals.3T The '6ld appears to

    35. Ibid., ll7.


    36. Mish. Pesal.tim 5.1; cf. Acts 3:l; 10:3,30.
    37. Rendtorff, Studien, 77.
    i?tn?tv'6hr6b 103

    be a secondary interpolation in the purity laws of L,ev. l1-15. Nu. 15:22-26 shows that
    in case of an unwitting transgression the whole community must sacrifice a bullock as
    an 'dl6.38It is reasonable to suppose "that originally Nu. 15:22-26 spoke of the bld in
    the context of a public confession of sin, perhaps in the setting of a communal la
    ment."3e Such a rite may also be suggested by Jgs. 20:26;2I:2-4;1 S. 7:6,9-10; Jer.
    14:12.ln the story of the judgment between Yatrweh and Baal on Mt. Carmel (1 K.
    18:30ff.), the'old appears as a sacrifice to Yahweh pure and simple.

    -2. Outside P Josh. 22:10ff, reveals that there was "a separate Gileadite cult of
    Yahweh at Gilgal, specifically at the Gileadite altar of Gilgal," where sacrifice was of-
    fered with 'dl6l z'babtm, and i"lamtm.o The Israelite majority to the west considered
    this cult apostasy from the cult of Israel. Finally, in a "reinterpretation of the traditio-
    historically late form of Josh. 22:l0ff.l' it was construed as being no longer practiced,
    serving as nothing more than a sign and witness to the fact that the Gileadites adhered
    to Yahwism.al
    In a perceptive analysis of the sacrifices offered by Gideon (Jgs. 6) and Manoah
    (Jgs. l3), Rost has succeeded in demonstrating that here what was originally an offer-
    ing of food for the deity has been turned into an 'dl.d.az T\ese two narratives show that
    introduction of the burnt offering in the time of the judges was a decisive step in the
    history of Israel's religion. It is significant that both texts speak of a rock as the locus of
    the sacrifice and that no priest is needed. "Neither Gideon nor Manoah was the ances-
    tral founder of a priesthood; they were and continued to be laypersons."43 The transfor-
    mation of Gideon's and Manoah's offering of food into an '6ld may be viewed as an
    etiology of this sacrifice. At the same time, the two texts reveal that it was only after
    the Israelites had settled in Canaan that they came to know the '6h as a form of sacri-
    fice and adopted this Canaanite practice.
    Several OI passages mention an '6ld offered not to Yahweh but to Baal. Already
    Gideon's action in Jgs. 6:25ff. reveals clearly that Gideon's father Joash was the custo-
    dian of a Baal sanctuary, where sacrifice was probably offered in the form of an'ald,
    Naaman, too, offered burnt offerings and sacrifices to other gods (2 K. 5:17). In the
    scene on Carmel in I K. 18, the burnt offering of the prophets of Baal and that of Elijatt
    are prepared in the same way. The meaning of the story requires this to have been the
    regular form of a sacrifice to Baal. The episode of the temple of Baal in2K. 10:18-27
    also presupposes that Jehu follows the Canaanite ritual, including sacrifices and burnt
    offerings (zcbAhtm wc'd167 v. 24; cf. also Jer. l9:5; 2 K. 3:27).

    38. D. Kellermann, "Bemerkungen zum Siindopfergesetz in Num 15,22tr.: FS Elligeq, 107-


    13.
    39. Rendtorff, 83.
    40. H. Gese, "Jakob und Mose," Tradition and Re-Interpretation in lewish and Early Chris-
    tian Literature. FS J. C. H. lzbram (1986), 3847, quotation: 45.
    41. For a different interpretation see J. S. Kloppenborg, Bibl 62 (1981) 347-71.
    42. Studien, 17tr.
    43. tbid., 27.
    104 ;r?rn?iv'ahrbh

    3. Prophetic Polemic against the Cult. Apart from Ezk. 40ff., when the prophetic
    books mention the 'dh, usually in conjunction with other forms of sacrifice, the mes-
    sage is polemical in nature. It is probably safe to say that, despite all the bitter polemic,
    the prophets never in principle rejected the cult itself and its sacrifices; they con-
    demned either perversions of conduct or a mistaken interpretation ("the more the
    better") with its resulting false sense of security. It is noteworthy that such texts always
    mention the'6ld; as the most important form of sacrifice, it appears either alone (Mic.
    6:6; Jer. l9:5; Isa. 40:16, which says that all the animals of Lebanon would not be
    enough for an 'ald of Yahweh) or in conjunction with other forms (Isa. I : 1 I ; Hos. 6:6;
    Jet 6:20;7:21-22; l7:26; lsa. 43:23).
    In Am. 5:22 Wolffdeletes v. 22aaas a gloss, interpreting minl.tdnot as "grain offer-
    ing" but as an inclusive term for "offering."++ Rudolph is probably correct, however, in
    assuming that something has been lost from the text, so that here too in Amos's po-
    lemic the 'Ald appears first as the most important form of sacrifice.45

    4. Ezekiel. In Ezekiel's blueprint for a restored Israel (Ezk. 4048),46 a secondary


    section mentions a vestibule in which the burnt offering is washed (dwh) and tables on
    which the animals are slaughtered (40:38,39,42). At the consecration of the altar
    (43:18-27), the sin offering is followed by the offering of a bull without blemish and a
    ram without blemish as an'6ld (vv.23-24); here the sin offering already comes first.
    According to 44:11, the Levites are to take over the function of slaughtering the burnt
    offerings for the people as part of their ministry. But this expansion of the Levites'
    functions clearly remained theoretical. The ancient practice of having the sacrificer
    slaughter the sacrificial animal ( I S. 14:32-35) could not be supplanted. Lev. l:5a, too,
    has the sacrificer slaughter the victim.aT The section Ezk. 45:10- 17 deals with accurate
    weights and measures and amounts to be offered. In contrast to 44:30a and Nu. 18, the
    rule for the teritmA of grain, oil, and flocks (sheep and goats) is not based on a tithe; in
    the case of flocks, e.g., one animal is to be offered from a flock of two hundred. It is
    unusual that the minl.td precedes the 'Ah in vv. 15,17. The major festivals and the offer-
    ings of the ndit' are treated in 45:18-25. In addition to the other offerings, every day
    during the seven days of Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread the nait'is re-
    quired to offer a burnt offering of seven bulls and seven rams. Here too the sin offering
    comes first, followed by the 'Old, the minhA, and the offering of oil. The same sequence
    appears in the observance of the autumn festival (45,25). The personal sacrifices of-
    fered by the ndit'are the subject of 46 1-12. According to v.2, his sabbath offering is
    to be an 'dh and a ielamim offering. The ielamtm offering is not mentioned in the de-
    tailed explication in vv. 4-5; instead, the minhd appears in conjunction with the'61d.
    The same is true in the description of the new moon offering in vv. 6-7. Both bli and
    ielamtm are mentioned in the so-called east gate tradition.

    44. H. W. Wolff, Joel and Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), 259 note c.
    45. W. Rudolph, Joel-Amos-Obadja-Jona. KAT Xllll2 (1971),206.
    46. Analyzed by Gese, Der Verfassungsentwurt des Ezechiel. BHT 25 (1957).
    47 . For the later period see Josephus Ant. 3.9.1 $$22a-27; Mish. Zebafiim 3.1.
    i?trn?i,'dhr6h 105

    5. Psalms. Only five psalms mention the '61d, two twice: 20:4(3);40:7(6); 50:8;
    51:18,21(16,19);66:13,15. In 5l:21(19)'6ld and kdltl appear together, in that order;
    both cons(itute an explanatory gloss, not an organic part of vv.20-21(18-19), them-
    selves a secondary appendix to the psalm. Ps. 66: 15 speaks of '6161 mZl.ttm, burnt offer-
    ings of fatlings; in 20:4(3) the psalmist prays that Yahweh will declare his burnt offer-
    ing fat (diiicn)
    - emphasizing that in this case Malachi's reproof ( I :7-8) concerning
    the offering of inferior animals does not apply.48 While Ps. 20:4(3) prays for gracious
    acceptance of grain offerings and burnt offerings (probably offered by the king),
    40:7 (6) and 5 I : I 8( 16) polemicize in the manner of the prophets against a misconstrued
    sacrificial cult. Ps. 50:8 also belongs here: Yahweh, lord of the universe, does not need
    to be "nourished." The rarity of 'dld in the Psalms shows clearly that "not only are the
    Psalms meant for laypeople, they are also an expression of lay spirituality."+e

    6. Chronicler's History. The Chronicler's History often expands or modifies mate-


    rial from earlier sources dealing with sacrifice, and also supplies additional informa-
    tion about sacrifice. The'6ld is the sacrifice mentioned most often. In I Ch. 16:l-2,
    e.g., the account of the '6161 and ielamtm offered when the ark was brought to Jerusa-
    lem is incorporated from 2 S. 6:17-18. Echoing 2 5.24:22-25, I Ch. 2l:23-26 speaks
    of the sacrifices offered by David at the threshing floor of Araunah. It is noteworthy
    thatv.23 adds "wheat for aminhd)'thus assimilating the tradition of P, which regularly
    associates the minhd with the b/d. Solomon's cultic observance in 2 Ch. 8:12-13 ex-
    pands substantially on I K. 9:25 (see II.7 below). Independently of any earlier source,
    1 Ch. 16:39-40 records that David appointed Zadok and his kindred i.e., the rightful
    priests of the later temple - sacrifices (again
    to offer the daily morning and evening
    reflecting Nu. 28:3ff. and Ex.- 29:38tr.). The function of the Levites in the regular 'dld
    is stressed in I Ch. 23:31, and 2 Ch. 13: l0- I I emphasizes that it is the duty of priests
    and Levites to offer the 'dh every morning and evening. According to 2 Ch. 23:18,
    Jehoiada restored to the priests their ancient function in offering the '6h. The descrip-
    tion of Hezekiah's cultic reforms mentions the hattd'!, but the primary emphasis is on
    the '6h (2 Ch. 29:21-24,27-29,31-35; in v. 2l l"'dl6 should be added, as v. 24 shows;
    see BIIS). Ezn3:2-3 reports that the priests began their sacrificial ministry once more
    after the altar of burnt offering was rebuilt in Jerusalem. Besides freewill offerings, the
    textspeaksonlyof '6161.In2Ch.2:3(4) (expandingon I K.5:19),wereadthatthe
    planned temple will serve primarily for the offering of 'dl61.In 2 Ch. 24:14 we are told
    that during the lifetime of the priest Jehoiada the '616 was offered regularly; in 2 Ch.
    29:7 Hezekiah reproaches the ancestors for failing to offer incense and burnt offerings
    in the temple. These texts show that for the author(s) the'6ld was the all-important sac-
    rifice; its offering could represent the whole sacrificial cult. The Chronicler's History
    clearly displays a great interest in the '61d.
    The use of the word 'dh in 2 Ch. 35:12,14,16 is hard to explain. The text recounts

    48. Rost, "Psalmenprobleml' 245.


    49.Ibid.,246.
    r06 i?tn?t,'daraw

    Josiah's Passover observance. V. l1 mentions the slaughtering of the Passover animals;


    hn'Oldinv. 12 cannot refer to living animals intended for a burnt offering, distinct from
    the Passover animals. Furthermore, nowhere else in the OT are burnt offerings men-
    tioned in connection with Passover. Rudolph is therefore probably correct in viewing
    this as a unique usaget hd'6lA denotes "the portions to be burnt, i.e., as v- 14 notes cor-
    rectly, the fat parts of the Passover animals."so

    'O161and ieldmtm
    7. The King's '61d. According to 1 K.9:25, Solomon offered ry
    three times a year. The number three clearly refers to the three annual festivals (cf. Ex.
    23:14-17): the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Passover), the Feast of Weeks, and the
    Feast of Booths. Now they are celebrated in the Jerusalem temple as well. These offer-
    ings are probably not the general festival sacrifices but special additional sacrifices of-
    fered by the king.
    According to I K. 10:5, the queen of Sheba marveled at the burnt offerings Solomon
    offered in thi temple. The parallel text 2 Ch. 9:4 says that the queen was left breathless
    when she saw the various manifestations of Solomon's magnificence, including
    (strangely) "his upper chamber" (qliyA1fl to which he went up in the house of Yahweh.
    This may recall }Ch. 3:9, which speaks of upper chambers of the temple overlaid with
    gold. The LXX, Syr., and Vulg. harmonize the text with I K. l0:5, seeing here too a
    ieference to Solomon's burnt offerings that evoke the queen's wonderment. It was
    probably, however, neither burnt offerings nor an upper chamber that impressed the
    qu""n, but rather the king's procession from the palace to the temple. The noun should
    be pointed as'o1616 (qal inf. with suf.), or else the MT pointing is to be explained after
    the analogy of Modern Heb. '"ltyd, "ascent." [t is reasonably certain that both I K. 10:5
    and 2 Ch. 9:4 speak of Solomon's procession, not his burnt offerings or upper chamber'
    That the king offered sacrifice can also be inferred from2 K. 16:15: the burnt offer-
    ing of the Y,tng ('Olal hammeleL; only here in the OT) is to be offered on the altar that
    Ahaz ordered built after the model of the altar at Damascus. An offering of the king is
    mentioned also in 2 S. 6 and I K. 8 (v. 5 and vv. 62-&, a secondary addition)' David
    offers sacrifices in 2 5.24:25. A survival of the tradition of royal sacrifice can be seen
    in the regulations governing the offerings of the ndii'inBzk.45-46. The Chronicler,
    too, frequently emphasizes the king's responsibility for sacrifices . 2 Ch.8:12ff. elabo-
    rates considerably on I K. 9:25. The latter passage mentions only the three great an-
    nual festivals, while the former, following P (Nu. 28-29),includes the sabbath and new
    moon offerings. Surprisingly, only 'dl6! are mentioned (2 Ch. 8:12). Rudolph main-
    tains that the daily offerings are not mentioned, but this is not true: the expression
    aliglar y6m bj6m in v. 13 should be translated "according to the precepts governing
    eacn aay;' as noted by Rendtorff.sl One may also cite 2 Ch. 29:20ff. and 31:3, which
    stress that Hezekiah clearly as a new Solomon contributed to the regular burnt
    - - it is difficult to say whether the
    offerings from his own wealth. In all these passages

    5O. Chonikbiichern. HAT UZl (1955), 327.


    51. Rudolph, HAT, U2l, 221; Rendtorff, Studien, 8O.
    i?rn?lirarar^h 107

    king was exercising the religious privileges of the head of a family, inherited from the
    distant past, or was claiming his rights on the basis of a Near Eastern ideology of royal
    priesthood.

    8. Human Sacrifice. Students of comparative religion have a theory that the sacrifi-
    cial animal is a substitute for a human being, concluding that humans were originally
    sacrificed.s2 One cannot deny that some OT texts speak of human sacrifice as art'6lA
    (Jgs. ll:30-40, Jephthah's daughter; Jer. 7:31, children of both sexes sacrificed to
    Yahweh at Topheth in the valley of Hinnom). Jer.7:31does not use the word b/d, but
    liirdp bd'€i suggests a burnt offering; the connection is strengthened by the fact that
    .irp is the Ugaritic equivalent of '6b. Jer. 19:5 speaks of children sacrificed as 'dl61to
    Baal (cf. Ps. 106:38). The sacrifice of the Moabite king's only son as a burnt offering
    (2 K. 3:27) must be considered exceptional, an act of desperation. Gese has shown that
    it is out of the question that the idea behind the commandment to redeem every first-
    born male could ever have led to a general practice of sacrificing firstborn children in
    Israel. The sacrifice of firstborn animals, however, could take the form of at'al6: "the
    firstborn, whose return is required by God, could in fact be considered the primary ele-
    ment of the 'dli sacifrce."S3 The story of Abraham's sacrifice, in which Isaac, intended
    as an 'old, is replaced by a ram, could be an etiological narrative explaining and justify-
    ing the substitution of an animal for a human sacrifice. "The author of Gen. 22 was
    never in doubt that God could require it of a human being; but he was convinced that
    God does not demand it as a human act-"54

    9.Altarof BurntOffering. Aspecialcharacteristic of the'6b isitscloseassociation


    with "altar." Narrative texts frequently describe the building of an altar and the offering
    of an'6lA (Gen. 8:20; Nu. 23:1-2,14,29-30; Jgs. 6:26;2 S. 24:25; cf. also Gen. 22:9).
    Legal texts likewise often mention'6ld and altar together (Ex.2O:24;Dt.27:5-1; losh.
    8:30-31; also Dt. l2:27a). The combination is not unknown to P. According to Ex.
    29:38ff., the essential purpose of the altar appears to be the offering of the'ald (cf. Ex.
    28:43;Lev.6:5). The point is even clearer in Ezk. 43:18ff. It is therefore not surprising
    that the phrase mizbal.t hd'6b should occur 19 times. Remarkably, the account of Solo-
    mon's building of the temple does not go into detail conceming the altar of burnt offer-
    ing, nor do postexilic texts. Neither is it possible to reconstruct the altar built by Ahaz
    (2 K. l6:l0ff.). Attempts to draw conclusions concerning the altar of the Solomonic
    temple or that of the postexilic period from the description of the altar in Ezk. 43:13-27
    are hardly justifiable.ss
    The description of the altar of burnt offering in Ex. 27:l-8 and 38:1-7 shows that it was
    made of acacia wood. The boards were covered with bronze (mizbaft hann"h6ie1,38:30;

    52. Kaiser; Gese, "Ezechiel 20,25f1'


    53. Gese, "Ezechiel 20,25f.: 148.
    54. Kaiser,48 1= 166;.
    55. T. A. Busink, Der Tempel von lerusalem, II (1980), 73O-36; W- Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2.
    Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), 423-28.
    108 i)i,n)iy'alaroh

    39:39); the mention of a bronze grating (miftbar hannehdiel might suggest a large grid-
    iron or grill on which the offering was burned (cf. 1 K. 8:64;2 K. 16:15, which also men-
    tion a movable bronze altar that could be put in a new location l2K. 16:14l). Perhaps the
    description of this altar in I K.6-7 was suppressed on the grounds that it was alien to the
    law and customs of Israel (cf. Ex. 2O:24ff.), although such an altar was a standard feature
    of the Syro-Phoenician cult, as two Phoenician-Punic inscriptions shows6 The Chroni-
    cler supplied the omission, ascribing to Solomon the building of a bronze altar (2 Ch.
    4: I ). When Ahaz had Uriah build an altar of burnt offering in Jerusalem analogous to the
    one in Damascus, the old bronze altar was moved to the north side of this new altar (2 K.
    16:14). Whether there had been an earlier altar of burnt offering made of stones or earth
    within the temple precincts of Jerusalem we do not know.

    10. Problematic Texts. The form 'ah, the qal fem. act. ptcp. of 'dld, "go upi' is iden-
    tical to the noun 'ald; it occurs 16 times in the OT (Jgs. 20:31; 2l:19 1 K. 18:44; Eccl.
    3:21 Cant.3:6 = 8:5; Ezk. 2O:32; Dnl. 8:3; I Ch.26:16 lsee below]). The pl. 'dldl oc-
    curs only in Gen. 4l2,3,5,18,19,22,27.
    The pointing of certain other forms would allow derivation from'dld if the context
    did not rule it out. In Isa. 6l:8 '6h should be vocalized as 'awlA (cf. 59:3), with the
    translation "I hate wicked robbery." This interpretation is supported by the ancient ver-
    sions with the exception of the Vulg.; following Bab. Sukka 30a and Rashi, where MT
    '6ld is defended, Jerome translates: ripam in holocausto.In Job 5:16 'awhlA, "wicked-
    ness," has been monophthongized to'6hfi.In Ps. 92:16(15), similarly, the Ketib ('lth)
    is explained by the Qere ('awb!A). In Ps. 58:3(2) and 647(6),'6ld1is the pl. of 'awh
    and therefore has nothing to do with burnt offerings.
    In Ezk. 40:26 the Qere is fima'"161 ii!'6 'al6fiyw; the Ketib 'lwtw is unusual, as is
    the feminine form of the numeral. The form 'lwtw can be interpreted as either an infini-
    tive or a participle (Q).sl But most likely we are dealing with a simple scribal enor: h
    has been written for n, and the correct reading should be ib'm'lwtyw. Like the east gate
    in 40:22, the south gate is reached by "seven steps."58
    Only Lisowsky includes the form 'dl6 in I Ch. 26:16 under "burnt offering." It is
    conceivable that there was a special road along which sacrificial animals were brought
    to the temple. The usual translation "on the ascending road" is preferable, however,
    since no other text mentions a "burnt offering road."
    For a discussion of 2 Ch. 9:4, see II.7 hbove.

    ll.
    Apocrypha. The books of the Apocrypha rarely mention burnt offerings (Gk'
    holokafitoma or holokailtdsis). According to Bar. l:10, the exiles send money to buy
    burnt offerings, sin offerings, incense, and grain offerings. This obviously reflects a de-
    sire to participate at least indirectly in the cult and share in its blessings. Jdt. 16:18 says

    56. KAI10.4; 66.1; -+ VIII, 219.


    57. P. Wernberg-Moller, 7AW 7l (1959) 57.
    58. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 340.
    n?tn?il''6tarata r09

    that after their victory the people offered burnt offerings in Jerusalem, although Judith
    herself finds fear of the Lord more important than any offering or the fat of any whole
    burnt offering (v. 16). we may note also wis. 3:6 (the righteous are accepted like a
    burnt offering) ana Sir.45:16 (Aaron was chosen to offer the daily sacrifice).
    Some references to burnt offerings appear in Maccabees. In I Mc. l:45 Antio-
    chus IV Epiphanes forbids burnt offerings, sacrifices, and drink offerings in the temple,
    thus profaning all festivals.In 4:Mff. we read how Judas Maccabeus and his brothers
    tore down the profaned altar of burnt offering and stored the stones on the temple hill
    "until a prophet should come to tell what to do with them." Then they build a new altar
    like the former one out of unhewn stones (v. 47; cf .F;x.20:25). The dedication of the
    altar lasted eight days and was celebrated joyfully with burnt offerings. ln 2 Mc. 2:9
    the situation is raised to the level of the miraculous. After the victories in Galilee and
    Gilead, too, the people offered burnt offerings in thanksgiving that no one had fallen in
    battle (l Mc. 5:54). According to 2 Mc. 4:4l,the ashes of the burnt offerings were used
    (together with blocks of wood and stones) as a weapon against the forces of
    Lysimachus who were despoiling the temple.

    12. Origin and Meaning. "It is out of the question and, we may add, in spite of
    the reference to Jethro the priest [Ex. l8:12] - Israelites became acquainted
    that the
    -
    with the burnt offering in the wilderness period."sq To all appearances, the Israelites
    borrowed the burnt offering from the canaanites. This is suggested not only by the
    story of Gideon's sacrifice (Jgs. 6;00 but also by I K. 18, which describes the prophets
    of Baal and Elijah as preparing the burnt offering in the same manner. The slaughter of
    the priests of Baal by Jehu (2 K. l0:18-27) also presupposes thar Jehu was following
    the Canaanite ritual when he offered sacrifices and burnt offerings (v.24). As the term
    'dld shows, the canaanites probably borrowed this type of sacrifice from a population
    group south of the Taurus; for the word appears to go back to a people antedating both
    Greeks and Semites.6r The'616, a sacrifice in which the offering is totally consumed by
    fire, might have originated in a culture that cremated the dead. In Greece the evidence
    indicates that a sacrifice like the 'dld was offered only to chthonic deities; it could
    therefore have originated as a vicarious sacrifice on behalf of someone near death,
    whose deliverance the offering of an'dld was hoped to effect. But when the Canaanites
    and subsequently the Israelites adopted this type of sacrifice, its original meaning had
    been long forgotten.62 Ugarit probably mediated the borrowing.
    The image of the 'ah remains remarkably constant throughout all stages of the OT
    tradition. In all periods it is a sacrifice burned in its entirety on the altar; this burning
    was the essential element of the ritual.6: It is difficult to define precisely the meaning

    59. Rost, Studien,66.


    60. rbid., 17tr
    61. See I.1 above, and L. Rost's discussions: "Erwiigungen," 116 = 180-81; BHHW 1345-46
    "Fragen," 378ff.; also Janowski, "Erwiigungen," 250-5l.
    62. Rost, BHHW 1350.
    63. Rendtorff, Studien, 235.
    ll0 i?rn?i,'6hrob

    and significance of sacrifice, especially the'Ah, in the OT: although the OT contains
    detailed instructions for offering the various sacrifices, there are no explicit explana-
    tions of how they were understood. Furthermore, the prayers, hymns, and recitations
    (cf. 2 Ch. 29:25ff.,where v. 27 says: "When the burnt offering began, the song in honor
    of yahweh began also") associated with the sacrifices are no longer preserved in their
    original context.
    fn" Of of the notion of nourishing the deity by offerings of
    preserves remnants
    food (and drink). For example, Ezk. 44:7 puts the term lal.tmi, "my food," into
    yahweh's mouth to describe the offerings in the temple. The word is used in the same
    sense in Nu. 28:2, at the beginning of the sacrificial calendar.il The sacrifices offered
    by Gideon and Manoah in Jgs. 6 and 13 also show that there was nothing strange about
    the notion of offering food to the deity.65 Only Hos. 13:8, however, speaks anthropo-
    morphically of Yahweh's eating. other gods devour sacrifices (Dt. 32:38; cf . vv.27-28
    ofthe debunking Letter ofJeremiah), but Ps. 50:12-13 rejects the notion ofappeasing
    Yahweh's hunger (cf. also Isa. 40:16).
    When a sacrifice is consumed by burning, it is "transfer[red] by fire into the sphere
    of pneuma, which was conceived as immaterial";oo ,1r" notion of feeding is excluded
    (cf. fgs. 13:16). Since everything we possess comes from God, it is only meet and right
    to "render tribute to God, as a subject pays tribute to his king, or a tenant to his land-
    owner."67 In a certain sense, every sacrifice has the nature of a gift or offering.Lev. l:2
    refers to the'dld as qorbd.n ljhwh, showing clearly that the sacrifice was considered an
    offering to Yahweh.
    It is noteworthy "that in P not only do the sin offerings bring atonement but all sacri-
    fices do. The whole sacrificial system serves to atone and finds its meaning in the aton-
    ing function of sacrifice itself."68 The offering of the'616 makes atonement for Israel,
    its representatives, the individual, and the sanctuary.6e That the bld in partic-ular serves
    the purpose of atonement is shown by the translation of [rv. 6:2(9) inTarg.J: the burnt
    offering is intended to atone for a sinful nature. As the Targ. says, an'dh can atone not
    just for trespasses, not just for wicked plans never carried out (cf. Job 1:5, which says
    that after eviry feast Job offered burnt offerings according the number of his children'
    thinking "It rnay be that my children have sinned and cursed God in their hearts"), but
    for the very disposition that fails to satisfy the demands of Yahweh'

    As is well known, the Jewish military colony of Elephantine


    lll. l. Elephantine.
    (probably es;b[shed in the 6th century r.c.n.) built a temple for Yahweh. Probably in
    410 s.c.B., at the urging of the Egyptian priests of the god Khnum, the Egyptians suc-
    ceeded in destroying the temple of YHW. The Jews thereupon turned to their homeland

    64. W. Herrmann, ZAW 72 (1960\ 205-16, esp' 213; --r VII, 521-29'
    65. Rost, Studien, 17ff.
    66. Gese,'Atonement," l0l.
    67. De Vaux, Anclsr, II,45l.
    68. Gese,'Atonement,l' 103.
    69. Janowski, Siihne, 19otr.
    i?rn?t,'dhr6h lll

    and asked for help. [n the first letter detailing their grievancss,To ll. 13-14 report that
    the Egyptian priests refuse to allow the Jews to offer grain offerings, incense, and burnt
    offerings (mnhh wlbwnh w'lwh [in part reconstructed]). A later letter,Tl addressed to
    Bagohi, the governor of Judah, requests his intervention on behalf of the Jews of Ele-
    phantine; l. 19 of this letter states that a first letter (possibly Ap 27) has gone unan-
    swered and that the community has observed the rites of mourning and has ceased to
    offer "grain offerings and incense offerings and burnt offerings" in that temple. If the
    governor should grant permission to have the temple rebuilt, then the community
    would offer grain offerings and incense offerings and burnt offerings on the altar of the
    god YHW in the name of the governor as before (1.25). To bring more pressure to bear,
    the letter advances the argument that with such permission the governor would gain
    merit, "more than one who offers him [YHW] burnt offerings and sacrifices worth
    thousands of talents" 0. 28). The brief reply contains permission to rebuild the temple
    "and to offer grain offerings and incense offerings upon that altar, as was previously
    the custom."72 Yet another letter says (obviously with sagacious insight) that after res-
    toration of the temple "[only] incense offerings and grain offerings . . . but not sheep,
    cattle, and goats as burnt offerings (mqlw) may be offered."73
    In summary, we can say that the Jews of Elephantine offered burnt offerings ('lwh,
    mqlw) to Yahweh, consisting of sheep, cattle, and goats (if that is the correct translation
    of qn twr hz).1a The sequence mnlth-lbwnh-'lwhts may indicate that the b/d was no
    longer considered the most important form of sacrifice. Above all, the restriction of the
    offerings to minltdh and incense after the rebuilding of the temple illustrates respect for
    the Egyptians and the cult of their god Khnum.76 At the same time, from the perspec-
    tive of Jerusalem it was a good opportunity to restrict the sacrificial cult of Elephan-
    tine: if bloody sacrifice could no longer be offered, no one could speak of competition
    with the universal sacrificial cult of the Jerusalem sanctuary.

    2. IXX. The LXX translators faced a problem in finding an equivalent for '61d, be-
    cause in Greek sacrificial practice the burning of an entire animal was an annihilating
    sacrifice reserved for chthonic deities in the cult of the dead. The translators therefore
    could not make use of an existing Greek word.77 The closest equivalent to Heb. 'dlA as
    a sacrifice in which the entire animal is consumed would be enagism6s or eruigisma,
    "offering to the dead."78 An etymological solution would have to have taken as its start-
    ing point the verb 'Ab (qal, hiphiUhophal), often rendered in the LXX by forms of the

    70. AP 27.
    71. AP 30, duplicate AP 31.
    72. AP 32.
    73. AP 33. On mqlw see I.l above.
    74. AP 3310.
    75. AP 30:2.
    76. AP 33:9.
    77. Yerkes, 201.
    78. J. Casabona, Recherches sur le vocabulaire des sacrifices en grec des origines d la fin de
    l' Cpoque classique (1967), 206.
    112 ibrnbiv'6hrbh

    verb anaphdrein. ln fact, the now anaphorrf is used (albeit only once) to translate bld
    or kdltl in Ps.51:21(191.2e 1n" usual LXX translations of '6h, holokirpdma' "that
    which is offered," holokailtosis, "total burning," or (more rarely) holofuirpdsis, "total
    offering," or holokarttima, "that which is burned totally," are neologisms that success-
    fully convey the meaning of 'Ald; the homophonic beginning of all four makes this ap-
    proach especially convincing.
    Most of the biblical books use hololuirpdma and holokait1sis promiscuously, with-
    out any apparent distinction; in some texts, however, the LXX goes its own way. In Ex.
    l0:25 and losh.23:23, the order of sacrifices is changed without apparent reason. Dan-
    iel has shown, however, that there is a meaningful explanation for the different transla-
    tions of '6ldinthe Balaam story thysfain Nu. 23:3 (twice, once in an LXX addition
    -
    to MT) and 23:15, but holokautomata in 23.6 and holokaitdsis in 23:17.80 When
    Balaam is speaking with Balak, the king of Moab, the translators place in his mouth a
    common word for "offering"; outside direct discourse, they use the normal translations
    holokaitdma and holokafirAsis. In the book of Job the word bld occurs only twice:
    once at the beginning (1:5) and once at the end (42:8). When the LXX translates'dl,Z
    with thysia in 1:5, this might indicate that the reader is being offered a familiar word; it
    might also reflect the fact that Job and his friends are not Israelites and do not live in
    the Israelite heartland.8l
    Jerome, borrowing from the LXX, uses holocaustum, an apt neologism'

    3. Dead Sea Scrolls. The word '6h appears 4 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls (lQS
    9:4; IQM 2:5;CD ll:18,19);there are also 2 occurrences in lQapGen (21:2,20) and
    58 in the Temple Scroll (including Yadin's reconstructions). In lQS 9:4 righteous-
    ness and upright conduct are contrasted with the flesh of burnt offerings and the fat
    of sacrifices. This passage does not, however, suggest a fundamental hostility to sac-
    rifice, but rather the substitution of life in the Qumran community for sacrifice.82
    The eschatological ordinances in IQM 2:5 call on the whole community to assemble
    for burnt offering and sacrifice, that atonement may be made for the community, thus
    underlining that the Qumran community was not hostile in principle to the cult' On
    the basis of Lev. 23:38, CD I 1 : I 8 stipulates that on the sabbath no sacrifice may be
    offered on the altar other than the sabbath burnt offering; I l: 19 adds that no one who
    is unclean may bring burnt offerings, grain offerings, incense, or wood to the altar'
    Here, as in the LXX and Vulg. translations of Lev. 23:38, mlbd appears to be under-
    stood as being exclusive, so that even festival sacrifices may not be offered when
    they fall on the sabbath. The two precepts appear to presuppose that the members of
    the community were still participating in the Jerusalem cult, at least to the extent of

    79. For an explanation of this translation, see S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire du
    culte dans la Septante. Etudes et commentaires 61 (1966)' 249,269-70'
    80. Ibid., 245-46.
    81. rbid., 248.
    82. J. Maier, Die kxte vom Toten Meen 2 vols. (1960), II, 32; G. Klinzing, Die umdeutung
    des Kultus in der Qumrangemeinde und im NT. SIINT 7 (1971), 40-41'
    ihY'ateh 113

    sending tribute to the temple.83 These ordinances may date from a period when there
    was as yet no hostility toward the Jerusalem temple.
    Upon the rebuilt altar at Bethel, according to lQapGen 2l:2, Abraham offered
    "burnt offerings and a minhd for El Elyon" (cf. Gen. 13:3-4). According to lQapGen
    2l:2O,he also built an altar at Mamre and offered "a burnt offering and a minhd for El
    Elyon" (cf. Gen. l3:18). The pl. 'lw'n in I QapGen 2l:2 is probably to be vocalized as
    'olawA'n (cf. Ezr. 6:9); the sg. 7'in lQapGen 2l:20 is attested only here in this form. It
    is striking that, in contrast to the Genesis account, at both Bethel and Mamre Abraham
    offers an 'dld or 'd161 along with its accompanying minhA. This shows that the sacrifi-
    cial regulations laid down by P were known and observed.
    Like the OT, the Temple Scroll speaks of two altars of burnt offering: on the one
    hand a bronze altar (3:14ff.; cf. Ex. 27:4ff.;38:Iff.), on the other the great altar of burnt
    offering (l IQT l2:8ff.). It is not clear how the author of the Temple Scroll conceived
    the relationship between the two altars. He was probably guided by an attempt to har-
    monize the different descriptions in the OT. It is a special concern of the Temple Scroll
    to give the sin offering priority over the burnt offering. I have already noted the trend in
    the OT for the sin offering to supplant the burnt offering; in the Temple Scroll this trend
    becomes the rule. According to Mishnah Zebal.tim 10.2, e.9., only the blood of the sin
    offerings must be sprinkled on the altar before the burnt offering.8+
    The content and significance of the sabbath burnt offering liturgy at Qumran in
    4QShirShabb are discussed elsewhere.85
    D. Kellermann

    83. See Josephus Anr. 18.1.5 $19.


    84. J. Maier, The Tbmple Scroll. JSOTSUp 34 (Eng. trans. 1985), 77.
    85. J. Strugnell, "The Angelic Liturgy at Qumran," Congress Volume, Oxford 1959. SW 7
    (1960), 318-45; C. Newsom, Song of the Sabbath Sacrifice. HSS 27 (1985).

    itl\'arcn

    I. Occurrences. II. OT Usage: l. Literal Usage; 2. Figurative Usage. III. Dead Sea Scrolls and
    LXX.

    I. Occurrences. The nout'aleh, "leaves, foliage," occurs l3 times in the Ol once


    in Sirach, and 3 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls. It has not been found in other West Se-

    'aleh. M. Zohary, Plants of the Bible (Eng. trans. 1982).


    F 5
    \O6\tO\USt,ON-
    t\) H O'- -H'

    ssieEiIt*$ugl
    ut*i$
    *a$$ cr
    $ Eq SYRq' sg
    g i$ i*si ;;
    F xk Esxs
    :i6 i!G--i i; Fq
    si FH$H
    q ;i
    * -EqEE =€ Y vv
    t ='o
    ci 5F. E
    :i -E tJ 5
    N F' ? T
    Fjiuc:
    s!o leB
    xg
    si
    ia'
    qoe
    O\:5
    9r:
    HA
    ?4. :l
    .:{r
    1€
    6g (! Fi

    s
    t rl 'ataz ll5

    2. Figurative Usage. The metaphorical usage of 'dleh in the prophetic and wisdom
    traditions of the OT is theologically eloquent; it continued to exert its influence well af-
    ter the OT period (see III below). In conjunction with -+ ):: ndpEl, withered leaves
    serve as an image for the people who are in distress on account of God's judgment (Isa.
    1:30; 64:5).tr In contrast, the negated la'-yibbdl in Ps. l:3 (Jer. 17:8, 'aleh ra'andn)uses
    the image of a tree whose leaves never wither to describe those who enjoy Yahweh's
    blessing (cf. Prov. I I :28, "The righteous will flourish like green leaves"). In Job l3:25
    the image of windblown leaves (used literally in Lev. 26:36) serves to symbolize a per-
    son whose life has been destroyed by disaster (pat qai ydleD. In Sir. 6:2-3 dried and
    withered leaves do not symbolize downfall: instead, they are devoured by passion (rep-
    resented as an animal), and as a result the tree withers.
    Like Isaiah's Song of the Vineyard (Isa. 5: I -7). Jer. 8: I 3 compares the disobedient
    people of God to a vine or fig tree with withered leaves, bearing no fruit. The prophecy
    of universal judgment in Isa. 34:4 uses an image not found elsewhere in the OT: the
    dissolution of the starry sky is likened to the rolling up of a scroll and the withering of
    leaves on the vine and figs on the tree.l4

    III.
    Dead Sea Scrolls and LXX. Figurative use of 'dleh is found also in the Hymn
    Scroll from Qumran. In IQH 10:25 we read: "But you have made me a verdant tree be-
    side the streams, with luxuriant foliage and many branches"; the image recalls Ps. l:3
    and Jer. l7:8. In lQH 8:8,26, the community is represented as a shoot on whose green
    leaves (n€ser 'dleh)ts all the animals feed; the leavgs wither, however, when the
    Teacher of Righteousness withdraws his hand, causing the life-giving spring to dry up.
    The usual translation of the LXX is phjllon.
    Beyse

    13. +IX, 154.


    14. For a discussion of the context see H. Wildberger, Jesaja 28-39. BKXI3 (1982), l34l-42.
    15. -r IX,550-51.

    ll\ 'ator; *t',19- 'alltz; *t\Y 'alez; 121' 'atas;nlr.'?Y atitfr!; oly 'atas

    I. l. Forms;2. Versions;3. Textual Problems;4. Etymology; 5.'dlas.II. l. Syntax;2. trxical


    Fields; 3. Meaning.

    'alaz. G. Bertram, "'Hochmut' und verwandte Begriffe im griechischen und hebriiischen AI,"
    WO 3 (1964166) 32-43: J. Bright, "Jeremiah's Complaints: Liturgy, or Expressions of Personal
    Distress?" Proclamation and Presence. FS G. H. Davies (1970), 189-214; G. Brunet, Essai sur
    I'lsai'e de l'histoire (1975); J. A. Emerton, "Notes on Some Passages in the Book of Proverbs,"
    116 t2:{'dtaz

    I. l. Forms. The roots 'lz and 7s are usually treated as synonymous variants; in the
    OT they appear only in poetic contexts. The qal of k occurs 16 times, the verbal adj.
    'al€z once, and the adj. 'alltz 7 times; the qal of 7s occurs 8 times, and the subst. 'alipil1
    once. The adj. 'allis has been conjectured in Ps. 37:35 on the basis of the LXX (not
    convincingly; cf. the LXX renderitgof aris in Isa. l3:ll). The hiphil of 7,r appears in
    Sir. 40:20.

    2. Versions. The ancient versions vary widely in their renderings of 'lz/'l; and their
    derivatives. One striking feature is the proportion of translations that convey the mean-
    ing "be strong."l The divergent translations have led scholars to various hypotheses, in
    the realm of both textual criticism (different original texts, conjectural emendations;
    see I.3 below) and lexicography (homonyms; see I.4 below). The translations used by
    the LXX include agallidomai (6 times), (kata)kauchdomai (4 times), chatro, hfbris/
    hyb rtz6, and phaillisma/phaulf stria (twice each).

    3. Textual Problems. Scholars have proposed textual emendation for some occur-
    rences of 'lz/'ls: 'lzin Jer. I l: l5;z 5l:39;: Ps. 60:8(Eng. v. 6) par. 108:8(7);a 'dl4zinlsa.
    5:14;s '1t in Prov. 28:12.6 Except for Jer. 51:39, where the pual of 7p should be read
    with most versions (Kdnig suggests that the MT is an instance of metonymy),7 the case
    for these emendations is not persuasive. For I S. 2:1, it has been suggested that the
    LXX represents a different Hebrew text.8 De Boer, hoWever, considers the translation
    of the versions an "accurate interpretation."9

    4. Etymology. For some occurrences of 'lz/'ls, scholars have proposed meanings re-
    flecting different etymologies. Rabin connects k with Arab. (ali4, "thick," and postu-
    lates the meaning "be proud" for the majority of its occurrences.lo Emerton associates

    JTS 20 (1969) 202-20; A. Guillaume, "Hebrew and Arabic Lexicography, A Comparative Study,
    ll' Abr-Nahrain I
    (1959/60) 3-35; C. Hardmeier, Texttheorie und biblische Exegese. BEvT 79
    ( 1978); G. Mansfeld, "Der Ruf zur Freude im AI" (diss., Heidelberg, 1965); A. R. Millard, "l)9
    'to exult,"' JTS 26 (1975) 87-89; C. Rabin, "Etymological Miscellaneal' ScrHier 8 (1961) 384-
    400; E. Ruprecht, "nDV iml.t to rejoice," TLOT lll, 1272-77; G. Vanoni, "Das Problem der
    Homonymie beim althebriiischen'LTL$]' BN 33 (1986) 29-33.
    l. Vanoni, 30-31.
    2. BHS; W. Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT Ul2 (31968), 78; G. Wilhelmi, W 25 (1975) l2l.
    3. BHS.
    4. C. R. North, lrl l7 (1967) 242-43; BHS.
    5. J. A. Emerton, W 17 (1967) 135-42, esp. 137ff.
    6. BHS; cf. Emerton, "Notes," 216.
    'l . Hebrtiisches und aramciisches Wiirterbuch zum AT (1936),330.
    8. For example, H. P. Smith (Samuel. ICC 118991, 15) suggests ras,' H. J. Stoebe (Das ersre
    Buch Samuelis. KAT VIIVI [973], 101) suggests 'grz.
    9. P. A. H. de Boer, Beitrtig,e zur ahtestamentlichen Theologie. FS W. Zimmerli (1977),54.
    See the discussion of the problem in I.4 below.
    tO. Pp. 396-97.
    fiq'abz tt7

    7s with Arab. {alu4a, "be strong."ll For 'alez, Diver proposes a relationship with
    Arab. 'aliza; Zorell connects 'alisfi1 with Arab. {all4, "ferocity"; other etymologies sug-
    gest such meanings as "throat" or "shelter."l2 But the theory of homonyms does not ex-
    plain either the evidence ofthe ancient versions (see I.2 above) or the alternation of /z
    and 7s (cf. Ps. 68:4,513,41;96:121'lzl par. I Ch. 16:32|'lql; also unproven are the pro-
    posals of G. Siegfried and B. Stade [7s is a "late by-form" of k] and Bk ldifferentrc-
    gional dialects]).13 The same applies to proposals that are not based on homonyms but
    assign pejorative meanings to the variant fu ('dldz = "pride," 'alltz = "haughty";.t+
    Comparison with other Semitic languages suggests a different solution.
    The root '/z/7,1 expressing exultation appears in other Semitic languages besides
    Hebrew: Ugar. 7.s, "rejoice" (context unclear); OSA rn 7s, "joy"; Akk. elE;u, "swell re-
    joice, exult."ls Uncertain are the Amorite name alazum and Pun. 7s. 16 The only sug-
    gestion of an etymon behind the meaning "rejoice" is in the Akkadian meaning
    "swell." In this connection, however, we must note that other Hebrew (and non-
    Hebrew) words denoting expressions ofjoy involve verbs that function primarily to ex-
    press a condition or movement.lT
    This evidence suggests the following conclusion: Heb. 'lztl; has an invariant se-
    mantic core: "express joy." More specific features ("self-confidently," etc.) and
    valuative connotations do not depend on the choice of sibilant (z/;) or the form (qatttl)
    but only on the specific context. The ancient versions do not reflect etymological fa-
    miliarity with Hebrew or Arabic but simply a general familiarity with the terminology
    of rejoicing in the languages of the translators.l8

    5. 'dlas. Many lexicons associate 7s with 'lz/'ls. But 7s does not appear in the word
    clusters typical of 'lzfls (see II.2 below). Among the ancient versions, only the Targ. on
    Job 20:18 supports identification of the two roots. The root 7s is associated with
    (l) Arab. 'alasa (lob 20:18, qal; Prov. 7:18, hithpael) or (2) Arab. 'aliza (Job 39:13,
    niphal) and means "share pleasure" (l) or "move wildly" (2).

    11. "Notes," 216-20.


    12. See G. R. Driver, Von Ugarit nach Qumran. FS O. Eissfeldt. BZAW 77 (1958), 42-43; see
    I.5 below; Zorell, LexHebAram,602; see also W Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-Zephanja.
    KAT XrrU3 (1975),238.
    13. Siegfried and Stade, Hebrtiisches Wdrterbuch zum AT (1893), 521; BLe, g2v.
    14. Brunet,291-92: but see Bertram,37.Cf. H. G. Reventlow's discussion of Jer. 15:17,
    Liturgie und prophetisches lch bei Jeremia (1963), 22-23; convincingly disproved by Bright,
    200-203.
    15. On Middle Heb.'alliz,'"ltz6,'dlas, and'"ltsd, see Dalman, ANH,314-15. For Ugaritic see
    UT no. 1860. For OSA see Conti-Rossini,207;but cf. Biella,369: "battle." For Akkadian see
    AHw, 1,200; CAD, [Y,88.
    16. J.-R. Kiipper, l,es nomades en Misopotamie au temps des rois de Mari (1957),94; DNSI,
    II, 863 ("rejoice" or par. Heb. 7.1; cf. Emerton, "Notes," 218-19.
    17. Vanoni, 3l-32.
    18. Similarly Bertram, 37 (LXX); and Millard, 88-89 (with bibliog. on the problem of
    homonymy).
    ll8 t Yatdz

    ll. l. Syntax. For the most part 'lzfls denotes impqrfective situations (imperfective
    form, generally modal). The perfective occurs once (1 S.2:1), the consecutive
    imperfective twice (Jer. 15:17; Ps. 28:7), the infinitive construct twice (Isa. 23:12;
    Prov. 28:12), and the imperative twice (Zeph. 3:14; Ps. 68:5[4]). The subject is usually
    animate; inanimate subjects refer to the "heart" or "kidneys" of the speaker (1 S. 2: l;
    Ps. 28:7; Prov. 23:16) or imply animate inhabitants (Ps. 96:12 par. I Ch. 16:32; Prov.
    1 l:10). In the case of the nominal forms, the subject is also animate. Other syntagms

    are rare: a prepositional object denotes the object of rejoicing (always Yahweh) or
    (with /") malicious pleasure: 5 times with D" (1 S. 2:1; Hab. 3:18; Ps. 5:12[l l);9:312];
    149:5),te once with l" (Ps.25:2),4 times with (mil)lipnd (Ps. 68:4,5[3,4]; 96:12 par'
    I Ch. 16:32 [from the parallelism]); a free syntagm expresses intensity (Zeph.3:14); an
    infinitive group with b'expresses the cause of rejoicing (Ps. 9:4[3]; Prov. 11:10;
    23:16). The cause can also be expressed in an independent clause (Z,eph.3:15; Ps.
    28:7; 68:6151; 96:13 par. 1 Ch. 16:33; negatively, 2 S. 1:19). In Ps. 60:8(6) par.
    108:8(7), 'lzmay be functionalized.zo In adjectival constructions the object ofjoy is ex-
    pressed by the associated nomen rectum (Isa. 13:3, ga'awd1t [Yahweh's majesty]; Zeph.
    3:ll, ga'awdldl [Jerusalem's majesty]) or possibly by a prepositional object (Isa. 5:14,
    bA lor an expression of place?l).2l

    2. l,exical Fields. Several roots appear in parallel with'lztl;: gyl (Hab. 3:18), zmr
    (Ps. 9:3[2]; 68:5[4]), rnn (5:l2llll;9612 par. I Ch. l6:33; Ps. 49:5; Prov. ll:lo), r'm
    (Ps. 96: I I par. I Ch. 16:32), ^fw.f (Ps. 68:4[3]), imb Q S. 1:20; Jer. 50: 1 l; Zeph. 3:14;
    Ps. 5:12[1 l];9:3121;68:4[3]; Prov. 23:15). In the extended context we find (a) expres-
    sions indicating joy: gyl (Ps.96:11 par. I Ch. 16:31; Ps.149:2), ydlr hiphil (28:7, with
    change of tense), anr (149:3), ;hl (ler. 50:11), rw' hiphil (Jer. 50:15; 7nph. 3:14; Ps.
    60:10[8] par. 108:10[9f), rnn (Z,eph.3:14), iw{ (Jer. 15:16; with'alliz in Isa. 24:8;
    32:13), iltq (ler.15: l7), lmb 0 S. 2:1; Jer. l5: l6; Ps. 96: I 1 par. I Ch. 16:31; Ps. 149:2;
    with'allizinlsa.24:7),.Iyr (Ps. 68:5[4]); (b) expressions indicating sadness: 'bl (Isa.
    24:7, with'alltz), bkh (2 S. l:24; with'alltz inlsa.22:4), y// (Isa. 23:14; with'alltz in
    23:6), spd (32:12, with 'alltz); (c) expressions related to dancing: kinnbr + top (Ps.
    149:3; with 'dldzin Isa 5:12; with'alltz in Isa. 24:8), mabdl (Ps. 149:3). In the context
    of the adj. 'dlEzfalliz we finds words in the semantic field of "self-confidence": b1l1
    (Isa. 32: I l;Zeph.2:15), g'h (Isa. [13:3]; 23:9;7*ph.2: l0; 3:11), hmh (Isa. 5:14;22:2;
    32:14), i'h (5:14;22:2:24:8). Other lexical fields are discussed below.

    3. Meaning. a. Secular Contexts. When the context of 'lzfl; does not have negative
    implications, we may assume that the connotations are positive. This is demonstrated
    especially by passages that express the value ofjoy by mentioning the absence or ces-

    19. Kiinig, Historisch-kritisches khrgebiiude des hebriiische Sprach, lUZ: Syntax, $212d:
    kn!6/ refers to Yahweh; cf. M. Dahood, Psalms III: 101-150. AB l7A (1970), 356-57, 430.
    20. See W. Richter,AIS23 (1985) 77; cf. Dahood,Psalms II: 5l-lM. AB 17 (1968),75'-"Ex-
    ultant, I will make."
    21. See the discussion by Emerton, W 17 (1967) 137.
    t21 'alaz ll9

    sation of 'lzfls. Jeremiah does not sit in the company of merrymakers but sits alone
    (Jer. 15:17). Prophetic oracles of destruction and exhortations to lament underline "the
    happy and peaceful life ofthe present in contrast to the coming devastation ofbattle"22
    (Isa. 22:2; 23 :7,12:' 24:8 ; 32: I 3 ; 7nph. 2: I 5 ; cf. Jer. 49 :25 ; Lam. 2: I 5 [w ith mai 6 iD. In
    Isa.5:14, in the context of a prophetic threat, 'dl-zhas more negative overtones, al-
    though some of the associated motifs resemble Isa. 32:ll-14 and Z,eph.2:14-15
    ("trust," "pasture";.23 The threat in Jer. l1:15 is positive, envisioning future joy. Sir.
    40:20 speaks of wine and friendship as sources ofjoy. Rejoicing on the part of the
    women (bdn60 at home when a victory is announced is mentioned in 2 S. 1:20 (ne-
    gated) and Jer. 50: I I (ironic); Mansfeld believes that these texts reflect a 'Jubilation"
    genre: pl. impv. "rejoice" + vocative "ba1 + city name" + ti clause.2a
    ln Proverbs 'lzfl; is categorized positively by adjectives and abstract nouns ( 1 I : I 0,
    gaddtq, lfrb; 23:16, mAfifim; 28:12, saddtq). A disapproved subject (raid', Ps. 94:3;
    Hab. 3:14 [cf. v. 13]; 'Ay€!, Ps.25:2) lends other occurrences of 'lzflp negative over-
    tones. Such usage signals the transition to theological contexts; in these cases Yahweh
    is expected to intervene. This holds true also inZeph.3:11, where Yahweh predicts the
    removal (swr hiphil) of those who exult in their own greatness (ga'awdh par. golhdh;
    cf. the antithesis in v. 12: the humble and lowly seek refuge in Yahweh's name; simi-
    larly the b1l.t of the psalmist in Ps. 25:2).
    b. Theological Contexts. Unlike the proud in7*ph.3:11, Yahweh's warriors in Isa.
    13:3 are viewed positively, since they exult in Yahweh's greatness; the formal resem-
    blance may indicate that this text is borrowed from Zephanisfi.zs The other texts cited
    here (primarily in the context of prayers) associate 'lzfls with Yahweh's deliverance or
    judgment, usually depicted in very general terms with many abstract nouns. Ps. 5 con-
    trasts the wicked (vv. 5-7,10-11[4-6,9-10]) with the righteous (vv. 8-9,13[7-8,12]); se-
    cure against enemies (v. 9[8]), the righteous can rejoice in Yahweh's protection
    (v. l2[l), bc + Yahweh; the realm of Yahweh's presence or a shorthand way of saying
    "rejoice in Yahweh's act of delivet&nce").26 The "wicked" (and "enemies") appear in
    other prayers in which the worshiper rejoices in Yahweh and Yahweh's salvation: I S.
    2:1 ("my mouth opens wide against [NRSV 'derides'] my enemies" par. Smlt + y'ffr'd;
    cf. v. 9); Hab. 3:18 (par.Syl + yeia'; cf. v. 13); Ps. 9:3(2) (v. a[3], "for my enemies
    turned back"; cf. v. 6[5]); 28:7 ("Yahweh is my strength and my shield . . . so I am
    helped l'zrl";cf. v. 3); 68:4-5(3-4) (cf. vv.2-3U-21). At the same time, I S. 2:10; Ps.
    9:5,9(4,8);68:6(5) also speak of God as'Judge." The contexts of Hab.3:18 and Ps.

    22. Befirarn, 37. See Hardmeier, 21 5, 35 l, 361 -62, 369.


    23. H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. l99l), 204.
    24. P.25; cf. ll-47.
    25. Rudolph, KAT XlW3, 297; on Yahweh's warriors see H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27
    (1997), 18tr
    26. For the former see H.-J. Krats, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 157; for the latter,
    Ruprecht, 1275-76. The institutional background of Ps. 5 is discussed by W. Beyerlin, Die
    Rettung der Bedriingten in den Feindpsalmen der Einzelnen auf institutionelle Zusammenhiinge
    untersucht. FRIANT 99 (1970), 90-95.
    r20 t\y 'dtaz

    68:4(3) include theophanies. Willis finds in I S. 2, Hab. 3, and Ps. 68 an ancient genre,
    the "song of victory."zz With other texts to be discussed below, Ps. 68 speaks of God as
    king (v. 252al; cf. also Ps. 5:3[21;.zs The "shout of joy" inZeph.3;14 has "daughter
    Zion" rejoicing over the retreat of the enemy and the entrance of King Yahweh
    (v. 15).2e Ps.96:l2par. I Ch. 15:32 summons the entire natural realm to welcome with
    joy the king of the universe (v. l0 [according to Mansfeld a late interpolation]).30 In Ps.
    96:13 ipt means "ruIe."3r Ps. 149:5 has the faithful rejoice in the ka!6/ of Yahweh
    their king (v. 2), who brings salvation OeiA'A, v. 4) to the humble'
    Mansfeld views the contexts of Ps. 68:4-5(3-4);96:12 par. I Ch. 15:32; Ps. 149:5 as
    late imitations of a genre "song of welcome" associated with the report of victory; its
    form is imperative ("sing") + ti clause + jussive ("rejoice";.:z Like the imitation of the
    'Jubilation" genre in Zeph.3:14-15 (see II.3.a above), they are postexilic attempts to
    keep alive the imminent eschatological hopes of Deutero-Isaiah; cf. the 'Jubilations" in
    Isa. 44:23; 45:8; 48:20; 49!3; 52:9; 54:l and "song of welcome" in 42:10-l I (all with-
    olt'lz/'ts). Criisemann sees a different genre in the texts assigned by Mansfeld to the
    'Jubilation" genre: "assurance of well-being in the context of the sexual fertility
    cult."33 Mansfeld's theory is the more likely.:a
    c. Theological Usage. Only in the salvation oracle Ps. 60:8(6) par. 108:8(7) is God
    the subject of 'lz, again in the context of victory: the mighty God (v. 9, md'62; cf .'zzin
    28:7-8,hylinl5.2:4; Hab. 3:19) celebrates his victorious triumph (cf. the framing of
    the oracle with 7z and rw'hithpael tv. 10(8)l) and divides the spoil.35
    Vanoni

    27. J. T. Willis, CBQ 35 (1973) 139-54.


    28. -+ VIII, 365ff.
    29. Mansfeld, 83-86. The concentration of terms expressing joy is discussed by lhromi, Zl"
    33 (1983) 106-r0.
    30. Mansfeld, 128ff.
    31. W. H. Schmidt, Kdnigtum Gottes in Ugarit und Israel. BZAW 80 {zt966r, ,t-rr.
    32. Pp. 102ff., 125-44.
    33. W. Criisemann, Studien lur Formgeschichte von Hymnus und Danklied in Israel. WMANT
    32 (1969),6s.
    34. Cf. Ruprecht, 1276-77.
    35. A possible Canaanite background is proposed by Dahood, AB 174,94.
    1111Y
    'elyan t2t

    l1'7Y.',rya"

    I. l. Etymology and Meaning;2. Occurrences;3. LXX. II. OT: l. Usa$e;2. Connotations;


    3. Origin; 4. 'dl? 2. Sefire; 3. Philo of Byblos; 4. Summary. IV.
    Ill. Extrabiblical Texts: l. Ugarit;
    Jerusalem: l. Gen. 14; 2. Cult. V. Late Usage: l. Daniel; 2.Dead Sea Scrolls; 3. Apocrypha and
    Pseudepigrapha.

    'ely6n. W. W. Graf Baudissin, Kyrios als Gottesname im Judentum und seine Stelle in der
    Religionsgeschichte, lll (1929); G. Bertram, "Theologische Aussagen im griechischen AI:
    Gottesnamen," ZNW 69 (1975) 239-46; idem, "$rprmoel' TDNT, Ylll,614-20; P. A' H' de Boer,
    ..Numbers Yl27:', W 32 (1952) 3- 13; A. van den Branden, "Il Dio Elj6n," Beo 16 (1974) 65-85;
    G. Cooke, "The Sons of (the) God(s)," 7AW 76 (1964) 22-47; F. M. Cross, "Yahweh and the God
    of the Patriarchs," t/IR 55 (1962) 225-59; M. Dahood, "The Divine Name ?li in the Psalms," ?S
    14 (1953) 452-57; R. Dussaud, lzs dicouvertes de Ras Shamra (Ugarit) et l'AT (21941);
    o. Eissfeldt, ..Ba'al$amEm und Jahwe," 7AW 57 (1939) l-31 = Kl$ II, 171-98; idem, "Jahwes
    verhlltnis zu 'Eljon und Schaddaj nach Psalm 9l: wo 2 (1957) 343-48 = K/S, ilI, 441-47; idem,
    .,Der kanaaniiische El als Geber der den israelitischen Erzviitern geltenden Nachkommenschaft
    und Landbesitzverheissungenl' WZ Halle, Gesellschafts- und Sprachwissenschaftliche l7
    (1968) 45-53 = K/S, V 50-62; idem, Das Lied Moses Deuteronomium 32, 1-43 und das
    ithrgedicht Asaphs Psalm 78 samt einer Analyse derer lJmgebung des Mose-Liedes. Berichte
    Abeidie Verhanilungen der Siichsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Phil.-hist. Kl.
    104/5 (1958); idem, "Psalm 46: KIS,IV 8-11; idem, "Eine Qumran-Textform des 91' Psalms,"
    Bibel et Qumran. FS H. Bardtke (1968), 82-85 = KlS, Y,45-49; idem, "Silo und Jerusalem," Vol-
    ume du congris, strasbourg 1956. SW 4 (1957), 138-47 = K/g nI, 417-25; H.-J. Fabry, "'Ihr
    alle seid Srihne des Allerh<ichsten' (Ps 82,6)," Bilz 15 (1974) 135-47; H. Gese et al., Die
    Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandaer RM lol2 (1970)' l-232; N. C. Habel'
    ...Yihweh, Maker of Heaven and Earth': A study in Tradition criticism," "/BL9l (1972) 321-37:.
    T. Hanlon, "The Most High God of Genesis l4,lS-20: Scripture 11 (1959) 110-18; R. Hillmann,
    "Wasser und Berg" (diss., Halle, 1965); P. Hugger, Jahwe meine Zuflucht. Miist 13 (1971), esp.
    164-67; E. O. James, The Worship of the Sky-God. Jordan l*ctures in Comparative Religion 6
    ( 1963); H.-J. Kraus, "Excursus I . The Cultic Traditions of Jerusalem," Psalms 1-59
    (Eng. trans.
    iSAA), S1-AS; R. Lack, "Les origines de'Ely6n, le TrEs-Haut, dans la tradition cultuelle
    d'Isra61," CBQ 24 (196D a4-64; G. Levi della Vida, "El 'Ely6n in Genesis 14,18-20: JBL 63
    Q9a$ l-9;Comte du Mesnil du Buisson, "Origine et 6volution du panth6on de [r," RHR 164
    itSO:) tf f-O:; P. D. Miller Jr., "El, the Creator of Earth," BASOR 239 (1980) 43-46; M. J.
    Mulder, Kanaiiitische Goden in het or' Exegetica lvl4'5 (1965) I H' s' Nyberg' "Studien zum
    Religionskampf im AI," ARW 35 (1938) 329-87; R. A. Oden, "Ba'al Sam€m and 'E1," cBQ 39
    Ogil) 457-it; U. Oldenburg,'Above the Stars otEl)' 7-AW 82 (19'lO) 187-208; idem, The Con-
    Jlict btetween El and Ba'al in Canaanite Religion (1969); M. H. Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts.
    "SW
    2 (1955); R. Rendtorff, "The Background of the Title 'El 'Eljon in Gen. XIV," Fourth World
    Congress of Jewish Studies | (1967), 167 -70; idem, "El, Ba'al und Jahwe," ZAW 78 (1966) 277-
    92=fnA il OSIS) 172-87;H. Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East (Eng. trans. 1973),
    esp. 127-44 D. Sanders, "The Names of God, Part l: The oTl' Eternity 34 (1983) 26-27;
    W. Schatz, Genesis 14. EH Xxlllt2 (1972); H. Schmid, "Jahwe und die Kulttraditionen von Je-
    rusalem," ZAW 67 (1955) 168-97; W. H. Schmidt, Kdnigtum Gottes in Ugarit und Israel. BZAW
    80 1z1966r' idem,Faithof theOT(Eng.trans. 1983);E.C.Smith,"HebrewNamesof God,"Bttl-
    letin of the New York Public Library 54 (1950) 555-60; F. Stolz, Strukturen und Figuren im Kult
    von Jirusalem. BZAW 118 (1970); B. Uffenheimer, "El Elyon, Creator of Heaven and Earth,"
    t22 l1'W'etyin

    L l.Etymology and Meaning. The adj. 'ely6n is a denominative form derived from
    'a-1, "height," by the afformative -6n.1 [t has superlative force: "the most high."z The in-

    terpretation of this form as a reference to "god on high, that is, the god of the hear
    ens,"3 is probably too narrow. Since the divine epithet 7y, "the exalted one," is attested
    in Ugaritic, Gese thinks it possible "that Elyon derived from such an epithet," but he
    adds, "Of course, this is uncertain."a

    2. Occurrences. The word'elydn occurs 53 times in the OT: 22 times in secular us-
    age to distinguish something above from something below (in I K. 9:8 = 2 Ch.7:21,
    read iytm with 81L9), 3l times as a divine epithet, "(God) Most High." Three conjec-
    tural emendations may increase the latter number. (l) In the nibal saying concerning
    Benjamin (Dt. 33:12), since Houbigant'elydn has been substituted for'dldyws and con-
    nected with the following stich: "'elydn surrounds him all day long." (2) In Ps' 106:7,
    too, emendation of 'al-ydm to'elydn makes sense: '"They rebelled against 'e$An atthe
    I
    Sea of Reeds."6 (3) Finally, in S. 2:10, in the song of Hannah, it is possible that
    'dldyw (K) should be emended to 'e$An:1 "'elyiln thunders in heaven." Stoebe, how-
    ever, points out that 'alaW more likely goes back to an ancient divine epithet 'dl,
    "high, exalted," a theory also suggested (dbeit less persuasively) in the case of Dt.
    33:12 and Ps. 106:7.t
    In the 'dI of the last words of David (2 S. 23:l) we are also dealing with a divine
    appellative, whether we retain the MT huqam'iil, "oracle of the man appointed by the
    Most High," or emend the text to h€qim ?I, "whom the Most High exalted."e [n Hos.
    7:16 and 1l:7, too, it is reasonable to read, respectively, "they return to the Most High"
    and "to the Most High they call."lO The proposals (still supported by Nyberg and
    Dahood) to interpret Isa. 59: l8; 63:7; Ps. 7:9,1 l(Eng. 8,10); 57:3(2); lal(3) are uncon-
    vincing or problematic (see the comms.). Ceresko has proposed recovering the divine

    ShM 2 (1977) 20-26; R. de Vaux, Ear$ History of Israel (Eng. trans. 1978); idem, Anclsr ll;
    G. Wanke, Die Zionstheologie der Korachiten in ihrem taditionsgeschichtlichen Zusam-
    menhang. BZAW 97 (1966), eJp. ,16-54; G. Wehmeier, "ilrY 'lh to go up," TLOT,ll,883-96; H.-J.
    7-obel, "Der kanaaniiische Hintergrund der Vorstellung vom lebendigen Gott," IVZ Greifswald
    24tr975 (1977) 187-94.
    l. B/^e, $6lpe; see also Stolz, 134.
    2. GK, 9133en.3.
    3. Stolz, 135.
    4. P. tl7.
    5.7o|cr;l, Stammesspruch und Geschichte. BZAW 95 (1965) 35 n.37.
    6. Cf. Ps. 78:17 and Kraus, Psalms @-150 (Eng. trans. 1989), 315.
    7. Schmid, 183.
    8. Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT Yllyl (1973), 102, as first proposed by Nyberg,
    368-69 (see already his Studien zwn Hoseabuchc. UUA l%516,58-60), and G. R. Divet, ExpT
    s0 (1938t39) 92.
    9. Ct. HAI.II, 825.
    10. J. Jeremias , Der Prcphet Hosea. ATD 24ll (1983),91 n. 17 , 144; for a different interpre-
    tation see H. W. Woltr, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 108, 192; and W. Rudolph, Hosea. KAT
    )ffyl (1966), 152,212.
    .egan
    11,,7! 123

    name Eli ("the Most High") in Job 29:4 and 3l:35.r1 This .d/ is explained as a
    hypocoristic form of 'elybn, an abbreviated form of Ba'al, or even an independent di-
    vine epithet.12
    In addition to these texts, Aram. 'illdy, "Most High," occurs as a divine appellative
    10 times in Daniel; the pl. form'ely6ntn "Most High," occurs 4 times in Dnl. 7.
    The word also appears frequently in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. There are
    l0 occurrences in lQapGen and 6 additional occurrences elsewhere in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls.
    The divine epithet 7yn occurs also in the Aramaic Sefire inscriptions (8th century
    n.c.r.), in the expression 7 tly, "El Most High"; in Old South Arabic documents from
    the 2nd century s.c.r.; and in the phrase Efiortm kabrtmenos Hjpsistos in Philo of
    BYblo5.t3
    We also find 7y used as a divine epithet for Ba'al in Ugaritic; in one text the phrases
    mtr b'l, "the rain of Ba'al," and myr 7y, "the rain of the Exalted One," appear twice side
    by side.r+ Another text G. R. Driver reconstructs as ytnm qrt l'lylnyml, "let glory be
    given to the exalted ones," but this remains questionable.ts Finally, 7 appears as an ele-
    ment of West Semitic personal names.16

    3. LXX. The LXX invariably translates 'ely6n as (ho) hfpsistos, confirming the gen-
    erally accepted meaning "Most High."

    II. OT.
    l. Usage. The many questions and problems associated with the origin and interpre-
    tation of the divine epithet 'ely6n make it methodologically advisable to begin with
    what is certain, the usage of 'elydn in the OT. It is of no small importance to note at the
    outset that in the Hebrew text of the OT our word appears only in poetry: 2l times in
    Psalms,twiceinLamentations,andonceeachinNum.24,Dt.32,2S.22,andIsa. 14.
    The 4 occurrences in Gen. 14 do not alter the situation: this text, comprising blessing
    and praise, should be considered a stereotyped form. The conjectural emendations con-
    form to these observations. This can only mean that there is a special affinity between
    the term 'ely6n and poetry, an affinity that can be described with regard to both form
    and content.
    Construct phrases speak of the "right hand" (Stcmin, Ps.77:11[10]), the "shelter"
    (sEler 9l:l), the "steadfast love" (bese{,2l:8[l) of 'elydn; of the "face" and "mouth"

    ll.Job29-31 intheLightof NorthwestSemitic.BietOr36 (1980), 12, 182;cf.thereviewof


    Zobel, OIZ 81 (1986) 168.
    12. For the first see Stolz, 156 n. 33; cf. Wehmeier, 893. For the last see Jeremias, ATD 2411,
    9l n.17.
    13. See, respectively, KAI222A.ll1' Oldenburg, 7AW82 (1970) 189-200; Eusebius Praep. ev.
    1.10.14.
    14. KTU 1.16, III, 5-8. See WUS, no.2O3O.
    15. KTU 1.23,3. Diver (CMI. l2O-21) is cited by Stolz, 135.
    16. On the occrurences and their interpretation, see PNU, 42,44; APNM, 194; Stolz, 135.
    t24 11'?Y,'elybn

    @en4 fi)of the Most High; of his "counsel" (-$a!, 107:l l), as well as the "holiest of
    the dwelling places" (a6:5tal) and the "sons" (82:6) of 'elyfln. Fot the most part these
    expressions are familiar from similar formulas associated with Yahweh: the "right
    hand of Yahweh" (Hab.2:16; Ps. I 18: 15-16; cf. Ex. 15:6; Dt. 33:2; etc.), the "steadfast
    love of Yahweh/God" (Ps. 33:5; 52:3,10[,8]; 103:17; etc.), the "counsel of Yahweh"
    (Isa. 19:17; Ps. 33:11; Prov. l9:21; cf. Isa.46:10; etc.), "his shelter" (Ps. l8:12[11]) or
    the "shelter of [his] wings" (Ps. 6l:5[4]), the "mouth of Yahweh" (Lev. 24:12; Nu.
    9:23;Dt. l:26,43 etc.), and the extremely common "face of Yahweh." Naturally it is
    also possible to speak of the "dwelling place" (Nu' 16:9; 3l:30; Josh. 22:19 etc.) or
    even rhe "dwelling places" (Ps. 84:2t1]) of Yahweh, but not of any "sons of Yahweh."
    The similarity of usage points to the extensive congruence of Yahweh and'elybn, but
    there is a certain difference between the two that cannot be blurred.
    This phenomenon can be observed also in the structure of poetic parallelism: on the
    one hand, Yahweh and'elyin occupy equivalent places in synonymous stichs; on the
    othe\ 'el also appears in parallel with'elyfln, taking the place of Yahweh. Examples of
    the former are Ps. 18:14(13) = 2 S. 22:14 ("Yahweh thunders in the heavens" par'
    "'ely6n utters his voice"), Ps.21:8(7) ("the king trusts in Yahweh" par. "through the
    steadfast love of 'ely)nhe shall not be moved"), and Ps. 50:14 ("offer to Yahweh [MT
    nlahtm)thanksgiving" par. "pay your vows to'ely6n").InPs.41:3(2) we even find the
    expression yhwh'elybn (par. "u great king"), which expresses the complete identity of
    Yahweh and'elydn.r1
    It is not always clear in these passages whether 'elydn is to be taken as a personal
    name or as an appellative ("the Most High"). In the following instances, 'elydn is
    clearly an appellative, being used in apposition with Yahweh: "They sinned against
    him, rebelling against the Most High" (Ps. 78:17); "They tested the Most High God"
    (v. 56), or better, "Yahweh the Most High";ts "I will sing praise to the name of
    Yahweh, the Most High" (7:18tl7l), or "I will sing praise to your name, O Most High"
    (9:312)); "It is good to give thanks to Yahweh, to sing praises to your name, O Most
    Hieh" (92:211l); "Yahweh alone is the Most High over all the earth" (83:19[18]; cf.
    97:9);"|cry to God [or better: Yahweh] Most High, El, who fulfills his purpose for
    me" (57:3). [n these texts'elyin appears in second place after "Yahweh."
    we f,rnd '31and'ely6n:used in parallel in Ps.73:11 ("How can El know? Is there
    knowledge in 'elybn?") and 107: l l , where the expressions "commandments of El" and
    "counsel of'ely1n" appear in parallel. Here too belongs the introduction to the third or-
    acle of Balaam (Nu. 24:16), which says that the seer hears the words of El and knows
    the knowledge of 'ely6n.In this instance, too, we note that'el appeals first, followed by
    'elyin. Their position suggests that El and Yahweh are identical. The oracle goes on to
    say that the seer sees the vision of Shaddai, falling down with eyes uncovered (Nu.
    24:16 cf. also v. 4). There is no convincing way to distinguish three different entities

    17. Cooke, 32.


    18. According to many scholars "Elohim" has replaced an original "Yahweh" throughout the
    so-called Elohistic Psalter (Ps. 42-53). Hence in both Ps. 78 here and Ps. 57 below the preferable
    reading is "Yahweh."
    |1tW.'elybn r25

    'El, 'elybn, and iadday, since we have already noted the poetic analogy and functional
    association linking '€l and'ely6n. lt would appear more reasonable to define the rela-
    tionship of the three names by saying that the first term, ?-/, is elucidated by the follow-
    ing terms, 'elydn and iadday. It follows that the full forms of the two divine names
    were'el'elydn and'El iadday.te Ps. 9l:l makes this same assumption if "shelter of
    'elybn" and "shadow of iadday" are instances of synonymous parallelism. To interpret
    this as meaning that 'ely6n and iadday are identical makes sense only if this identity is
    to be found in El.2o
    This survey leads to my first conclusion: in comparison to the parallelism of El and
    'elydn, the parallelism of Yahweh and 'elydn represents a later stage, where the word
    'ely6n has become an appositional appellative. All the OT evidence suggests that the
    full divine name was originally 'El'elydn,zr and that this name enshrines a concept of
    God antedating Yahwism. This full form of the divine name 'El 'elydn is attested in
    Gen. 14:18-20 and Ps.78:35; in Ps.78 it appears in parallel with'elohim (or, better,
    yhwh), a usage that corresponds precisely to Gen. 14:.22, where a redactor has clearly
    identified Yahweh with the 'dl'elyOn of vv. l8-20, having Abraham swear, "I raise my
    hand to Yahweh 'El'elyOd'The theory that'el'ely6n was originally a god distinct from
    Yahweh is confirmed by Dt. 32:8-9 and Isa. 14:14 as well as by Gen. 14. Gen. 14
    speaks of the god of Jerusalem before it was an Israelite city (cf. Ps. 87:5); Isa. 14 ap-
    pears to reflect an ancient Canaanite myth of a revolt against this god and the dethron-
    ing of '€l 'elydn;zz the Song of Moses (Dt. 32:8-9) appears still to be aware that Yah-
    weh had formerly been subordinate to 'El'elyOn.
    These observations based on form can be confirmed and supplemented by an exami-
    nation of content. When we survey the genres of the passages containing 'ely6n texts,
    the most frequent is the hymn of praise, represented by Ps. 46:5(4); 47:3(2); 87:5;
    92:2(l);97:9; because Gen. 14:20 is also poetic praise of God, it may be included in
    this category. Next most frequent is the lament, represented by Ps. 7:18(17);57:3(2);
    77:ll(10);83:19, as well as Lam. 3:35,38; perhaps the prophetic dirge Isa. l4:l4may
    also be included here. There follow wisdom poems (Ps.73:ll;78:17,35,56;91:1,9;
    and the Song of Moses [Dt.32:8]), thanksgivings (Ps.9:3[2];50:14; 107:11), royal
    hymns (18:lall3l =25.22:14; Ps. 2l:8[7]), and judgment discourse (Ps. 82:6).
    Even though our word is not associated preferentially with a psalm genre, it does
    appear primarily in cultic poetry.23 This setting points to the special affrnity of 'El
    'elybn with the cult and thus with the temple, specifically the Jerusalem temple. If we
    note further that 10 of the 2 I occurrences of our word in the Psalms are in eight psalms

    19. stolz, 158ff.


    20. Eissfeldt, KlS, V,46.
    2l.Schmidt, Kdnigtum,3ln.7,58ff.;idem, Faithof theOT, 138-39;Eissfeldt,rcS,ilI,389
    n. Yarx, Anclsr; II, 310; Wanke, 50; Stolz, 16l. For a different interpretation see Dussaud,
    1; de
    ll2-13;idem, Syr27 (1950) 332-33; idem, Syr 35 (1958) 408-9; Levi della Vida; Pope, 52-53.
    22. Oldenburg, ZAW 82 (1970) 187-88; heuss, -+ lll, 253-54; see also Wildberger, Isaiah
    13-27 (1997),67-68.
    23. Wanke,46.
    126 111)y.'etyin

    of the Korahites,2a this conclusion is confirmed. Wanke points out rightly that these
    Korahite psalms are associated with postexilic groups of temple singers.25 It follows
    that the term'ely6n is among the traditions handed down for ages within the cult. This
    is suggested also by the observation above that the word'elydn became associated ever
    more intimately with Yahweh, until it finally appeared as an attribute of or in apposi-
    tion with Yahweh.26 At the same time, we must remember that the postexilic and late
    postexilic period had a predilection for archaizing linguistic forms and that poetic texts
    in particular had a tendency to incorporate and preserve non-Israelite material.2T

    2. Connotations. lf. we inquire into the meanings associated with 'elybn in the OT,
    we find in first place the notion of the "highest god" inherent in the word itself. This
    notion can still be interpreted in a fully polytheistic sense as "the god [or El] of the
    gods" (Ps. 50: l; Josh. 22:22), which in fact means nothing other than "the lord over the
    gods." This meaning simultaneously implies the notion of dominion over the universe.
    The one who is "exalted far above all gods" is also "most high over all the earth" (Ps.
    97:9;the latter expression appears also in 83:19), because he is sovereign over the na-
    tional gods of the various lands and peoples (cf. Dt. 32:8-9).In Ps. 97 these words ap-
    pear in the context of a hymn celebrating Yahweh's kingship; 47:3(2) states the logical
    connection between the universal dominion of the highest god and the royal title:
    "Yahweh 'elydn is awesome, a great king over all the earth." But if Yahweh holds do-
    minion over the whole earth, he is also the guarantor of its order.28 This is expressed by
    Ps. 82: because all the nations belong to God, he can rise up tojudge the earth (v. 8).
    But this means that he is also judge of the gods, who sides with the poor and those who
    suffer (vv. 1ff.; cf. Lam. 3:35). lf 'elydn is the correct reading in I S. 2:10, then this text
    also describes Yahweh as judge over the whole earth in the context of his rank as the
    highest god.
    This cosmic setting of the'elydn passages easily accommodates the texts that asso-
    ciate the highest god with the heavens, picturing him dwelling there or (better) reigning
    there as king. That 'ely6n acts in the heavens and makes his voice resound there is pre-
    supposed by Ps. 18:14(13) (= 25.22:14) and I S.2:10 (as well as Ps.57:3-412-3)).
    When Isa. 14:13-14 puts into the heart of the king of Babylon the desire to "ascend to
    heayen," "above the stars of El," "to sit on the mount of assembly on the heights of
    Zaphonl' "to ascend to the tops of the clouds" and make himself "like the Most High,"
    here too the heights of heaven are conceived of as the habitation of 'elydn. This concep-
    tion does not contradict the assertion that the city of God is the holiest habitation of the
    Most High (Ps. 46:4[4]),2e because the temple of the city of God is, as it were, the
    earthly counterpart of God's heavenly habitation. This notion also finds expression in

    24. tbid.
    25. rbid.,53.
    26. Ibid.,53-54.
    27. Wehmeier, 893.
    28. Ottosson, +1,394.
    29. See Eissfeldt, KlS, IV 8-ll; Schmid, 182-83.
    11'lY. 'eryan

    it" (Ps. 87:5). The root -+ fl)


    the statementthat"'elydn himself established (/cfin polel)
    tiln belongs to the terminology of creation; Ps. 87 therefore suggests that the city of
    Godowesitsexistencetoacreative actof 'elydn. ThislinksuswithGen. 14:19,which
    describes 'dl'ely6n as "creator ofheaven and earth." Ps. 50 also illustrates the connec-
    tion between 'elybn and the Creator; as H.-J. Kraus noted correctly, vv. 9-13 justify the
    command in v. 14: because all the wild animals are God's, the devout are to offer a sac-
    rifice of thanksgiving to God and pay their vows to the Most High.:o Finally, one might
    also argue that 95:3-5 uses creation language to expand on the title "great king" given
    the Most High in 47:3(2).
    That it is fitting to give thanks and praise to such a God, the Most High sovereign
    over other gods, the God of the universe, the Creator (Ps. 7:18[17];9:3121;92:2U}' cf.
    also 50:14; 106:7 cj.; 107:11), is as obvious as the hope or expectation that he will
    help, protect, and shelter, as Ps. 9 1 : I ,9 assert when they speak of living "in the shelter
    of 'elyAn" or in his "refuge"; these words probably do not refer to asylum in the
    temple3t but to the security the psalmist finds in the Most High God. But the psalmist
    can also lament that "the right hand of'elyOn" has changed (Ps. 77:11[0]) because he
    has not helped, even though it is Yahweh 'elydn who champions the psalmist (57:3121)
    and whose steadfast love keeps the king secure (21:8t71).
    These statements are the utterances of individuals, although they do have an ele-
    ment of universality that opens the possibility of generalization. TWo or three texts dif-
    fer formally, associating 'ely6n with a plural or collective entity. In Ps. 78 it is the Isra-
    elites, who remembered that "God was their rock and 'dl'elyOn their redeemer" (v. 35)
    but nevertheless rebelled against'elydnin the desert (v. 17) and rebelliously "tested
    God'elydn and did not observe his decrees" (v. 56). In Ps. 106:7 it is "our fathers," who
    rebelled against 'elydn at the Sea of Reeds. The conjectural text of Dt. 33:12 in the
    Blessing of Moses says that the tribe of Benjamin rests in safety because 'elydn sur-
    rounds him all day long and he (Benjamin) rests between his shoulders.32

    3. Origin. Beyond doubt all these'elydn texts refer to Yahweh. For Israel, Yahweh is
    the Most High God. This includes the passages that speaks of the "counsel" (Ps.
    107:11) and the "knowledge" (Nu.24:16; Ps.73:11) of 'elydn.It is not impossible,
    however, that some of the statements were associated originally with ?-/ 'ely6n and
    were transferred to Yahweh when the deities coalesced. For the statement that'€l 'elydn
    was an independent deity is just as true as Eissfeldt's observation that 'elybn must be
    counted among the gods "of high moral rank."33
    Convincing as the case for the coalescence of Yahweh with ?-/ 'ely6n is, it remains
    striking that except for the two passages that speak of Israel's rebellion against
    -
    'ely6n at the Sea of Reeds (Ps. 106:7) and in the desert (78:17) there are no refer-
    -
    ences in the'elydn material to the great historical traditions of Israel. Even in the later

    3O. Psalms 1-59 (Eng. rans. 1988), 493-94.


    31. As argued by Delekat, Asylie und Schutzorakel am Zionheiligtum (1967),235ff.
    32. -+ VII, 390-91; see J. D. Heck,lBL 103 (1984) 523-29.
    33. KlS, II, 146.
    r28 1\'1Y.'eban

    period, this defining core of Israel's theology remained somewhat alien to the "Most
    High." This observation, too, supports an early development of belief in 'Zl 'elybn inde-
    pendent of Israel's notion of Yahweh. This stage is still reflected in Dt. 32:8-9 and Ps.
    82:1-8.34
    Both passages assume that from the outset 'ely6n and Yahweh were two distinct
    deities, with Yahweh subordinate to the Most High God and a member of the lat-
    ter's pantheon. In the Song of Moses 'elydn fwrctions as the supreme god by as-
    signing the nations to the individual national gods constituting his pantheon, the
    "sons of El" or "sons of God." As a result of this process, Israel became Yahweh's
    possession (vv. 8-9).3s Not only is Yahweh distinct from'El'ely6nin being subor-
    dinate; he also differs in that 'elyin, in contrast to the national gods (including
    Yahweh), is supranational.36 That this text reflects so early a stage in the history of
    Israel's religion is also apparent in its language; departing from the general OT no-
    tion that Yahweh was the active party in the election of Israel (as in v. 10), and in-
    terrupting the flow of the narrative in v. 8, which describes the apportioning of the
    nations by 'ely1n, v. 9 uses a cautious, neutral-passive construction: "Then Israel
    became Yahweh's portion."37
    To some extent Ps. 82 confirms and expands on this picture. V. I speaks ofa "coun-
    cil of El," in which Kraus sees the Canaanite divine pantheon, Eissfeldt (more accu-
    rately) "the council of the gods presided over by El";:t uru'n, 'El 'elydn ranks as mon-
    arch. Yahweh appears before this council; he is possibly a member of it. In any case he
    accuses the other gods, the "sons of 'elybn" (v. 6),3e of injustice, resulting in the "total
    breakdown of order,"4o and condemns them to die like mortals (v. 7). Thus he leaves no
    doubt that he alone is indeed the Most High God (some suggest that Ps. 82 is based on
    a Canaanite myth), just as the Song of Moses concludes with a rapturous hymn to
    Yahweh's unique status, which incorporates the sovereign power of 'ely6n: "Praise, O
    heavens, Yahweh; worship him, all you gods" (Dl 32:.+31.+t
    Both texts clearly assume that Yahweh and 'elybn are not identical; equally clearly,
    in both hymns Yahweh triumphs in the end over 'elydn and replaces him. We may
    therefore agree with Eissfeldt that these texts reflect a transitional period in which,

    34. Ibid.
    35. Following Eissfeldt, Lied, 9 nn. 2 and 3; also Wanke , 49;Haag, -r II, 158-59; others read
    the passage differently: W. F. Albright, W 9 (1959) 343-44; R. Meyer, "Die Bedeutung von Dt
    32,8s,43 (4Q) ftir die Auslegung des Mosesliedesl' verbannung und Heimkehr FS w. Rudolph
    (1961), 197-2O9; G. von Rad, Deuteronomy. OTL(Eng. trans. I966), 196-97:, M. Tsevat, IIUCA
    40/ 4t (1969 l7 0) 123-37 .
    36. Stolz, 169.
    37. Eissfeldt, &S, ilI,390.
    38. Kraus, Psalms 60-150, 155-56 (cf. Cooke, 30); Eissfeldt, K/S, m, 390' Cf. Schmidt'
    Kdnigtum,4l: "El's council of state."
    39. So, correctly, Cooke, 30ff.; Schmidt, Kdnigtum,4l; Gese, ll7l'Haag, +
    II, 158.
    40. Eissfeldt. K/S, ilI, 390.
    41. On Ps. 82 see Cooke, 34; Schmidt, Kdnigtum,42. On the text of Dt. 32:43 see Eissfeldt,
    Lied, 13, 14 n. 1.
    11,1y.'ety6n t29

    "true to the cosmic mythological tradition," '€l 'elybn is still considered the highest
    God, while Yahweh "is the sole controlling power, soon to take El's place in the theo-
    retical worldview of Israelite religion as well."a2
    Finally, Isa. 14:12-15 may be cited in support of distinguishing'€l'elydn ftom
    Yahweh,a3 because this poem is likely based on a Canaanite myth recounting the rebel-
    lion of the deities Shahar and Shalim, manifestations of the Day Star Ashtar, against ?/
    'elybn in an unsuccessful attempt to dethrone him.
    Eissfeldt describes Ps. 9l as a "psalm of conversion," bearing witness to how a for-
    mer devout worshiper of Elyon-Shaddai has turned to Yahweh and is assured by a
    priest of Yahweh that he stands in Yahweh's sure protection.a If this theory is cor-
    rect,4s then this text, too, may be taken as evidence that'Cl 'ely6n was originally an in-
    dependent deity.
    To sum up, we can say that the OT still shows knowledge of a Canaanite god named
    'dl 'ely6n; on the basis of our discussion, we may assume that this deity represents a
    hypostatic embodiment of an attribute or, as Gese says, of "a particular aspect of E1."46
    In this respect the name 'El'elybn can be placed alongside other divine names in Gene-
    sis such as '€l '6ldm, '€l shadday, or 'el roi, because they too are hypostases of El em-
    bodying specific qualities of the deity.

    4. 'al? I shall briefly examine the substance of those passages that with some likeli-
    hood deal with the god 'al. The "last words" of David begin with a line resembling in
    some respects the introduction of the earlier Yahwistic Balaam oracles (Nu. 24:3-4,l5-
    16): "Oracle of David, son of Jesse, oracle of the man appointed by 'dl" (2 5.23:l).qt
    The appearance of El in v. 5 suggests that the god 'dl is a hypostasis of El. Furtheq the
    mention of the "spirit of Yahweh" in v. 2 indicates that this deity must be identical with
    Yahweh. The text also states that it was this deity who made David king, establishing
    the Davidic dynasty by making an "everlasting coYenant" (v. 5). All this could well fit
    with what we have established about 'elydn and with the specific statement of Ps.
    2t:8(7).
    This analysis, however, appears to be at odds with two Hosea texts (7:16; ll:7)'
    However one interprets the word 'dlfal, it refers clearly to the god Baal, against whom
    Hosea is campaigning. The northern Israelites thus gave the title "Exalted One," "Most
    High," to this storm god, who governed the fertility. of the fields and stock, on account
    of his enormous influence on human life. Hosea alludes to this title when he sees Is-
    rael's "devotion to the powerless god Baal (the 'Exalted One' who cannot 'raise' any-
    one)"48 as apostasy and stigmatizes Baal as ld' 'dl, "Not Exalted," i.e., impotent. Thus

    42. KlS, UI, 390.


    43. Wanke, 48-49; Oldenburg, ZAW 82 (1970) 187-88; Preuss, --> lll,253'54.
    44. KlS, ll,145-46:'lll,44l-47; The OT: An Intro. (Eng. trans. 1965),126.
    45. Contra Kraus, Psalms 60-150, 222, who calls the psalm an affrrmation of trust.
    46. P. tt7.
    47. Textual problems have been discussed above.
    48. Jeremias, ATD 2411, 144.
    130 11'W.'elydn

    Ringgren is probably correct in his conjecture that we are dealing here with an epithet
    of Baal.ae

    III. Extrabiblical Texts.


    l. Ugarit.If we follow up the hints in the OT conceming an independent deiq 'el
    'elybn and look for evidence of this deity outside the OT, Ugaritic literature stands in
    first place on account of its enormous value as source material for the early history of
    Canaanite religion. We must make clear, however, that the word 7yn is not attested in
    Ugaritic, although the word 'ly, "lhe Exalted One, the Most High," does occur as an ep-
    ithet of Baal. We must therefore differentiate between the texts referring to El and
    those referring to Baal.
    First as regards El: his paramount role within the pantheon and the titles accorded
    him correspond in large measure to what we have seen to be the substance of the OT ?/
    'elyOn texts. Although the actual words are not used, at Ugarit El is the "highest god."
    The epithets of El "friendly El, the kindly" (l1pn tl dpid), "bull El" (1r il), "lotd"
    - "kingof eternity" (mlk'lm),"mighty andmajestic" (glrwyqr),
    (rpi),"KingEl" (llmlk),
    "creatorof creation" (bnybnwt), "fatherof humankind" (b'dm), "JudgeEl" (ildn)-
    demonstrate first the high rank of this god as lord of the pantheon, king of the gods and
    consequently of the world, and chief of the "assembly of the gods" (p[r ilm, pfrr bn
    ilm), who are called "sons of El" (bn i/). Second, his power is expressed by the epithet
    "bull," by being called "holy" and "possessor of eternal life," and by the title 'Judge,"
    i.e., "supreme judge." Third, he is worshiped as a god who maintains justice and shows
    concern for those who have suffered wrong,so who is both kindly and wise, and whose
    word is auspicious for life. Fourth, although no cosmogony is recounted, El is clearly
    the creator god: he is given that title and is considered a living god.sl He dwells "at the
    wellspring of rivers, the mouth of the deeps" (mbk nhrm qrb 'pq thmtm), or on the
    "mountain" ([rln), probably the cosmic mountain that is the navel of the earth. He is
    called "father of humankind"; he promises the desperate Keret the birth of seven sons
    and heals him of a deadly disease. El is the heavenly god who creates and sustains
    life.s2
    Baal is quite a different figure. His epithets are "most powerful" ('liyn), "prince,
    lord of the earth" (zbl b'l 'r;), "lord of Mt. Zaphon" (b'l spn), "rider of the clouds" (rkD
    'rpt), "son of Dagon [the grain godl" (bn dgn), "lord of the springs of the fields" (b'l 'nt
    mbgt), "the holy one," "the exalted one" ('ly), whose rain (m1r) brings delight to earth
    and field.53 In addition, there are Ugaritic personal names with a Baal element,s4 narra-
    tives concerning Baal, and likenesses of him. All this material can be classified into
    three groups. First there is evidence of Baal's power and honor; next to El, he is the

    49.Pp. 132-33.
    50. KTU 1.17, Y 8; 1.16, VI.
    5l.7r,bel.
    52. Schmid, 178, 180; Schmidt, Kbnigtum,3l n.7,58ff.; Gese,97-100.
    53. KTU 1.16, III,5-9.
    54. See esp. PNU, M.
    11'1Y'eban l3l

    most powerful god, to whom the earth is allotted as his specific realm. He did not cre-
    ate the earth, but he rules over it. Second, he dwells on Mt. Zaphon, the highest moun-
    tain in the vicinity of Ugarit, and is its lord. He lives there in his kingdom above the
    clouds. Third, Baal is a rain and storm god and hence the god of fertility. With regard to
    these functions, Mt. Zaphon "with its peak often shrouded by clouds is the proper
    dwelling place for a storm god."ss This association is also illustrated by the picture of
    Baal riding on the clouds, ux or club in his right hand and lightning lance in his left, a
    storm god who feeds the springs of the fields and guarantees the fertility of the soil.
    When he dies, he takes his clouds, his winds, his team, and his showers with him to his
    grave.56 As a result, finally, "bread (lbm) vanishes from the jars" of the people, "wine
    (yn) departs from their wineskins and oil (lmnll'st Bread, wine, and oil are the specific
    gifts bestowed by Baal. All three classes of predicate are summarizedby the epithet
    "the exalted one," accorded Baal as the giver of rain, the storm and fertility god of
    Ugarit.

    2. Sefire. A particular problem is posed by the word /yn in the treaty between
    Barga'ya, king of KTK, and Mati"el, king of Arpad (the Sefire stele).s8 The context is a
    list of the gods that have witnessed the making of the treaty and are therefore guaran-
    tors of the agreement. This list concludes with ll. 10-13: "[. . . in the presence of Hadad
    of Alleppo, in the presence of Sibitti, in the presence of 'El and 'Elyan, in the presence
    of Hea[ven and Earth, in the presence of (the) A]byss and (the) Springs, and in the
    presence of Day and Night all the god[s of KTK and the gods of Ar]pad (are) wir
    -
    nesses."5e It is clear that starting in L l I wqdm ("and in the presence of') introduces
    pairs of words: 'El and'Elyan, Heaven and Earth, Abyss and Springs, Day and Night.
    Gese interprets this sequence by understanding Heaven and Earth as representing cos-
    mic space, the Abyss and the Springs as representing the element of water, and Day
    and Night as representing the totality of time.60 He accordingly explains the pair 'El
    and 'Elyan at the head of this list as "the gods that sustain the cosmos as a whole." But
    the point at issue is whether l. 11 refers to a pair of gods or to a single god,6l i.e.,
    whether'El and'Elyan are taken as two distinct deities, whether the words may be
    translated as "El who is'Elyon,"62 or whether we have here a double divine name, El
    'Elyan, similar to other double Ugaritic divine appellatives such as qd w'mrr or k1r
    wfiss-63 One thing is certain: because l. 10 mentions Hadad, 'Elyan must refer to El

    55. Eissfeldt, Kanaantiisch-ugaritische Reli gion, 80.


    56. KTU 1.5, Y 5tr
    57. KTU 1.16, III, 12tr
    58. KAr 222A.rt.
    59. Translation of J. A. Fizmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire. BietOr 19 (1967), 13.
    60. P. 116.
    61. See Eissfeldt, K/S, U, 172 n. 4; Ringgren, 130; Schmidt, Kbnigtum,58ff.; idem, Failh of
    the OT,139.
    62. De Vaux, AnclsrlI,3l0.
    63. Fitzmyer, Sefire, 37; KAI, 11,246.
    132 1i'lY.'e$an

    rather than Baal. so, it is more logical to interpret El and 'Elyan as the single deity El,
    If
    one of whose essential features is being the highest god.o4

    3. Philo of Byblos. Finally, we must discuss a passage in Philo of Byblos that may
    contain the divine name 'elyin, as well as possible historical reminiscences from the
    time of Sanchuniathon.6s The story runs as follows: A certain Elioun, called Hypsistos,
    and a woman named Berouth came into being and settled in the vicinity of Byblos. To
    them were born Epigeios Autochthon, later called Ouranos, and his sister Ge.
    Hypsistos, however, perished in an encounter with wild beasts and was deified. Then
    Ouranos took over the dominion of his father and with his sister Ge begot four sons, the
    first being Elos, also called Kronos.66
    Most interpreters begin with the assumption that Elioun represents an original
    Phoen. 'elybnbecause of its translation into Greek as hipsistos, "most high." Then the
    "generation ofheaven and earth" means that this 'ely6nwould be understood as a cre-
    ator god.67 And because the genealogy of the gods lists Elos (= Kronos) as the grand-
    son of Elioun, El and 'elyin must be considered two totally different deities.68 Even if
    this argument is correct, the question remains whether the text reflects the situation in
    the time of Sanchuniathon (2nd millennium r.c.n.) or in the time of Philo of Byblos.
    Depending on the answer, other interpretations are possible.'El'elybn may originally
    have been a single entity, dividing into two deities with the passage of time in a manner
    comparable to the later hypostatization of Bethel and Olam.6e Conversely, the single
    entity might be the result of an historical process.T0
    Furthermore, the account of Philo of Byblos is so confused that it is hardly possible
    to base reliable conclusions on it. First, the genealogy of the gods Elium, Uranos, and
    Elos is at best unusual and "itself needs elucidation" before it can be used to support
    further conclusions.Tt Eissfeldt is also correct in pointing out that the killing of Elium
    by wild beasts recalls the Adonis myth, while in the Ugaritic texts Baal appears as an
    Adonis figure; he goes on to suggest that Philo confused Baal's second name, Aliyan,
    with 'elyOn, "most high."72 [t is also possible that the Ugaritic Baal epithet 7y, "the ex-
    alted one," lies behind Philo's Elium.

    4. Summary. Extrabiblical sources contribute little to our understanding of 'elybn or


    'dl 'elydn. The Ugaritic material bears witness to the high status of El, but explicitly
    calls Baal "the exalted one," ranking him at least very close to El in importance. That

    64. Stolz, 133-37.


    65. Excerpted in Eusebius Praep. ev. 1.10.14.
    66. Ibid., l.l0.l5-16.
    67. II, 310; Schmid, 179.
    See, e.g., de Yaux, Anclsri
    Schmidt, Kdnigtum,58-60; idem, Faith of the OT 139: Ringgren, 130.
    68.
    Gese, 113,203.
    69.
    Schmidt, Faith of the OT, 139; also Dussaud, 182-83; idem, Syr 35 (1958) 408-9; Comte
    70.
    du Mesnil du Buisson; de Vaux, History,275.
    71. Eissfeldt, K/S, ilI, 389 n. l.
    72. KlS, ll, 231-32. See also Bertram, TDNT, 616 n. 13; Stolz, 136-37; Gese, 116.
    1i'1Y.'eban r33

    some Canaanite/Aramaic texts even rank Baalshamem or Hadad before El is due to


    special local or regional circumstances and does not conflict with the Ugaritic evi-
    dence.73
    The Sefire inscription, too, shows that the term 'elydn is assigned to El. Both texts
    also agree in associating El with creation. At Ugarit El is the creator of the gods and
    humankind, in fact of all creatures; at Sefue 'dl 'elybn is the one "who sustains the
    whole universe."74 Furthermore, in a number of West Semitic inscriptions from
    Karatepe, Hatra, Leptis Magna, Palmyra, and Jerusalem, El is called qn'rs, "cteator of
    the earth"; at Boghazkdy we find the name'Ilkunir5a.Ts But it would be wrong to con-
    clude from this evidence that in the Canaanite sphere El was originally the creator of
    the earth and Baal the exalted ('elybn) creator of the heavens,T6 because the god Baal
    clearly distinguished from El as Baalshamem is "lord of the heavens," not their
    - he is not its creator; "as a vegetation god, he is the
    -creator; asb'l'r;, "lord ofthe earth,"
    sustainer of creation."77 The information provided by the extrabiblical evidence makes
    it more likely that already in the 2nd millennium vc.r,. 'elydn should be considered a
    particular aspect of El, the creator of heaven and earth, the gods, humankind, and pos-
    sibly also the animal world.78

    IV. Jerusalem. On the basis of this discussion, we can now address the special
    theme of 'El 'ely6n of Jerusalem.

    l.Gen. t4.The most important text is Gen. 14:18-20. In these three verses we have
    a self-contained theme, originally independent, which has been linked secondarily with
    Abraham.Te A sequence of cultic events repeatable at any time (meal, blessing, praise,
    tithe) becomes a unique historical event in the life of Abraham, and an encounter with
    manifestations of a settled local cult has been introduced into his nomadic life. Y.22 is
    also part of the complex: it links the scene with the context, placing 'El'elydn in apposi-
    tion with Yahweh and thus identifying the two deities.
    Gen. 14 is the only OT text where the full name 'El'ely6n appears, referring to a pre-
    Israelite deity who is clearly not Yahwistic. The question whether 'ely6n stands in ap-
    position to El or El ("god") is placed first as an appellativesO can be answered in favor
    of the former, because here we are dealing with a pre-Israelite deity named "El, the
    most high." This also answers the next question: the two terms refer to one and the
    same deity.sl i

    73. Cf. R. Rendtorff, 7AW 78 (1966) 282-83; Schmidt, Kbnigtum, 61.


    74. Gese, I 16.
    75. For a detailed discussion see R. Rendtortr, 7AW 78 (1966) 284-86; Stolz, 130-33; most
    recently Miller.
    76. Rendtorff, 7AW78 (1966) 285tr.
    77. Schmidt, Kdnigtum, 6l-62.
    78. Gese, ll7; Stolz, L37.
    79. Westermann, Genesis 12-36 (Eng. trans. 1985), 203-4.
    80. Eissfeldt. K/S, ilI, 389 n. l.
    81. Ibid.; see also de Vaux, Anclsr 11,310; idem, History, 275.
    134 1117Y,'etyan

    A hymnic predication entitles this god "creator of heaven and earth" (qondh
    idmayimwd'dres)- OnlyheredoestheOTuse theroot qnhas atechnicaltermforcre-
    ation (but cf. Prov. 8:22); outside the OT it occurs with some frequency.82 This sup-
    ports the authenticity of our text and is further evidence supporting its non-Israelite ori-
    gin. As to the phrase "heaven and earth," our text gives no reason to suspect that it
    represents a conjunction of two originally independant elements.s3 Westermann is cor-
    rect in calling this predication "a fixed cultic formula."84 In fact, we are dealing here
    with a fragment of Canaanite religiosity.as
    Other details of the text support this impression. It speaks of a king who is also a
    priest of 'El 'elybn. This dual role points to the institution of sacral kingship, which pre-
    supposes the existence of a sanctuary. The text mentions the giving of a tithe, a practice
    also attested for the sanctuary at Bethel.86 The stranger is given bread and wine, natural
    gifts that symbolize the fertility of the land; eating and drinking establish a convivium
    (cf. Josh. 9:3-15; also Ex. 24:-ll).tt Finally, Abraham is blessed in the name of the de-
    ity. This blessing differs from that in Gen. l2:l-3, however, for it is not a promise of
    blessing. It also differs from the other patiarchal blessings in Genesis, for it does not
    promise land or descendants.88 The blessing does not have any historical reference
    point; it is totally unhistorical. In this lack of historical references, Gen. 14 resembles
    the other 'El'elybn texts of the OT, which likewise make no reference to the great sav-
    ing acts of God in history. Furthermore, this scene is associated with a particular place.
    The Salem of v. 18, which appears in parallel with Zion in Ps. 76:3(2), probably refers
    to Jerusalem. But in Gen. 14 this is not an Israelite site. Abraham passes it by, like the
    Levite later in Jgs. 19:lff.
    It is therefore highly likely that Gen. 14: 18ff. testifies to the existence of a cult of ?f
    'elydn in Jerusalem around the mid-2nd millennium B.c.E.8e The association of this
    scene with Abraham serves the etiological purpose of tracing back to Abraham the spe-
    cial cult of Yahweh observed in Jerusalem since the time of David and thus legitimiz-
    ing it.
    Besides 'dl'elybn, scholars have found evidence for the deities $adeq and Shalim
    associated with Jerusalem. Their mutual relationship and the possibility that they be-
    longed to a triad constitute an obscure problem.eo The triad of El,'elybn, and Kunirsha
    postulated by Gese is unlikely.et

    82.HAL,III, lltl-12.
    83. Contra trvi della Vida; Pope, 52-53; for other approaches see Stolz, 149f.
    84. Genesis 12-36,205.
    85. Cf. Ringgren, 130; contra Rendtortr, TAW 78 (1966) 290-91.
    86.Eissfeldt, K/S, IV, 166.
    87. -+ VII, 524. See A. V. StrOm, "Kreis und Linie," Hermeneutik eschatologischer
    biblischer Texte (1983), 103-22.
    88. Eissfeldt, K/S, V 53-54.
    89. Eissfeldt, K/S, IY 165; see also Van den Branden.
    90. Schmid, 176-77; Schmidt, Faith of the OT, 209-lO.
    91. Pp. 113ff.
    llrll!.'elyon 135

    2. Cult. Since, as we have seen, the '€l'elybn passages are primarily in cultic texts,
    while Gen. 14:18 associates this deity with pre-Israelite Jerusalem, it is highly proba-
    ble that the'elybn texts as a whole are associated with the Jerusalem sanctuary of this
    deity, "the holiest of his habitations" (Ps. 46:5141). This gives us the right to treat them
    as a single unit.
    Jerusalem did not become an lsraelite city until its capture by David. Several schol-
    ars have suggested that this event marks the beginning ofthe process that integrated the
    '€l 'elybn texts into Yahwism.e2 But this theory overlooks the statement of the
    Benjamin saying in Dt. 33:12 that the tribe rests in safety through the protection of
    'elybn. lt is out of the question that'elyfln here should mean Yahweh;er 't also certain
    i
    that the saying dates from the premonarchic period. It therefore bears witness that this
    process of integration was already underway in the period of the judges. Beyond doubt,
    the capture of Jerusalem strongly reinforced the process: Yahweh was the god of the
    victors and thus became the new god of the vanquished. If the transfer of the ark to Je-
    rusalem was David's work, then its enfiance into the city was a visible sign that from
    then on Yahweh Sabaoth, the god of the ark, would be the overlord of this city and of
    its god '€l'elydn.
    This process of integration was, however, probably not so quick and straightfor-
    ward as it might appear. If Eissfeldt is correct in interpreting Ps. 9l as a conversion
    psalm,ga then at least there was an occasional sense that Yahwism was irreconcilable
    with or distinct from the worship of 'elydn. Even David appears to have been forced
    to make serious concessions to the religious traditions of Jerusalem. If Zadok was
    the priest of '€l 'ely6n, then David's giving him dominating precedence over
    Abiathar (2 S. 8:17) was a mark of respect for the ancestral rights of the Jerusalem
    priesthood and consequently also a sign of a certain reverence toward its god ?-/
    'ely6n.es Nyberg points out that, unlike the sons born to David in Hebron, who bore
    names with the theophorous element Yahweh rather than El, none of the twelve or
    eleven sons born in Jerusalem was given a Yahweh name, whereas several received
    El names.e6 This early stage of integration is probably reflected also in the texts that
    acknowledge the preeminence of '€l 'elydn and integrate Yahweh into his pantheon,
    making Yahweh, as it were, "a hypostasis of Elyon."97 Last but not least, this inter-
    pretation casts new light on the statement in 2 S. 23:l that'elydn (= 7/) was David's
    kingmaker.
    In this process Yahweh ultimately gained the upper hand, regardless of whether the
    critical impulses came from the specifically North Israelite tradition of the arkes or
    from elsewhere. With this integration, conceptions of God of Canaanite-Jerusalemite

    92. Esp. Schmid, 197; Cooke, 33; also Lack.


    93.Zobel, Klio 46 (1965) 83-92.
    94. KtS, IJt, 44t-47, 498.
    95. Eissfeldt, KrS, m, 421,423: see also de Vaux, Anclsr II,3lG.ll.
    96. Pp. 373-74. See also Wanke, 52.
    97. Eissfeldt, KlS,IIl, 447.
    98.Ibid.,42r.
    136 ll,rY 'elyan

    provenance came to be incorporated into the conception of Yahweh. Outward signs of


    this process include the titles accorded Yahweh, such as king, creator of heaven and
    earth, gracious and merciful, and defender of widows and orphans.
    These features can be traced easily to the 'Cl 'elyOn theology of Jerusalem, because
    elsewhere, too, they were associated with El (cf. Ugarit). But several expressions raise
    particular questions because they are associated traditionally with the Canaanite con-
    ception of Baal or at least closely resemble this conception, whereas the poetry of the
    OT links them with the Jerusalemite'elybn.
    It has been pointed out repeatedly that Ps. 47 :3,1 ,9(2,6,8) and 91 :l ,9 are evidence
    for an enthronement festival of Yahweh-'elydn.ee If this festival derives from the
    Canaanite cultic tradition of Jerusalem and was associated originally with 'El 'elydn, it
    cannot reflect a tradition specific to El, because there was no enthronement festival of
    El, whereas there probably was an enthronement festival of Baal.
    Isa. 14: 13 identifies Zion with Mt. Zaphon and says that 'elydn has raised his throne
    "high above the stars of El," is enthroned on the "mount of the assembly of the god"
    (har-m6'efl and "on the heights of Zaphon" (beyark'@ qdp6n). Just as the assembly
    and Mt. Zaphon are associated with Baal, so are the "tops of the clouds" mentioned in
    v.14- Baal is the rider of the clouds. According to 2 S. 22:lO-ll = Ps. l8:10-11(9-
    10), however, it is once more "the Most High" who "bowed the heavens and came
    down, who rode on a cherub and flew" (cf. Dt. 33:.26;lsa. 19: 1, where Yahweh rides on
    the clouds), and was seen on the wings of the wind. Ps. 48:3(2), too, calls Zion a "holy
    mountain" and "the joy of all the earth"; again in apposition to "Mt. Zion" we find "the
    farthest reaches of Zaphon [NRSV 'north']."
    The situation is equally clear in the case of texts that describe the power of 'elydn as
    a storm god. In I S. 2:10 the language is still somewhat restrained: the Most High thun-
    ders in heaven.ro ln 2 S. 22:13ff. = Ps. l8:13ff.(l2ff.), however, the theme is handled
    at length:

    Out of the brightness before him there broke through his clouds hailstones
    and coals of fire.
    Then Yahweh thundered "from" the heavens, and'ely6n uttered his voice.
    He sent out his iurows and scattered them, he flashed forth lightnings
    and routed them.
    Then the channels of the sea were seen, and the foundations of the world
    were laid bare.

    Dark clouds, thunder and lightning, wind and hail these are Baal's weapons in his
    battle with Yamm, ths ssa.lol -
    That this psalm really reflects the Yahweh-'elybntheology of Jerusalem is shown by

    99. Schmid, 185-86, 190; Schmidt, Kdnigtum,3l n.7.


    100. See Ringgren, 133.
    101. On the theme of the battle with chaos, see esp. V. Maag, Gesammelte Studien (1980),
    203-20.
    l1'1Y. 'eban 137

    v. 7(6), where the temple of Yahweh is called hAfudl, a word that (except for Shiloh) is
    used only for the temple in Jerusalem. Similar descriptions of 'ely6n appear in Ps.
    77:17-20(16-19);97:l-5. To survey the total extent to which descriptions of natural
    phenomena have been incorporated into the Psalter, we would have to include such
    texts as 65:10-14(9-13), one of the most beautiful passages of nature poetry in the
    0['.102 If we recall that the elements of bread and wine Melchizedek brought out to
    Abraham appear also in the Ugaritic texts, in the same sequence,l03 and that at Ugarit
    (as in Hosea) bread, wine, and oil were considered exemplary offerings to Baal, then
    the conclusion is inescapable: the remarkable mixture of El and Baal language in these
    poems can hardly be the work of Israel;l@ it was present in the material Israel drew
    upon. But this means that a combination of El and Baal conceptions was already pres-
    ent in the 'El 'elybn theology of Jerusaleml0s a1d was borrowed by Israel. Nor is it
    without interest, finally, that Philo of Byblos's Zeus, equated with Beelsamen, is called
    md gistos and hlpsistos.to6
    Here we can see once more an important theological difference between Israel and
    Judah. The northern kingdom explicitly, vigorously, consistently, and fundamentally
    rejected Baal, the Most High; easily, effortlessly, and almost as a matter of course ideas
    associated with Baal infiltrated the Yahwism of Judah by way of '€l'elybn. Because of
    the distinct El and Baal traditions, handed down separately, the alternative was clear
    and unambiguous in Israel: Yahweh or Baal. This choice could not be so formulated in
    Judah and Jerusalem, because there the traditions had already coalesced and Yahweh
    was associated with the "syncretistic'el'elydn!'Last but by no means least, this analy-
    sis helps explain why we can speak of a remarkable acceptance of Canaanite elements
    in Judah,l07 why polemic against Baal appears only in texts of the northern kingdom,
    and why we can speak of an independent Baal cult in Judah only after its promotion by
    Athaliah (2 K. I l:18; 2l:Iff.; 23:4tr.)-rot

    V. Late Usage. That language referring to Israel's "most high God" was rooted orig-
    inally in the Jerusalem cult is the necessary factor for its being handed down and ac-
    tively used over the centuries, thanks to the high status of Jerusalem. This also explains
    the continued use of our term in the late OT period and beyond.

    l. Daniel. The book of Daniel uses i//dy 4 times as an adjective in the phrase "the
    Most High God" and 6 times as an appellative, "the Most High"; this usage is quite
    analogous to that of 'elybn in the OT. The difference consists in that our word now ap-

    102. See also C. Gottfriedsen, Die Fruchtbarkcit von Israels l^and (1985).
    103. For example, KTU 1.6, Yl, 42*-44*; 1.4, IV,35-37; 1.23, 6.71.
    104. As claimed by Schmidt, Kdnigtum,55-58, citing Ps. 29.
    105. Schmid, 187-90; Stolz, 154, 165; but also J. A. Emerton, "ffS 9 (1958) 225-42.
    106. Eusebius Praep. ev. 1.10.7. See Eissfeldt, K/S, II, 175; Bertram, TDNT, ylll,614-16.
    107. H.-J. Zobel Stammesspruch und Geschichte. BZ-AW 95 (1965), 74, 127; idem, -r Y
    49',7-98.
    108. Mulder, -+ II, 195-96; cf. also Stolz, 154 n. 23.
    138 11,1Y 'elyan

    pears exclusively in narrative texts and, within Daniel, only in the Aramaic portions.
    Dnl. 3:26,32(4:2) place it in the mouth of Nebuchadnezzar; he addresses the three
    young men as "servants of the Most High God" and speaks of the wonders "that the
    Most High God has worked" for him. This usage makes two points: the God of the
    Jews is the only god there is, and a Gentile confesses this God and acknowledges that
    the monotheistic claim of the Jews is justified. In Nebuchadtezzar's dream (4:l4U7D,
    it is acknowledged that "the Most High is sovereign over the kingdom of mortals."
    Daniel's interpretation is called "a decree of the Most High" (4:21[24]); v.22(25) te'
    peats the assertion ofv. 14(17). Lnv.29(32) it is repeated again by a voice from heaven;
    at the conclusion the king blesses the Most High (v. 3lt34l). The reference to God as
    the Most High supports the idea of God's uniqueness and incomparable sway over all
    humankind, an idea that even the Gentile king must acknowledge. This all returns in
    historical dress in 5:18,21: Daniel points out to Belshazzar that the Most High God
    gave his father Nebuchadnezzar the kingship and brought him to acknowledge that the
    Most High God has sovereignty over the kingdom of mortals.
    "Most High" appears once again in 7 :25 as an appellation for God. This chapter also
    says that power will be given forever to "the holy ones of the Most High" (qaddtYA
    'elybnin, vv. 18,22,25,27). This phrase probably means "the faithful Jews."loe

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. This brings us immediately to the Dead Sea Scrolls, because
    the phrase "the holy ones of the Most High" occurs also in CD 20:8, probably referring
    to the members of the community, who are to curse the evildoer. The other occurrences
    are also typical of OT usage. Twice we find the full expression '01 'elybn (lQH 4:31;
    6:33); twice 'elybn parallels El (lQS l0:12; I l:15). "Knowledge of the Most High" is
    mentioned in lQS 4:22; in lQH 4:31 'elybn is associated with righteousness, in lQS
    l1:15 with majesty, and in lQS 10:12 with a series of expressions that culminate in
    "highness of majesty" and "omnipotence for eternal glory." Finally, in lQapGen 2:4
    and2O:7, we find simply 'ly, "the Most High"; elsewhere the same text uses 'dl'elybn
    (20:12,16;21:2,20;22:15,16,21). An oath is sworn by the Most High (2:4) or God
    Most High (21:21); he is praised as "lord of all the worlds" (20:12) and hearer of
    prayers (20:16), and to him sacrifices are offered (21:2,20). The text of Gen. l4:18ff. is
    echoed in22:15ff. Taken as a whole, the Dead Sea Scrolls show that the title 'dl'ely6n
    continued in use as an archaic appellation for God, possibly even gaining increasing fa-
    vor because it gave expression to God's uniqueness.

    3. Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. When we come to the Apocrypha and Pseud-


    epigrapha, it is correct to say that the divine appellative 'El 'elydn is used "fre
    quently."ll0 Most of the occurrences are in Sirach. Baudissin counts 44 passages and
    concludes that "the notion of Yahweh's greatness is expressed with a vigor that could

    109. Porteous, Daniel. OTL (1965),115-16; cf. M. Noth, "The Holy Ones of the Most High,"
    Laws in the Pentateuch and Other Studies (Eng. trans. 1966),215'28.
    110. St.-B.,II {zt9t6r, ,*.
    \)v tt 139

    hardly be surpassed."l I I Bertrarn agrees, noting that "after tirios, then, hlpsistos is the
    most common divine name in Sir[ach]."llz
    Altogether we may say that in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha the name of the
    Most High serves as a summary of the Jewish idea of God and can therefore legiti-
    mately substitute for the name Yahweh. This holds true especially in the Hellenistic
    material, where "Most High" becomes "the usual term for the God o1 6r" ;"*s."113
    This name is associated not only with the hopes and longings of the devout, but also
    with the apologetic and propagandistic goals of the Jews.
    Zobel

    tt. P. 223.
    12. TDNT VIII, 618.
    13. Wehmeier, 895, citing A. B. Cook.

    \\y trdl}v 'arcm;tl,?\ -nm;;l:?'?q 'ahbya;\lflD ma'"tat;11)lD ta-Mt


    I. Introduction: 1. Occurrences; 2. Organization. II. "Treat." III. "Gleanings": l. Social
    Legislation; 2. Metaphorical Usage. IV. 'Abuse." V. Other Nouns: l.'"lild; 2.'aliliy6; 3. ma'"lAl;
    4. ta'alfil. VI. l. LXX; 2. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Introduction.
    l.
    Occurrences. The lexicons do not agree as to the number ofroots represented by
    'll:GesB cites three, HAL two. This article deals only with the occurrences that assign
    to'lll, i.e., the verbal forms (20 times) together with the substs. '6bh ("gleanings," 6
    times), 'altld ("deedl' 24 times), *lihyd ("deed," once), ma'oldl ("deed," 4l times), and
    ta'alttl ("fteatment," twice), for a total of 94 occurrences. According to GesB, the root
    is found in Arabic and Syriac; HAL adds Middle Hebrew. The doubling of the second
    radical indicates a transitive word or a word denoting an activity.l The general meaning
    "do, act" can be abstracted for the root, but as a rule the OT uses the root -) flWy 'dSA
    and its derivatives for this concept. In summary one can say that the words derived
    from 7l occur rarely in the OT; they are found generally in elevated language or in as-
    sociation with specialized contexts.

    2. Organization. Of the l l occurrences of the poel, 5 are used with the general
    meaning "treat"; I discuss these first, together with the poal and hithpoel, each of
    which occurs once. The other 6 occurrences belong to the technical terminology of vi-

    l. GK,967a.
    140 >le'il

    ticulture and correspond to the subst.'dlElA (6 times), with which I discuss them below.
    Next I discuss the 7 hithpael forms, which are used in a special sense. I treat the re-
    maining 4 substantives last.

    "Tbeat." The occurrences of the poel in the sense of "treat, deal with" (Job
    II.
    16:15; Lam. l:22ltwice);2:20;3:51), the poal (Lam. 1:12), and the hithpoel (Ps.
    141:4) appear in poetic texts and belong to the domain of elevated language. Thus Job
    can say: "I have sewed sackcloth upon my skin and laid ('ll) my strength [lit. 'horn'] in
    the dust." As is typical of such language, the verbal forms often appear with a word de-
    riving from the same root (figura etymologica), so that reduplication emphasizes the
    word in its context (Lam. l:22;2:20;Ps. 141:1).

    .,Gleanings." The 2 occurrences of '6ldl6!, "gleanings," in the Pentateuch use


    III.
    the wortl in its literal sense to denote an aspect ofviticulture; the other 10 (2 in Judges,
    8 in the Prophets), use the same tern figuratively.2

    l. Social Legislation. Both the Holiness Code (Lev. 17-26) and the summary of the
    whole law by Moses before his death (Dt. l-30) include an ordinance forbidding all Is-
    raelite landowners from gathering the gleanings of their vineyards (Lev. 19:10; Dt.
    24:21); they must refrain from seeking out and collecting the grapes that during the
    harvest were overlooked or fell to the ground or were rejected because they were un-
    ripe or too small. Dalman suggests the translation "immature grapes," but also notes
    that it is difficult to determine the precise meaning of the expression.3 In both passages
    the ordinance appeius in the context of similar ordinances (e.g., governing reaping);
    they are all based on the stipulation that the food left behind is meant for "the poor and
    the alien" (Lev. 19) or "the alien, the orphan, and the widow" (Dt.24). Lev. 19 con-
    cludes this group of ordinances with the self-presentation formula "I am Yahweh,"
    while Dt. 24 promises Yahweh's blessing if the Israelites obey the commandments and
    also reminds them of their life as slaves in Egypt. Obeying the gleanings ordinance is
    thus not simply an aspect of charity toward the poor in Israel, but also and above all a
    profession of faith in Yahweh (DL26:12-19; Lev. 19:33-34,37).

    2. Metaphorical Usage. The ten texts that use the term figuratively (including all the
    texts using the noun) implicitly compare the people to a vineyard (cf. Isa. 5:1-7). The
    usage in the individual texts shows how the notion takes concrete shape in each. Jgs.
    20:45 recounts how, after a victory over Benjamin, Israel pursued the fugitives and
    "gleaned" an additional 5,000 Benjaminites. Jgs. 8:2 tells how Gideon
    i.e., slew
    - -
    appeased the Ephraimites, who felt they had been ignored, with a rhetorical question:
    "Is not the gleaning of the grapes of Ephraim better than the vintage of Abiezer?" in
    -

    2. See Kapelrud, BHHW II, 1274.


    3. AuS, U2,585.
    \)v tt l4l

    other words, even after the victory of the Abiezerites, the tribe of Ephraim is consid-
    ered superior.
    The book of Isaiah uses the word figuratively in three contexts:3:l2i 17:6;24:l3.In
    3:1-15 the root 7/ occurs 4 times (vv.4,8,10,12), giving the passage a kind of tonal
    unity.4 The poel participle describes the leaders of the people as forcing everything
    they can from them, like gleaners in a vineyard. Isa. 17:6 uses the image of gleaning to
    describe the humiliation of Jacob on the day of Damascus's fall, and continues the fig-
    ure with the beating of "two or three olives from the top of the tree, four or five from
    the branches." Finally, Isa.24:13 uses the image to describe the handful of people in
    the diaspora who, like the gleanings from a vineyard, still worship Yahweh.
    The book of Jeremiah, too, uses the verb and noun metaphorically, once referring to
    Jerusalem (6:9) and once to Edom (49:9 [= Ob. 5]). The first passage (Jer. 5:20-6:30) is
    a meditation on "the foe from the north." The enemy is told to "glean thoroughly" (inf.
    abs. + finite verb) the remnant of Israel like a vine i.e., destroy it totally. In similar
    -
    fashion, 49:14-16 and 6:9-10 (cf. Ob. 1-6) speak of Edom, saying that the grape gather-
    ers will be so thorough in initial harvest that there will be nothing left to glean. Edom
    will be destroyed at a single stroke.
    Finally, in Mic. 6:9-7:20,7:1 describes the prophet as despairing because the faith-
    ful and upright have vanished from the land. He compares himself to someone who has
    already both gathered and gleaned and therefore can find nothing more to eat.

    IV. "Abuse." The 7 occurrences of the hithpael, with the meaning "abuse," are al-
    ways followed by the prep. b', introducing the object of the action. They are widely
    dispersed: 2 are in the Pentateuch (Ex. l0:2; Nu. 22:29) and 3 in the Deuteronomistic
    History (Jgs. 19:25; I S.6:6; 31:4 [= I Ch. l0:4]); the other is in Jer. 38:19. In two in-
    stances the grammatical subject is Yahweh, in three (four) a group of specific individu-
    als, and in one Balaam's ass. The objects abused are also diverse: twice it is the Egyp-
    tians who are oppressing the Israelites, and four (five) times it is an individual: Balaam,
    the concubine of a Levite, Saul (twice), and Zedekiah. The narrative context shows in
    each case how the verb is to be understood. In Ex. l0:2 and I S. 6:6, the plagues with
    which Yahweh has inflicted the Egyptians are the substance of his sovereign action.
    According to I S. 3l:4 = 1 Ch. 10:4, it is the feared mistreatment of Saul's corpse by
    the "uncircumcised" (i.e., the Philistines). In each case the reflexive meaning of the
    form is clear.5 A translation that does justice to all the occurrences would therefore be:
    "abuse/mistreat someone."

    V. Other Nouns.
    l. '"hh. The noun 'oltld, "deedl' occurs 24 times. The feminine ending denotes im-
    personal objects or abstractions;6 the word can refer to both a concrete "deed" or ab-

    4. See also V.4 below.


    5. GK, $54a.
    6. GK, $83a-b.
    142 l)v tt

    stract "conduct." Its connotations are therefore more active than those of ma'olaltm,
    which it occasionally parallels (Ps. 77:13[Eng. v. l2]). It is like ma'"lal in that it (usu-
    ally) occurs in the plural and refers quite generally to the deeds of God or human be-
    ings. In a prophetic book, the one term is used almost to the exclusion of the other.
    a. Of the 16 occurrences with the meaning "human deeds," half are in the book of
    Ezekiel. The others are widely scattered. Two occurrences are in a formula of Dtn leg-
    islation; I discuss them (3) after the discussion of the related occurrences in Ezekiel
    and Zephaniah (l) and the other occurrences (2).
    (1) Ezekiel has a predilection for'"ltl6lsimilar to that of Jeremiah for ma'oldlim.
    Both words appear in theologically significant contexts. The five Ezekiel texts in
    which we find the eight occurrences are extended meditations on the fate of Jerusalem,
    Judah, and Israel: 14:22,23 (12-23);30:43,M (l-44);21:29(24) (l-37[20:45-21:32));
    24:14 (l-14);36:17,19 (16-38). In all these texts the word denotes the disobedient
    deeds of the people or a portion of them. This is clear, for example, in the extended
    composition 36:16-38. A retrospective introduction compares Israel's "ways and
    deeds" of cultic impurity to a woman in her menstrual period and blames them on the
    "heart of stone" within the house of Israel (vv. l7 ,26)- The promised "new heart" and
    "new spirit" will enable the people to live obediently, so that they need no longer do the
    faithless deeds of the past. Here the message of the book closely resembles Jeremiah's
    message of circumcision of the heart.z The two occurrences in Zephaniah clearly
    evince this tension between yesterday and tomorrow: one day God's intervention will
    make the disobedient deeds of Jerusalem a thing of the past (3:7), so that the city will
    no longer be put to shame on their account (3:ll).
    (2) The Song ofHannah (l S. 2:lb-10) praises Yahweh as a God ofknowledge, "so
    great that [human] deeds do not [even] have to be weighed [by him to determine their
    motivesl" (K), or "because by him deeds are weighed" (0 $.3). This text uses the
    word in its simple, descriptive sense. Ps. 14:1 begins by citing the denial of God by
    those who stand outside the community of Yahweh, noting in summary that such fools
    are corrupt and abominable in their deeds (cf. 53.,2Ul,). Here and in l4l:4 these people
    are identified with "those who work iniquity,' i.e., those who have turned their backs
    on the veneration of Yahweh demanded by "law and prophets." The occurrence in 99:8
    comes at the end of a hymn to Yahweh as king. God has answered their prayers but has
    also "avenged" their "deeds." This refers either to the wrongdoings of Israel (e.g., Nu.
    l3:l-14:45), or, less likely, to the wrongdoings of Israel's enemies (e.9., Ex. 7:9-
    15:21).
    (3) The Dtn ordinance in Dt. 22:14,17 deals with a man's charges that his wife was
    not a virgin at the consummation of the marriage. Both verses use the phase weiam lA
    '4lil6l depdrtm to express the accusation. Since this formula occurs only here and is not
    used in similar situations (cf., e.g., Dt. 13:13-19[12-18]), we may assume that it is an
    expression used only in this (sexual) context; it may be translated "cause to be talked
    about."

    7. See V.3 below on ma'aldltm.


    ,)e'il

    b. The seven (eight) occurrences that refer to deeds of God appear in hymnic texts.
    Isa. 12: l-6 surrmons Jerusalem to give thanks to the God of Israel, to call on his name,
    and to make known his deeds among the nations (v. 4). This text clearly refers to the
    miraculous deliverance of the city, described in the book of Isaiah, from threatened
    subjugation by the Arameans, Ephraimites, and Assyrians in 701 during the Syro-
    Ephraimite War (7:1-9;36:l-37,38). By contrast, Ps.9:12(11) speaks summarily of
    Yahweh's "deeds," revealed in all his "wonders" (nipla'61, v. 2[]), including his gift of
    the law (v. 5tal). Ps. 66:5, in the Elohistic Psalter, identifies God's deeds with Israel's
    crossing of the Sea of Reeds and the Jordan (cf. Ex.t4:21-23; Josh. 3:14-17).In Ps. 77
    and 78 'ol?16!(77:13[l2]; 78:11) parallels ma'"ldltm (77:l21ll; 78:7), from the same
    root, recalling God's "mighty deeds." It is noteworthy that the two passages are in a
    sense contradictory: in77:13(12) (cf. v. l2[11]), the psalmist, sympathetic to Jacob and
    Joseph, "remembers" the mighty deeds of Yahweh, whereas the author of the other
    psalm says that the Ephraimites "forgot" the deeds of Elohim (78:9-11). These pas-
    sages reflect the tension, attested elsewhere in the biblical tradition, between north and
    south, Joseph and Judah. Ps. 103:8 emphasizes that "Yahweh is merciful and gracious,
    slow to anger and abounding in steadfast love." Here this weighty formula (cf. Ex.
    34:6; Joel 2:13;Jon.4:2; Neh.9:17) characterizes how God works in his deeds (Ps.
    103:7). Finally, Ps. 105 shows how this word (v. l) can refer to the totality of God's in-
    dividually described "mighty acts" (vv. 6-44).

    2. vltltyd. The word 4ltltyd appears in the OT only in the story of Jeremiah's pur-
    chase of a field. It is an abstract noun8 used to described Yahweh as "great in counsel
    and mighty in deed," rewarding all according to their ways and "doings" (ma'olaltm,
    Jer. 32:19). The juxtaposition of two nouns derived from the same root emphasizes
    both the contrast and the relationship between the divine and human spheres and is a
    mark of liturgical style.e

    3. ma'"ldl The noun ma'aldl, formed with a preformative,l0 occurs 41 times, always
    in the plural. Its most frequent synonym by far in the OT, ma'"feh,tt occurs some 230
    times, but only once in parallel with ma'olAl (Ps. 106:39). By contrast, the nouns pd'al
    (38 times) and p"'ulld (14 times),r2 similarly infrequent, appear twice in poetic paml-
    lelism with ma'aldl (Ps. 28:4; Prov. 20: I l). The word dereft, "w8)," both singular and
    plural, appears 17 times in juxtaposition with ma'olal, thus suggesting that the latter is
    an inclusive term. This interpretation is confirmed by other parallelisms: "foreskin of
    the heart" (Jer.4:4), "(cultic) abominations" (Jer. M:22), and "wickedness [i.e., apos-
    tasy]" (Hos. 7:2;9:15). We also find such summary construct phrases as "the wicked-

    8. Rudolph, Jeremia. HATUI2 (31968), 210.


    9. P. Volz, Der Prophet Jeremia. KATX(21928), in loc.; cf. the quotation of the phrase "great
    in counsel and mighty in deed" in IQH 16:8.
    lO. GK, $85e-g.
    tt. )flbv 'aia.
    12. --t)9a pa'al.
    144 7lv tt

    ness [apostasy that is a result] of your deeds" (l I times) and "the result [lit. 'fruit'] of
    his/their deeds" (4 times). In short, whether the word refers to human deeds or to the
    deeds of God (Ps. 77:l2lll1;78:7), it usually plays a summarizing role; see esp. the
    description of Nabal: "he was surly [it. 'hard'] and ruthless [it. 'evil'] in his deeds"
    (l S. 25:3). lnv.25, playing on his name, Abigail calls his conduct nebdh, i.e., antiso-
    cial behavior.l3 [n almost all cases, the grammatical or logical subject of the word is
    human; only Mic. 2:7;Ps.77:12(ll);78:7 speak of God's or Yahweh's deeds.
    a. The occurrences referring to human deeds are concentrated in the Prophets (31
    of 38): there are three occurrenc$ in the Psalms (28:4; 106:29,39), and one each in
    Deuteronomy (28:20), Judges (2:19), I Samuel (25:3), Proverbs (20:11), and
    Nehemiah (9:35). The distribution indicates a specific prophetic use. Thus in the epi-
    logue to the prophetic canon one finds in the book of Zechariah, including its begin-
    ning, a look back to the message of the "former prophets" in this way: "Return from
    your evil ways and from your evil deeds" (1:4; cf. the repetition in v. 6). Among the
    3l occurrences in the prophetic literature, 17 are in Jeremiah,5 in Hosea,3 each in
    Isaiah and Micah, 2 in Zechariah, and one in Ezekiel. The frequency of the noun in
    Jeremiah and Hosea and its rarity elsewhere suggest beginning our discussion with
    those two prophetic books.
    (l) In Jeremiah three repeated syntactic combinations exemplify the summary char-
    acter of the word: "the apostasy [it. 'wickedness'] of your/their deeds" (7 times), "the
    result [it. 'fruit'] of his/your deeds" (3 times), and the use of the word as the direct ob-
    ject of the transitive verb yyb hiphil, "make good, amend," in the sense of "let your/their
    deeds be guided by Yahweh's instruction through the law and prophets" (26:3,13). Fur-
    thermore, the texts use the word either in summary evaluation of past deeds (e.g., 4:4;
    25:5) or argumentatively in discussing actions that should be guided by a different
    standard (e.g., 7:5; 35: l5). The addressees are generally the "men ofJudah and inhabit-
    ants of Jerusalem" (4:4; l8:l l) or those among them who appear in the temple (7:3;
    26:3),or the people of Judah who have fled to Egypt despite Jeremiah's words(44:22).
    But the people of Israel as a whole can also be identified as the doer (32:19), or at least
    some of them: the royal house of Judah (21:12,14; 23:2), the disobedient prophets
    (23:22), or the "men of Anathoth" ( I I : 18-23).
    Synonymous words and phrases cast light on the conceptual usage of the word. The
    phrase "evil way(s)," corresponding to the equally broad expression "evil, wickedness"
    ( 11:18; cf. v. l7), in the sense of a behavioral norm governing all of life appears eleven
    times; Jeremiah uses this general expression concretely in various ways to mean "apos-
    tasy from Yahweh." Here is the list of four required or prohibited acts laid down in 7:5-
    6: act justly with one another; do not oppress aliens, orphans, and widows; do not shed
    innocent blood; and renounce other gods. These requirements may be compared with
    the summary demand to "act justly" (Dt. 16:18-20; 16:21-25:19), the commandment
    not to deprive of justice those without full rights (24:17-18), the requirement of two
    witnesses (19:15; cf . 17:2-7), and the condemnation of worship of other deities (8:19-

    13. Roth, Y7'l0 (1960) 394-409.


    \>v'u 145

    20). Actions that are condemned can thus be described generally as "(religious) abomi-
    nations" or "following other gods" (Jer. 25:5-6; 44:-22).
    Acts of apostasy include failure to obey God's instruction (26:3-4) and the baseless
    and therefore deceptive promise of peace and prosperity (23:22). Sometimes the ac-
    tions of the royal house or the guild of prophets are condemned (23:2,23). At the same
    time others are attacked who trust in mortals rather than in Yahweh, for only the God of
    Israel "gives to all according to their ways, according to the fruit of their doings"
    (17:10; cf. Prov. 20:ll). Finally, the doings of the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem,
    the fruit of disobedience, are compared to "sowing among thorns" and "uncircumcised
    hearts," in contrast to "breaking up fallow ground" (Jer.4:4; cf. v. 3).
    Several texts are theologically significant. It is clear, for example, that the actions of
    the people of Judah, Jerusalem, and Israel are judged by the criterion of the law and the
    message of the prophets, up to and including Jeremiah; every action that does not meet
    this criterion represents apostasy from Yahweh. Jeremiah's recourse to the distant past,
    comparing the fate awaiting Jerusalem to that of Shiloh, the ruins of a sanctuary dating
    from the end of the period of the judges (7:l-8:3; 26:l-24; cf. I S. l:14:22),lends his
    words an unexpected topicality. Only Yahweh's special revelation makes clear to the
    prophet the true i.e., faithless nature of his opponents' attacks (Jer. I l:18-23). It
    - -
    is this profound sense of God's active involvement that grounds the prophet's call to his
    people to circumcise their hearts (2:l-4:4). These and parallel texts (9:24-25; Dt.
    l0: l6; 30:6) offer a new possibility: the doing of the law now and in the future through
    a spiritualization given by God and freely accepted, overcoming the faithless disobedi-
    ence of Israel's past "doings."
    (2) The five occurrences in Hosea illustrate the word's importance for the prophet.
    Like Jeremiah, Hosea uses the phrase "the faithlessness [it. 'wickedness'] of their
    deeds" (9:15) and employs the word in parallel with "ways" and "apostasy" (twice
    each). The doers ofthese deeds are the people ofEphraim or Israel; one text singles out
    the priests (4:9), and there is one allusion to the patriarch Jacob, whose deeds prefig-
    ure, as it were, those of his descendants (12:3[2]). Unique to Hosea is language that
    gives the deeds a life of their own: "they surround him" and "do not permit him to re-
    turn to Yahweh" (7:2;5:4).
    (3) For the most part, the remaining occurrences use the word like Jeremiah and Ho-
    sea to refer to the faithless deeds of Israel, usually in the past. 7,ec. l:l-6 is striking: in
    summary terms it describes Israel's disobedience ("ways," "deeds," v. 4), the dark folly
    that stands in such sharp contrast to the obedience of those who let their eyes and ears
    be opened by Yahweh (Dt.29:l-201' Jer. 4:1-4) The exhortation to "remove the evil of
    your doings" appears not only in the prologue to the book of Isaiah (l:16) but also in
    the prophet's castigation of the leaders of Judah and Jerusalem, who are perverting jus-
    tice (3:l-15; here the word is used both negatively [v. 8] and positively [v. l0]). Within
    a meditation on the restoration of Israel (Ezk. 36: 16-38), v. 3l describes the people as
    looking back with loathing on their "deeds." Mic. 3:4 and7:|3 condemn the actions of
    the heads of Jacob/Israel in the past as well as those of the inhabitants of the land (but
    not the city of Jerusalem) in the present. A similarly broad perspective is reflected in
    Dt.282O; Jgs.2:19; Ps. 106:29,39; Neh.9:35.
    t46 ,)e'u

    In the text of Deuteronomy, failure to observe the law is censured as the root of
    "faithless deeds"; the other four passages show how this faithless disobedience was
    already manifested in the time of judges and even before, during Israel's wandering
    in the wilderness and finally also after it settled in Canaan. The word is used in an
    even more general sense in stating the fundamental principle that "faithless deeds"
    are done by those who do not know Yahweh's deeds and therefore engage in futile,
    idolatrous actions (Ps. 28:4; cf. v. 3). Finally, the maxim in Prov. 20: I I says that the
    actions even of young children show whether the principles of their "doing" are pure
    and right.
    b. In Ps. 77:12(ll);78:7, ma'olal refers to God's acts as demonstrations of his favor
    toward Israel (cf. the discussion above of '"ltl6g used in parallel in both texts). Mic.
    l:2-2:L3 in a sense extends the theme of Ps. 77 and 78 by pronouncing judgment on
    Judah as well. The word appears in a quotation from the prophet's opponents: "Is
    Yahweh's patience exhausted? Are these his doings?" (Mic.2:7). The reference is to
    the destruction of Samaria, Jerusalem, and other cities described by the prophet. The
    double question underlines the clash of views: Micah's enemies see Yahweh as the un-
    conditional guarantor of the peace and security of his people (cf. similar prophetic sub-
    vergions of popular expectations of deliverance in Jer. 2l:l'21:' Am. 5: I 8-21 ).

    4. ta'"\fiL. The noun ta'alAl occurs only in Isaiah (twice) and only as a plural. Its form
    suggests an abstract meaning,14 something like "principles manifested in certain acts."
    Both occurrences appear in summarizing texts (3:4;66:4); structurally, they bracket the
    book. In the first text the word parallels "boys," in the sense of "people unqualified to
    rule"; it refers to times when exile of the leadership leaves only simple,.ignorant people
    to inhabit the land, so that violence prevails over justice (cf. 2 K. 25:4-12,18-26).In
    Isa. 66:4, by contrast, the word describes idolatrous acts that render those who do them
    deaf to Yahweh's call.
    Roth

    VI. 1. D{X. TheLXX uses a great variety of words to translate 7l I: besides


    empatzein (6 times for the hithpael), kalamdsthai (4 times for the poel), epiphylltzein
    (3 [4] times), and epanatrygdn (twice), several translations are used only once. The
    same variety appears in the translations of the nouns: epiphyllis is used 3 times for
    'alel6l; epitideuma translates 'ahh lO times, while hamartia, anomia, asdbeia, and
    other words are used once; 'aliliyd is represented neutrally by 6rgon; ma'aldl is trans-
    lated by epitddeuma 28 times, by 6rgon 4 times, and by diaboillion 3 times, as well as
    by other words.ls

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Dead Sea Scrolls the word appears only in the noun
    forms'dl€16!, whichoccurs7times, and'altltyd, foundonlyin lQH I6:8: "Blessedare

    14. GK, $85r.


    15. See also Bertram, TDM Y,631.
    alq'atam 147

    you, Lord, great in counsel ('csd), rich in 'alilty6, whose work (ma'oieft) is all." The
    deeds of the wicked (-ltl61 'awld, IQS 4:11:' 'alil61riJZ, lQS 4:21; cf . lQH 14:9;
    15:24) are punished by God (CD 5:16) and cleansed by God's holy spirit. If God were
    to consider only these deeds, there would be no deliverance. But God looks with favor
    on the 'alil61of the righteous.
    Fabry

    d)Y'ato^,;lD?vn
    -?
    tu'olumd

    I. General: 1. Occurrences; 2. Etymology. II. Usage and Meaning: l. Semantic Field;


    2. Cognitive Aspect; 3. Niphal; 4. Hiphil; 5. Hithpael. III. Theological Usage: l. Hiddenness of
    God; 2. Refusal to Help. IV. LXX.
    I
    I. Gere"d.
    Occurrences. The Hebrew verb'dlam (='lml and II),1 "be hidden," appear4 28
    l.
    times in the protocanonical OT; there are 5 additional occurrences in Sirach and 6 in
    the Dead Sea Scrolls. It appears only once in the qal (pass. ptcp.: "our secret," i.e., "our
    secret sins" [Ps.90:8]). There are 16 occurrences ofthe niphal (11 in the proto-
    canonical OT* I in Sirach, 4 in the Dead Sea Scrolls), 12 of the hiphil (10 in the
    protocanonical OT [inclr$ing Isa.57:11 (see II.4 below) and counting Lev.20:4 as
    I occurrence), 2 in Sirach), and 10 of the hithpael (protocanonical OT 6, Sirach 2,
    Dead Sea Scrolls 2). Ignoring the Dead Sea Scrolls, we find 13 occurrences in the his-
    torical books, 5 in the Prophets, 5 in Psalms and Lamentations, and l0 in wisdom liter-
    ature (including Sirach). Poetic texts account for l9 occurrences, prose texts for 14 (in-
    cluding 9 in legal contexts [Deuteronomy, H, Ps]). Most of the occurrences are
    probably postexilic;it is likely that Isa. 1:15; I S. l2:3 (if pre-Dtr); and Nah. 3:11 are
    preexilic. The forms in Dt. 28:61 and Jgs. 16:3,2 as well as Isa. 63:11, derive from --r
    l)y 'dla. Sir.46:19 (w"na'alfay)in) is from -+)yJ na'al.

    'dlam. S. E. Balentine, The Hidden God (1983),1-21 (ch. 1), a revision of his "Description of
    the Semantic Field of Hebrew Words for 'Hide,"' fl" 30 (1980) 137-53; S. Ben-Reuven,
    "N']PDI iD)v'l E)v," BethM 28 (1982183) 32O-21 (cf . OTA 7 U9841, no. 419); G. Gerleman,
    "Die sperrende Grenze," 7AW 9l (1979) 338-49; G. del Olmo Lete, "Nota sobre Prov. 30,19
    (w"derek geber b"'almd):' Bibl 67 (1986) 68-74; L. Perlitt, "Die Verborgenheit Gottes,"
    Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971), 367-82; H. Schult, "Vergleichende
    Studien zur alttestamentlichen Namenkunde" (diss., Bonn, 1967), 107; J. A. Thompson, "The
    Root '-L-M in Semitic Languages and Some Proposed New Translations in Ugaritic and He-
    brewl' Tribute to A. Vddbus (1977), 159-66; G. Wehmeier, '"1110 srr hi. to hide," TLOT ll,813-
    19. s

    t. HAL, II, 834-35.


    2. Listed by Lisowsky, 1072, under 'lm l.
    148 olq'aun

    The noun ta'alumfi, "secret,"3 appears 3 times in the OT (sg. in Job 28:ll; pl. in Ps.
    44:22[Eng. v. 2ll; Job l1:6); it is not found in Sirach or the Dead Sea Scrolls. There
    are no grounds for the conjectural form ta'alumdlenfr in Ps. 64:7(6).
    Other conjectural nominal forms should also be rejected: *na'alam, "bribe"
    (1 S. 12:3 par. Sir. 46: 19 [see II.4 below]; for MT na'"ldyim in Am. 2:6;8:6);a *'elem,
    "understanding" (Eccl. 3:11, MT '6lam1;s *'elem, "wisdom, understanding" (for
    MT'6ldm in Gen.2l:33; Isa.40:28; Jer.6:16; 10:10; Hab.3:6; Ps. 139:24;Eccl.
    3:ll);0 *'"/olmd, "darkness, dark or hidden place" (Prov. 30:19, MT 'ahA).t

    2. Etymology. The "communicative efficiency" of a language is hard to reconcile


    with the presence of too many homonyms.8 In our case it is probably sufficient to iden-
    tify two homonymous roots: 'lm l, "be hidden," and 'lm II, "be excited" (Arab.
    ggur. (lm, "befcomel dark") is superflu-
    {alima).e The hypothesis of a root'lm III (=
    ous.r0 The semantic range of 'lm| can easily accommodate both the notion of "hiding"
    and that of "being dark." In Ugaritic, too, identification of two analogously homon-
    ymous roots Slm appears sufftcient. .
    Apart from passages where Ugar. 7m probably corresponds to Heb. '6ldm atdUgar.
    Elt(t) to Heb. 'elem/'almA, the dispute over whether Ugaritic has a noun (,lmt, "datk-
    ness," and/or a verb !lm, "be dark," involves essentially just four texts.l I Discussion of
    the three {lm texts has not yet been decided in favor of (lm, "be dark"; cogent argu-
    ments have been proposed for other etymologies.12 Besides the {lm problem, the texts
    also raise stichometric, lexical, and grammatical questions. The only real argument, the
    parallelism of {lmt with 4lmt ("darkness"),13 does not necessarily mean that (lmt and
    4lmt are synonyms (esp. since f may be an allophone of 4). The meaning "be hidden" is
    by no means ruled out.la The two other texts are even less clear. Indisputably, Sem. 7 is
    sometimes represented by Ugar. i. ls It remains an open question, however, whether *f/
    4lm is an example of this alternation.l6
    A passage from a letter may be evidence for an Ugaritic verb *'lm.t1 But this iso-
    I
    l3

    3. KBLz, lO36a.
    4. See R. Gordis, JNES 9 (1950) 319-21.
    5. F. Hitzig, Der Prediger Salomos. KEHATT (1947), in loc.; -+ VII, 420-21.
    6. Thompson, 164-65.
    7. Del Olmo l-r'te,7l.
    8. J. Barr, Comparative Philology and the Text of the OT (1968),134-51.
    9. Thompson, 159-63.
    10. HAL, II, 835, following Dahood, Pope, etc.
    ll. KTU l.4, VII, 54 (= 1.3, ll,7): Elmt; 1.14, I, 19: !lm; 1.16,1,50: Elm; and2.14,14: y'lm.
    12. Contra del Olmo l-ete,7l-72. For a full bibliog. see ibid.
    13. KTU 1.4, VII, 54-55 (= 1.8,II,7-8).
    (1971),164,172.
    14. J. C. de Moor, Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu. AOAT 16
    15. W. von Soden, "Kleine Beitriige zum Ugaritischen und Hebriiischen," Hebriiische
    Wortforschung. FS W. Baumgartner SW 16 (1967), 291-94 = idem, Bibel dnd Alter Orient.
    BTAW 162 (198s),89-92.
    16. Contra M. Dietrich and O. Loretz , WO 4 (1967168) 3O8, 312-14.
    17. KTU 2.14, 14. See J. L. Cunchillos, UF 12 (1980) 147, l5l.
    d2l.'dtam 149

    lated instance does not by itself demonstrate the existence of such a root;18 we shall
    therefore ignore it here. The other texts cited by HAL under 'lm I are irrelevant; they
    should be assigned to the particle'lm ('l + -m), "in addition, consequently."le
    The root 'lml,"be hidden," is attested with certainty only in Hebrew. In this context
    we can leave open the question whether it is possible to identify a related root in South
    Semitic on the basis of the "opposite sense" theory (Arab. 'alama, "denote";'alima,
    "know, learn"; 'ilm, "ltll,owledge";'alamfaldma[t], "mark, characteristic"; comparable
    forms and meanings in Old South Arabic and Ethiopic [Ge'ez and several modern dia-
    lectsl;.zo
    Relics of this "contrary sense" would also be preserved in Hebrew if Hitzig,
    Thompson, and others are right in proposing nominal forms such as *'Elem, "knowl-
    edge," or if Rosenthal is correct in his theory that the toponym 'alm6n (Josh. 2l : I 8; cf.
    'dlemel in I Ch. 6:45[60]; 'qlmdn diplagymd in Nu. 33:46-47) corresponds to
    *'ahmdn, "the two way sign."2l This approach assumes that origindly "knowledge"
    referred concretely to a vital familiarity with "way signs."zz
    The same uncertainty with respect to the etymology of the toponyms holds analo-
    gously with respect to such PNs as 'dleme! (l Ch. 7:8; 8:36:9:42) andya'ldnt/ya'olam
    (Gen. 36:5,14,18; I Ch. l:35; Ps. 55:20[9] cj.).zr
    An etymological relationship between 'lml and '6ldm is unlikely.z+ No less specula-
    tive is the connection between 'lml and II postulated by Gerleman.2s Of course this ob-
    servation does not preclude wordplays (possibly Prov. 30:19).20

    II. Usage and Meanlng.


    l. Semantic Field. The verb'alam and the no:un ta'olumd belong to the semantic
    field "hide."27 Of the words belonging to this field, only the commonest verb (81 OT
    occurrences) -+ '11'10 srr appears in parallel with'lm or in the immediate context: see
    esp. Job 28:21 ('lm niphal par. strniphal); also Nu. 5:13; Prov. 28:27-28 (association of
    ideas?); Ps. 10:1,11 (v. 1, '/m hiphil; v. 11, s/r hiphil + pdntm). Unlike rrr (hiphil +
    pantm, almost always with God as subj.), 'lm never appears with pdntm as object; con-

    18. I,I/US, no. 2035: "know[?]."


    19. KTU 1.43,9;1.105,7, 16,20, 14-15. See K. Aartun, Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen.
    AOAT 2lll (1974), 11, 15; idem, UF 12 (1980) 2,6.
    20. See esp. L. Kopf, Iz7 8 (1958) 189-90 (no. 49) and 162 n.2 (bibliog.).
    21. See I.l above; F. Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant (1970), 6-12.Ct. the somewhat dif-
    ferent treatmentby HAI. II,836: 'alm6n= "small way signs"; cf. J. J. Stamm, Beilriige zur
    Hebriiischen und altorientalischen Namenkunde. OBO 30 (1980), 5-8.
    22. Rosenthal; seconded by G. Krotkoff, JAOS 84 (1964) 170-71.
    23. GesTh,III, 1035, interprets the latter name as meaning "the one whom God hides"; KBLz,
    389a, enters the name under '/z ll; HAL, ll, 42l,leaves the etymology open.
    24. E. Jenni, TLOT 11,852; idem, 7AW 64 (1952) 199-200, contra the earlier scholars cited
    there; also contra Gerleman,340-45; B. Kedar, Biblische Semantik (1981), 92; Thompson, 161.
    25.Pp.345'-49; see already Jerome, cited by G. Brunet, Essai sur l'lsai:e de l'histoire (1975),
    36, esp. nn. 5, 6, 8.
    26. For other less persuasive possibilities see Ben-Reuven.
    27. Balentine.
    150 D?:{'atam

    versely, srr hiphil never appears w*h'Anayin as object.28 But 7m texts like Isa. 1:15
    and Ps. 10:1 (see above) are practically identical in function and meaning.
    In many passages '/rn is virtually interchangeable with such words as -+ 1l1D khd:
    I K. l0:3, "nothing is hidden from the king," uses 'lm niphal- the analogous statement
    in 2 S. 18:13 uses str hiphil. Bat 'lm always has negative force ("prevent a person or
    thing from being perceived by others"); unlike other lexemes belonging to the semantic
    field, it cannot mean "find shelter." It is also not used to express the notion of physical
    concealment (except possibly in Job 6:16; see II.5 below).
    When God is the subject, the following semantically related verbs are found in the
    same context: 'dma/ + berdh^q (Ps. l0:1); iakab @s. 9:13,19[12,18]; l0:11-12; hih
    hiphil (Isa. 57:ll).zs

    2. Cognitive Aspect. Both'dlam and ta'alumd appear primarily "in contexts . . . hav-
    ing to do with klowing or not knowing."3o This cognitive aspect appears in the idiom-
    atic expression l/m hiphil + 'Anayim, which refers to physical sight only in Sir. 9:8 (and
    with God as subj. Isa. 1:15), as well as in '/m niphalmin or me'AnA. This aspect is
    -also clear from the use
    - of 'lm as an antonym of ngd hiphil (l K. l0:3 par.2 Ch.9:2);
    2 K. 4:27; Isa. 57:l l-12; cf. Job 1l:6), yd' (Lev. 4:13-14;5:3-4; Job 28:21,23; cf . Ps.
    44:22121)), and verbs of hearing (idma',Isa. l:15; Lam. 3:56; 'zn niphal, Ps. 55:2[l]).
    Especially complex is the language of Job 42:3: Job confesses that he has "hidden
    counsel" (ma'ltm'epA lpar.38:2, mahiift'edaTby speaking (ngd hiphil) without "un-
    derstanding" (btn) about things beyond his comprehension (beli dd'a!; nipld'6!
    mimmennt wcld"Edd').

    3. Niphal. Of the 16 occurrences of 'lm in the niphal, 9 are constructed with min or
    m€'AnA. The object of the preposition is an individual or group, or "all living" (Job
    28:21), from whom knowledge of a situation is temporarily or permanently "hidden"
    or "withdrawn." When we turn to the nature of what is hidden, we find unintentional
    transgressions that are "hidden" from the guilty "assembly" (Lev. 4: l3) or the individ-
    ual transgressor (Lev. 5:2,3,4), or the adultery of a woman, knowledge of which is
    "hidden" from her husband (Nu. 5: l3; see below). Contrariwise, the answer to none of
    the riddles posed by the queen of Sheba was "hidden" from Solomon (1 K. l0:3 par.
    2 Ch.9:2). Wisdom is hidden from all who live, the work of God from humankind (Sir.
    1l:4). Forms of the niphal participle occur 7 times withoutmin: Eccl. l2:14 ("every se-
    cret thing"); Nah. 3: I l; Ps. 26:4; and 4 occurrences in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    Nah.3:11a threatens Nineveh, the personified Assyrian capital: "You also [ike
    Thebes in vv. 8-101 will be drunken and out of your senses (t"ht na'"ldmd)." Drunken-
    ness and its consequences are a very common "collective punishment" in the prophets
    (e.g., Isa. 19:14; 28:7 ; Jer. 5l:7,39,57; Ob. 1 6). Here in Nahum the niphal of 'lm cannot

    28. On srr with God as subject see ibid.; on srr and 'Anayim see ibid., 13
    29. Perlitt, 369-70.
    30. Jenni, ZAW 64 (1952) 199 n. 3.
    alu,'atam 151

    mean "be despised," as the LXX translates. The cognitive nuances of the word (see II.2
    above) suggest that it refers here to B lowered level of consciousness, which will mani-
    fest itself as helplessness in the fac6 of the enemy (v. l1b). There is no need to emend
    the text.3l
    Uniquely in the OT, Ps.26:4 uses na'oldmtm to refer to a group of people from
    whom the psalmist, avowing his innocence, wishes to dissociate himself; they are
    "those who conceal themselves, i.e. insidiously, craftily,"3z sinister figures who act in
    secret, avoiding the light of day. Since the negative qualification in vv. 4-5 appears in
    parallel with such general terms as melA iaw', merEim, and reiaim, a more precise def-
    inition is impossible. The Dead Sea Scrolls frequently use the language of Ps. 26 to re-
    fer to enemies of the community or of the Teacher of Righteousness (1QH 3:28;4:13;
    7:34ls6! ma'oldmtm par.. 'oda! iaw11.zz
    Only in these special cases is a person (or a personified city) the subject of '/rn
    niphal. It is therefore unlikely that in Nu. 5: l3 the lover of a woman sugpected of adul-
    tery should "remain concealed from the eyes of her own husband,"3+ or that the masc.
    forrm wene'lam should be emended (following 5a-MSS; to the fem. wene'elmA (par.
    wcnisterd, with the woman under suspicion as subject.35 The latter would be the easier
    reading. As in Lev. 5:2-4 (cf.4:13), the formw"ne'lan syntactically has an impersonal
    subject (ISSV "it is hidden"); semantically, the subject is the act of adultery.

    4. Hiphil. Poetic texts use the hiphil of 'lm with reference to God absolutely in the
    sense of "hide oneself' (Ps. l0:1; Isa. 57:l 1 LXX; see below). Much more frequent is
    the idiomatic expression '/m hiphil + 'Anayim, "hide one's eyes," i.e., "avert one's eyes,
    look away, pay no attention to, close one's eyes to" (Lev. 2O:4); 'yn appears usually
    with a suffix, e.g., "I hide my eyes." Examples include l-ev. 20:4; Ezk. 22:26; Sir. 9:8
    (all three with min + the personal or impersonal obj. from which the eyes are hidden);
    Prov.28:27;1 S. l2:3 (see below); Isa. l:15 (with God as subj.). In Lam. 3:56 the verb
    is used with the ear ('ozn'!i) as object, with reference to the poet's prayer for help.
    There are three other occunences of the hiphil: 2 K. 4:27 (see IILI below); Job 42:3
    (Job "hides/darkens" God's ?Jd); Sir. 37:10 ("Hide your plan [s6di from those who are
    jealous of you").
    In Isa. 57:l I the reading frma'lim, which most likely lies behind LXX paror6 (and
    Yulg. quasi non videns), is clearly the more difficult reading in comparison to the MT,
    which has been assimilated to Isa. 42:14 (even lhough MT is supported by lQIs8,
    4QIsd, Syr., and Targ.;.ro Ps. l0:1 confirms the absolute use of 'lmhiphil (without
    'Anayim).
    In a notarial proceeding to assert his innocence (l S. 12:3-5), Samuel asks (among

    31. As also noted by HAL, 11,834.


    32. Ibid.
    33. See DlD,I,35, l,8.
    34. M. Noth, Numeri. ATD 7 (1966), in loc. (not in Eng. trans.).
    35. Contra Wagner, -+ X, 365.
    36. D. Barrh6lemy, Critique textuelle de I'AT. oBo 5012 (1986),414.
    152 olv'alam

    other things): "From whose hand have I taken a bribe ftAper) to hide [NRSV 'blind']
    my eyes with it (w"'a'ltm'Anay bb)?" (v. 3b). The$ormulation of the question implies
    the possibility that Samuel allowed himself to be bribed to side with the guilty party
    when rendering judgment (Ex. 23:8 [cf. Dt. 16:19b]: "You shall take no bibe fidhaQl,
    for a bribe blinds the clear-sighted [1c'awwer piqbtm)*).In place of the MT, the LXX
    reads kai hypdddma; apokrithdte kat'emort, probably representing Heb. w"na'alayim
    -nfi !t. With its highly unusual construction (only here is 7ln hiphil + 'Anayim con-
    structed with instrumental b), the MT is the more difficult reading.3z The LXX has to
    repeat unnecessarily -nA bi from the beginning of the verse. The "inverted quota
    tion"3S in Sir.46:19 only confirms the Hebrew text represented by the LXX; it is not,
    however, an independent witness against the MT. Furthermore, the na'aldmin of Ps.
    26:4(see II.3above)arepeople"whoserighthandsarefullofbribes (iOba{" (v. l0);
    in Lev. 20:4, too, '/ln hiphil + 'dnayim describes judicial partisanship.

    5. Hilhpael. The usage of 7z hithpael is uniform to the point of being formulaic.


    Most ofthe ten occurrences are in negated verbal clauses (directives not to "ignore" an
    individual or a stray animal belonging to "your brother," Dt. 22:l-4). Other occur-
    rences, frequently constructed with min, are in semantically negative contexts (CD 8:6;
    Job 6: l6; see below). To hide from someone means to ignore that person, ffn though
    one clearly "sees" the need for help (rd'6: Dt.22:1,4 par. I IQT 64:13-14; Isa. 58:7; see
    III.2 below). In Ps. 55:2(l) God is the subject: he is called on not to ignore the suppli-
    cation of the psalmist.
    Job 6: 15- 17 likens Job's untrustworthy friends to wadis that are full of water in win-
    ter but dry up in summer. Y. 16 ('lm hithpael) speaks of "snow that 'hides itself,' 'van-
    ishes away' upon the water,"39 representing metaphorically Job's "companions" (v. l5)
    who desert him.
    In several passages 'lmhiphil + 'Anayim and'lm hithpael (min) are practically syn-
    onymous: cf. Prov. 28:27 (hiphil) with Isa. 58:7 (hithpael); Isa. l:15 and Lam. 3:56
    (hiphil, with'azen as obj.) with Ps.55:1(l) (hithpael). The last three occurrences have
    God as subject.

    III. Theological Usage.


    l. Hiddenness of God. While more than half the occurrences of sdlar refer to God,
    this is true of just 7 of the 39 occurrences of 'lm.ao Such usage does not occur at all in
    the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    In two prophetic texts God describes himself as "hiding himself." In Isa. 57: I I LXX
    (see II.4 above), he says that the reason some Israelites do not fear him but turn to idol-

    37. Contra --+ lX, 466, as well as H. J. Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT Ylllll (1973),
    P. K. McCarter, I Samuel. AB 8 (1980), in loc.; B. Janowski, Suhne als Heilsgeschehen.
    in loc.;
    WMANT 55 (1982), 167-68, with bibtiog.
    38. P. C. Beendes, Bibl 63 (1982) 506-7.
    39. F. Horst, Hiob. BK XVVI (1968), in loc.
    40. Balentine,2-14. See I.l above.
    o\\'ato 153

    atry is that he has kept silent and hidden himself. In Isa. 1:15 he hides his eyes from
    those who think they can make prayers to him even though their hands are full of
    blood. In Ps. 10: I the psalmist in turn asks in his lament why God hides himself and
    stands far off, reversing the correlation of desert and fortune (passim). The supplicant
    beseeches God not to hide from his prayer (Ps. 55:2[l], '/ltt hithpael; Lam.3:56, 'lm
    hiphil + 'dzen), obviously convinced that it is possible to pray even when God is hid-
    den, that God is not totally absent. Finally, the prophet Elisha is forced to confess that
    Yahweh has left him in the dark concerning the reasons for the Shunammite woman's
    distress (2 K. 4:27). With reference to the existence of human misery Sirach declares
    objectively that God's works are concealed from humankind (Sir. ll:4).+r This state-
    ment resembles some of the things Ecclesiastes says in different language (e.g.,3:ll;
    8:16-17; I 1:5) and is probably related also to the idea of God's "hidden wisdom" (Job
    281.+z r
    Job 28 comprises three sections: vv. l-l l,l2-22,23-28.a3 Sections one and two cul-
    minate in antithetical '/rn statements: v. I I says that humans are able to bring to light
    the ta'alum61of the earth, while v. 2l states that wisdom remains hidden ('Dz niphal
    par. srr niphal) from humankind indeed, from all things living.Yv.23-28, however,
    -
    declare that as creator God "understands (hepin) the way to it, and he knows @Aja') its
    place" (v. 23). God can therefore "tell you the secrets of wisdom" (weyaggeS-lcftd
    ta'4lum61 hoftmd, I l:6). Job's confession (42:3) may allude to 28:23: bin (qal/hiphil)
    and ydQa' arc characteristic of God, but forsake the unaided human being. This anthro-
    pological observation suggests other texts that use '/m to describe the limitations of hu-
    man knowledge. There are "hidden" sins (Lev. 4:13;5:2-4; Ps. 90:8 'alum€nA par. ps.
    l9:l3ll2) nistdrdfi, i.e., sins unknown to those who commit them; indeed, all kinds of
    human deeds are hidden, "whether good or evil" (Eccl. 12 14). And it is always true
    that "God knows the secrets of the heart" (hfi'ydQea' ta'alum61 lA!, Ps. 44:22[21]).

    2. Refusal to Help. The hithpael of 'lm (inProv.28:27 the hiphil + 'Anayim) is used
    in paraenetic contexts to warn against refusing to help those in need. In Dt.22:l-4 (par.
    llQT 64:13ff.; cf. Ex. 23:4-5) the text moves from a strayed animal or a lost garment
    to anything at all that is lost. The emphasis is on the very concrete "neighbor" whose
    living is imperiled: "You may not withhold your help" (v. 3b). Isa. 58:7 and sir. 4:2 (cf .
    Prov. 28:27) then call to mind the socially powerless, from whom one must not hide
    oneself, for they are one's own flesh (frmibbcSdrrftd: NRSV "next of kin"). According
    to Sir. 38:16, the requirement to help extends even to the dead and dying. Finally, in
    CD 8:6 echoing Isa. 58:7 the "princes of Judah" are charged with turning their
    -
    backs on their blood relations.- These texts, appearing in a wide variety of literary set-
    tings and dating from many different eras, bear witness to a powerful ethic of readiness
    to help one's neighbor.

    41. M. Hengel,Judaismand Hellenism, 2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1974),1,147,and,11,94n.254.


    42. See P. S. Fiddes, "The Hiddenness of Wisdom in the OT and Later Judaism" (diss., Ox-
    ford, 1976) (not available to me).
    43. J. KraSovec, Antithetic Structure in Biblical Hebrew Poetry. SW 35 (1984), l15-19.
    t54 i'41Y'a,rl,a

    Iv. LXX. The LXX uses a wide variety of translations, for the most part appropriate
    to the contextual meaning. For the niphal, lanthdnein is used 5 times, kryptds once (Sir.
    ll:4), parordn passive twice, and hyperordn passive (Nah. 3:11), paranome{n (Ps.
    26:4), and parirchesthai (2 Ch.9:2) once each. The idiom '/m hiphil +'Anayim is ren-
    dered 3 times by aposyiphein and once by parakaliptein (each time with the obj.
    ophthalm|s in the acc.); in Lev. 20:4 we find the rather bombastic hyper6psei
    hyperiddsin tois ophthalmois aut6n. Elsewhere the hiphil is represented 3 times by
    krlpteinandonceeachby apokryptein(2K.4:27),hyperordn(Ps. 10:l), andparordn
    (Isa. 57:l l). The hithpael is rendered 6 times by hyperordn' only in Sir. 4:4 do we find
    apostrdphein td pr6sdpon. Job 6:16 is translated very freely.#
    For ta'alumi/67 the LXX uses kriphia (Ps.44:22l2ll) and dfnamis (Job 1l:6;
    'd
    28:11).+s tn Ps. 90:8 the LXX (ho ain hem6n) has clearly derived the unique Tmnw
    from'6ldm'
    Lacher

    44. For further details, including a discussion of passages where the LXX appears to have
    confused m'l with'lm, see P. Walters, The Text of the Septuagint (1973),262-64.
    45. See H. Heater, A Septuagint Translation Tbchnique in the Book of Job. CBQMS I I ( 1982)'
    87-88 ($7r).

    i??Y 'aha; d}Y 'etem

    I. Semitic Equivalents: 1. Distribution; 2. Meaning; 3. Etymology. II. OT! l. Occurrences and


    Usage; 2. Ancient Versions. III. Semantic and Literary Associations: l. Plural; 2. Singular. IV.
    lsa.7:14 in the NT.

    'ahL. J. M. Asurmendi, La guerra Siru-Ephraimita. Instituci6n San Jer6nimo 13 (1982);


    R. Bartelmus, "Jes 7,1-17 und das Stilprinzip des Kontrastes," 7AW 96 (1984) 50-66; W. Berg,
    ..Die Identitat der .jungen Frau'in Jes ?,14.16," 8N 13 (1980) 7-13; R. G. Bratcher, 'A Study of
    Isaiah 7:14," 819 41951) 97-126; G. Brunet, Essai sur l'Isaie de l'histoire (1975); D. Buzy, "Les
    machals numdriques de la sangsue et de l"almah: RB 42 (1933) 5-13; E. W. Conrad, "The An-
    nunciation of Birth and the Birth of the Messiah," CBQ 47 (1985) 656-63; J. Coppens, "L in-
    terpr6tation d'Is VII,I4 A la lumilre des 6tudes les plus r6centes," I*x tua veritas. FS H. lunker
    (li6l),31-45;idem,"LamlreduSauveurilalumidredelath6ologiev€t6rotestamentairel'ETL
    3l (1955) 7-2O; idem,..La proph6tie de la 'Almah: ETL 28 (1952) 648-78; G. Delling,
    "nqp06vos," TDNT V,826-37; L. Dequeker, "Isar'e vii 14: W 12 (1962) 331-35; C. Dohmen,
    "Verstockungsvollzug und prophetische Lrgitimation," BN 3l (1986) 37-56; A. M. Dubarle, "La
    conception virginateLt h Citation d'Is. VII,I4 dans l'6vangile de Matthieu," RB 85 (1978) 362-
    80; J. A. Fitz;yer, "zrap06voq," EDNTlll,3g-40; G. Fohrer, "Zules7,l4im Zusammenhang
    von Jes. 7,l\-2i: ZAW 68 (1956) 54-56; G. Gerleman, "Die sperrende Grenze," ZAW 9l (1979)
    flDrY'alma 155

    I. Semitic Equivalents.
    l. Distribution. Many Semitic languages have equivalents to the Hebrew fem. noun
    'almd and its masc. equivalent 'elem. Apart from the alternation between 'and as the
    6i
    first consonant in the various languages, which can be explained by the historical de-

    338-49; H. Gese, "Natus ex virgine," Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971), 73-
    89; M. Gdrg, "Hiskija als Immanuel," BN 22 (1983) 107-25; C. H. Gordon, "'Almah in Isaiah
    7:14," JBRZI (1953) 106; N. K. Gottwald, "Immanuel as the Prophet's Son," W8 (1958) 36-47;
    H. Gross, "Die Verheissung des Emmanuel (Is 7,14)," BiKi 15 (1960) 102-4; H. Haag, "Jes7,l4
    als alttestamentliche Grundstelle der Lrhre von der Viriginitas Mariae," Das Buch des Bundes
    (1980), 180-86; F. Hahn, Titles of Jesus in Christology (Eng. trans. 1969), 258ff., 288tr.;
    E. Hammershaimb, "The Immanuel Sign," SI 3 (1949) 124-42: P. Hriffken, "Notizen zum
    :
    Textcharakter von Jesaja 7 ,l-17 TZ 36 (1980) 321-37; F. D. Hubmann, "Randbemerkungen zu
    Jes 7,1-17," BN 26 (1985) 27 -46: H.Irsigler, "Zeichen und Bezeichnetes in Jes 7,1-17: BN 29
    (1985) 75-l 14; R. Kilian, "Die Geburt des Immanuel aus der Jungfrau Jes 7,141' in K. S. Frank
    et al., Zum Thema Junglfrauengeburt (1970), 9-35; idem, Jesaja l-39. EdF 2N (1983); idem,
    "Prolegomena zur Auslegung der Immanuelverheissung," Wort, Lied und Gottesspruch. FS
    J. Ziegler FzB 2 (1972),2O7-15; idem, Die Verheissung Immanuels Jes 7,14. SBS 35 (1968);
    L. KOhler, "Zum Verstiindnis von Jesaja 7,14," 7AW 67 (1955) 48-50; H. Kruse, 'Alma
    Redemptoris Mater," TTZ74 (1965) t5-36; C. Lattey, "The Term'Almah in Is.7:14," CBeg
    (1947) 89-95; E. R. Lacheman, 'Apropos of Isaiah 7:l4l' JBR 22 (1954) 42; H. Lenhard,
    "'Jungfrau' oder 'junge Frau' in Jesaja 7,14?" Theologische Beitriige 7 (1976) 264-67;
    T. Lescow, "Das Geburtsmotiv in den messianischen Weissagungen bei Jesaja und Micha," ZA\V
    79 (1967) 172-201; idem, "Jesajas Denkschrift aus der Zeit des syrisch-ephraimitischen
    Krieges," ZAW 85 (1973) 315-31; J. Lindblom, A Study on the Immanuel Section in Isaiah
    (1957); J. A. MacCulloch, "Virgin Birth," ERE Xll, 623-26; E. C. B. Maclaurin, "The
    Canaanite Background of the Doctrine of the Virgin Mary," Religious Traditions 3 ( 1980) 1- l I ;
    W. McKane, "The Interpretation of Isaiah VII 14-25: W 17 (1967) 208-19; H.-P. Miiller,
    "Glauben und Bleiben," in Studies on Prophecy. SW26 (1974),25-54; A. E. Myers, "The Use of
    Almahin the OT," LQl (1955) 137-4O; G. del Olmo Lete, "Nota sobre Prov 30,19 (w"derek
    geber be'almd):' Bibl 67 (1986) 68-74; l. Prado, "La Madre del Emmanuel," Sefarad 2 (1961)
    85-ll4; M. Rehm, Der kt)nigliche Messias im Licht der Immanuel-Weissagungen des Buches
    Jesaja. EichstiitterStudienx.s. I (1968);idem,"Das'$lort'almdinIs7,l4," BZ8(1964) 89-101;
    L. Reinke, Die Weissagung yon der Jungfrau und vom Immanuel Jes 7,14-16 (1848); L. G.
    Rignell, "Das Immanuelszeichen," Sf I I ( 1957) 99-ll9; H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the OT.
    SBT lllS (1956); C. Schedl, "Textkritische Bemerkungen zu den Synchronismen der Kdnige
    von Israel und Juda," W 12 (1962) 88-l l9; J. Schreiner, "Zur Textgestalt von Jes 6 wd 7,1-17,"
    BZ22 (1978) 92-97; A. Schulz, "'Almd," BZ23 (1935136) 229-41; K. Seybold, Das davidische
    Kdnigtum im Zeugnis der Propheten. FRIA,NT 107 (1972); J. J. Stamm, "Die Immanuel
    Perikope," fZ 30 (1974) ll-22; idem, "Die Immanuel-Perikope im Lichte neuerer Veroffent-
    lichungen," ZDMG Sup I (1969),281-9O; idem, "Die Immanuel-Weissagung," W 4 (1954) 20-
    33; idem, "Die Immanuel-Weissagung und die Eschatologie des Jesaja," TZ 16 (1960) 439-55;
    idem, "Neuere Arbeiten zum Immanuel-hoblem," 7AW 68 (1956) 46-53; idem, "La proph6tie
    d'Emmanuel," RHPR23 (1943) l-26; O. H. Steck, "Beitriige zum Verstiindnis von Jesaja 7,10-
    17 und 8,1-4," TZ 29 (1973) 16l-78 = his Wahrnehmungen Gottes im AT. ThB 70 (1982), 187-
    203; J. E. Steinmtller, "Etymology and Biblical Usage of Almahl' CBQ 2 (1940) 28-43;
    H. Strauss, Messianisch ohne Messias. EHXXllV232 (1984); J. A. Thompson, "The Root '-L-M
    in Semitic Languages and Some Proposed New Translations in Ugaritic and Hebrew," Tribute to
    A. Viiiibus (1977), 159-66; M. E. W. Thompson, "Isaiah's Sign of Immanuel," ExpT 95 (19831
    84) 6'7 -71; idem, Situation and Theology (1982); R. Tournay, "L'Emmanuel et sa Vierge-Mdre,"
    156 i1D)9'ahn

    velopment of Semitic, the feminine form of the noun is remarkably more common in
    Hebrew than the masculine form (see II.1 below). To date, no clear parallels to the
    noun under discussion have been discovered in East Semitic. The majority of occur-
    rences are in West Semitic, but some occurrences are attested in South Semitic as well.
    In Ugaritic the masc. noun (,lm occurs many times and the fem. llmt a few.l For
    Canaanite, besides the occurrences in Biblical Hebrew (see II.l below), the fem. 'lmt oc-
    curs only twice, in Phoenician.2 The various Aramaic dialects offer a richer source of ma-
    terial. Unique to Aramaic is the feature that, with few exceptions (3 occurrences of masc.
    'lm in a Palmyrene-Greek tax tariff dated 4 April 137 s.c.n. and one occurrence of
    Palmyrene fem. 'lmt),t all occurrences of both the masculine and feminine are quyil
    diminutives.a This phenomenon may be explained by the semantic development of the
    noun (see I.2 below). In Old Aramaic, masc. 7yz occurs twice: once in an inscription on a
    9th-century statue from Tell Fekhen-ye, and once in the Sefire inscriptions,s dating from
    the mid-8th century; the section in which this latter occurrence appears may be dependent
    on the Tell Fekhen-ye inscription. Masculine and feminine occurences the former
    more frequent than the latter
    -
    are also found in Imperial Aramaic (esp. in the Elephan-
    -
    tine texts), Nabatean, Palmyrene, Punic, Syriac, and Christian Palestinian Aramaic.6
    In South Semitic, equivalents of the noun are found in North Arabic as well as Old
    South Arabic;7 these occurrences fall entirely within the semantic range of contempo-
    rary (the OSA inscriptions begin in the Sth century n.c.n.) Aramaic occurrences.8
    South Semitic nevertheless displays a wide range of meanings, reflected in numerous
    nominal and verbal derivatives.
    The earliest occulTences are restricted to nominal forms. Even so, however, the
    noun is very rare except in Ugaritic; it is reasonable to suppose that the numerous oc-
    currences in later dialects, along with the rather large number of derived forms, are due
    to a semantic development progressing from the specific to the general.

    Revue Thomiste 55 (1955) 249-58; M. de Tirya,";La profecia de la 'Almah (Is. 7,14), un c.aso de
    'tipologia redaccional'?" Studium 24 (lg84i 23i-67i 8. Vawter, "The Ugaritic lJse of Gl^lt'IT'
    CBQ 14 (1952) 319-22; J. Vermeylen, Du Prophbte Isai'e d l'Apocalyptique (1977178);
    W. Wemer, "Vom hophetenwort zur Prophetentheologiel' BZ29 (1985) l-30; H. M' Wolf, 'A
    Solution to the Immanuel Prophecy in Isaiah 7:14-8:.221' JBL9I (1972) 449-56; H. W. Wolff'
    Frieden ohne Ende. BSt 35 (1962).
    L. WUS, no. 2150; UT, no. 1969.
    2. KAI 24.8;378.9.
    3. For the former see CIg II, 3913, 4,5, 86; for the latter, 4540, 4.
    4. Bey er, 437 ; R. Degen, Altaramtiische G rammatik (1969), 47 .
    5. See A. Abou-Assaf, P. Bordreuil, and A. R. Millard, La Statue de Tell Fekherye (1982), Ar-
    amaic l. 2l; KAI222A.2l-22.
    6. For Elephantine see AB index s.v. No inscriptions in Punic, but see M. Sznycer, Izs pas-
    sages puniques en transcription latine dans le "Poenulus" de Plaute (1967),128; P. Schroeder'
    Die phiinizische Sprache (1869), 174. For Syriac see CSD, 414. For Christian Palestinian Ara-
    maic see F. Schulthess, Lexicon Syropalaestinum (19O3),147.
    7. For the former see Wehr, 682; for the latter, Conti-Rossini, 216; Biella,395.
    8. On OSA inscriptions see M.Hiifner,Semitiskik HOIAZ-3,315. On the Aramaic see above.
    i141y'aha 157

    2. Meaning. Semantiganalysis here begins with Ugaritic, which clearly has the ear-
    liest occurrences. Lexically, a wide range in meanings is usually posited for Ugat !lm/
    (lmt: "yotth, child, male offspring, seryant, messenger, girl, maid, etc."e The vast ma-
    jority of the occurrences of llm refer to messengers or servants of the gods. The sons of
    Krt are likewise called {lm, and Krt himself is given the epithet (lm il. This usage sug-
    gests a basic meaning that can be represented by the notion of"representation" (see I.3
    below).
    The paucity of occurrences of the fem. form (lmt makes it impossible to determine
    well-defined areas of usage. Of the occurrences of (lmt cited by Whitaker,l0 only three
    can be interpreted with certainty as the fem. form of {lm.In these three texts (lmt is the
    name of a goddess.l I The phrase bn (lmt refets twice to messengers of Baal. t2 This ex-
    pression is no longer interpreted as meaning "sons of a maiden"; because of the par. bn
    4lmt, it is connected with 4lmt, "darkness," or else with the divine name just cited.t:
    The formal similarity between lsa.7:14 (hinndh hd'ahA hdrd w"yOle/e1bdn) and
    KTU 1.24,7 (hl (lmt tld bn) has engendered many attempts to establish a connection
    between the two texts,14 but the similarity does not extend beyond the use of the same
    form in a birth oracle. In interpreting the form flmt, we note that the text in question
    deals with the marriage of the Sumerian and Hurrian moon goddess Nkl to the West
    Semitic moon god Yr[. The context suggests that (lmthere marks the ethnic difference
    of the woman, not her juridical or physical status. This theory is confirmed by the two
    other Ugaritic occurrences of {lmt, which are found in the so-called Krt Epic and refer
    to Hry, the daughter of the king of Udm, whom Krt demands as tribute after the siege of
    the city. The few occurrences of the fem. {lmt in Ugaritic agree semantically at least on
    the point that the term always refers to a woman of alien ethnicity who has entered into
    a relationship with a man of different origins.
    In the curse formulas of the Tell Fekheriye and Sefire inscriptions (see I.l above),
    we find the word 'lym, which comports well with the semantic realm of Ugar. (lm, re-
    ferring to sons or descendants: "a hundred women shall suckle an infant, but he shall
    not have his fiII." Since the texts refers specifically to an "infant," the use of the dimin-
    utive is quite natural (see I.l above). The Kilamuwa inscription describes the situation
    before Kilamuwa came to power: "one gave an'lmt for a sheep and a gbr for a gar-
    ment."rs The text may be using fem. 'lmt in the sense of Ugar. (lmt, "ethnically alien
    woman." We find 'lmh once more in the Aramaic inscription from Deir'Alla (ca. 750-
    650 s.c.p.); the context is so fragmentary that it is impossible to determine the exact

    9. WUS, no. 2150; UT, no. 1969.


    10. P. 515.
    11. KTU 1.41,25 (+ duplicate); 1.39, 19; cf. J.-M. Tarragon, lz culte d Ugait d'apris les
    textes de la pratique en cundiformes alphabitiques. CahRB 19 (1980) 166.
    12. KTU 1.4, VII,54; 1.8,II,II,7.
    13. Contra Aistleitner, see W. C. Kaiser Jr., "The Ugaritic Pantheon" (diss., Brandeis, 1973).
    14. Vawter; A. van Selms, Maniage and Family Life in Ugaitic Literature (1954), l08ff.;
    A. S. Schoors, RSj? I, 46-49, no.36.
    15. K4r 24.8.
    158 ;tr1)\zma

    meaning.l6 From the 6th century n.c.e. onward, the nounlunder discussion appear
    with increasing frequency in various Semitic languages, beifig used in a quite general
    and unnuanced sense for "boy, girl, slave, handmaid, etc." One text from the 4th or 3rd
    century B.c.E. appears to use 'lmt in the sense of "female cultic servants."l7

    3. Etymology. To date, no generally satisfactory etymology for Heb. 'almdhasbeen


    proposed.18 Attempts at an explanation have either focused on semantic differentiation
    within the broad realm of Semitic texts using the root + O)y '/m or sought to deter-
    mine a basic meaning from observed Hebrew usage.lg The uncertainty is especially
    clear when studies focusing on Hebrew cite Ugar. {lm in support of the meaning
    "young woman," while studies focusing on Ugaritic cite Heb. 'almd in support of the
    same meaning.
    Gerleman's proposed etymology cannot be accepted, because he examines only the
    OT occurrences of the root'lm. He concludes: "The noun ol!f/,'lp?y derives from the
    same root as O)'til and falls likewise in the semantic domain of 'barring'; it does not
    mean 'young man/young woman,'but 'ignorant, uninitiated."'20 The other Semitic oc-
    currences of the noun under discussion, cited above, show that this conclusion makes
    no sense.
    If we are to pursue the etymology of 'ahi afresh, we must take particular account
    of the characteristics listed above (age; the relationship between occurrences of the
    verb and occurrences ofthe noun, as well as between occulTences ofthe masc. and of
    the fem.). We must therefore take as our point of departure the Ugaritic occurrences of
    the masc. notn Slm, the verb being unattested in Ugaritic.2l In our search for potential
    roots, the first problem is the Ugaritic consonant 8.22 The semantics of the Ugaritic oc-
    currences just outlined suggests considering a derivation of the Ugaritic noun {lm from
    Al,k. ;almu, "statue, image."2: First, no clear equivalent of Sem. ,s/m, "statue," has been
    found to date in Ugaritic; second, in Akkadian (and other Semitic languages) we find a
    metaphorical use of slm that coincides to some extent with the usage of the Ugaritic
    nouns (lm$lmr. Since the concept of an image necessarily involves its being an image
    of something or standing for something, it touches inherently on the notion of "repre-
    sentation." The use of Akk. salmu in this sense is well attested: an incantation priest is

    16. See H.-P. Miiller, 7AW 94 (1982), 214-M, esp.23l-32.


    17. KAI37B.9.
    18. See HAL,11,835-36.
    19. For the former see, e.g., J. Thompson, Steinmueller, Rehm; for the latter, e.g., Schulz,
    Rehm, Gerleman.
    20. P. 349.
    21. Against (lm, "be excited, rage" (WUS, no. 2149), see, e.9., Dietrich and Loretz, "Der
    Prolog des KRT-Epos," Wort und Geschichte. FS. K. Elliger AOAT 18 (1973),34; A. Caquot,
    M. Sznycer, and A. Herdner, Textes Ougaritiques, | (1974),555 n. x; J. J. Scullion, UF 4 (1972)
    I 15.
    22. Dietrich and Loretz, WO 4 (1967168)299-315; S. Moscati etal., Intro. to the Comparative
    Grammar of the Semitic Languages. PLO 6 (31980), esp. $$8.44-8.49.
    23. See I.2 above; --t d)l ;elem.
    l't11!zma 159

    the salam Marduk; the king is the "image" or representative of the deity; children are
    the "images" of their parents.2a This etymology is also supported by the observation
    that to date no explicit terminology for "image" has been found in Ugaritic, so that it is
    reasonable to suppose that Ugaritic borrowed and then lexicalized a specialized meta-
    phorical use of Ak'k. salmu.
    Further analysis of particular cases must determine whether all occurrences of cor-
    responding equivalents in other Semitic languages derive from this borrowing for
    Biblical Hebrew, the observed usage makes this a reasonable supposition (see III - be-
    low) or whether we are dealing with homonymous roots,2s or whether related pho-
    -
    nemes gave rise to semantic overlappings (cf., e.g., ltlm, "be strong, mature"26). The
    proposed etymology based on a phonetic shift from :r to g also needs further study, but
    the possibility of transmission through Hurrian makes it a live possibility (cf. Hun.
    zalmi).2t
    Dohmen

    This etymology requires some kind of borrowing, for, as Aram. selEm shows, Akk.
    salmureflects Pfoto-Sem. s, which should appear as,r in Ugaritic. The conventional et-
    ymology treats'elem (and fem. 'almd) as a primary noun related to Ugar. $lm, "yotng
    man, servant, messenger," OSA (,1m, "child, boy," Arab. (uldm, "young man, slave,"
    and Aram. 'lym, "child, servant, slave" (fem. "young girl").28 A semantic development
    "young man" > "servant" is natural (cf. + t,9) na'ar).
    Ringgren

    II. OT.
    L Occunences and Usage. The noun 'almd occars 9 times in the OT (4 times sg., 5
    times pl.). TWo instances of the plural involve the difficult expression 'al-'"ldm61(Ps.
    46: I [superscription]; I Ch. l5:20; see III.I below). The meaning of the other plural oc-
    currences (Ps. 68:26[25]; Cant. l:3; 6:8) cannot be defined precisely (see III.I below).
    All4 occurrences of the singular (Gen.24:43; Ex.2:8; Isa.7:14; Prov.30:19), how-
    ever, appear to belong to the same historical or literary context (see III.2 below) and
    must be understood in the light of Isa. 7:14.
    The masc. form'elem appears only twice in the OT; the divergence from the ratio of
    masculine to feminine in other Semitic languages provides food for thought. But since
    both occurrences (1 S. 17:56; 2O:22) are in the Court History of David,2e it is worth
    considering whether we may be dealing here with a usage characteristic of a specific

    24. AHw,III, 1079; CAD, XvI, 78-85.


    25. +dry'lm.
    26. HAL, I, 320; Beyer, 508.
    27. See W. von Soden, Hebriiische Wortforschung. SW 16 (1967), 291-94; E. Laroche,
    Glossaire de la langue Hourrite (1980), s.v.
    28. For Old South Arabic see Biella, 395; for Aramaic, DNSI, 11,862.
    29. On the dubious conjectural emendation of im to 'elem \n I S. 16: 12 (HAL, 11,835), see
    Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT VIIUI (1973),3O2.
    il?lY'a],,/r,A

    region or textual stratum. However that may be, it is noteworthy that in both texts the
    individual referred toby'elem is also called a na'arin the'immediate context (1 S.
    l'7:55;20:21).

    2. Ancient Versions. The LXX is inconsistent in translating'almd. Twice (Gen.


    24:43; lsa. 7:14) it uses pdrthenos, elsewhere nednis. Elsewhere the LXX uses the for-
    mer primarily to represent + ;'lhn: b'lfrld, the latter to represent na'ard (+ t9J
    na'ar). Jerome follows this precedent, using virgo it Isa. 7:14 and Gen. 24:43, puella
    or adolescentula elsewhere. By contrast, Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion all use
    nednias is Isa. 7:14, with the result that early Christian literature already contains refer-
    ences to nednias as meaning "virgin," although the translation here may represent a de-
    liberate attempt to preclude a christological interpretation of the text.30 The Syr. simi-
    larlyuses bnvlt'inlsa.7:l4instead of 'lymt', whichistheusualtranslation of 'almdand
    derives from the same root. It is unlikely that the LXX tried to import the concept of a
    virgin birth, a familiar idea in many religious traditions, into Isa. 7:l4.tr It is also possi-
    ble that the unusual translation of the LXX is an attempt to accommodate the meaning
    of the text as altered by both the redaction and the reception of the original prophetic
    oracle (see III.2 and IV below).

    III. Semantic and Literary Associations. A survey of the OT 'alzd texts shows
    that, despite their small number, there is a real difference between the use of the singu-
    lar and the use ofthe plural: the occurrences ofthe plural all stand in isolation, whereas
    the occurrences of the singular stand in a kind of mutual relationship.

    l. Plural. Cant. 6:8 occupies a special place among the texts using the plural: the triad
    of m"ldkb!, pilagiim, and'"ldm61makes clear that the term 'almdh has a special semantic
    force here; otherwise the juxtaposition of the three words would make little sense.
    Rehm's theory that the passage speaks of female slaves together with queens and concu-
    bines is dubious; the context makes it more likely that the triad expresses the distinct legal
    status of the various women belonging to the royal harem.32 In this interpretation the text
    speaks of wives, concubines, and probably a group of foreign women (princesses?),
    whom diplomatic relationships brought into every ancient Near Eastern king's harem.33
    TheOTitself clearlyspeaksof suchagroupinconnectionwithKingSolomon(l K. ll,
    but using the term nAiim).It is noteworthy that the 4ldm61are more numerous than the
    other two groups ("without number"). The second text in the Song of Solomon is less elo-
    quent: l:3b speaks of '"lam6!("therefore the '4ldm61loveyou"). It is impossible to decide
    with certainty whether the word refers to a particular group of women or simply to "anon-
    ymous intermediary figures" representing a "literary commonplace."3alt is hardly possi-

    30. Rehm, Messias,54.


    31. Delling, 827 -31, 833.
    32. "'almdl' 92.
    33. W. Rtillig, R11, IV 282-87.
    34. G. Gerleman, Ruth-Das Hohelied. B/( XVm eDSl),97.
    ifi?19-'abna l6l

    ble to determine in each individual case the precise meaning conveyed by 'almd. T\is
    holds true also in Ps. 68:26(25), which speaks of '"lam61t6pdp61.This text may use'almi
    in the sense of "girls," but it is also possible that the term refers to foreign women.35
    The much-debated problem of the expression 'al-'aldm61(Ps. 46: I [superscription];
    I Ch. l5:2036) may also belong in this context. Taken as referring to a style of musical
    performance ,the 'almfr1of Ps. 9:l(superscription) (many mss.: 'al-mfiy; LXX hypdr tdn
    kryphidn) and the 'al-mfr1of Ps. 48:15(14) are often included here and emended by the
    addition of 'al to read'al:olamdt37

    2. Singular When we examine the occurrences of 'almd in the singular, we note two
    phenomena: we appear to be dealing with a term that is highly specialized semanti-
    cally, but the individual texts do not use the term in such a way as to make its special-
    ized nature clear. In any case it seems advisable to treat lsa- 7:14 as primary in the se-
    ries of 'almA texts, since there the term serves clearly as the focus of the passage, an
    observation confirmed by the variety of translations found in the versions (see II.2
    above).
    With respect to the semantic definition of 'almd,Isa. 7: 14 presents great diffrculties,
    because the exegesis ofv. 14 depends critically on the analysis and interpretation ofthe
    chapter as a whole. There is consequently a wide range of theories concerning identifi-
    cation of 'almd. She has been identified in part on the basis of very different analy-
    ses
    -
    as the wife of Ahaz (i.e., the queen), the wife of Isaiah, the "prophetess" men-
    -
    tioned in 8:3, an anonymous lady of the court, or even a female hierodule. Some have
    even proposed a collective interpretation, seeing the 'almd as representing women in
    general. Finally, it has been suggested that the word conveys a symbolic allusion to the
    daughter (o0 Zion.ra Dependent on the answer is then the much-debated question
    whether Isa. 7 promises salvation or disaster.
    If we attempt to define the literary nature of the chapter more precisely,3e tud'r'o-
    historical analysis reveals behind the 3rd-person narrative account (literarily the final
    stage) a prophetic oracle culminating in the promise of a sign together with the motiva-
    tion for the promise. [n form and content, the passage is a threat against Ahaz. The pu-
    tative basic meaning of 'almd established above ("alien woman") makes the nature of
    the threat particularly clear: if a non-lsraelite is expecting a child by King Ahaz and is
    to give it the programmatic name lmmanuel, the oracle is directed primarily against
    Ahaz, since the "we" of the name refers in the first instance to the woman and her
    child. For the Davidic dynasty, this spells continuity and discontinuity at the same

    35. But cf. the female cultic servants in KAI 37, mentioned above.
    36. BHS proposes 'elami1.
    37. See H. Gunkel and J. Begrich,lntm. to Psalms (Eng. trans. 1997),350; S. Jellicoe, ./IS 49
    (1949) 52-53; W Rudolph, Chronikbiicher HAT U2l (1955), I l8; S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in
    Israel's Worship, 2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1962), ll,215-17; L. Delekat, 7AW 76 (1964) 292; H.-J.
    Kraus, Psalrzs 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 31.
    38. For details see Kllian, Jesaja, 15-21.
    39. Dohmen, "Verstockungsvollzug."
    it?lY'abna

    time. The dynasty will not continue linearly but will be given a new beginning by God
    (cf. also the later interpretation of 11:l). This conclusion is confirmed by the juxta-
    posed and related statements of the motivation in 7:16 and 17.
    The evolution ofthe present narrative account in Isa. 7 and its continuation in the same
    chapter in themselves show that there was ongoing and growing interest in the oracle at
    the heart of the chapter. Not the least grounds for this interest may have been the relation-
    ship of Ahaz's successor to the prophet Isaiah. Largely positive experiences with King
    Hezekiah could well have impelled a new reading and interpretation of the threat in 7: 14.
    In the course of this reinterpretation of the prophetic oracle, the sign described in v. l4 be-
    comes a symbol, and Immanuel becomes a savior figure expected in the future.ao In the
    postexilic period Isa.7:14 was interpreted messianically in this sense.4l
    In Prov. 3O:19 'almd appears in the context of a four-part numerical proverb (vv. 18-
    19) based on the catchword derek; the final phrase is deref; geler b"'almd. Many inter-
    pretations of the expression have been proposed.a2 The word'almh here is either under-
    stood very generally as meaning "woman," so that the phrase refers simply to the rela-
    tionship between the sexes; or it is derived from a different root and interpreted as
    meaning "darkness," so that the phrase refers to the "way of a man in the dark."+3 Since
    these meanings make little sense in a numerical proverb dealing with wonderful things
    (v. 18), it is worth considering the possibility that the phrase criticizes the same situa-
    tion that lies behind Isa. 7: 14: it asks how a prominent person (+ tll geler) can get
    involved with an alien woman ('almd). We may note that the Kilamuwa inscription also
    uses the words '/m, and gbr in conjunction.
    Both Ex. 2:8 and Gen. 24:43 :use 'almi in a narrative; in neither instance does the
    immediate context provide further details that might bear on a special meaning of the
    word. It is worth noting, however, that both texts refer to Israelite women living
    abroad: the first to Moses' sister in Egypt, the second to Rebekah in Mesopotamia,
    Abraham's homeland. Since both texts can be assigned to JE, writing in the time of
    Manasseh, we may ask whether the use of the term 'almA is tendentious. In both pas-
    sages JE has attempted to strip the term 'almd of its connotation of "alien" and shift its
    meaning in the direction of "foreign." Thus both texts are associated with the reception
    of Isa. 7:14 within the OT. Since Gen. 24 goes on to address the theme of "marrying
    alien women" (vv. 3,37), its connection with [sa. 7:l4is more direct, as the ancient ver-
    sions appear to have recognized, using a different word than usual to translate 'almh in
    both Gen. 24:43 and tsa. 7:14 (see II.2 above).

    IV. Isa. 7zl4 in the NT. Only in Mt. l:23 does the NT quote Isa. 7:14. The differ-
    ence between the names Immanuel and Jesus is striking, as is the awkward and
    - -
    incongruous juxtaposition of the story of the virgin birth (w. 18ff.) with a genealogy
    tracing Jesus' ancestry back to Joseph (vv. lff.). Here the Gospel of Matthew rejects

    40. Ibid., 49-50 n. 48, 55.


    41. Kilian, "Ies aja, lO;W. Werner, Eschatologische Texte in Jesaja l-3g. FzB 46 (1982),lg7.
    42. See esp. the summary in del Olmo Lete.
    43. But see GesTh, II, 1037: "It refers to clandestine thefts."
    dV'am 163

    both Jewish expectations of a Davidic messiah and pagan expectations of an individual


    born of a virgin.
    The NT taking up of Isa. 7:14, consequently, is not a piece of theologizing inspired
    by the LXX translation of the verse; on the contrary, it stands solidly in the tradition of
    the uses made of this verse within the OT itself, which lead up to a messianic interpre-
    tation.
    Dohmen

    Y2q 'aus -+ t\q 'abz

    I. Etymology; Ancient Near East: L Etymology; 2. Eblaite and Akkadian; 3. Ugaritic;


    4. Amorite; 5. Akkadian Texts of thelst Millennium; 6. Phoenician and Punic; 7. Ammonite and
    Moabite; 8. North Arabian; 9. South Arabian; 10. Classical Arabic; I L Aramaic; 12. Summary.
    II. Individual Sense: l. Proper Names; 2. Burial Formula; 3. Banishment Formula; 4. Covenant
    Formula. III. Collective Sense: l. Assembly of the Israelites; 2. The People of the Land in Judah;
    3. The Postexilic Assembly; 4. The People as a Whole; 5. Warriors; 6. The People of God;
    7. Foreign Peoples. IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    'am. B. Alfrink, "Uexpression]'r!y-)S t]9g:," OfS 5 (1948) I l8-31; F. I. Andersen, "Israel-


    ite Kinship Terminology and Social Structure," BT 20 (1969) 29-39; G. W. Anderson, "Israel:
    Amphictyony: 'am, l.<AhAl,'Edihl' Translating and Understanding the OT. FS H. G. May (1970),
    135-51 ; E. Auerbach, "'Am hi'dres," Proceedings of the First World Congress of Jewish Studies
    (1952),362-66; A. J. Brawer, "'Am hd'dres kip"ifi16 bammiqrd'," BethM 15 (1969170) 202-6;
    N. A. Dahl, Das Volk Gottes (1941,21963); M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexicography VII,"
    Bibl 50 (1969) 227-56, esp. 249-50; S. Daiches, "The Meaning of f'lNn DI in the OT," "/fS 30
    (1929) 245-49; R. Deutsch, "The Biblical Concept of the 'People of God,"' South East Asia
    Journal of Theology l3l2 (1972) 4-13; A. K. Fenz, "Volk Gottes im AI," BiIi 38 (1964) 163-9O;
    G. Fohrer, "Der Vertrag zwischen Kdnig und Volk in Israel," 7AW 7l (1959) l-22; I. J. Gelb,
    Computer-Aided Analysis of Arnorite. As 2l (1980),92-95,260-64; E. Gillischewski, "Der
    Ausdruck f:!$,1 Ey im AI," AW 40 (1922) 137-42; M. D. Goldman, "Concerning the Meaning
    of 'aml'ABR 3 (1953) 5l; R. M. Good, The Sheep of the Pasture. HSM 29 (1983); R. Gordis,
    "Sectional Rivalry in the Kingdom of Judah," JQR 25 (1934135) 237-59: G. B. Gray, 'Ammi,
    Names with," EncBib, I (1899), 138-40; M. Greenberg and A. Oppenheimer, 'Am ha-are7,"
    Enclud,II, 833-36; D. R. Hillers, "BCrit'dm,'Emancipation of the People,'" lBL97 (1978) 175-
    82; A. R. Hulst, "DYfll 'ant/g6y people," TLOT,lI,896-919; Ihromi, "Die Kiinigmutter und der
    'amm ha'arez im Reich Juda," W 24 (1974) 421-29; T. Ishida, "'The People of the Land' and the
    I
    Political Crises in Judah," AJBI (1975) 23-38; E. Janssen, Das Gottesvolk und seine
    Geschichte (1971); T. W. Juynboll, "Uber die Bedeutung des Wortes 'amml' Orientalische
    Studien. FS T. Niildek 2 vols. (1906), I,353-56; A. Koschel, "'Volk Gottes'in der deuter-
    164 d!'am

    I. Etymology; Ancient Near East.

    Etymology. The noun 'am(m), characterized by the root vowel a and a doubled
    l.
    second consonant, occurs more than 1,950 times in the Hebrew OT; there are 15 addi-

    onomistischen Pariinese" (Lizentiat Arbeit, Mtinster, 1969); M. Krenkel, "Das Verwand-


    schaftswort EI : 7AW 8 (1888) 280-84; C. lrvin, Der Sturz der Kdnigin Atalya. SBS 105 (1982);
    J. Lewy, "The Old West Semitic Sun-God flammu," HUCA 18 (lg44) 429-88; N. Lohfink,
    "Beobachtungen zur Geschichte des Ausdrucks i11;1t Ey," Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS
    G. von Rad (1971),275-305; D. D. Luckenbill, "The Name Hammurabii JAOS 37 (1917) 25O-
    53; J. Maier, "Zum Gottesvolk und Gemeinschaftsbegriff in den Schriften vom Toten Meer"
    (diss., Vienna, 1958); H. G. May, "'This People'and'This Nation'in Haggai," lrl 18 (1968)
    190-97 J. McKenzie, "The 'People of the Land' in the OT," Akten des 24. Internationalen
    Orientalisten-Kongresses, Miinchen 1957 (1959),206-8; T. N. D. Mettinger, King and Messiah.
    CB 8 (1976), 107-30; R. Meyer, "Der 'Am hd-'Are$]' Jud 3 (1947) 169-99; J. Muilenburg, 'Abra-
    ham and the Nations," Int 19 (1965) 387-98; E. W. Nicholson, "The Meaning of the Expression
    FtN;l Dy in the OT," JSS l0 (1965) 59-66; M. Noth, IPN, 76-79; A. Oppenheimer, The'Am ha'
    Aretz. ALGHJ 8 (Eng. trans. 1977); A. Passoni dell'Acqua, "Precisazione sul valore di Drtpoe
    nella versione dei LXX," RivB 30 (1982) 197-214; idem, "La versione dei LXX e i papiri," Pro-
    ceedings of the l6th International Congress of Papyrology (1981), 621-32, esp. 623-25; L. B.
    Paton, "'Amm,'Ammi," ERE, I (1925),386-89; M. H. Pope, "'Am Ha'arezi' IDB, l, 106-7;
    N. W. Porteous, "Volk und Gottesvolk im AT," Theologische Aufstitze. FS K. Barth (1936),146-
    63; J. D. Prince, "The Name Hammurabil' lBL29 (l9l0)21-23;G. von Rad, Das Gottesvolk im
    Deuteronomium. BWANT 47 (1929); H. Reviv, The Elders in Ancient Israel (1983) (Heb.);
    G. Rinaldi, "Poputi e paesi nei Salmi," BietOr 17 (1975) 97-llll, L. Rost, "Die Bezeichnungen
    fiir Land und Volk im AT," FS O. Procksch (1934), 125-48 = his Das kleine Credo und andere
    Studien zum AT (1965), 76-l0l; W. Rudolph, "Die Einheitlichkeit der Erziihlung vom Sturz der
    Atalja (2 Kdn l1)," FS A. Berthole, (1950), 473-78: H. Schmid, "Die Gestalt Abrahams und das
    Volk des Landes," Jud 36 (1980) 73-87; N. Slouch, "Representative Government among the He-
    brews and Phoenicians," JQR 4 (l9l3l14) 303-10; M. S. Smith, "BCrit'am/BCrit'6ldm: ANew
    Proposal for the Crux of lsa 42:61' JBL 100 (1981) 241-43; J. A. Soggin, "Der judiiische 'am-
    ha'arep und das K0nigtum in Juda," W 13 (1963) 187-95; E. A. Speiser, "'People'and 'Nation'
    of Israel," JBL79 (1960) 157-63; repr. in J. J. Finkelstein and M. Greenberg, eds., Oriental and
    Biblical Studies (1967),160-70; J. J. Stamm, "Berit 'am bei Deuterojesajal' Probleme biblischer
    Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971),51O-24; idem, "Ursprung des Namens der Ammoniterl' AcOr
    17 (1949) 379-82; M. Sulzberger, The Am-ha-aretz (2l9lD); M. Sznycer, "'L'assembl6e du
    peuple'dans les cit6s puniques d'aprds les t6moignages 6pigraphiques," Senr 25 (1975) 47-68;
    H. Thdmor, "'The People'and the Kingship in Ancient Israel," Cahiers d'histoire mondiale ll
    (1968) 46-68; S. Talmon, "The Judean 'amha'are; in Historical Perspective," Proceedings of the
    Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies, | (1967),71-76; C. C. Torrey, "'Amm," Jewish Ency'
    clopedia, I (1901),521; R. de Vaux, "Le sens de I'expression 'peuple du pays'dans l'AI et le
    r6le politique du people en Isra€I," RA 58 (1964) 167-72; C. Virolleaud, "Sur le nom de
    Hammurabi," 1A248 (1955) 133-34; idem, "Lr vrai nom de Hammurabii GLECS 7 (1955) 1;
    O. Weber, "Der Name Hammurabi in einer siidarabischen Inschrift," OIZ l0 (1907) 146-49;
    H. M. Weil, "'Ammi'compatriote, consanguin'," Revue des dtudes simitiques et Babyloniaca
    1941145,87-88; J. P. Weinberg, "Der 'am hd'dre; des 6.-4. Jh. v.t.Z.l' Klio 56 (1974) 325-35;
    J. Wellhausen, "Die Ehe bei den Arabern," NGWG 49 (1983) 431-81; J. A. Wilson, "The Assem-
    bly of a Phoenician City," "/NES 4 (1945) 245; C. U. Wolf, "Traces of Primitive Democracy in
    Ancient Israel," ./NES 6 (1947) 98-108; E. Wiirthweit, Der'amm ha'arez im AT. BWANT 66
    (r936).
    d9-'am 165

    tional occurrences in personal names. There are 15 occurrences of Aram. 'am(m),


    whose second consonant reduplicates in the pl. 'amcmayya'.
    The noun designates an agnate relationship. It is part of the basic vocabulary of the
    West Semitic languages (except for Ethiopic) and appears to be linked etymologically
    with the prep.'im(m)fam(m), which denotes propinquity: "with."

    2. Eblaite and Akkadian. Despite the identification proposed by Dahood,r 'am(m) is


    not attested to date in the Ebla texts, although the PN A-mu might come under consid-
    eration.
    The word is also unknown in Akkadian, where the verb fiamamu, "amass," and its
    derivatives reflect the same root as Arab. fiamma. "sweep together." This root is also
    reflected in the Mari word fiimmu, which denotes a "list" of persons and is the mascu-
    line equivalent of fiimmatu.2 Contrary to AHw,3 Ald<. ummanu/ummannu, "multitude,
    army," is not connected with the word 'am(m); it is the equivalent of Heb. hdmdn, de-
    rived from -+ ilDi1 hdmi.

    3. Ugaritic. Neither does the word 'am(m) appear in the vocabulary stock of
    Ugaritic, which does, however, include the prep. 'im(m), "with." Three texts merit spe-
    cial attention. The first reads 'mmym, which can be analyzed as 'm mym and must be
    identified with Akk. fia-am-me me-e of the major lexical series flAR-ra - fiubullu
    XIV.a This word, which may mean "jellyfish, sea nettle," serves in Ugaritic as an epi-
    thet of the mother of Gupan and Ugar.5 The element 'rn is connected with Akk.
    (ti)gammmu./ammu(m), a kind of seaweed.6 The second text contains the word'mdtn,
    usually analyzed as'm dtn, "with Ditanu."7 This interpretation is confirmed by ll. 13-
    14, where Ditanu is the subject of the verb 7y, "answer." The third passage contains the
    repeated phrase ztr 'mVmffimy8 The expression ztr 'mhere parallels skn il ib, "stele of
    the ancestral god," so that we may suggest the meaning "eponymous ancestor" for'm, a
    meaning that the word has in the Amorite onomasticon. Many interpretations have
    been proposed for the word ztr; if we add the meaning "urn," suggested by association
    wittr Ota a* . duEziturum,g we may translate ztr 'm as "urn of the eponymous ances-
    tor," the focus of a family cult. This would be the only instance of the noun 'am(m) in
    Ugaritic. But since it is associated with the word ztt otherwise unattested in Ugaritic, it
    is reasonable to suggest that ztr rn is not a native Ugaritic expression but a borrowing
    from the Amorite terminology of the funerary cult. The element 'am(m) is quite com-

    l. Congress Volume, Gdttingen 1971. SW29 (1978),87.


    2. See ARM, XIY 70, vo. 5'; AHw, 1,346.
    3. P. 1413.
    4. See KTU 1.4, VII, [55] = t.8, II, 8. On the Akkadian see MSLV\A2,38,345.
    5. See AHw,I, 3l8a; E. Lipiriski, BiOr 38 (1981), 385.
    6. AHw, l,3l7b.
    7. KTU t.123,2.11.
    8. KrU r.17,r,27. [45h II' u]. 17.
    9. AHw,III, 1534a.
    166 dY'am

    mon in the Amorite onomasticon; the fifteen Ugaritic proper names using'am(m), in-
    cluding the two royal names 'ammiitamru and 'ammurapi,lo belong to the same
    onomastic tradition.

    4. Amorite. The element 'am(m) is very common in the Amorite onomasticon, enter-
    ing into the formation of more than two hundred proper names.l I Names like 'ammu-'il
    and'ilt-/'ila-'ammu show that it is a theophorous element. At the same time, however, it
    indicates kinship, because it is used in the series of names that appear to express grief
    over the death of a family member, such as 'ayya:ammuhfi, "Where is his 'am(m)?"
    i.e., the 'am(m) of the child. This observation is confirmed by the total absence of
    names in which the terms 'am(m) and "father" or "brother" occur together. There is,
    however, a name 'ammu-fialum, with the unlikely interpretation "the paternal uncle is
    the maternal uncle" based on the meaning of Arab. 'amm and fiAl. The royal name
    'ammi-ditana, in which the tribal appellative "Ditanu" appears in the genitive of the
    diptotic declension of nouns in -anu,tz appears to presuppose that tle Babylonian king,
    the only individual known to bear this name, claimed the status of 'am(m) of the royal
    house. This role would suggest that 'am(m) denotes the tribal eponym. Among the
    Amorites, this founder was not only "like a god" ('ammui ki'il), enjoying the privilege
    of a cult at the site where his remains were interred, but could even be identified with
    one of the higher deities of the pantheon, as is exemplified by such n:rmes as 'ammt-
    haddu, 'ammi-'anat, 'ammt-dagdn, and 'ammu:el Ttre Ugaritic names using 'am(m)
    follow Amorite onomastic practice; many biblical names go back to this same source.
    Outside the onomasticon, which is also attested in the Egyptian Execration Texts,
    the noun 'ammu appears in the Old Babylonian Hymn to Ishtar, in which the god Anu
    is called fia-mu-ui, literally "the head of their clan."l3 It apparently appears also in the
    Code of Hammurabi, in one of the titles claimed by Hammurabi: muiEpt kindtim
    muidier fiammi, "Revealer of truths, guide of the head of the clan."la This title signifies
    that he applied and put into effect the true principles promulgated by the king. It would
    seem, therefore, that the earliest known meaning of 'am(m) is "head" or "founder" of a
    clan, i.e., the eponym or common ancestor of a tribe or family.

    5. AkkadianTexts of the lst Millennium. Out of this meaning grew the double mean-
    ing, both collective and individual, of the word'am(m) in the 1st millennium. It can
    denote all the descendants of a common ancestor or the agnate as an individual, just as
    -+ DIN 'd/am can mean both "humankind" and "human individual." That the collec-
    tive sense of 'qm(m) was known in Mesopotamia is shown by a list explaining non-
    Akkadian names, which glosses Hammurabi as kimtum rapaitum, "extended family,"

    10. PNU, 109.


    ll. Gelb; APNM,196-98.
    12. E. Lipiriski, Studies in Bible and the Ancient Near East. FS S. E Loewenstamm, 2 vols.
    (1978), rr,91-94.
    13. AHw,II, 317b; CAD, YI,69.
    14. CH, IY 54; cf. J. Nougayrol, RA 45 (1951) 75, 10.
    Dl!'am

    and Ammfuaduqa as kimtum kinum, "legitimate family."ts These explanations show


    that Babylonian scholars of the lst millennium interpreted the element 'ammu in the
    sense of "family." This interpretation also accounts for the identification 'am-mu. = ze-
    ra, "descendants," found in a synonym list.l6

    6. Phoenician and Punic. The term 'am(m) is common in Phoenician and Punic,
    where it generally serves to designate the populace of a city or town, i.e., the assembly
    of the citizens of a municipality. This "municipal" meaning of the word'am(m) is at-
    tested as early as the 8th century in the Karatepe inscriptions, where it designates the
    inhabitants of the city without any institutional or familial connotations.lT This is no
    longer true, however, of the expression 'm 'r{ z in the Yelrawmilk inscription of the 5th
    century. Here the king requests the Mistress of Byblos "to bestow her favor in the eyes
    of the gods and in the eyes of the 'people of this land' together with the favor of the
    'people of this land."'l8 The'm'r{ z
    hd'dres
    - an expression comparable to the biblical'am
    must refer to a corporate body whose opinion meant every bit as much as
    -
    that of the gods, as expressed by the proverb Vox populi, vox Dei.
    This institutional sense of the word 'am(m) appears even more clearly in the later in-
    scriptions, where it is further qualified by the name of the municipality in question: m
    sdn, "people of Sidon";te m ,rf "people of Tlrg";20 'm lp1, "people of Lapethos";21 7
    gwf "people of Gaulos";22 'm byfn, "people of Bitia";zrm lki, "people of Lixus";24 7
    'lpqy, "people of Leptis (Magna)";zs 'm rlmlqn, "people of Cape Melqart";zo m'gdr
    "people of Cadiz";2t 'm iml, "people of Heliopolis(?;";za 'm qrtbdit, "people of
    Carthagd'2e In addition, in a bilingual inscription from lrptis Magna, Neo-Pun. bn"m,
    "sons of the people," corresponds to Lat. cives, while 'rs is the equivalent of patria.3o
    A different collective sense of the word'arn(m) app€ars in the great Maktar Inscrip-
    tion, in which m'y.ID 'dmt, "its people dwelling in the region," is subordinate to the
    mzrb (probably "college" or "corporation"), since the pronominal suffix of 'rn 'refers to
    it.3l Here 'm appears to refer to "people" dependent on the mzrl.tbut dwelling in the

    15. H. Rawlinson, The Cuneifurm Inscriptions of lVestern Asia, Y (1884), pl. 44,1,21-22.
    16. malku = lanu, l, 158; CAD, U2,77.
    t7. KAI 26A^.111.7.
    t8. KAr 10.10-l l.
    19. KAI60.t.
    20. KAI18.5-6; 19.8.
    2t. KAl43.5.
    22. KAr 62.1,8.
    23. KAr r73.1.
    24. KAI170.3.
    25. KAI t26.7.
    26. CrS, t,3707, 4-s.
    27. KAI 71.3.
    28. KAI 51. vo. 4.
    29. CIS 269, 5; 27O,3; 271, 4; 29O, 6-7; 291, 5-6:'4908, 5; 4909, 5: cf. 272, 5.
    30. KAr 126.4-6.
    31. KA|145.3; see M. Sznycer, Sem22(1972)36-39.
    D!'am

    countryside ('dmt),like those in I K. 19:21 and 2K.4:41- Instead, the legend 'm mhnt
    of Siculo-Punic coins means "people of the military camp," so that here 'amm denotes
    the army, an additional collective usage well attested in the Bible.
    These collective senses of 'am(m) stand in contrast to the handful of personal names
    formed with 'm.32 Apart from the hypocoristica 'm, 'm', and lmly, the only certain PNs are
    'l'm (cf. Heb. tlt'dm), 'myl (cf. Heb. 'ammt'El), 'mWbn (probably to be interpreted as
    'ammiy€ltan), and'mskr33 This last is also found in Neo-Assyr. am-mai-ki-ri, "the'am(m)
    is the one who gives the name" (maskir; cf. Isa. 49: l).x Since the name is typically Phoeni-
    cian-Punic (skrfor akr), we can be almost certain that in Phoenician-Punic the word 'am(m)
    could be used as an individual noun, in the sense of "eponymous ancestor."
    Neither the prep. 'im nor a fem. subst. mt meaning "people, society, congregation"
    is attested in Phoenician-Punic.3s The forms b'mt ("after the manner of') and 'l'mt
    (probably "vestibule"; cf. Heb. 'fildm) belong elsewhere.36

    in the PN 'mndb,
    7. Ammonite and Moabite. In Ammonite, 'rn has been found only
    which appears in Neo-Assyrian as am-mi-na-ad-bi,37 as well as in the name Am-
    mon ('mn) itself, which is a hypocoristicon formed from the root 'amm- by the addition
    of -an > -o-n. It is common in Amorite names, especially at Mari.38 In Moabite, rz ap-
    pears twice in the Mesha Inscription, where it refers to the inhabitants of a town.3e

    8. North Arabian. North Arabian inscriptions include several proper names using
    'rn,'to these should be added the masc. names 'mw in Nabatean and'mt in Palmyrene.a0
    The generic name'm is unquestionably a familial noun denoting a male agnate. In two
    Nabatean inscriptions, 'm clearly means "great-grandfather," a concretization of the
    Amorite meaning "eponymous ancestor."4l This same meaning appears in a Safatic in-
    scription, whose author lists four persons, each of whom he calls "his 'mt [fem. of m],"
    probably female ancestors.42 An nu would thus be a male agnate. The collective mean-
    ing of 'm, "people," common in Nabatean, may also be attested in a Safaitic inscrip
    tion.a3 Safaitic also uses the prep.'m.4

    32. Benz,379.
    33. See, respectively, CIS, l, 147, 6; 4911,4; 5165, 4-5;33O3, 4.
    34. APN,22a.
    35. DNSr,Ir, 864-69.
    36. For the former see CIS, 1,263,3-4; for the latter, KAI 145.2.
    37. See K. P. Jackson, The Ammonite lnnguage of the lron Age. HSM 27 (1983), 97; APN,22.
    38. ARM, XVVI, 98-99; cf. V. Sasson, M 66 (1972),179.
    39. KAr t81.11,24.
    40. See, respectively, G. L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian
    Names and Inscriptions (1971), 434ff.; Syr 45 (1968), 6; PNPI, 45a and 106b.
    41. CxS, U, 182, 2;354,2.
    42. IM 49217; G. G. Harding, Sumer 6 (1950), 124, 5ff.
    43. For Nabatean see DNS1, II, 865; for Safaitic, W. G. Oxtoby, Some Inscriptions of the
    Safaitic Bedouin (1968), l0l.
    44. CIS, Y,4417 and M43.
    dYam 169

    9. South Arqbian.The element 'ru also appears in Old South Arabian names.4s In the
    area of Qataban, however, it can also refer to the moon god 'Amm.a6 Although rz is
    usually translated "paternal u[c1e,"47 lhe pl. "mm refers to agnates in general; the same
    is true for Sabaic and Minaean.a8 The sg. rz appears occasionally to mean "clan" or
    "people." The name of the god 'Amm is to be interpreted as meaning that he is a "pa-
    rental" god, even an "eponymous ancestor."
    Sabaic has a verb h'mm deived from the collective noun 'm, "people"; it means
    "collect." Two related nouns are t'mm, "publicity, publication," and 'mt, "rabblel'ae The
    prep. 'm also appears in Old South Arabic.

    10. Classical Arabic. Arabic uses the words'amm and'amma in the sense of pater-
    nal "uncle" and "aunt," but more for a paternal agnate in the widest sense.50 The collec-
    tive meaning of 'amm is also found and is probably preserved in the phrase banu
    'amm-St The denominative verb 'amma is used with the meaning "be general."52 A con-
    nection between derivatives of the root 'amm and'dma ('ym), "become unaccustomed,"
    or the particle 'ammafamma < 'an-md is out of the question.53

    ll. Aramaic. The noun 'am(m), emph. pl. 'ammayyd', 'ammemayya', ot 'ammemA',
    appears in Old Aramaic, Imperial Aramaic,s4 Jewish Aramaic, Nabatean, Syriac, and
    Mandaic with the meaning "people"; it occasionally has the nuance of "multitude,"
    "congregation," "sect," or "rabble." The earliest text in which it is used is the Deir
    'Alla plaster inscription.ss Occurrences of rn in Nabatean with the meaning "great-
    grandfather" are dependent on North Arabian influence.56 Syr. 'amm"1d'means "pa-
    ternal aunt"; the masc. form'amm appears in many Aramaic proper names of the lst
    millennium;sz in this context it can be a theophorous element, but it can also refer to
    a relative. Thus the meaning of 'am(m) in Aramaic proper names appears to resemble
    Amorite and Nabatean usage.

    12. Summary. In summary, we can say that the West Semitic word 'amm refers to
    agnates, both individually and collectively. The individual sense can take on a specific
    meaning, denoting an eponymous ancestor, a great-grandfather, or, in a later stage of

    45. G. L. Harding,434ff.
    46. WM, Ut,494-95.
    47. Biella,37l.
    48. For Sabean see C/S, LY,37,6; REs 4018, 2; for Minaean, RES 2771,8;3017,2.
    49. A. F. L. Beeston et al., Sabaic Dictionary (1982), 16-17.
    50. Wellhausen, 480-81.
    51. Good, 37-41.
    52. Wehr,640.
    53. E. Lipiriski, BiOr 43 (1986), 182.
    54. DNSI,II, 865.
    55. Combination I, 4(6).
    56. DNSI rr,865.
    57. See Brockelmann, lzxSyr 252;R.Zadok, OnWest Semites in Babylonia (21978), 55-56.
    t70 d9_'am

    development, a paternal uncle, or even (in modern Arabic) a father-in-law. The collec-
    tive sense includes the totality of agnates, a clan, but also the people as a whole, a mul-
    titude, or a religious assembly. The biblical usage of 'am appropnates this double
    meaning without any difficulty.

    II. IndividualSense.
    l. Proper Names, In Biblical Hebrew the individual sense of 'am is attested primar-
    ily in proper names. Some of these names reflect a very ancient tradition, going back to
    a prebiblical use of the word. This is particularly true of 'clt'dm (2 S. l1:3; 23:34),
    'ammt'dl (Nu. l3:12; 2 S. 9:4-5; 17:27; I Ch. 3:5; 26:5), and yilre'am (2 S. 3:5; I Ch.
    3:3), all of which appear as Amorite personal names, as well as'ammdn, the epony-
    mous ancestor of the Ammonites. The name 'ammtndQd! (Ex. 6:23; Nu. l:7; 2:3;
    7:12,17,.10:14;Ruth 4:19-20; I Ch.2:10;6:7[Eng. v.22): l5:10-ll; alsotobereadin
    Cant. 6:12) was bome by two Ammonite kings.sa Here the element 'ammt is the sub-
    ject, as well as in'ammthfi/ (Nu. l: l0; 2:18;7:48,53; lO:22;34:20,28; I Ch.7:26;9:4),
    in the Aramaic name 'ammtTdldj (l Ch. 27:6), in the North Arabian name 'ant'am
    (1 Ch. 7:19), as well as in yeqam'am (l Ch. 23:19;24:23; cf. the toponym yoqm"dm),
    ydro!'dm, and rehale'am.se lt is the predicate in 'ammihfir (2 S. 13:37 19, a
    theophorous name with Horus, and, in 'ammtiadday (Nu. l: l2; 2:25;7:66,71; 10:25).
    There are also the toponyms yoqm"am (l K. 4:12; I Ch. 6:53[68)); yoqne'dm (Josh.
    12:22; l9:ll1'21:34), yoqd"'am (Josh. 15:56), which should possibly be emended to
    yoqre'am(lCh.2:44):andperhaps alsoyi|le'dm(Josh. 17:ll;Jgs.l:27;2K.9:27;cf.
    1 Ch. 6:55[70]). Two of these toponyms appear also as Amorite PNs: yaqun-'ammu
    and 'ammu-Yaqar6o
    The relatively frequent correlations with Amorite onomastica can indicate that
    'amm in most PNs originally had the meaning "eponymous ancestor" or "paterfami-
    lias." The popular etymology in Gen. l9:37f . attests similar meaning. Here the name
    Moab is explained with the help of me'd!, "came forth from their father"; ben-'ammt
    must then mean "son of my clan-father" or "family father." Accordingly, the Hebrew
    PN with the element 'amm can reflect an ancestral cult, vestiges of which would obvi-
    ously be nuanced when transmitted in the biblical texts.

    2. Buial Formula. Nevertheless, the written language of the biblical period has pre-
    served the individual usage of'am in a few expressions, especially the burial formula
    ne'"sap 'el-'ammayw (Gen. 25:8,17; 35:29,33; Nu. 20:24; 27:13; 3li2i Dt. 32i50
    [twice]). It is a euphemism for "die," meaning literally "be gathered to his ancestors."
    Other texts express the same notion with the verb ne'esap (Nu. 20:26; Isa. 57:l; Hos.
    4:3; Sir. 8:7;40l.281, cf. Ezk. 34:29) a usage already attested at Ugaritot or connect
    it with other adverbial phrases such-as ne'"sap 'el-'"!61dyw, "be gathered to- his fathers"

    58. See IPN, 193; Jackson, Ammonite lnnguage,97.


    59. See IPN, 146; on the North Arabic name see Harding, Index, 80, 145.
    60. For the former see TCL, l, 238, 42; for the latter, ARM, )(yul, 101.
    61. KTU 1.14, I, 18.
    O!'am 171

    (Jgs. 2:10; cf . 2 K. 22:20; 2 Ch. 34:28);62 ot ne"sap 'el-qiprayy$a, "be gathered to


    your tombs" (2 K. 22:20; 2 Ch. 34:28). The pl. 'el-'ammayw is therefore no standing el-
    ement of the idiom. The LXX simply translates it as lads (Gen. 25:8; 49:29,33; Nu.
    2O:24;27:13 31:2;Dt.32:50) or ginos (Gen.25:17;35:29). Targ. Onqelos retains the
    pl. 'ammAh, but this is only a mechanical borrowing of the Hebrew term. Taking into
    account the idiom 'dsap/ne'esap 'el-'"b6!dyw (Jgs. 2:10; 2K,22:20;2 Ch.34:28) and
    the meaning of 'am in onomastics, we may conclude that here 'amm?m refers to de-
    parted progenitors, to forefathers in the widest sense of the word. Above and beyond its
    use as a periphrastic euphemism for "die," the idiom may embody a concealed allusion
    to a cult of departed ancestors celebrated at their tombs (2 K.22:201,2 Ch. 34:28).

    3. Banishment Formula. The individual usage of 'am occurs also in the penalty for-
    mula nillr'1A hannepei hdht'md'ammeyhd. With a few variants (Ex. 12:15,19; Nu.
    19:20), it appears in 30 OT texts: Gen. 17:14:' Ex. 12:15,19; 30:33,38; 3l:14; Lev.
    7:20,21,25,27: 17:4,9,10,14; 18:29; l9:8;20:3,5,6,17,18; 23:29,30; Nu. 9:13; l5:30,
    3l; 19:13,20; Ezk. 14:8,9. It clearly refers to exclusion from the community, without
    going into detail about the modalities.63 The double formulation of the punishment in
    Ex.3l:14 appears to indicate that this excommunication has replaced the death pen-
    alty, which was prescribed originally for breaking the sabbath (Ex. 3l:14a; Nu. 15:32'-
    36). With the passage of time, the use of the pl. 'ammtm ceased to be clear; later texts
    therefore replaced it with yiird'€l (Ex. 12:15), 'eQA (Ex. 12:19), or qdhdl (Nu. 19:20),
    or changed the formula slightly to hilril . . . miqqere! 'ammdVammi (Lev. 17:10;
    20:3,6), niftral miqqere! hammalraneh (CD 20:26), nikra! mittbk kol b"nA '6r (lQS
    2:16), or mittdf; 'amdm4h ( I lQf 27:7 -8). At first glance, the pl. 'ammtm of the original
    idiom can refer only to the members of the clan or tribe, both living and dead, since
    such excommunication was intended to exclude the banished individual from the fam-
    ily tomb. It is likely, however, that the real purpose of the punishment was exclusion
    from the cult ofthe dead, since the formula uses the termnepei, possibly to be under-
    stood in the sense of nepei me!. Under this interpretation, the pl. 'ammtm would have
    exactly the same -"urilng as in the burial formula ne'"sap 'el-'ammdyw, to which the
    banishment formula stands in contrast.

    4. Covenant Formula. It is possible that the individual sense of 'am was also present
    in the covenant formula: "I will be God for you, and you will be 'am for me" (Lev.
    26:12; cf. Ex. 6:7; Dt. 26:17-18; 29:12U3); Jer. 7:23; ll:4; 24:7; 30:22; 3l:1,33;
    32:38;Ezk. ll:20; l4:ll;36:28;37:23,27;7nc.8:8; I IQT 59:13). This statement uses
    the ancient word pair "God" and "ancestor" that appears in the Amorite PNs 'ammui-
    /cF 7l ("his ancestor is like God") and 'ili/'ila-'arnmu ("the ancestor is [my] God") as
    well as Ruth 1:16: "Your ancestor will be my ancestor, and your God will be my God."
    The words of the covenant thus conjure up a mutual relationship that practically re-

    62. --+ l, 10.


    63. --r VII, 347-49.
    t72 d!'am

    quires interpreting the word 'am in the sense of "agnate," since the specif,rc meaning
    "progenitor" is impossible. Yahweh and Israel would be understood henceforth as a
    kind of family, with Yahweh in its midst: "I shall walk in your midst" (Lev.26:-12).The
    word'am was undoubtedly understood later in the sense of "my people," butLev.26:12
    speaks only of an'am, with no suffix, which makes sense only with the meaning
    "agnate" or "blood relative," as a newly established kinship relationship. Later a more
    precise definition claimed the day, based on the relationship traditionally established
    between the covenant formula and the expression 'am yhwh (l 5.2:24;2 S. l:12;6:21;
    2 K. 9:6; cf . 'am "l6him in 2 S. 14:13), a construct phrase expressing the relationship
    between Israel and God, which gave rise to the use of the suffix "my people" (l K.
    l4:7; 16:2; etc.), "your people" (Hab. 3:13; Ps. 3:9[8]; 79:13; etc.), "his people" (Ps.
    29:ll;78:71; etc.). It is likely, however, that originally the expression did not refer to
    the Israel that settled west of the Jordan toward the end of the 13th century, but to the
    "clan" or "tribe" of Yahweh dwelling in Edom.s The notion of kinship was undoubt-
    edly present at the outset, but the word had a collective sense, just as in the expression
    'am kemdi (Nu. 2l:29).
    The complete covenant formula for the most part already reinterpreted collec-
    tively -
    appears first in Ex.6:7 in connection with the commissioning of Moses; it ap-
    -
    p'ears subsequently in contexts emphasizing obedience to the law as a condition of the
    covenant (Lev. 26:12 [H] ; Dt. 26:17 -18; 29:12-13(13-14); Jer. 7 :23; I I :4), as a conse-
    quence of a new heart (Jer. 24:7; 3l:33; Ezk. ll:20), as a consequence of purification
    (Ezk. l4:ll;37:23), and in the context of a general restoration of Israel (Jer.30:22;
    3l:l;32:38;Ezk.36:28;37:27; Zec. 8:8). Other texts may be read as alluding to the
    formula,e.g.,Jer. 13:11("inorderthattheymightbemypeople"), Isa.40: I (whenone
    can speak of "my people" and "your God," the covenant is still in force; on "comfort,"
    cf . 49:13; 52:9), 5l:.16 (". . . saying to Zion, 'You are my people' "), 5l:22 ("your God,
    who pleads the cause of his people"), and 63:8 ("surely they are my people . . . he be-
    came their savior").
    In Jgs. 5:11,13, the expression'am yhwh seems to mean "army of Yahweh" (see
    III.5 below), but this is clearly a specialized meaning here. Elsewhere the complete
    expression and the suffixed forms appear in contexts dealing with the intimate bond
    between Yahweh and his people ("clan, kindred"). The expression is especially com-
    mon in prophetic language and in the Psalms; it is not found in the laws or wisdom
    literature. According to Lohfink, it belongs "primarily to the situation of dialogue
    between Yahweh and Israel, less to the situation of objective speaking about Is
    rael."65
    The relationship between Yahweh and his people can find negative or positive ex-
    pression, depending on whether it provokes his intervention to punish or to help.
    Yahweh is angry with his people (Isa. 5:25; 47:6; Ps. 106:40), "sells" them (Ps.

    64. See R. Giveon, Izs bddouins Shosou (1971), 26-28,75; contra L. E. Stager, Erlsr 18
    (1985) 56-64.
    65. P. 280.
    D!'am t73

    44:l3[2l), makes them suffer hard things (Ps. 60:5[3]), gives them to the sword (Ps.
    78:62), requites their wickedness (Jer. 7:12).But he also observes the misery of his
    people (Ex. 3:7) and delivers them out of Egypt (l K. 8:16; Ps. 105:43; Dnl. 9: l5; cf.
    Ps. 77:16[l5]l7a'al)), binds up their wounds (Isa. 30:26), goes forth to save his peo-
    ple (Hab.3:13), restores theirfortunes (ifib i"bfr!, Jer.30:3;Hos.6:11; Ps.53:7[6]).
    He gives blessings, help, peace, and strength (Dt.26:15; Ps. 3:9[8]; 28:9;29:ll);he
    makes known his power and sends redemption (Ps. 11l:6,9). The people are his
    flock, which he pastures (Ps. 79:13; 100:3; cf. 77:2ll2o);78:52); he takes special
    careof thepowerlessamonghispeople(Isa. l0:2; 14:32). Heisarefuge,forhispeo-
    ple (Joel 4:16[3:16]). He sets princes or kings over his people (1 S. 9:16; 13:14;
    l5:l:2 S. 6:21; 7:8; I K. l4:7; 16:2:2 K. 9:6). He speaks to his people and admon-
    ishes them (Ps. 50:7; 8l:9[8];cf.78:l). He laments that his people do not understand
    (Isa. 1:3; here the familial aspect surfaces: rebellious, degenerate children). He asks
    in desperation, "What can I do with my sinful people?" (Jer. 9:6Ul) or reproachfully,
    "O my people, what have I done to you?" (Mic. 6:3). Particularly impressive is the
    concentration of occurrences in Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the temple
    (l K. 8:23-52). The entire dedication ceremony is represented as involving God's
    people: the people possess the land as God's gift (vv.36,51), are obligated to fear
    God (v. 43), and expect that God will hear their prayers (vv. 30,38,52) and forgive
    their sins (vv. 34,36,50).
    This notion plays a special role in the thought of Hosea. He calls his son Lo-ammi,
    because Israel is no longer God's people (l:9). Later, however, Yahweh takes back his
    people, and we hear again the words 'ammi and'el6hay (2:25[23)).
    Isa. 2:6 is a special case: kt nayaltd 'amm"f;fr bAl ya'4q6!. In the context of vv. 6-22,
    an apostrophe to the house of Jacob would be unique (v. 9c is either parenthetical or
    comrpt). The LXX reads: "He has rejected his people, the house of Jacob," which may
    make the best sense. The Targ. reads "your strength" ('uzz'kfr), i.e., God. In discussing
    Hos. 4:4, Nyberg has pointed out the possibility of taking 'am, "relative," as a reference
    to the deity, an interpretation that would also be possible here.66 Saadiah interprets 'crz
    as "national character"; Wiklander has a similar reading: "the congregation of those
    who worship Yahweh."67 The change of person, however, remains diffrcult, and it is
    probably impossible to reach a totally satisfying solution.
    Lipiriski

    It should be noted that outside Israel the concept of a "people" is totally absent from
    the ancient Near East. Groups of human beings are distinguished by their dwelling
    places, geographical regions, and social classes, as well as by their various languages, a
    distinction that sometimes results in different groupings.68
    Von Soden

    66. H. S. Nyberg, Studien zum Hoseabuche. UUA 1935:6,27-28.


    67. B. Wiklander, Prophecy as Literature: A Text-Linguistic and Rhetorical Approach to Isa-
    iah 24. CB 22 (1984),71-72.
    68. See W von Soden, ?he Ancient Orient (Eng. trans. 1994), 13-14.
    174 d9_'am

    III. Collective Sense. The semantic content of the word 'am developed primarily in
    an urban milieu, taking on a variety of collective nuances in which the notion of kin-
    ship among members of a clan or with the tribal "totem" was lost. This connotation
    vanished from common usage at the time when 'am came to be used in synonymous
    parallelism with -+ r17 g6y (Dt.4:6; Ezk.36:15; Ps.96:3,10; 106:34-35) and -+ EN)

    le'dm (Gen. 27:29:' Isa. l7:12; Jer. 5 I :58; Hab. 2:13; Ps. 47:4131; 57: 10[9]; 67:5141;
    108:4[3]; Prov.24:24) without any detegtable special nuance. Instead, the term 'amfre-
    quently suggests the notion of totality, of the people as a whole, like Arab. 'amma. It is
    used in connection with political, civil, and religious institutions: levy of troops, popu-
    lar assembly, populace, congregation of the faithful, and religious community.

    l. Assembly of the Israelifes. As in Phoenician and Punic, 'am can refer to the total-
    ity of an urban population enjoying full civil rights (Ruth 4:4,9), e.g., the people of Je-
    rusalem (2 Ch.32:18). When they meet to make decisions, they constitute the popular
    assembly, called simply ha'am or kol-ha'am. In Jgs. 10:18, e.g., 'amrefers to the as-
    sembly of the inhabitants of Gilead, who appoint Jephthah commander (ll:11) and
    whose elders (+ lll zAqen) act as their authorized representatives ( I I :5- 1 I ). The situ-
    ation is similar in I S. 10:17,22-24, where the 'am assembled at Mizpah determines to
    elevate Saul to the kingship. In both cases the 'amis a tribal assembly, of Gilead and
    Benjamin respectively. A more inclusive assembly appears in I K. 12. The 'am at
    Shechem comprises the northern tribes, i.e., Israel; the elders take counsel with
    Rehoboam as delegates of the people. When an author wants to underscore the fact that
    a decision is reached by the whole assembly, the expression kol-hd'dm, "all the peo-
    ple," is used (l K. 20:8, where the full assembly of the people of Samaria with all the
    elders serving as its spokespersons intervenes with the king). The expression "all Is-
    rael" refers only to the northern kingdom, since Judah never belonged to Israel in the
    strict sense of the word. For example, Omri is acclaimed king by "all Israel" (l K.
    16: 16); then, however, the 'am of Israel was divided (v. 2l) and civil war ensued.

    2. The People of the l,and of Judalr. In Judah the popular assembly of all citizens
    during the monarchy, distinct from the inhabitants of Jerusalem
    -
    bore the special desig-
    -
    nation'am ha'ares,literally "people of the land" (cf. 2 K. 14:21 with 2 K. 23:30). This
    'am ha'ares can be compared to the nr 'rp z in the inscription of Yehawmilk, king of
    Byblos (see I.6 above). It is distinguished from or contrasted with the king or prince (2 K.
    16: l5; Ezk. 7:27:45:22; Dnl. 9:6), the king and his ministers (Jer.37:2), and the notables,
    priests, and prophets (Jer. l: l8; 34:19; 44:21;Ezk.22:24-29). It is also distinct from the
    population of the royal city of Jerusalem (2 K. ll:20;cf.Jer.25:2), which comprised pri-
    marily functionaries, mercenaries and their families, court personnel, and temple ser-
    vants. As a consequence, the 'am ha'dres consisted essentially of the people inhabiting
    the province. Nevertheless, it acclaimed Joash (2 K. I l:14,18; 2 Ch.23:13) and subse-
    quently Josiah (2 K. 2l:14;2 Ch. 33:25) as king. It also decided to destroy the temple of
    Baal and to execute both Mattan the priest of Baal and Queen Athaliah (2K.ll:18,20;
    2 Ch. 23:17,21), thus functioning as defender of autochthonous Judahite traditions
    against foreign influences associated with the entourage of Athaliah.
    dYam 175

    After the exile, this notion of an autochthonous native people comprising the inhab-
    itants of the province was adopted by the exiles who returned from Babylonia. "The
    poorest of the 'am hd'aretl' who had remained in Judah (2 K. 24:14) and intermarried
    with non-Jews (cf. Neh. 13:.23), the revenants looked on as people who neither knew
    nor obeyed the law, hindered observance of the sabbath, and interfered with the work
    of national and religious restoration (Ezr.9:l-2,11; 10.,2,11:, Neh. 10:29,31-32). On the
    basis of this notion, the term 'am ha'are; was applied to the Samaritans (Ezr. 4:4), then
    to the non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine(Ezr.3:3;9:l; Neh.9:30; Gen. 23:12-13; Nu.
    14:9), and finally to natives in general, e.g., the Egyptians in Egypt (Gen. 42:6). This
    pejorative sense of 'am ha'are; continued in Mishnaic Hebrew usage. As in Ezr. 9:1-
    2,ll 10:2,11; Neh. 10:29,31-32, the term referred to Jews who do not know the law
    and hence are suspected of not observing the ritual regulations and not offering in the
    temple tithes of the fruits of the field. The Mishnah tractate Demai therefore regulates
    the use of products bought from the 'am hd'dre;. The term was often used to designate
    an individual, another sign of the ambivalence of the word 'am. Hence the pl. 'ammA
    hd'dre; or ha'ara;61, "people of the land," appears in postexilic (Ezr. 3:3; 9:l-2,11;
    lO:2,11;Neh. 10:29,31-32128,30-3ll) and even Talmudic Hebrew (Bab. Jab. 63a; Hul.
    92a).

    3. The Postexilic Assembly. In the postexilic period, the term 'am also continued to
    denote the popular assembly, which played an active role in postexilic Jerusalem, e.g.,
    in Neh. 8, at the hour of birth of Judaism. Even when the text uses the term + );fp
    qdhdl(vv.2,17),the expression kol-hd'dm predominates (vv. 1,3,5,9,11,12); theelders
    are even described as ra'iA hd'dbill le$ol-hd'dm, "heads of the households of all the
    people" (v. l3). In the Maccabean period, when Judah was again largely independent, a
    great popular assembly decides to bestow on Simon and his descendants the hereditary
    authority of ethnarch, high priest, and commander of the Jewish nation (l Mc. 13:42;
    14:46-47).
    The Greek terms used merely mimic the terminology of the Hebrew original. The
    assemblyisquitesimply hola6s (l Mc. 13:42)andpdshola6s(14:46). Atfirstglance
    the use of the word la6s, which the LXX employs in the special sense of "Jewish peo-
    ple," is startling. Greek uses a different word, dilmos, to refer to the assembly of all free
    citizens; in8:29; 14:20; 15:17 it refers to the assembly of the Jewish people. But these
    last texts are taken from ofEcial documents, composed originally in Greek and using
    the terminology of institutions belonging to the Hellenistic world. By contrast, l3:42
    and 14:46 reflect Hebrew usage, rendeing hd'dm almost automatically as ho lq6s. In
    reality, (pds) ho la6s and ho ddmos are different terms for the same popular assembly in
    the period of the Maccabees.

    4. The People as a Whole. The word 'am was used in a still broader sense, without
    any institutional connotations and even more inclusively than in the postexilic usage of
    'am hd'dres. The word can mean a chance gathering, a multitude (Dt. 13:10[9]: kol-
    hd'dm, "everybody"), or the laity (hd'dm) in contrast to the priests (Dt. 18:3; Isa. 24:2;
    Jer.26:7;28:5; Neh. 10:35). Elsewhere 'amrefers to the people in the vicinity of a
    t76 d9-'am

    prophet(l K. 19:21)orthepeopleingeneral (2K.4:41). Thesubjectsof akingare


    called his 'am (Ex. l:22;7:29;8:4; etc. [of Pharaoh]; I Ch. l8:14 [of David]; 2 Ch.
    2l:14fof Joram];33:10 [of Manasseh]; in I K.20:42:22:4;Ezk.30:11, the sense of
    "military host" may also be present). Often (but not always; cf. Ex. 3:21;5:22) the ex-
    pression ha'am hazzeft has pejorative overtones (Isa. 6:9; 8:6,11; 28:ll;29:l; etc.).
    Only the context permits a semantic definition. By a still broader extension of mean-
    ing, the word'am can refer to an animal population (Ps.74:14;Prov.30:25-26). In this
    usage all sense of kinship has vanished.

    5. Warriors. Another ancient meaning of 'am is "troops"; it derives from the obli-
    gation to provide armed assistance that an agnate relationship imposed upon mem-
    bers of a clan or tribe assumed to be descended from a common ancestor. In certain
    instances no trace remains of this reference to familial ties, although the word 'am
    without further specification can refer to the army or general levy (Nu. 20:20;21:33;
    1 S. l4:28ff.; etc.). We sometimes find the expression'am hammilhdmd, "fighting
    men" (Josh.8:1,3; l0:7; 1l:7). Earlier, in the time of the "wars of Yahweh" (Nu.
    2l:14; I S. l8:17; 25:28; Sir. 46:3), the army was called 'am yhwh, "the people of
    Yahweh" (Jgs.5:13), an expression that suggests kinship with God. During the pe-
    riod of the monarchy, especially at its outset, this popular host was clearly distinct
    from the mercenaries, who were "servants" of the king (2 S. I l: I l). The expressions
    'am y"hAjd and 'am yiird'El in 2 S. 19:41 probably refer to this host, while 'arr
    k"na'an in Zeph. 1: I I means "people" in general. The people in arms could identify
    itself with the freemen's assembly, for in I K. 16:15-16 we see it proclaiming Omri
    king. Durin! Sennacherib's siege of Jerusalem, it was once again the popular levy
    that kept watch on the walls (2K. 18:26; Isa. 36:ll). In Gen. 32:8(7),33:15, and
    35:6, too, 'am probably refers to men in arms; here, however, the word does not
    mean "army" in the strict sense.

    6. The People of God. The cultic and religious assembly of Yahweh's faithful is fre-
    quently called the "people of Yahweh" (Nu. lI:29,'am yhwh), the "people of God"
    (Jgs.20:2,'am'"l6htm), or simply "the people" (hA'dm| The ancient agnatic connota-
    tions of the word had probably vanished, while the notion of religious and cultic de-
    pendence and ties won the upper hand (we even find the "people of the calf in Hos.
    l0:5). In this sense texts often speak of "my/your/his people" (F;x.3:7;5:l; 18:l; Dt.
    32:9; etc.), with the suffix referring to Yahweh in each case (see II.4 above). Some-
    times the text also speaks of the 'am qAd6i, "holy people" (Dl7:6i 14:2,21;26:19;
    28:9; cf .Isa. 62:12, 'am-haqqd/e$; this phrase does not express an inherent attribute,
    but kinship with Yahweh.6e Other expressions are 'am s"gulld (+ ;f)fD) mikkol-
    ha'ammim, God's "own people among all the peoples" (Dt. 7:6; l4:2; cf . 26:18), and
    'am nahold (-+ )n: ndhal), God's "hereditary people" (Dt.4:20; cf .9:29; I K. 8:51;
    2 Ch. 6:27). The Greek translation often uses lads for 'am in this sense. The LXX

    69. +u)1? qdl; see Hulst,907.


    DYam t'|7

    breathed new life into this ancient Greek word by associating it emphatically with the
    chosen people in contrast to the 6thnd, the "gentiles" or "heathen."

    7 Foreign Peoples. Finally, 'am can refer to a foreign nation like Cush (Isa. I 8 :2) or
    .
    Egypt (30:5); in the phtral ('ammtm), it can mean the foreign nations in contrast to Is-
    rael (2:3;8:9; l2:4; etc.), a meaning found also in the expressions 'amm? hd'dres (Est.
    8:17) and 'ammA ha'araso! (Neh. 9:30). This usage appears frequently in the Essene lit-
    erature, where 'ammA hd'ard;6! (lQM 10:9; IQH 4:26), kdl hd'ammtm (lQpHab
    3:6,1 l,l3; 6:7; 8:5), and (hd)'ammtm (CD 8'10; etc-) refer to the gentile nations.

    IV. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Essene writings put special emphasis on the holiness of
    the chosen people by identifying them with the righteous, the "sons of light." The
    chapter of the War Scroll describing the standards specifies that the words 'am 'El,
    "people of God," are to be written upon the great banner that will go "at the head of all
    the people," i.e., the army (lQM 3:13; cf. l:5). This military connotation of 'am ap-
    pears not only in the War Scroll but also in the Temple Scroll (58:5,10,11,16; 6l:13).
    The holiness of the 'am is expressed in I IQT 48:7,10 by the phrase 'am qd86l, taken
    from Dt. 7:6;14:2. Elsewhere the same purpose is served by 'am qddei (lQM l2:l;
    14:12: cf . also Dnl. 8:24), 'am q"86iim, "people of the saints" (lQM l2:8; cf. again
    Dnl. 8:24), or'am qe/6iA[d, "people of your saints" (lQH I l:11-12). Although the lat-
    ter expression also admits the reading 'im q"dOiALA, "with your saints" (cf. lQM 12:4),
    the sentence structure makes it more likely that we have here a variant of "Qa1
    q"d6iAk6, "congregation ofyour saints" (lQM 12:7; IQH fr. 5:3), and ;"!a'qeQbiAld,
    "army of your saints" (lQH 10:35).
    .alz
    Apart from this emphasis on the holiness of the true people of God, the usage of
    in the Dead Sea Scrolls hardly differs from OT usage. It can mean the cultic assembly
    ( I l QT 32:6; 35:12,14; cf. 51 : I I ), it can sometimes denote the laity as distinct from the
    priests (15:17), but it can also be used in a very general sense. Thus 'am haqqdhdl
    (18:7; 26:7 ,9) means "the members of the assembly," and kdl hd'am can simply stand
    for "everyone." It is interesting that kol-g6y frmamld[d (2 Ch. 32:15) becomes kdl g6y
    w"'am in I IQT 58:3; furthermore, I lQtgJob 34:29 uses 'am to represent both g6y (Job
    34:29)and'd/dm(36:28).InCDl:21 ri!'amprobablymeans"strife"(cf.2S.22:M=
    Ps. 18:44[43]). The Essenes and their contemporaries in Judea thus apparently did not
    attribute particular theological significance to the word 'am, wlike the LXX transla-
    tors, who assigned a specific value to the terms la6s and 6thnos.
    Lipiriski

    dY 'im -+ l1N 'e!


    1t)\'dnal

    1l!\ 'a*a4:1}lt 'dmed; ;rI?V 'emda:1Q\D ma'"mad;1DY,D moamaS

    I. l. Etymology;2. Occurrences. II. Verb: l. Qal;2. Hiphil. III. Nouns. IV. 1. LXX;2.Dead
    Sea Scrolls.

    l. l. Etymology. Etymologically, Heb. 'dma{, "approach, stand," corresponds to


    Alr,k. em€du, "lean on, lay upon,"l and Arab. 'amada, "support, intend"; but this rela-
    tionship contributes nothing to our understanding of Hebrew usage. The root is not
    found in Ugaritic; Aramaic and Phoenician attest only 'dmmfr/fmd, "pillar." The only
    occulrence of the verb in Aramaic, Ahiqar 160, is uncertain;2 Aramaic uses qilm in-
    stead.

    2. Occurrences. The 435 occurrences of the verb in the qal are distributed quite
    evenly through the whole OT; the 85 occurrences of the hiphil appear predominantly in
    late texts (the Chronicler's History and Daniel). The hophal occurs twice. Besides ->
    11Dl 'ammfid, "pillarl'there are four nominal derivatives: 'dme{, "standing, place" (9
    times in Daniel, Nehemiah, and 2 Chronicles); 'emddh, "place for stopping" (Mic.
    l:ll); ma'arndQ, "attendance, function" (5 occurrences); and moemdQ, "foothold" (Ps.
    69:312)).

    II. Verb.
    l. Qal. The verb 'dma/ is in common use with the basic meaning "approach, place
    oneself," or (primarily as a ptcp.) simply "stand." Any theological overtones derive
    from the context.
    a. Approach. We find 'dmad with the meaning "approach, go and stand" in a variety
    of contexts. Moses comes before Pharaoh (Ex. 9:10); the Israelites go to the entrance
    of the tent of meeting and offer incense (Nu. 16:18); the angel of Yahweh takes a stand
    in a narrow path to block Balaam's way (Nu. 22:24,26); Jotham goes and stands on Mt.
    Gerizim to tell his fable (Jgs. 9:7); David runs and stands over Goliath (l S. l7:51);
    Saul says to the Amalekite, "Come, stand over me and kill me" (2 S. l:9-10); Absalom
    positions himself by the road into the city gate (2 S. 15:2); a member of a company of

    'dma{. S. Amsler, "1Dl 'md to standl' TLOT ll,92l-24; D. R. Ap-Thomas, "Notes on Some
    Terms Relating to Prayer," W 6 (1956) 225-41; P. A. H. de Boer, 'Eyll 'rDy El'lr''lf f : Sirach
    xliv l2al' Hebriiische Wortforschung. FS W. Baumgartner SW 16 (1967),25-29;8. Gemser,
    "Tbe rib- or Controversy-Pattern in Hebrew Mentality," Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient
    Near East. FS H. H. Rowley. SIrI 3 (1955),12O-37; W. Grundmann, "Stehen und Fallen im
    qumrinischen und neutestamentlichen Schrifttum," Qumrdn-Probleme, ed. H. Bardtke (1963),
    147-66: J. F. A. Sawyer, "Hebrew Words for the Resurrection of the Deadl' W 23 (1973) 218-
    34, esp. 222-23.
    l. AHw, I,2ll.
    2. P. Grelot, RB 68 (1961) 190.
    1D9'dmad 179

    prophets goes to stand beside the road to wait for the king (l K. 20:38); Jehoshaphat
    comes forward and cries out, "Listen to me" (2Ch.20:20); Jeremiah goes and stands in
    the gate of the temple to deliver his temple sertnon (Jer.7:2;26:2; cf . 19:14).
    In military contexts, 'amaQ means "take a position, form up" (l S. l7:3; 2 S.2:25;
    2 K. 3:21; 1 1 : I 1 ). In Neh. 12:40 the verb refers to the appearance of festal choruses in
    the temple.
    b. With Statement of Purpose. Sometimes people approach for a particular purpose.
    The inhabitants of Aroer are to stand by the road and watch to find out what has hap-
    pened (Jer. 48:19). Using similar language, Jeremiah exhorts his listeners to stand at
    the crossroads to ask for the ancient paths, i.e., to learn from history (Jer. 6:16). People
    stand to pray: Naaman expects Elisha to come out and stand before him and call on the
    name of Yahweh (2 K. 5: I 1). Jehoshaphat appeius inthe qdhdl in the temple to pray to
    Yahweh (2 Ch. 20:5). Yahweh says to Jeremiah: "Even were Moses and Samuel to
    come and stand before my face, my heart would not turn toward this people" (Jer.
    15:1). Here the purpose is intercession, as also in Jer. 18:20: "Remember how I stood
    before you to speak good for them," and perhaps also Gen. 19:27 , if it refers to 18:22-
    23: Abraham stands ('dmed) before Yahweh, then comes closer (ng.i) and intercedes.
    c. In Court. We often find'dmaQ in the context of judicial proceedings. In a contro.
    versy, according to Ezk. 44:24, the priests are to "stand" to judge (idpafl; here 'dma{
    can hardly mean "stand," but must mean simply "act as judges."3 So also of Yahweh:
    "He stands ready (nissdQ) to give justice (rtU, he stands present ('6meil to judge (dtn)
    his people [MT 'the peoples']" (Isa. 3:13). Since judges normally sitOdiab, Ex. 18:13;
    Isa. l6:5; Joel4:12[Ene.3:127; Ps. 9:5,8-9[4,7-8]; Prov. 20:8; Dnl. 7:9), Boecker as-
    sumes that here Yahweh functions as plaintiff.a But the verb din is hardly appropriate
    for the plaintiff, unless Yahweh is here both plaintiff and judge. It is better to follow
    Gemser in assuming that the judge rises to pronounce judgment (cf. Ps. 76:9-10[8-9],
    where qfim lammiipdl parallels hiimia'din).s ygirdberger believes that those hearing
    the case were seated but rose to speak (cf. Ps. 82:1, nissdp par. tdpay).6 We may note
    that Akkadian, too, uses both aidbu, "sit," and izuzzu, "stand," with reference to
    judges.
    Much more often the text says that the parties come or stand before the judge. The
    people stand before Moses through the entire day while he 'Judges" (iapafl them (Ex.
    18: l3). The daughters of Zelophehad come and stand before Moses and Eleazar to re-
    quest a judgment (cf. v. 2l). In cases involving the law of asylum, the slayer is to come
    and stand before the congregation (lipnA ha'edA, Nu. 35:12; cf. Josh. 20:4,6,9). When
    there is false testimony in court, both parties shall appear before Yahweh, the priests, and
    thejudges (Dt. l9:17). The accuser (idtdn) also "stands" or "takes his place" at the right

    3. So Gemser, 123; NRSV; contra G. R. Driver, Bibl 35 (1954) 310; W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2.
    Herm (Eng. trans. 1983),450.
    4. Redeformen des Rechtsleben im AT. WMANT 14 1zt970r, ft.
    5. P. 123.
    6. Wildberger, Isaiah 1-12 (Eng. trans. l99l), 141. SeealsoL. K0hler, Hebrew Man(Eng.
    trans. 1956), 132.
    180 ?Q{anal

    hand of the accused "to accuse him" (Z,ec.3:l; cf. also Ps. 109:6). According to Gemser,
    the accused also stand (Ps. 76:8[7]; 130:3; Jer. 49:-19; I S. 6:20), but here 'dmaj could
    also be taken to mean "be vindicated."T The verb qfimisused of witnesses (Dt. 19:15-16;
    Ps. 27:12;35: I l), while 'dma! is used of Yahweh as advocate (Ps. 109:31).
    Deutero-Isaiah borrows the language of the court. In the third Servant Song, we
    read: "Who will venture to contend (rt!) with me? Let us stand up together (na'am/d
    ydbail" (Isa. 50:8). In a similar vein, those who make idols are to come and stand be-
    fore Yahweh to be put to shame (Isa. 44: I l, though here a legal action is not involved).8
    d. Stand Up. In other cases 'dma{ means "stand up, rise." Ezekiel is commanded:
    "Stand up on your feet, and I will speak with you" (Ezk.2:l; cf. Dnl. l0:l l). All the
    people stand up when Ezra opens the book of the law (Neh. 8:5). The people stand on
    opposite sides of the ark while Joshua writes down the law and probably also afterward
    while he reads it (Josh. 8:33-34). At the dedication of the temple, Solomon ises (qfim)
    after kneeling before the altar, comes forward (NRSV "stood"; 'dma{), and pro-
    nounces the blessing over the people (l K. 8:54-55). Dnl. l2:13 even uses 'dmajtore-
    fer to the resurrection (cf. Isa. 26:19, qfim).
    e. Enter In 2 K. 23:3'dma/ babb"rtl means "enter into the covenant" (Dt. 29:ll
    :uses'a|ar in a similar context) or "stand by the covenant" (Sir. 44:12).s In Jer.
    23:18,22, 'dmaQ b"s68 yhwh means "stand in the council of Yahweh" or, more likely,
    have access to the heavenly council which is precisely what the false prophets do
    -
    not have. The text of Eccl. 8:3 is difficult. "Do not enter into an unpleasant [i.e., dan-
    gerousl matter" has been proposed.l0 Lauha suggests rebellion against the king, and
    Zimmerli thinks in terms of legal proceedings;ll the EU interprets the clause to mean
    "Do not adhere obstinately to something that threatens to end in disaster." Ps. l:l is
    clearer: "Happy is the man . . . who does not take the path of sinners," i.e., does not
    consort with sinners.
    f . Come into Being. A unique usage is found in Est. 4:14: if Esther fails to speak, de-
    liverance will "arise" for the Jews from another quarter (mdq6m'afiEr), i.e., from God.
    Hos. 13:13 compares Israel to a child that does not "present himself' (i.e., is not born)
    at the proper time. Ps. 33:9 also has to do with "coming into being": "He spoke, and it
    came to be (waWeht),' he commanded, and it stood firm," i.e., it (the universe) came
    into existence (in Isa. 66:22 the context is similar but the meaning is different; see be-
    low). Isa.48:13 may also deal with the creation of the universe: "My hand laid the
    foundation of the earth, and my right hand spread out the heavens; I summon them, and
    they stand in existence forever." According to Westermann, in the beginning God
    called heaven and earth into being.l2 It is also possible, however, that God summons
    heaven and earth and they stand at attention, ready to serve.

    7. P. t23.
    8. Westermann, Isaiah 4M6. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969), 148-49.
    9. De Boer.
    10.HAL, II, 840; also Lauha, Kohelet. BK XIX (1978), 146.
    ll.Spriiche-Prediger ATD 16ll (31962),213.
    12.Isaiah 4M6,201.
    1D9,'Annd r8l

    g. With min. With min, 'amaQ means "stand apart from, cease." A woman "ceases
    bearing," i.e., becomes infertile (Gen. 29:35; 30:9). When Jonah is thrown into the sea,
    it ceases from its raging (Jon. l: l5). The verb is used absolutely in2 K. l3:18: the king
    strikes three times and stops.
    The expression 'dmaQ mdrdhdq means "stand at a distance." It is used of the peo-
    ple who witnessed the theophany at Sinai (Ex. 2O:18,21) and of the sons of the
    prophets who followed Elijah and Elisha but stood at some distance from them (2 K.
    2:7).[sa.59:14 says that righteousness stands at a distance; the parallel stich says
    that justice turns back (hussag'dl.t6r). In Ps. l0: I Yahweh stands far off and hides
    himself from the psalmist's distress, i.e., does not intervene and appears to have no
    interest in the psalmist. In Ps. 38:12 it is the psalmist's friends and companions who
    stand aloof, breaking the ties of normal community and heightening the psalmist's
    affliction.
    h. Stand. Sometimes 'dma! means simply "stand." Abraham's servant stands by the
    camels (Gen. 24:30; cf. v. 3l). God says to Moses: "The place on which you are stand-
    ing is holy ground" (Ex. 3:5). The pillar of cloud stands (or takes its place) in front of
    the tent of meeting (Ex. 14: l9; 33: l0; Nu. l2:5; 14:14; Dt. 31:15). It is even possible to
    say that a town "stands" on its te-l (Josh. 11:13; possibly, though, the reference is to
    towns left "standing" because the Israelites had not destroyed them) or that the people
    "stand" (i.e.,live) in Goshen (Ex. 8:18[22]). This meaning is particularly common in
    visions and dreams. Pharaoh sees the cows "standing" on the bank of the Nile (Gen.
    4l:3); Joshua sees the commander of Yahweh's army standing before him (Josh. 5: l3).
    Micaiah ben Imlah sees all the host of heaven standing around ('al,) Yahweh (l K.
    22:19).In Isa. 6:2 the seraphs in Isaiah's vision stand mimma'al l"yhwh, which does not
    necessarily mean that they stand (protectively) over him; as in Ex. 18:-13 ('al) and Jer.
    36:2I (md'al), the idiom describes people standing around someone who is seated.
    There may also be an echo of 'dmaQ'alinthe sense of "attend" (cf. Gen. l8:8). The liv-
    ing creatures in Ezekiel's call vision stand similarly (Ezk. l:21,24; cf. 10:17,19); even
    the glory of Yahweh stands (Ezk. 3:23; cf. 10:18). In the Ezekiel texts the meaning
    fluctuates between "stand," "stand still," and "remain standing." In Ezk. 40:3 a man
    with a measuring reed stands before the prophet (cf. 43:6).
    Standing can have a variety of connotations. The psalmist stands on level ground
    (mti6rPs.26:12), i.e., stands secure. Pilgrims stand within the gates of Jerusalem (Ps.
    122:2: they have entered or are already standing there). The king "stands by the pillar"
    to receive the homage of the people (2 K. I l:14); he comes to the pillar to make a cove-
    nant with Yahweh (2 K. 23:3). A sentinel stands on a tower and reports what he sees
    (2 K.9:17). The prophet stands (or takes up his post, par.y{b hithpael) on his watch-
    tower to see what Yahweh will say to him (Hab. 2:l). Whether this language describes
    a cult prophet who is literally looking for a sign from Yahweh or refers to a subjective
    experience is debated.l3 Isa.2l:8 probably refers to a dreamlike vision:la the seer

    13. See Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-kphanja. KAT XIIV3 (1975), in loc.


    14. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39. OTL (Eng. trans. 1974), 126-27, with bibliog.
    r82 1D9'dmad

    (reading hdr6'eh for 'arydh) stands on his watchtower (mispeh, par. n;b niphal with
    miimerefl and experiences the destruction of Babylon.
    i. With Statement of Purpose. The texts that state the purpose of (going and) stand-
    ing constitute a special group. Jeroboam stands by the altar to offer incense (l"haqttti
    I K. 13:l). Goliath advances to speak to the ranks of Israel (l S. 17:8). Jehoshaphat
    comes forward to address the people (2 Ch. 20:20). The shoot from the root of Jesse
    will stand as a signal to the people (Isa. 11:10). The future ruler will stand (or come
    forth) and feed his flock (Mic. 5:3[4]; cf. Isa. 61:5). Yahweh appears and shakes (mdd)
    the earth (Hab. 3:6, theophany).l5 These texts give the impressionthat'dma/,like qfim,
    serves merely to introduce the particular action.
    j. Serve. In many cases to "stand before" a person has a purely locative sense (e.g.,
    Dt. 4: 10; I K. 1 :28; l9: 1 1 ; Jer. 36:21). Often, however, it means "stand respectfully be-
    fore," "stand in service of." In this sense Joseph stands before Pharaoh (Gen.41:46),
    Joshua stands before Moses (Dt. 1:38), David enters Saul's service (l S. 16:21-22),
    Abishag the Shunammite waits on the aging David (l K. l:2). The queen of Sheba
    praises the 'aQdQim of Solomon, who attend him and hear his wisdom ( I K. l0:8); here,
    however, the sense may be locative: they stay close to him and have the opportunity to
    listen to him (cf. Yahweh's heavenly court; see h above).
    Ancient Near Eastern art frequently depicts servants standing before their master or
    ruler.16 Their position clearly reflects the notion that they are ready to fulfill their mas-
    ter's every wish.
    k. Priestly Service. Quite similar is the use of 'dma! for priestly service. Dt. l0:8 de-
    fines the duties of the priests from the tribe of Levi as "carrying the ark, standing be-
    fore Yahweh, ministering (trt) to him, and blessing in his name." Ezk.44:15 similarly
    links'dma/ lipnA with.frr,' it also includes sacrificial duties. In I K. 8: I I "stand to min-
    ister (.irr)" describes priestly service. Jgs. 20:28 records that Phinehas "stood before
    ('al) the ark," i.e., ministered; the Israelites turned to him when they wanted to inquire
    of Yahweh. In Neh. 12:44'dma/ by itself means "minister" (Neh. 12:44); the same is
    true in I Ch. 6: 18, where vv. 16-17 show clearly that the reference is to priestly service.
    The prophetic office can also be described as "standing before Yahweh" ( I K. 17: I ;
    l8: l5; 2 K. 3:14; 5:16). The wording shows that this expression does not refer to stand-
    ing as a bodily posture (conceivable in the case ofpriests) but to service in the general
    sense ("God, before whom I stand"). Jer. 15:19 uses "stand before me" in parallel with
    "serve as my mouth"; the purpose of this service is proclamation of God's word. The
    statement about the Rechabites in Jer.35:19 must also be interpreted in this general
    sense: a descendant of Jonadab will always stand before Yahweh.
    l. Worship. The cultic congregation stands before Yahweh when it worships. When
    Aaron offered his first sacrifice, Lev. 9:5 says that the congregation ('efld) drew near
    @Ara!) and stood before Yahweh. In the same sense Jer. 7:10 says: "You come (b6')
    and stand before me in this house." Further, 2 Ch.2O:13 recounts how all Judah stood

    15. See Rudolph, KA\ inloc.


    16. See ANEB nos. 460, 463, 515.
    1D{amad

    before Yahweh when Jehoshaphat recited his prayer (but cf. v. 5, which says that he
    stood in the qdhAl. The servants (-bAdtm) of Yahweh "who stand in the house of
    Yahweh" (Ps. 134:1; 135:2) probably represent the cultic congregation. But this lan-
    guage hardly supports the conclusion that 'ama| detotes the common posture of
    ptayer, for 'dmaQ means both "stand" and "approach." Neh. 9:2-3 must be translated:
    "They came forward ('dmail and confessed their sins. . . . They stood up (qfrm) in their
    places ('ome!) and read from the book of the law. . . . Then they made confession and
    prostrated themselves (hiitahawil before Yahweh." As Ap-Thomas notes, if 'dma{ is
    translated "stand," the text is self-contradictory.tz There were clearly portions of the lit-
    urgy during which the people stood and other portions during which they kneeled or
    prostrated themselves. We read in I K. 8:22, for example, that Solomon approached the
    altar and prayed there. After praying, he arose (qfim) fuom his knees (kdra' 'al-
    birkd.yw), approached (or stationed himself: 'amaA, and pronounced the blessing (vv.
    54-55; cf. 2 Ch. 6:12-13).
    m. Stand Firm.The expression 'dmai lipnA means "stand firm, withstand." The ma-
    gicians of the Egyptians could not withstand Moses (Ex. 9:1 1). Joshua is not to fear the
    five kings, for not one of them will be able to withstand him (bepdney&d, Josh. 10:8;
    also in the context of the holy wzr:21:44;23:9). When Yahweh was angry, the Israel-
    ites were not able to withstand their enemies (Jgs. 2:14; cf. also 2 K. 10:4). Other ex-
    amples of standing firm in battle include Ezk. l3:5; Am. 2:151, and (more generally)
    Eccl. 4:12:'Although one might prevail over another, two will withstand one." Prov.
    27:4 asks, "Who is able to withstand jealousy?"
    This usage is also extended to religious contexts. Yahweh says to Jeremiah: "Who is
    like me . . . and who is the shepherd who can withstand me?" (Jer. 49:19;50:44). The
    men of Beth-shemesh say: "Who can withstand Yahweh, this holy God?" (l S. 6:20)'
    Nahum says: "Who can withstand his indignation?" (Nah. l:6, par. qfrm; cf. Ps'
    76:8171). According to Ps. 147:17, no one can withstand his cold (or: before him the
    waters congeal). Even when used by itself ,'dma/ can have this meaning: "If you, Yah,
    should mark iniquities, who could survive?" (Ps. 130:3); "Who can endure (kwl pilpel)
    the day of his coming, and who can survive when he appears?" (Mal. 3:2); "Can your
    heart [courage] endure . . . when I shall deal with you?" (Ezk' 22:14).
    n. Stop. With various nuances, 'amaQ can mean "stand still, stop, stay." All the peo-
    ple passing by stopped when they saw Amasa wallowing in his blood (2 S. 20: l2). The
    cart carrying the ark stopped in a field (l S. 6:14). The water of Jordan stopped flowing
    while the Israelites crossed the river (Josh. 3:13,16). The sun stood still and the moon
    stopped (dmm) until the Israelites carried the day at Gibeon (Josh. 10:13; v. 12 uses
    dmm for both). Similarly, Hab. 3:l l says that the moon stood still at the appearance of
    Yahweh in a theophany (the text is comrpt: lemei has no verb). The fugitives stop ex-
    hausted in the shadow of Heshbon (Jer. 48:45). Jeremiah warns about the attack of the
    foe from the north: "Flee for safety ('fi2), do not stand still" (Jer.4:6). After victory at
    Gibeon, Joshua exhorts the Israelites: "Do not stay there, pursue your enemies" (Josh.

    17. P. 225.
    184 1D9'dmad

    l0: l9; cf. 2 5.2:28: the people stop and do not pursue). In Nineveh they cry out, "Halt!
    Halt!" but no one turns back from flight (Nah. 2:9[8]; cf. also Jer. 5 I :50). But when Jo-
    seph requests his father, "Come down to me, 'al-ta'amddl' the most likely meaning is
    "do not delay, come at once" (Gen. 45:9).
    Stopping can also imply waiting. Moses tells the lepers to wait while he inquires of
    Yahweh (Nu. 9:8). Moses is to wait while Yahweh tells him the commandments (Dt.
    5:31). Saul is to wait with Samuel so that Samuel can inform him about everything
    (I S. 9:27). Simple "staying" is the sense of Ex. 9:28: the Israelites will not have to stay
    in Egypt any longer. Cf. Hag. 2:5: "My spirit abides among yol" ('omeSel may also go
    with the preceding ddQdr: "my word [covenant?] endures").
    Another nuance is "last, endure." The fear (1tir'a1 for read 'imra!, "word"] of
    Yahweh endures forever (Ps. 19:10[9]), as do his counsel (33:ll), his righteousness
    (lll:3; ll2:3,9),andhispraise(lll:10). Heavenandearth pensh('d!a!), butGoden-
    dures forever (lO2:27). By contrast, Eccl. l:4 says that generations come and go, but
    the earth remains forever. According to Isa. 66:.22, Israel will endure just as the new
    heavens and the new earth will endure. The meaning "be left" is also possible: "There
    is no strength left in me," says Daniel (Dnl. 10:17). Qohelet asserts that with all his
    greatness, he retained his wisdom (Eccl.2:9).
    A deed of purchase "remains permanently in effect" as a legal document (Jer.
    32:14); the flavor of wine remains unchanged (Jer. 48: I I ; antonym + ''l'lD mwr); a vic-
    tim of a beating survives for a time (Ex. 2l:21); Ieprosy is checked (Lev.
    13:5,23,28,37); a man persists in his refusal to enter into a levirate marriage (Dt. 25:8);
    Israel continues unchanged in its sin (Hos. l0:9).

    2. Hiphil. In the case of the hiphil, the concentration of its occurrences in late texts
    is striking (the Chronicler's History, Esther, Daniel, Ecclesiastes). All the occurrences
    are causatives within the semantic field of the qal.
    Tfis he'emt/ means "set, place." The Philistines place Samson between two pillars
    (Jgs. l6:25); Ezekiel is to set a pot on the fire (Ezk.24:l l). God sets the psalmist on the
    heights (bdm6il, implying either security or victory (Ps. 18:34[33] = 2 S. 22:34;Ps.
    30:8[7] is similar if we may read he'"majtant b"har"r0 '6z, "You established me on
    strong [= protecting] mountains"). Or God sets the psalmist's feet in a broad place, i.e.,
    gives him living space (Ps. 3l:9[8]). Having created sun, moon, and stars, God "estab-
    lishes" them and gives them a law (hdq) that they may not transgress (Ps. 148:6).
    Guards are posted to watch the gates (2 Ch.23:19; Neh. l3:19; miimar Neh. 4:3[9]).
    Isaiah is to post a lookout (Isa. 21:6; see II.l.h above).
    The people are arranged by ancestral houses (2 Ch.25:5; Neh. 4:7U3); cf.2 Ch.
    23:lO). Nehemiah appoints festal choruses (tdd6!, Neh. 12:31). An army is assembled,
    i.e., mobilized (Dnl. 1l:13). Manasseh sets up asherim and idols (2Ch.33:19), as
    Amaziah sets up images of the gods (2 Ch.25:14).
    People are appointed to certain assignments and functions. Jeroboam appoints
    bdm6l priests to serve at Bethel (l K. 12:32). Rehoboam appoints Abijah as chief
    prince among his brothers (2 Ch. I l:22).Esther has courtiers assigned to her service by
    the king (Est. 4:5). Ezra appoints the Levites to oversee the rebuilding of the temple
    1D9'dmad 185

    (Ezr. 3:8). Nehemiah is accused of having appointed prophets (Neh. 6:7). Cf. also Nu.
    3:6: "Let the tribe of Levi come before Aaron to assist him."
    Corresponding to the expression 'dmaQ babbcrtT 2 Ch. 34:32 uses the hiphil to
    mean "cause to enter into the covenant." To the qal "stand up" there corresponds the
    hiphil "set someone on their feet" (Ezk. 2:2;3:24; cf. Daniel, whom God rouses from
    his trance and sets onhis 'dmeQ, Dnl. 8: l8). In Ps. 107:25, the hiphil appears to mean
    "call into being": God raises a stormy wind through his word.
    When'dma{ means "survive, endure," he'"mi{ means "spare, establish," or the like.
    Thus God says to Moses, "I have let you live to show my power" (Ex.9:16). A
    Deuteronomistic commentator says in I K. l5:4 that for David's sake God set up
    (heqtm) his son Jeroboam and established Jerusalem. The Chronicler has the queen of
    Sheba say to Solomon that God will establish Israel through him (2 Ch. 9:8). Yahweh
    likewise promises to confirm Solomon in his house and his kingdom and establish his
    throne (1 Ch. l7:14). A wisdom maxim states that by justice a king gives stability to
    his land (Prov. 29:4).
    With beril as object, he'"mtj means "establish, confirm" (Ps. 105:10). A vision is
    "fulfilled" (Dnl. I l:14). The hiphil of 'ml is also used for the rebuilding of the remple
    (2 Ch. 24:13; Ezl 2:68;9:9). With pantm as object, the hiphil means "fix one's gaze":
    the man of God stares straight ahead (2 K. 8: I l). Other expressions include: lay an ob-
    ligation on oneself (Neh. 10:33[32]); allocate land (2 Ch. 33:8); with /e, "decide ro do
    something" (2 Ch. 30:5). Uncertain is 2 Ch. 18:34, where the hophal should probably
    be read (with I K.22:35): the king stood upright in his chariot. The second occurrence
    of the hophal is in Lev. 16:10: the scapegoat is presented alive before God (cf. Lev.
    14:1 l, hiphil).

    III. Nouns. Of the nouns, only 'emdd and, ma'amd!/moemaQ appear in early texts.
    The only occurence of 'emdA is in Mic. 1: I 1, where the text is almost certainly cor-
    rupt. A lament over the devastation of the hill country of Judah, full of wordplays, in-
    cludes a passage that says literally: "He shall remove his place for stopping from you."
    None of the proposed emendations is convincing. Ps. 69:3(2) uses moomd/ in a de-
    scription of the psalmist's affliction: "I sink in deep mire, where there is no foothold
    [i.e., place to stand]." The noun ma'1nd/ appears in the story of the queen of Sheba,
    who saw the "attendance" (see II.lj above) of Solomon's seryants (l K. 10:5; 2 Ch.
    9:4), and in lsa. 22:19, where God threatens to thrust Shebna from his office (massdp)
    and drive him from his "post."l8 The same word appears also in I Ch.23:28 and 2 Ch.
    35:15 referring to the position or function of the Levites and temple singers.
    The noun 'omeQ ocatrs only in the Chronicler's History and Daniel. It denotes the
    place where someone stands (Dnl.8:17; 10:ll; cf.8:18: "he set meupf'md hiphill on
    my [standing] place"), specifically in liturgical contexts the place where one performs
    one's function (Neh. 8:7;9:3; l3:ll;2 Ch. 30:16; 35:10; cf. also 34:31: "the king took
    his place").

    18. On the text see 81LS.


    186 1D9'dmad

    lY. l. lXX. The LXX usually vses histdnai and its compounds (e.g., paristdnai,
    anistdnai, ephistdnai, anthistdnai) to translate 'dmad; sometimes it uses mdnein or
    diamdnein.

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. When we turn to the Dead Sea Scrolls, we note that the Temple
    Scroll stays totally within the framework of OT usage. One comes before priests and
    judges (61:8); priests "stand" and minister (56:9;60:11,14). The text also speaks of
    standing pillars (35:10). In the War Scroll 'dma/ often means "get into formation, take
    one's position in the battle line" (1QM 6:1,4,8,10; 7:18; 8:4,6; 9:4i 16:4,6,12);
    ma'arnd/ denotes the position of the individual (2:3;6:1,4;8:6; esp. with hiry1a;;Ep,
    8:3,17;16:5; 17:l l; cf. lQS" l:22withreference to the Levites). We read also that the
    high priest and/or the priests "come forward" to deliver a speech or recite a prayer
    (lO:2; l5:4; 16:13; 18:5).
    Elsewhere, possibly through the influence of military usage, ma'arndgl denotes the
    hierarchical position of each member of the community: "Everyone in Israel is to have
    ama'hnd! [position, function]" (lQS 2:22); no one is to be "lowly or high" on account
    of this position, for all constitute a community of truth, humility, and love (2:23). CD
    20:5 says that an offender is to be punished until he can take his place once more
    among the men of perfect holiness. Cf. also lQH 3:21: "take one's position among the
    host of the saints," i.e., take one's place in the eschatological community.
    In several texts 'ama/ has the meaning "arise, appear." The wicked priest was
    named with the name of truth "at the beginning of his appearance [or: 'office']"
    (lQpHab 8:9). This meaning is especially common in the Damascus Document. A man
    of scorn arose (CD l:14); famous men (q"ri'A haii€m) will arise at the end of days
    (5:5). There arose Moses and Aaron through the prince of light, but Belial caused ad-
    versaries to arise (heqtm,5:17-18). "Shifters ofboundaries" arose and led Israel astray
    (5:20). Noteworthy is the expression "until the teacher of righteousness/messiah ap-
    pears" (6:10 par. 12:231'20:l). Cf. also 4QFlor (4Q174) l:1 l: the branch of David will
    arise with the interpreter of the law; and 4QTest (4Q175) 24: an accursed man of Belial
    will arise to be a net and snare for the people.
    Just as the OT speaks of coming before the court, the novice entering the order
    comes before "the many" to be questioned (lQS 6:15; cf. CD 15:11: "come before the
    mcpaqq€f').
    The verb 'dmaQ wdergoes a special semantic development in the Hodayor, which
    speak of "standing before God" in a sense that implies both service and endurance.
    "Those in harmony with you will stand ('md) before you forever; those who walk on
    the path of your heart will be established (la,vn) etemally" (lQH 4:21-22). The singer
    has stumbled and fallen, but God has raised him up and now he stands before God. "By
    the secret of your wonders you have strengthened my position ( mdy)" (4:28). "In your
    justice you have established ('zl hiphil) me in your covenant" (7:19). God purifies and
    forgives the children of truth, to make them stand in his presence (7:31). Now the
    singer can say: "My foot remains on the right path" (2:29), but only through the grace
    of God: "It is through your grace that I subsist" (2:251' cf .2:22: "My ma'9nil comes
    from you"); and, "How can I be strong (hzq hithpael) if you do not make me stand ('md
    1lltY'ammfid 187

    hiphil)?" (10:6; cf. IQH fr. 3:6). Through God's strength and compassion, the singer's
    spirit can "keep firmly in place in the face of distress" (4:36).rs
    Ringgren

    19. On the whole topic see Grundmann.

    TfDy 'amm,a/

    I. General. II. Ancient Near East. III. Architectural Use. IV. The Tlvo Bronze Pillars of the
    Temple. V. The Pillar of Fire and of Cloud. VI. Metaphorical Usage. VII. LXX and Dead Sea
    Scrolls.

    I. General. The noun 'ammfr!, derived from the verb + 1Dg 'dmad, "stand," occurs
    approximately 110 times in the OT, referring primarily to pillars or beams supporting
    roof structures. In this context the word appears frequently in connection with the
    building of the tent of meeting and the temple. Never, however, does it denote the
    "piles of stones" (ma;;e!fu) that served as boundary markers and landmarks of reli-
    gious significance, often being objects of worship. The most important theological use
    of 'ammfiQ occurs in the exodus narratives where it frequently signifies God's presence
    in a pillar of fire and cloud. Metaphorically, the word refers to the foundations of
    heaven and earth.

    'ammfi/. W. F. Albright, "T[vo Cressets from Marisa and the Pillars of Jachin and Boaz,"
    BASOR 85 (1942) 18-27; T. A. Busink, Der Tempel von Jerusalem. SFS 3 (1970), 299-321;
    E. Cassin, ln splendeur divine (1968); M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic [rxicography Yll]' Bibl
    50 (1969) 337-56, esp. 350; M. G0rg, "Zur Dekoration der Tempelsiiulen," BN 13 (1980) l7-21,
    esp. 20-21; S. Grill, Die Gewittertheophanie im AT (21943); J. Jeremias, Theophanie. WMANT
    l0 1z197rr' W. Kornfeld, "Der Symbolismus der Tempelsiiulen:' ZAW 74 (1962) 50-57; T. W.
    Mann, "The Pillarof Cloud in the Reed Sea Narrativesi JBL90 (1971) l5-30; H. G. May, "The
    Two Pillars before the Temple of Solomon," BASOR 88 (1942) 19-27; G. E. Mendenhall, Zhe
    knthGeneration(1973),32-66;M. Noth, Konrge l. BKlxll (1968), 14l-67; J. Ouellette, "Le
    vestibule du Temple de Salomon," RB 76 (1969) 365-78; W. J. Phythian-Adams, The People and
    the Presence (1942); R. B. Y. Scott, "The Pillars of Jachin and Boaz)' JBL 58 (1939) 143-49;
    S. Talmon, 'An Apparently Redundant MT Reading, Jeremiah l:l8l' Textus 8 (1973) 160-63;
    H. Weippert, "Siiule," BRI?,259-60; S. Yeivin, "Jachin and Boaz," PEQ9l (1959) 6-22. --> lJ{
    anan-
    188 11A!'ammfiQ

    II. Ancient Near East. All the ancient Near Eastern occurences of 'mwd outside
    the OT refer to pillars, usually associated with permanent structures such as porticos or
    temples. Of particular interest are its occurrences in the Imperial Aramaic Elephantine
    papyri. In one text,l dating from 408 s.c.s., the Jewish priest Jedoniah and his compan-
    ions complain to Bagohi, the Persian governor of Judah, that the Egyptians, instigated
    by the governor in Egypt, have destroyed the Elephantine temple, including its "pillars
    of stone" (w'mwdy'zy 'bn).
    The Phoenician Yehawmilk stela (ca. 500-400 n.c.r.) was erected at the dedication
    of a portico ('md).2 A Latin-Neo-Punic bilingual from North Africa (53 r.c.a.) men-
    tions a master architect who "had the pillars covered," i.e., probably supervised con-
    struction of a roof over a commercial arcade or the like.3 The word also occurs in
    Palmyrene.a

    III. Architectural Use. On the one hand, the noun'ammfil appears frequently in
    connection with descriptions of the tent of meeting: in the construction directives
    (8x.25:l-27:19) and in the accounts of its construction (35:l-38:31), its inspection
    by Moses (39:32-43), and its assembly (ch. 40). Four "poles" (NRSV "pillars") of
    acacia wood overlaid with gold and resting on silver bases supported the curtain sep-
    arating the holy place from the most holy place (Ex.26:32;36:36).In similar fash-
    ion, a screen of poles of acacia wood overlaid with gold separated the outer court of
    the tent from the holy place (Ex. 26:37;36:38; cf. l lQT l0:11?). The walls enclos-
    ing the court, with the gate to the court and its hangings, were supported by poles of
    acacia wood overlaid with silver (Ex. 27:9-19;38:9-20 passim). The costliness of the
    metal overlaying the 'ammfr$tm rose with increasing proximity to the most holy
    place. During the desert period the Levitical house of Merari was responsible for the
    poles and their bases (Nu. 3:33-37;4:29-33). The translation "pole" is also appropri-
    ate in Cant. 3:10, where Solomon makes himself a palanquin of Lebanese cedar with
    silver poles ('ammfrQtm kesep).
    On the other hand, 'ammfiy' is best translated "pillar" when it bears the weight of a
    permanent structure. Solomon's great building projects are particularly famous for
    such pillars: the House of the Forest of Lebanon, consisting of two-story chambers
    supported by rows of pillars (l K. 7:2-3), and the portico (7:6). The story of Samson
    clearly reveals the bearing function of the pillars in a Philistine temple: according to
    Jgs. 16:25,26,29, Samson brought down the bearing central pillars ('o.ier habbayil
    ndf;dn'abhem) of the temple. Weippert discusses the archaeological evidence.

    IV. The I$o Bronze Pillars of the Temple. The most famous pillars in the OT are
    also the most difficult to interpret: the two bronze pillars at the entrance to the temple.
    The southern pillar was named Jachin (from ydf;tn, "he will establish"), the northern

    l. AP 30:9; cf. the copy, 31:8.


    2. KAr10.6.
    3. KAr t24.t.
    4. DNSr, rI, 869-70.
    1\EY'ammfrd 189

    Boaz (from bo'a7, "in him is strength" [?]) (l K. 7:15-22 = 2 Ch. 3:15-17; I K. 7:40-42
    = 2 Ch. 4:12-13).5 Whether they were freestanding, with no architectural function, or
    (despite the description in I K. 7) did in fact support the roof of the vestibule is dis-
    puted.6 Also in question is their religious or possibly dynastic significance. They were
    so important to the cultic community that their destruction was prophesied (Jer. 27:16)
    and described (2 K. 25:13-17; Jer. 52:17-23).
    The most likely hypothesis (ultimately not demonstrable) is that the function of the
    temple pillars resided essentially in their names.T This hypothesis suggests two major
    interpretations, one theological, the other dynastic. On the one hand, the names of the
    two bronze pillars may enshrine a reference to the temple as the house of the mighty
    God of Israel8 and at the same time a reminder to the people that their community was
    established by Yahweh and that its existence rested on his might. On the other hand,
    standing at the entrance to the royal chapel, the pillars could define the relationship be-
    tween Yahweh and the house of David. The roots of their names appear in the psalms
    referring to the royal house (e.g., Ps. 89:5[4]: "I will establish l'aktnl your house for-
    ever"). It is also conceivable that the names are artificial constructs composed of initial
    letters. For example, Ps. 89 contains all the elements of a possible dynastic oracle such
    as ydfttn kissE' ne'"mdn bdnd'ad:6ldm zera'-ddwl/, the initial letters of which spell out
    the names ykn and b'z.e The oracle is not extant in this form, but cf. 2 S. 5:12 and 7:12
    (= 1 Ch. 17:ll).
    Freedman Willoughby
    -
    Other interpretations based on archaeological evidence have been proposed. The
    pillars may have been:

    a. ma;;ebahs like those of the temple at Shechem;t0


    b. asherahs, on account of their botanical capitals;l I
    c. comparable to the phallic symbols at the entrances of many temples;I2
    d. comparable to Egyptian obelisks;
    e. oversized lampstands or stands for incense burners, recalling the pillar of cloud
    and fire at the exodus;I3
    f. symbols of permanence, like the Egyptian djed pillars;ta
    g. symbols of majesty, sovereignty, divine omnipotence, or God's presence;15

    5. + Il) kwn; --> ll9 'u.


    6. For a summary of the debate see V. Fritz, Tenpel und Zelt. WMANT 47 (1977), 14-15.
    7. Scott, Noth, et al.
    8. Vincent, Busink, 312: "Yahweh will protect this house."
    9. Scott, Albright.
    10. Benzinger; E. Sellin, ZDPV 5l (1928) ll9-23.
    11. Mrihlenbrink.
    12. B. D. Eerdmans.
    13. Albright, May.
    14. Kornfeld.
    15. See, respectively, Yeivin, Andrae, Vincent.
    190 1111!'ammfr/

    h. standards identifying the temple as the house of Yahweh, originally of pagan


    provenance and therefore found only in the Solomonic temple and not laterl6 (but
    cf. Ezk. 40:49;42:6).
    Fabry

    The new temple envisioned by Ezekiel as the centerpiece of Israel's renewal and
    restoration is also to be provided with pillars (albeit without names) in its vestibule
    (Ezk. 40:49;42:6).T\e text gives no details on the function of these pillars in the de-
    scription of the building.
    It is unclear whether these pillars Jachin and Boaz are meant when we are told that the
    king stood "beside/on the pillar" ('al-hd'ammfid) on important occasions. Joash was pro-
    claimed king by the priest Jehoiada while standing "by the pillar [or: 'on the Podium'],17
    according to custom" (2 K. ll:14 = 2 Ch. 23:13). This clear reference to a "specific"
    place for the king to statd'al-hfr'dmmfiQ on special occasions if it is in fact intended to
    -
    conv6y specific information, as the appended l<ammiipdr would suggest has been sub-
    - Shamra stela
    ject to a wide variety of interpretations. As a parallel, de Vaux cites a Ras
    depicting the king on a socle before the image of a god.t8 Noting Pharaoh's special place
    in the temple, von Rad suggests a podiurn.lr The elevation of the king was less important
    than the delimiting of the location, which was considered cultically pure.2o

    V. The Pillar of Fire and of Cloud. The pillar of fire ('ammfi/ 'di) and the pillar of
    cloud ('ammfrd'dnailzt are theophanic concepts used by specific sources in the exodus
    and desert narratives to represent the presence of Yahweh. In J it is Yahweh himself
    who frees and assists the Israelites during their desert wanderings; in E it is the mal'afu
    'el6htm; in Deuteronomy and P it is the cloud that signals God's presence. Only the J
    redactor of Hezekiah's period22 speaks of a pillar of cloud ('ammfid'dndn) and a pillar
    of fire ('ammild 'ei) (Ex. 13:21-22; 14:19-24; cf. Nu. 9:15-22:. also Dt. 1:33; 31:15; Ps.
    78:14;105:39), which guide the Israelites by day and night on their journey to the Sea
    of Reeds23 (cf. Nu. 14 14). According to Mendenhall, the pillars are visible media
    through which the deity is perceptible to human beings. The form of the pillar is de-
    scribed by the word 'dndn, acloudlike covering enveloping and concealing the deity; at
    night the fiery radiance of Yahweh shines forth. Although Ex. 14:19 apparently shows
    that the pillar of cloud and fire is the same manifestation of Yahweh as the mal'al
    hdnldh?m, since both perform the same function, the Hebrew text is a conflation of dif-

    16. Busink, 317.


    17. C. Widengren, ,/SS 2 (1957) 9-lO.
    18. R. de Yaux, Anclsti l,
    102-3; cf. Syr 14 (1933) pl. 16; ANEE no. 490.
    19. G. von Rad, "Royal Ritual in Judah," Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Eng.
    trans. 1966)), 224; cf . also E. Wiirthwein, Die Biichern der Kdnige. ATD lll2 (1984), 351,452.
    20. M. Metzges Congress Volume, Uppsala 1971. SW 22 (1972), 165-66.
    21. --+ l)9 'dndn.
    22. P. Weimar, Die MeerwundererTahlung. AAf 9 0985),272.
    23. -->D'; yam; --> t]1D sfip.
    11A|ammAQ 191

    ferent sources.Ex. 14:.24 contains a construct that diverges from the other texts. The
    pillar of cloud and the pillar of fire usually appear as two distinct phenomena; here,
    however, the theophany is manifest in a single form (be'ammfrd 'di w''anan).
    Mendenhall has theorized that 'anan is equivalent to Akk. melammu, a "mask" of the
    deity.24
    Outside the exodus narrative, the ancient sources of the Pentateuch also speak of a
    pillar of cloud as a sign of God's presence. When the tent of meeting was set up for
    worship outside the camp, Yahweh descended in a pillar of cloud and stood at the en-
    trance to the tent. He remained veiled in his cloud when he approached the Israelites,
    but with Moses he spoke "face to face" (Ex. 33:9-ll).

    VI. Metaphorical Usage. Except for Jgs. 20:40, where 'ammfiQ describes a smoke
    signal as a "pillar of smoke," the other texts use 'ammfi{ metaphorically. God strength-
    ens Jeremiah by making him a "fortified city and an iron pillar" (leir milsdr
    ttl"'ammfiQ barzel), mighty and indestructible in the face of opposition (Jer. 1 : 18). In
    Cant. 5: l0- 16 the bride uses a series of metaphors to describe her beloved. His legs are
    like "alabaster pillars, set on bases of gold" ('ammfi/A idi mjussd/im 'al-'a8nA-pd7,
    v. 15).
    Two texts refer to the pillars of the earth (Ps. 75:4[3]; Job 9:6), one to the pillars of
    heaven (Job 26:l l). The earth was generally thought to rest on pillars or columns (l S.
    2:8, md;Aq; Ps. 18:8[7], mbsd{; lO4:5, mdftdn; Job 38:4-6, y"s6d), held up by God and
    shaken by God when angry. In the OT view, the cosmos was structured on the basis of
    fixed principles (Ezk. 40:343:17; Zec. l:16) and laid out by God with a measuring
    line (Isa. 34:1 l; Jer. 3l:39); the new temple was his earthly dwelling place, built to the
    same standard. The heavens were likewise thought to be held up by pillars in the form
    of mountains. Prov. 9: I speaks of the house of wisdom, supported by seven pillars,
    analogous to the four pillars supporting the heavens in Egyptian cosmology. With its
    sacral and literary connotations, the number seven implies fullness and perfection; it
    probably does not reflect architectural prototypes.2s
    Freedman Willoughby
    -
    VII. LXX and Dead Sea Scrolls. The LXX consistently uses sdlos to translate
    'ammftfl; it uses the same word to represent the less common qerei, "wooden frames,
    beams," in the account of the construction of the desert sanctuary (Ex. 26 and 36) (re-
    flecting the technical ignorance of the translator?).26 For the pillar of cloud we always
    find srjlos (tds) nephdlEs.' for the pillar of fire, srjlos ftoQ pyrds. It is worth noting that
    srlilos also translates 'ammfi/ in the royal ritual (2 K. 1l:14; 23:3), a translation that
    makes interpretations along the lines of "podium" less likely. Only four texts use /ci6n,
    perhaps out of reverence for the cosmic mythological motifs it suggests (Jgs. 16:25ff.).

    24. --> 119 'dndn.


    25. Contra G. W. Ahlstrrim, "The House of Wisdom," SEA 44 0979) 74-76.
    26. U. Wilckens, TDNT, Vll,733 n. 8.
    t92 111D9'dmtt

    Rabbinic literature continued to tse'ammfr/ metaphorically: the devout are pillars,


    one who teaches tbrdh is a pillar, Abraham was a pillar of the world, etc.27 At Qumran,
    however, the range of usage of the word is surprisingly niurow. [n almost all of its 16
    occurrences, 'ammfiQ means a pillar as an architectural component of a building in the
    temple complex (llQT 10:ll), a stair tower with a central column (30:9; 31:9), a
    slaughterhouse for sacrificial animals (12 columns with supporting beams north of the
    altar of burnt offering,34:2,3,15), a peristyle west of the sanctuary with freestanding
    pillars (35:10), a colonnaded pergola on the roof as a site for huts (42:ll1.zt Whether
    'ammfiQ haiiEni in the cryptographic fragment 4Q 186 fr. | 2:6; fr. 2 l:7 is related to the
    'ammfidA idmayim of Job 26:1 1 (cf. 1 Enoch 18:3) is quite uncertain; if so, it belongs to
    the realm of cosmological metaphor.
    The Copper Scroll uses 'ammfi/ in the same way (3Q15 4:l; l1:3). [n 6:l we find
    the toponym m'rt h'mwd, "Cave of the Pillars," a cave linking two larger caves in the
    rocky declivity between Jericho and Qumran.
    In IQM 5:10, finally, the fluting of a column is taken as a model for the decoration
    of the hafts of the lances carried by the Essene warriors.
    Fabry

    27. For citations see Wilckens, 734.


    28. -+ l)O sdkafi.

    l1'DIi
    .?
    'a*tt

    I. 1. Etymology; 2. Occurrences; 3. Meaning; 4. LXX. [. Social Solidarity as a Religious


    Value: l. Related Words; 2. Leviticus; 3. Zec. 13:7;4. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l. l. Etymology.
    The noun'dmtl derives either from 'ln or from an otherwise unat-
    tested root 'mh, related to the root 'mm, "join with."l Outside the OT, it appears also in
    Middle Hebrew, Jewish Aramaic, Arabic, and Old South Arabic.2 '"The ending -[ be-
    came an independent afformative, used to form abstract nouns."3 Grammatically, there-
    fore, 'amtl is an abstract noun.

    l. For the first derivation see J. Wellhausen; Die kleinen Pmpheten (41963), 195. For the sec-
    ond, see GesB, 600-601; HAL, II, 845.
    2. W. W. Miiller, 7AW 75 (1963) 304-16, esp. 312.
    3. J. Kdrner, Hebriiische Studiengrammar* (1983), 106; cf. GK, $86k-1.
    nrDY'ani!

    2. Occurrences. The noun occurs 12 times in the OT: 11 times in Leviticus and in
    Zec.l3:7.It occurs twice in the Dead Sea Scrolls (lQS 6:26; CD l9:8); CD l9:7-9
    quotes Znc- l3:7 word for word. It appears only in the singular, and always with a suf-
    frx:'omtlt (Z,ec. l3:7 = CD l9:8), '"tnt!"ka (Lev. l8:20; 19:15,17;25:14[twice],15),
    'omt!6 (Lev. 5 2 I [Eng. 6: 2] [twice] ; l9:l I ; 24:19; 25 :17 ; I QS 6: 26).
    :

    3. Meaning. The basic meaning of 'dmil is as disputed as its grammatical analysis is


    secure. Wellhausen says that our word "originally meant 'relationship,' 'kinship,' then
    a relative or kinsman."4 The others, who postulate a basic meaning "community" or the
    like, differ as to whether they take the abstract noun as exhibiting the original meaning,
    believing that the concrete meaning "kinsman" is a secondary development through
    omission of the noun geler
    - abstract for concrete - or argue for the concrete mean-
    ing, totally rejecting the idea of an abstract noun.S
    Thepfuase geper'intfr (2,u,.13:7) plays a key role in the discussion. Some have argued
    that this phrase is syntactically unique: a noun in apposition to a construct.6 As a conse-
    quence, it could be translated "the man who is my associate."T Others analyze the combina-
    tion as a construct phrase, to be translated "the man of my commuoity."s Thor" who es-
    pouse this view must then assume that the word underwent a secondary personification in
    all the lrviticus texts.e Finally, we must not overlook that the etymology of 'dmtl is "ob-
    scure" and that is specific meaning 'tan no longer be determined with certainty."to

    4. IXX. In all the Leviticus texts the LXX uses ho plEsion, "the neighbor," to trans-
    late 'amt1. In Znc. l3:7 it translates: ho andr polftes mou.

    II.Social Solidarity as a Religious Value.


    l. RelatedWords. Apart from Z,ec. l3:.7 ,'dmt1 occurs only in prose; therefore it does
    not appear in parallelism with any true synonyms. The noun -+ 9a rEa', however, does
    appear occasionally as a closely related term. In Lev. 19 one could almost speak of a
    regular alternation between the two words: 'dmi1 appears in vv. I1,15,17, rEa' in vv.
    13,16,18, with no observable difference in meaning. Lev. 18:20 speaks of adultery with
    "the wife of your'dmi!', in 20:10 the adultery is with "the wife of his r€a'l'In IQS
    6:26, too, 'dmi1 and rea' are very close in meaning.

    4. Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 195.


    5. Advocates for the former range from C. von Orelli, Minor Prophers (Eng. trans. n.d.), 370;
    to, most recently, HAL, 1,845. For the latter see GesB,600. On the abstract for concrete usage
    see E. Ktinig, Stilistik, Rhetorik, Poetik (1900),66.
    6. cr, $130e.
    7. GesB, 600.
    8. F. Hitzig, Die zwdlf kleinen Propheten. KEHAT (21852), 379; most recently K. Elliger, Das
    Buch der zwdlf kleinen Propheten. ATD 25 (71975), 174; W. Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja 1-8-
    Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KAT XllU4 (1976), 212; H. Bardtke, Die Handschriften funde am
    Toten Meer (1958),273.
    9. Elliger, Lcviticus. HAT U4 (1966), 241 n. 19.
    10. M. Noth, Leviticus. OTL (Eng. tars.21977), 4849.
    r94 nlDY'dmtt

    Other terms can express the same meaning as 'ami1: Lev. 19:17 and 25:.14 use 'ah,
    "brother," side by side with the synonymo\s'amt!;tt Lev. 19:18, finally, uses benA
    'amm'f;a, "your kin." These related terms call our attention to what the whole group
    has in common: an 'dmil is a member of the people of Israel with whom one has a spe-
    cial relationship like that between two brothers, shaped by a common faith in Yahweh.
    Elliger's definition an'dmtl is "a member of the national community whose lord is
    Yahweh"
    -
    catches the essence.12 The best translation, therefore, is not "kinsman" but
    -
    "member of the national community, fellow citizen."l3

    2. Leviticus. The word 'dmilis closely associated with the Holiness Code (Lev. 17-
    26). Only the two occurrences in Lev. 5:21(6:2) are outside this section. They belong to
    a passage (vv.2O-26[6:l-7]) that Elliger has shown to be the latest of several addenda
    to Lev. 4:l-5:13;t+ this dating raises the possibility of explaining the use of the word in
    Lev. 5 as being due to the influence of the Holiness Code on P. In any case, the Holi-
    ness Code is earlier than Deutero-Zechariah, so that these occurrences of 'dmt1 are the
    earliest in the OT.
    All the passages deal with proper conduct toward a fellow citizen. When buying or
    selling, do not exert undue pressure ([rv. 25:14,15,17). Do not steal from, deceive, or lie
    to a fellow citizen (19:ll), render an unjustjudgment against him (19:15), hate him
    (19:17), do him bodily harm (24: l9), or have sexual relations with his wife (18:20). Judge
    him with justice (19:15) and reprove him (19:17). That the two positive commandments
    in Lev. l9 are traditio-historically secondary is clear from the preponderance of negative
    formulations.ls The prohibitions are therefore the original laws. These rules of conduct
    are all religiously motivated (cf. 19: I I - 14, 16, I 8; 25:17): every admonition to act so as to
    benefit society and promote the well-being of a fellow citizen is based on respect for the
    "I" who is Yahweh. This holds true even of the prohibition against invading another's
    marriage, which is grounded in the defilement of the adulterer (18:20), excluding him
    "from participating in the cult, i.e., from intercourse with God and participation in . . . its
    benefits."16 One's fellow citizen is an equal member of God's community and therefore
    has a claim to help and protection, even against secret hostile thoughts and feelings.lT
    Finally, the strict law of talion emerges from this comprehensive protection from
    any kind of injury at the hands of a fellow citizen. That Lev. 24:l5b-22 is a distinct
    block of traditional material can be seen from its different form: not prohibition and
    admonition, but statements resembling casuistic law, like v. 19: 'Anyone who maims a
    fellow citizen shall suffer the same injury in return."l8 That this law, too, is based on re-

    I 1. Elliger, HAT U4, 345.


    12. P. 258.
    13. Elliger, HAT U4,241; Hulst, TLOT, 11,902.
    14. Pp. 65-66.
    15. Elliger, HAT 114, 248.
    16. rbid., 240.
    17. Ibid., 258,259.
    18. Ibid., 331.
    nDYdmi! r95

    ligious principle is clear, whether one thinks of the holiness of the community or the
    sanctity of life.le Since this section incorporates inherited earlier material,20 it is likely
    that our word, too, derives from an early legal tradition.
    This religious foundation is also exhibited in [,ev. 5:21(6:2): deceiving a fellow citi-
    zen is understood as a "trespass against Yahweh"; the guilty party must, among other
    things, offer an 'diam to Yahweh.

    3. Zec. I 3 :7. Zec. 13:7 is an oracular threat placed in the mouth of Yahweh, who
    calls on his sword to awaken against "my shepherd" (rdi) and against "the man of
    my community" (ge|er amt!t). The interpretation of this phrase (like that of the en-
    tire section) is debated, as the proposed translations show: "my associate," "the
    man who is my companion," "the man who is closest to me."2l Elliger asks whether
    the translation should not really be "kindred" rather than "community," pointing
    out that the text does not use ?.f but gele4 a word "from the domain of elevated
    language, not rarely emphasizing strength and heroism."22 This observation sup-
    ports the conclusion that both terms refer to a messianic figure. If so, this passage
    would be predicting the "fiasco" of the messiah as a consequence of the gravity of
    the people's sin.23 Otzen takes a different approach, finding in v. 7 "a concealed
    reference to the cultic suffering of the king," through which on the one hand the
    events of the year 587 are "described succinctly" and on the other "events to come"
    (vv. 8-9) are delineated in the form of "an interpretation of 587 ."24 Wellhausen sug-
    gests the high priest.zs

    4. Dead Sea Scrolls. With respect to our word, OT usage continues to dominate in
    the Dead Sea Scrolls. It appears in conjunction with r€a' and in the context of a "penal
    code" (lQS 6:261.24 Unfortunately the text is fragmentary, so that proposed interpreta-
    tions must be tentative, although the context is clear: whoever transgresses against his
    neighbor is excluded from the community for a limited time (6:24-27). This regulation
    uses the expression yswd'mytw, which Maier translates "the 'foundation' (?) of his as-
    sociate." Lohse and Molin translate the words more adequately as the "the basis of his
    association" (Bardtke and Wernberg-Mgller read yswr 'mytw, "the 'correction' of his
    comrades"), interpreting the passage to mean that the offense against the transgressor's

    19. Noth, Leviticus, 180-81; Elligea HAT U4,335.


    20. Noth, lzviticus, 180.
    2l . For the first see Rudolph, KAT XllU4, 212; also NRSV. For the second, F. Horst, Die
    zwdlf kleinen Propheten. HAT Ul4 (1954), 252; abeady proposed by Wellhausen, Kleinen
    Propheten,49. For the third, Ziircher Bibel; cf . MV; for CD l9:8 see J. Maier, Die Texte vom
    Tbten Meer 2 vols. (1960),I,67;8. Lohse, Dre Texte aus Qumran (1964), 101.
    22. ATD 251, 175-76.
    23. Rudolph, KAT ){'llV4, 213-14.
    24. B. Otzen, Studien ilber Deuterosacharja. AcThD 6 (1964), 193-94.
    25. Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 195. See also I. Willi-Plein, Prophetie am Ende: Unter-
    suchungen zu Sacharja 9-14. BBB 42 (1974),77.
    26. Maier, Texte, 11,27.
    196 )ny'amal

    neighbor is punished so severely because it destroys the basis of God's community, im-
    periling its common life.
    CD 19:8 citesZ.ec. l37 in connection with the coming visitation with its eschato-
    logical judgment, which will strike all who have scorned the commandments and stat-
    utes. In this visitation, what was predictedinZnc. l3:7 will come to pass'
    hbel

    )l1q 'u^ur; )DV 'amat; )t1q 'amet

    I. Etymology. II. OT: l.


    Statistics, LXX, General; 2. "Work"; 3. Individual Laments;
    4. Wisdom Literature; 5. Ecclesiastes. III. Late Hebrew.

    I. Etymology. The root rnl is represented in most Semitic languages; it is especially


    common in their late dialects. The basic meaning of the root is presumably "be(come)
    tired"; around this basic meaning cluster a series of semantically related meanings: on
    the one hand,'ml denotes what makes people tired, i.e., "work" (verb and noun); on the
    other, it refers to the condition of someone who is exhausted, i.e., "trouble," "misery,"
    and "ruin." Finally, it can denote the positive result of toil: "earning." Despite the wide
    range of nuances, one can hardly speak of semantic development. lt is more appropri-
    ate to understand the variety as an expression of the "global thinking" of the ancient
    Semites. When the Semites express a concept, all its aspects resonate, although in a
    given context one particular nuance will be in the foreground. The concept of "being
    tired" includes all the aspects listed above: work is exhausting, as are misery and afflic-
    tion; but toil can bring gain.l The root + 9l! ydga'has similar nuances.
    In Akkadian the root appears only in the common subst. n€melu,"Eun:'z Arabic has
    the verb 'amila, "work," and the novn'amal, "work"; in Ethiopic we find ma'bal,
    "tool."3 In Old Aramaic the verb occurs on the Barrakib stele, probably with the mean-
    ing "take pains";4 in the Sefire inscriptions the noun appears in a curse formula in the

    'amdl. G. Bertram, "Hebriiischer und griechischer Qohelet," 7AW 64 (1952) 26-49; R. Braun,
    Kohelet und die friihhellenistische Popularphilosophie. BZAW 130 (1973); I. Engnell, "Work in
    the OT," SEA26 0961) 5-12; G. Fohrer, '"Tivofold Aspects of Hebrew Wordsl' Words and Mean-
    ings. FS D. WintonThomas (1968),95-103; H. L. Ginsberg, Studies in Koheleth. Texts and
    Studies of the lewish Theological Seminary of America 17 (1950); idem, "Supplementary
    Studies in Koheleth," PAATR 2l (1952) 35-62; J. Pedersen, ILC; G. von Rad, Wisdom in Israel
    (Eng. trans. 1972); H. H. Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit. BZAW l0l (1966);
    S. Schwertner, \41 'amat rcill' TL?T, 11,924-26.

    l. LC,l-il,108-28; Fohrer, l0l, 102.


    2. AHw I1,776.
    3. Brockelmant, VG, 1,226.
    4. See DNS/, II, 870-71; KAI216.7-8.
    )4q'amat

    phrase kl mh'ml, "all possible afflictions."s In Imperial Aramaic a paronomasia occurs


    that appears also in the OT: 'ml ry 'mlt, "the troubb you have caused me."6
    The root appqrs again in later Palestinian Aramaic: in the Qumran fragments of the
    Testament of Levi,7 the substantive has been lost in l. 1 (but cf. l. 3 of the Bodleian
    fragment),8 but the verb is preserved in l. 2. Both words occur in lists of afflictions.e In
    synagogue inscriptions from northern Palestine (3rd-5th centuries c.e.), 'ml is clearly
    being used in a specialized technical sense when it denotes the donation of a private in-
    dividual to the synagogue.lo In Rabbinic Aramaic, the noun also means "rent" or "in-
    come,"ll while the verb (as in Hebrew) means "work" (esp. "work at study of Torah").
    In Syriac the usual meanings "toil" (noun) and "take pains" are commonly found in
    connection with ascetic exercises.l2

    II. OT.
    1. Statistics, lXX, General. Forms of the root 'ml appear 75 times in the OT; 50 of
    these occurrences are in wisdom literature, especially Ecclesiastes (35). The root ap-
    pears 14 times in the Psalms. The other occurrences are widely scattered. The noun
    'dmdl appears 55 times, the verb 'dmal ll times, and the adj. 'dmel9 times. The PN
    'dmdl in 1 Ch. 7:35 corresponds to the Palmyrene name rnll which may mean
    "worker," and may also be related to the Edomite theophorous name ews'ml.t3
    The LXX generally uses m6chthos, p6nos, or k6pos to translate 'amal.ta It uses
    these same words to translate other Hebrew words as well, especially ycgia'. In fact, -l
    ylr yg'is the most important parallel to'ml; like the lattet it has both negative ("toil")
    and positive ("gain") nuances.
    The above statistical survey showed that 'ml belongs to the specialized vocabu-
    lary of wisdom literature and is therefore typical of the later linguistic stratum of
    the OT. Nevertheless, the noun 'dmdl, "affliction," appears frequently in individual
    psalms of lament. The six occurrences in the prophets are more or less influenced
    by these psalms. Analysis reveals clear differences between the semantic fields of
    the root 'ml in the different literary groups, although no semantic development is
    discernible.

    2. "Work." Except in Ecclesiastes (see II.5 below), the OT rarely uses the root
    with the neutral meaning "work." In Jgs. 5:26 Jael grasps the halmfr1 qm€ltm ("work-

    5. KAr 222A.26.
    6. AP 4O:2.
    7. DJD, r,2t.l-)2.
    8. R. H. Charles, The GreekVersions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (l9OB),246.
    9. Ct. APOT,1,3@.
    10. J. A. Fitzmyer and D. J. Harrington, A Manual of Palestinian Aramaic Texts. BietOr 34
    ( 1978), texts A26. 10; 427 .3-4: 428.2-3; A39.3.
    ll. Levy, WTM, s.v.
    12. csD, 417.
    13. For the former see PNPI, 106; for the latter, T. C. Vriezen, OTS 14 (1965) 330-31.
    14. Bertram, 35-47.
    198 74q'amat

    men's mallet"), normally used by workers. In Prov. 16:26 we find a "macabre joke"ls
    whose translation runs somethin!",1i1", "The hunger of the worker ('dmEl) wotks
    ('dmeld) for him"; in other words, even if he does not enjoy his work, at least his
    need for the basic necessities of life impels him to work. The passage uses both
    words in a neutral sense, but we may perceive a subtext: do not envy the worker, for
    his work is agonizing and the work that hunger accomplishes "for him" only aggra-
    vates his suffering.16
    The verb appears without negative connotations in Jon. 4:10, where Yahweh says to
    Jonah, "You are concerned about the castor bean bush, for which you did not work
    ('dmaltd) to make it grow," and in Ps. 127:1, which says that the workers work('dmelfi)
    in vain if Yahweh does not build the house.

    3.Individual Laments. The Psalms and Prophets (with the exception of the texts just
    discussed) use only the noun 'dmdl; here it clearly means "drudgery," "affliction," and
    "mischief." A striking exception is Ps. 105:44 (see III below). It appears in parallel
    with'ont, hdmds, ieqe4 mirmh, td!, ka'as, and especially 'dwen, which clearly define
    its semantic field. In these texts it refers primarily to the afflictions people impose on
    others. It is associated most frequently with'awen, "iniquity." Typical is the proverbial
    expression "conceive 'dmdl and give birth to 'dwen" (Isa. 59:4; Job 15:35; in Ps.
    7:15[Eng. v. 14] ieqer ["lies"] is added as well).t7
    We also find the combination of 'amal and'dwen in other individual laments, which
    contrast the wicked OAilA') with the righteous (saddiq). Ps. 55 says that the city is un-
    dertheswayof thewicked;"'dwenand'dmdl areinitsmidst"(v. 11[10]; v. l2[11]
    adds hawwdg tdf;, and mirmd, while v. 10[9] mentions ltdmds and rib). Here the of-
    fense is social oppression; similar terminology appears in prophetic indictments of so-
    cial iniquity: in Hab. l:3 in a text composed totally in the form of an individual la-
    ment
    -
    and in Isa. l0: l, an imprecation of woe that must be read in the context of the
    -
    lament in Ps. 94:20 and probably refers to the wicked ruler who perverts the law to op-
    press the weak and righteous.
    The meaning "affliction" or "mischief is obvious in these passages, where the con-
    text is the genre of individual lament. Other texts say that the wicked has 'amdl
    w"dwen under his tongue (Ps. 10:7) and that his lips speak'dmdl (Ps. 140:10[9]). This
    terminology may come from wisdom instruction; kov. 24:2 cautions against "the
    wicked" (v. l) whose minds devise violence and whose lips talk of 'dmdl. This wisdom
    tradition is probably also the source of the notion of retribution:'dmdl will be inflicted
    on those who practice it (Ps. 140:10[9]); "their 'dmal rcttms upon their own heads, and
    on their own heads their violence (hdmds) descends" (Ps. 7:17[6]); cf. also Job 4:8:
    "Those who plow 'dwen and sow 'amal reap the same," and Job 20:22: the wicked
    (v. 5) are struck by the "hand of disaster" (yaQ 'amal [reading 'dmal instead of

    15. Pl6ger, Spriiche Salomos. BK XVII (1984), 195.


    16. Engnell, l0; W. McKane, Proverbs. OTL(1970),490-91.
    17. --> I, 142.
    )t1q'amat 199

    'dmell).l8 Conversely, it is a stumbling block for the sufferer when the wicked are not
    afflicted with'%nal'?n6,i, "human misery" @s. 73:5).
    In the individual laments, we find the prayer that Yahweh will look on (rd'd) the af-
    fliction ({nt) and trouble ('dmAl) of the psalmist (Ps. 25:18), i.e., to provide aid against
    the psalmist's foes (v. l9). This prayer emerges from the conviction that Yahweh at all
    times sees (rd'd) the 'dmdl wdf;a'as ("trouble and grief') of the righteous and extirpates
    the wicked (Ps. 10:14). According to Hab. 1:13, Yahweh's eyes are too pure to behold
    (rd'A) evil (rd') and to look on (nbl hiphil) wrongdoing ('AmAl); when he sees them, he
    must intervene (cf. v. 3). If the older translations are correct, the Balaam oracle in Nu.
    23:21 says the same thing: "He [Yahweh] cannot behold (nbt hiphil) 'dwen in Jacob
    and cannot see (rd'd) 'dmnl in Israel."
    This characteristic use of the verb rd'A with'dmdl appears also in Deuteronomistic
    texts: the Israelites cried out to Yahweh in Egypt, and he "heard our voice and saw
    (rd'A) our affliction ('onyEnfi) and our toil ('amnldnil)" (Dt.26:7). According to Jgs.
    10:16, after the Israelites put away the foreign gods, Yahweh could no longer bear to
    seetheiraffliction ('dmdl). HereandinPs. 107:12'dmf,lmeansnotsomuchtheafflic-
    tions brought on Israel by others as God's punishment of his people. This psalm bears
    the clear marks of Deuteronomistic influence; in the Deuteronomistic tradition, 'dmdl
    refers to God's chastisement of his people. Only rarely does the word denote God's
    punishment of an individual; such an idea may be suggested in Ps. 25:18 by the addi-
    tion of "forgive all my sins." We also find 'dmfrlused for the sufferings of an individual
    chosen for a special mission: Joseph, who looks back after the birth of his sons on the
    'dmdl he has undergone (Gen. 4l:51); the servant of Yahweh, who suffers 'dmdl to
    atone for others (Isa. 53:ll); and Jeremiah, who asks in his confessions why he was
    ever born, if he is to see only 'dmdl (Jer. 20:18).
    Only once is'dmdl used figuratively: in Ps. 73:16 the lamenting psalmist tries to un-
    derstand his situation, but the attempt brings him only 'dmil, "spiitual anguish."

    4. Wisdom Literature. In the wisdom tradition, a different nuance of zrl predomi-


    nates: the affliction, or rather the misery that is part of the fundamental human condi-
    tion. Ps. 90, which bears the stamp of this tradition, describes the burdens of life: even
    if one attains a ripe old age, the "glory" of life is nothing but'dmdl wa'awen (v. l0).
    Job expresses the same idea when he says that life is slavery and nights of 'dmdl are the
    human lot (Job 7:3). Eliphaz asserts that human beings are born l"'amal (Job 5:7; possi-
    bly the text should be emended to read "human beings bring forth misery").le
    Since human life is burdened by misery it is possible to try to escape from this real-
    ity: one can drink to forget the 'dmdl of life (Prov. 3 I :7). Or one can stretch forth one's
    hands to God then'dmil vanishes like water flowing away (as Zophar urges, Job
    -
    11:16). ForJob himself, these evasions will not work: his friends aremerely'dmal-

    18. Fohrer, Hiob. KAT XVI (1963),326.


    l9.Fohrer, KATXVI, 132;Horst, Ifiob.BKXYUI (1968),62,81;foradifferentviewseevon
    Rad, 130.
    l4y'amat

    comforters (16.2)r. He knows that 'amal has been his fate since birth (Job 3: 10); he can
    only ask why God lets the one in misery (dmel) see the light of day (3:10; cf. Jer.
    20:1 8).

    5. Ecclesiastes. Ecclesiastes takes a critical stance toward traditional wisdom; not


    by accident, it understands the word 'dmdl in a different sense than Proverbs and Job.
    In its reflections on the meaning of human life, there are 35 occurrences of words de-
    rivedfromtheroot'ml(22of thenoun'dmdl,8of theverb,5of the adj.'dmefi.Ecclesi-
    astes employs paronomasia frequently: l<ol-'"rnAl6 ieyyaarndl (l:3); kol-'"mdl6 . . .
    iehfr"d.mdl (2:22; cf .2:11,18,20,21; 5:17[18]; 9:9).
    If the author does not associate 'ml with "the misery of the human condition," it is
    because he needs to emphasize other nuances of the word to elucidate his notions con-
    cerning human life. For him'amal denotes the ceaseless toil that characterizes human
    existence. Here he comes close to the neutral meaning of 'dmal, "work," atd'ame[
    "worker" (see II.2 above). But for him the words have an undertone of frustration, sug-
    gesting "toilsome labor" or, better, the unending human striving that he can only con-
    sider vanity. For him labor and industry are without purpose because they are without
    meaning; they cannot make life or even the quality of life secure. Nevertheless,
    human beings should enjoy the
    -
    fruits of their labor and
    -
    industry while they are alive.
    Thus nrl occupies a central place in the intellectual world of the author, as he tries to
    come to terms with the unfolding of human life.20
    When the author wants to say that work is meaningless and purposeless, he often
    combines 'dmdl withhis characteristic word yi1r6n, "gai1]'2t in the form of a rhetorical
    question: "What do people gain from all the toil ('rndb) with which they toil (ya'amdl)
    under the sun?" (1:3; cf. also 3:9; 5:14-15).
    This view is expounded quite straightforwardly in the long section on the futility of
    human existence (l:12-2:26).It is true that pleasure may be gratifying, but then "I con-
    sidered all that my hands had done and the toil I had spent(be'dmdl ie'dmalti) in doing
    it (la'"56!), and again, all was vanity and a chasing after wind, and there was no gain
    (yilr1n) under the sun" (2: I l; cf . 4:4). The maxim "Better is a handful with quiet than
    two handfuls with toil ('dmdl)" (4:6) expresses the same idea.
    A special case is the situation of the solitary individual (4:7 -12), for whom toil is es-
    pecially meaningless because he has no heir. Nevertheless, "there is no end to all his
    toil ('amdl6), and his eyes are never satisfied with his riches." Under such circum-
    stances, one can truly ask, "For whom am I toiling ('dmEl)?" Then it is indeed better for
    two to be together; they can help each other and together "receive a good reward for
    their toil (bq'amdldm) l'
    But even someone with an heir has problems, which the author expounds in a short
    passage in which he plays with the root'ml ten times (2:18-23): "I hated all my toil in
    which I had toiled under the sun ('e1-kol-'amdli ie'ant 'dmEl tahal haiiemei), seeing

    20. On the corresponding terminology of Hellenistic popular philosophy, see Braun, 48-49.
    21. -s'll1t ytr.
    )4q'amat 201

    that I must leave it to one who comes after me. Who knows whether he will be wise or
    foolish?" That is precisely the problem: all this toil will have been in vain if the heir
    cannot administer the estate wisely. At the end of this exposition, the author can only
    sigh, "What does a mortal get from all his toil (bekoL'amab) and the strain with which
    he toils (iehfr' 'amel) under the sun?" (v. 22).
    This negative verdict on toil is based on the conviction that despite all wisdom, no
    one can "discover the meaning of what is done s11sa1111"22 the more so when it is the
    work of God (ma'"i€h '"l6him): "However much one may -toil (ya'"mdl) in seeking, no
    one will find it out" (8:17).
    Faced with this meaninglessness, people should simply give up. But this is not the
    author's view. Even though toil may be meaningless, one can at least enjoy it! The
    fruits of toil are God's good gift. Many sense a certain inconsistency here.23 But in
    these words we hear a kind of resignation to God's will that finally allows the author to
    abandon his attempts to "fathom the work of God." This fundamental attitudb helps the
    author achieve an openness to the world and to life that finds expression in several
    statements where 'amal is coupled characteristically with the word hEleq ("portion,
    lot"). Just before 2:ll, which speaks of the meaningless toil of life (see above), the
    king recounts his many activities, ending v. l0 with the confession that he had denied
    his heart no pleasure, "for my heart found pleasure in all my toil (mikkol-'"rndli), and
    that was my portion fl.telqt; NRSV 'reward'l for all my toil." What is most fitting is "to
    eat and drink and find enjoyment in all the toil with which one toils (bebol-wmdl6
    ieyya'amdl) under the sun all the days of the life God gives one; for this is one's lot
    (belqO)" (5:17[8]). The rich man can "eat" of his wealth and accept hislot(helqb) and
    (v.
    find enjoyrrent in his toil (ba'4mdl6)
    sentiments in 2:24;3: 13; 8:15).2+
    - "this too is the gift of God" l8[19]; similar
    But the author counters these lighthearted remarks with a statement intended to
    make the point that carefree eating and drinking may bring pleasure but also have a
    darker side, the insatiable craving for life: 'All human toil (kol-'amal hd'dddm) is for
    the mouth, yet the appetite is not appeased" (6:7). The same bitter note is heard in a fi-
    nal piece of advice: eat and drink with pleasure, anoint your body and wear white gar-
    ments, enjoy life with the wife you love, "for that is your portion in life (belq"kA
    bahayyim) and in your toil at which you toil (frba'amdlekd'aier-'attah'dm€l) under the
    sgn" do all this, for only one thing is certain for you: death (9:7-10).
    -
    III. Late Hebrew. In an OT passage from the same late period as Ecclesiastes the
    word 'amal clearly means "earning," i.e., what is earned through toilsome labor (see I
    above): Ps. 105:44, which describes the occupation of the promised land: "They took
    possession of the earning of the nations ('amal le'ummtm)." Ginsberg has attempted to
    impose this same meaning on'amal throughout Ecclesiastes (with a few exceptions).2s

    22. Zimmerli, Prediger ATD 16ll (31962),218.


    23. Schmid, 193-94.
    24. On the whole subject see von R.ad,229-37.
    25. Ginsberg, Studies, Iff.; idem, "Supplementary Studies," 35-39.
    ?DY.'emeq

    ln some passages this nuance may well be present, but to translate the word consis-
    tently as "earning" appears forced.26
    In Postbiblical Hebrew the meaning "earning" is clearly present. In IQS 9:22, we
    read that the righteous members of the community should leave "wealth and
    the earn-
    ing of hands" (hwn w'ml kpym) to the unrighteous. Elsewhere in the Dead Sea Scrolls,
    'dmdl has its customary sense of "toil" (8 times, many of which cite biblical texts). In
    Rabbinic Hebrew the verb in particular is used in the neutral sense of "work diligently"
    (often studying the Torah). The noun more often has the biblical meaning "toil," but
    can also mean "propertY."2T
    Ouen

    26. Galting (Der Prediger HAT vl8 l2lg6gD argues successfully for this meaning
    in 2:18-
    19; cf. alsq Zimmerli, ATD 16113, 157-58.
    27.|*vy, WTM, s.v.

    'emeq; 'dmeq; PDYIPiIV 'dm€q/'dmoq; DIPD{D


    PAY fQ{dmaq; lQit
    ma'"rnaqqtm

    tdmEq/'dm6q;
    LCognates. II. OT: l. Occurrences; 2. Verb; 3.'€meq; 4.'-Ameq and
    5. ma'anaqqim. III. l. Jewish Aramaic; 2. Dead Sea Scrolls; 3' LXX'

    I. Cognates. Forms of the root 'mq appefi in almost all Semitic languages; its vari-
    ous meanings are not derivable from one another'
    Most of the occurrences involve the concept of depth in the literal or transferred
    sense. As early as old Akkadian,t emEqu(m) I means "be wise" and is
    used of deities

    'Emeq. A.Bongini, "Ricerche sul lessico geografico del semitico nord-occidentalel' AION 19
    (1969) l'gl-90, taA-lO; M. Dahood, "Tf,e Value of Ugaritic-for Textual Criticism," Bibl40
    iisisi roo zo, "ri.
    esp. 166-67; E. c. Dell'oca, "El valle de Josafat: inombre simb6lico o topo-
    G. R. Driver, "Difflrcult Words in the
    grZrr"Lr:; n uiitabiblicat Raf. Calzada 28 (19_66)
    -169ff.;
    ii"Ur"* hophets," Studies ii OT Prophecy. FS T. H. Robinson (1950), 52-721, l. C' Greenfield,
    ;Ugaritic I-exicographical Notes," JCS 2i (1967) Sg-93, esp. 89; W. Helmann, "Philological'
    (1958),
    he#aica," rhv B-(1i77) 35-44;'A. Jlriku, Eine Renaissance des Hebrriischen. FuF 32
    2lt-12;L. Krin"trki, ";Tal' und 'Ebene' im AT," BZ 5 (1961) 2O4-2O; H.-D. Neef' "Die Ebene
    Achor das 'Tor der Hoffnung,'- ZDPV 100 (1984) 9l-lO'l; J. Reider, "Etymological Studies
    - Hebrew," W 2 O;5D 113-30; K.-D. Schunck, "Bemerkungen zur Ortsliste von
    in Biblical
    im
    nen;amin;' ZDqV 78 (lg62i 143-58; A. Schwarzenbach, Die geographische Terminologie
    Heiriiischen des ATs (1954I A. A. Wieder, "Ugaritic-Hebrew Lexicographical Notes," JBL 84
    (1965) 160-@, esp. tOZ-O:i H. W. Wolff, "Die Ebene Achor," ZDPV 10 (1954) 76-81'
    l. AHw, l,213,215.
    189-'emeq

    and mortals; in Babylonia similarly the adj. emqu(m) means "wise, clever" (the king,
    an artisan). This figurative meaning continues in Jewish Aramaic and in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls (see III below). The literal physical meaning of 'mq, "(broad) valley," is as com-
    mon in Semitic languages outside the Bible as in the OT itself.2 It appears in Ugaritic
    ("valley, lowland") and Phoenician (Karatepe inscription, 'mq 'dn, "Plain of Adana";
    Maktar inscription, yd b'mq1.z It is common as a geographical term in the Amarna let-
    ters and at Mari.a In Old Aramaic a verb in the haphel is derived from the root'mq
    (Zakir inscription, wh'mqw hr;, "they dug a ditch";.s
    In Ugaritic as well as in Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian there is a homonymous
    root'mq II: Ugar. 'mq mear,s "able, strong";6 Assyr. emfrqu(m) means "strength, power,
    violence";7 emuqa(mma) and emilqattam mean "violent,"8 and may be cited in inter-
    preting such texts as Jer. 47:5 and Job 39:21.e

    II. OT.
    l. Occurrences. There are l0O occurrences of the root 'mq in the OT, distributed as
    follows: the verb occurs once in the qal ("be deep [inscrutable]") and 8 times in the
    hiphil ("make deep," both literally and figuratively);'dmeq, "valley," occurs 65 times;
    '6meq, "depth," occurs twice; the adj. "deep" in the forms 'dmEq (Aran.'ammtq) and
    'amaq occtJrs 19 times. The derived noun ma'omaqqtm, "depths," occurs 5 times.

    2. Verb. While the qal of the verb 'mq is associated with the abstract sphere (Ps.
    92:6[Eng. v. 5]: "How great are your works, O Yahweh! Your thoughts are very
    deep!"), the hiphil denotes active "going deep": digging in out of fear of the enemy
    (Jer. 49:8,30), making a pitfall (Hos. 5:2), or constructing a fire pit (Isa. 30:33). Isa.
    7:1 1 can also be cited here ('Ask a sign of Yahweh; make it as deep as Sheol or as high
    as heaven!"). The verb is also used adverbially in a metaphorical sense: "they hid a
    plan too deep for Yahweh" (29:15); "They have deeply betrayed" (31:6); "They have
    deeply corrupted themselves" (Hos. 9:9).

    3. 'Emeq. The noun 'emeq, "valley," is a geographical term used in a variety of com-
    binations: (a) with names of towns; (b) with other proper nouns; (c) in historical con-
    texts that make a topographical identification possible; (d) as a descriptive term charac-
    terizing a geographical region. (e) In some cases important theological statements are
    associated with specific valleys. (0 The number of terms besides '€meq that refer to

    2. HAL, il,847.
    3. For Ugaritic see WU$ no. 2050; UT, no. 1873. On Karatepe see KAI 26.1.4:11.8-9,14, 15.
    For Maktar see KA1 145.8.
    4. For Amarna see EA I I12, l57l; see M. Noth, ABI-A,K,11,60. For Mari see ABI,AK,ll,269.
    5. KAI202A.t0.
    6. WUS, no. 2050; UT no. 1874.
    7. AHw, 1,216.
    8. AHw, 1,215.
    9. M. Noth, Das Buch Josua. HAT W (21953), I I l; J. Simons (GTTOT, $327) says much the
    same; Schunck (153-58) identifies it with a dispersed settlement north and south of Wadi el-Qel1.
    ?8Y.'emeq

    valleys, depressions, and plains makes it necessary to define these terms more pre-
    cisely. (g) Finally, we shall discuss the texts that use 'mq ll.
    a. With Nqmes of Towns. The association of 'emeq with the name of a town (usu-
    ally in a const. phrase) makes it possible to identify the following valleys: 'Emeq
    'ayydl6n (Josh. 10:12),'Emeq'oier PpAyr"l.t6b Qes.l8:28), the'emeq of bA! iemei
    (1 S. 6:13), 'Emeq begi!'6n (Isa. 28:21),'dmeq fieQrdn (Gen. 37:14),'€meq yizre'e'l
    (Josh. 17:16; Jgs.6:33 f7:1,8,121;1 S.31:7 par. I Ch. 10:7; Hos. l:5),and'€meq
    sukk61 (Ps. 60:8t61 = 108:8[7]). The location of 'emeq qe,ri; (Josh. 18:21) in
    Benjamin cannot be identified with certainty ("about F'IP PDy [which the context
    indicates must be the name of a town, despite its forml . . . we know nothing").to
    The toponym bA1 hd'dmeq (Josh. 19:27) presents the elements in reverse order. The
    name of this village in Asher may survive in the name of the modern village of
    'amqa.ll
    In Cant. 2:l 'Emeq parallels haiidrdn, probably referring to the whole region.
    b. With Other Proper Nouns. Identification of the valleys associated with proper
    nouns poses greater problems.
    'cmeq hd'eh (1 S. l7:2,19; 2l:10). This is the site of the battle between Saul and the
    Philistines in the course of which David slew Goliath; the mention of the towns of
    Socoh and Azekah in l7:1 enables us to locate it on the western edge of the Judean hill
    country.
    '€meq habbd&r'(Ps. 84:7t61). Simons calls identification with Wadi el-Mes, which
    runs northwest from the Jaffa Gate, "highly hypothetical,"t2 but it would be appropriate
    in a "pilgrim hymn before the gates of the sanctuary." Reference to bdf;d'trees, which
    are mentioned also in 25.5:23-24 par. I Ch. 14:14 and may have stood in the Valley of
    Rephaim (see below), provides no useful information.
    'Emeq hammelek (Gen. 14:17; 2 S. l8: 18). Both the legendary tradition of Gen. 14
    and the trustworthy Court History of David mention the "King's Valley," in the imme-
    diate vicinity of Jerusalem;13 we should most likely look for it to the north rather than
    accepting the later tradition that associated it with the Valley of Kidron.la The phrase
    'dmeq idw€h (Gen. 14:17) is besi explained as the addition of 'emeq as a gloss to
    idwdh; the combination was misinterpreted as a synonym of 'Emeq hammele!.
    'dmeq 'df;6r (Josh.7:24,26; l5:7; Isa. 65:10; Hos. 2:17[15]). The Valley of Achor,
    the site of the stoning of Achan immediately after the unsuccessful attack on Ai (Josh.
    7:24,26), is also a point on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. 15:7).
    Citing Hos. 2:17(15), which calls the Valley of Achor a gateway ("door of hope") to the
    promised land, Simons (and more recently Neef) supports the identification of this val-
    ley with the lowlands along the Wadi en-Nuwe'ime north of Jericho. Wolffwas the first

    lO. GesB,97; J. Simons (GTTOT, $332) also mentions Tell Mimas as a further attempt at ar-
    chaeological identification.
    tt. GTTOT 5760.
    12. Josephus Ant.7.10.2 8243.
    13. GTTOT,9364.
    14. GTTOT 5469.
    pQY.'emeq

    to propose this identification,15 which he defends in his commentary on Hosea against


    various objections. Noth argues for a different location.16
    'dmeq rfdim (Josh. l5:8; 18:16; 2 S. 5:18,22 par. I Ch. 14:9-13:'2 S. 23:13 par.
    1 Ch. 11:15; Isa. 17:5). This valley, named for "an important tribe belonging to the in-
    digenous population of Palestine,"lT is mentioned as a point on the boundary between
    Judah and Benjamin (Josh. l5:8; 18:16 [secondary according to Noth]).t8 It is best
    known as the site of military conflicts between David (2 S. 5:18,22 par. I Ch. 14:9,13)
    or his chiefs (2 S. 23:13 par. I Ch. I 1 : 15) and the Philistines; it must therefore be close
    to Jerusalem. Its identification with "the beq'ah sw. of Jerusalem" is correct.le
    'dmeq halSiddim (Gen. 14:3,8,10). Wellhausen and Westermann emend Siddim to
    lE/im ("Yalley of Demons"). If we do not accept this emendation, the site described
    as a battlefield must be near the Dead Sea (as the gloss in v. 3 suggests); - it cannot,
    -
    however, be the territory of the Dead Sea itself. This location is also supported by the
    mention of the town l.ta;c;dn tamar in v.7; it was located southwest of the Dead Sea's
    southern shore. "One has the impression that 'the plain of the Siddim' was the local
    designation of a relatively small section of the Jordan Valley, close to the Dead Sea and
    to the Jordan."2o
    c. Historical Contexts. The valleys where Nu. 14:25 says the Amalekites and
    Canaanites dwell (or will continue to dwell) are the same regions mentioned later
    (Jgs. l:19,34) in accounts ofthe occupation ofthe promised land by Judah and Dan
    (cf. also Nu. l3:29). The'dmeq near Ai mentioned in Josh. 8: l3 is identified by Noth
    with a village a mile and a half southeast of Ai, modern kufr ndta'2t B11S emends
    '€meq to 'am (Josh. 8:3, w"f,ol:am hammilhdmA).zz In the descriptions of the bound-
    aries of Reuben and Gad in Josh. 13:19,27,'Zmeq clearly refers to the valley of the
    Jordan.23 The same is probably true of the '€meq in Jer. 48:8, where the eastern edge
    of the rift valley is described as Moabite territory.2a The description of the battle be-
    tween Deborah and Siserah in Jgs. 4:12-16 shows that the 'Emeq in 5:15 is the valley
    of the Kishon.
    The prophets' words of admonition and comfort to Jerusalem frequently mention
    the valleys surrounding the city, in some cases using the word 'Emeq. lsa. 22: I speaks
    of the 96' l.tiudybn, probably identical with the Valley of Hinnom; v. 7 describes it as
    filled with chariots and cavalry. According to Jer. 31 :40, the valley rendered unclean by
    dead bodies and ashes (probably once again the Valley of Hinnom, named in Jer. l9:6)
    will once again be sacred to Yahweh.

    15. Wolff,76-79.
    16. HAT U72, in loc.
    17. GesB, 77O.
    18. HAT U72, in loc.
    t9. GTTOT 57s8.
    20. GT1OT 9413.
    21. Noth, HAT U72, inloc.
    22. Cf. Schwarzenbach, 34.
    23. Noth, HAT W\80; GT:IOT 5137.
    24. W Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT U12 (31958), in loc.
    ?DY-'ameq

    of 'amdqim as areas suit-


    d. Descriptive Terminology. Ps. 65:14(13) sings the praises
    able for agriculture and raising flocks. Therefore Job 39:10 can ask rhetorically
    whether "the wild ox will harrow the valleys after you." David's officers in charge of
    the royal herds baiidr1n and bd'"mfrqim ate mentioned in 1 Ch' 27:29.When the Jor-
    dan overflows its banks during the rainy season, "it puts to flight [?] all the valleys to
    the east and to the west" (l Ch. l2:16[15]).
    e. Theological Contexts. We also find 'Emeq in theological contexts. During
    Ahab's Aramean wars, the view of the Arameans is reported: "Yahweh is a god of
    the hills but he is not a god of the valleys" (l K. 20:28); they therefore conclude
    that they should fight their next battle with Ahab in the valley of Aphek' The men-
    tion of the'Emeq r'paim in an oracle against Damascus (Isa. 17:5) is symbolic: "It
    shall be as when on1 gleans the ears of grain in the Valley of Rephaim" nothing
    in v.6). Mic. l:3-4 -
    describes
    will be left (cf. also the image of the olive harvest a

    theophany: the mountains will melt (v. 4acrb) and the valleys will burst open
    (v.4a|);rhe characteristic features ofeach will be annihilated. The story ofthe leg-
    endary victory of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, is set in the 'emeq berdf,d (2 Ch.
    20:26). Galling believes that this is an etiological legend connected with Wadi
    Berekut, located between Bethlehem and Hebron, west of Tekoa.2s The prophet
    Joel may have borrowed this tradition when he located the eschatological
    judgment on the nations in the '€meq yeh^idpdl (Joel 4:2,1213:2,121); for this rea-
    son he also called it the 'Emeq l.tarfis, "valley of decision" (v. l4; identified with the
    former by the Targ.), if we are not in fact dealing with the symbolic name "Yahweh
    judge3."2o
    f. Related Terms. The OT uses a variety of words for "valleys, depressions, and
    plains":27 biq'A, gay', mii6r +)li
    nal.tal,'Emeq, ldwqh. Twice we find '€meq inparal-
    lel with mii6r (Jer.2l:13 [see 3.g below];48:8); in Jer. 3l:40 it appears in conjunction
    with the nahal qiSrbn and in Isa. 22:7 with gA'fuiudydn (v. l); it is used three times in
    connection with the Plain of Sharon (Isa. 65: 10; Cant. 2: I ; I Ch. 27:29). Mic. I :4 uses
    'emeq as an antonym of +'1i1 har.
    Although the terms just listed have their own specific meanings, they may over-
    lap. Schwarzenbach defines the meanings thus: a nal.tal is a "winter watercourse";
    gay'denotes a "sharply defined valley, which can be very nalrow or very broad," but
    in any case is flanked by two ranges of mountains or hills.28 The noun 'emeq "de-
    notes a 'lowland' with visible boundaries, providing space for dwellings, fields, and
    pastures . . . as well as appearing suitable for military maneuvers,"2e as confirmed by
    Gen. 14:3,8,10;Josh. l0:12;Jgs.6:33;lS. l7:2,19;25.5:18'22; Isa.28:21;Joel
    4:2,12(3:2,12);2Ch.20:26. Abiq'd is a "broad valley. . . in contrast to uplands";

    25. K. Galling, Die Biicher der Chronik, Esra, Nehemia- ATD 12 (1954), 128; cf' GTTOT
    $99s.
    26. Krinetzki, 215-16.
    27. Schwarzenbach, 30.
    28. Ibid., 37tr
    29. rbid., 33.
    lQY.'emeq

    mti6r denotes a plateau.3o Besides '€meq, only gay' and naltal appear in combination
    with proper names.
    g. 'mq II. In some texts the Eanslation reflects the homonymous root 'mq II.tt The
    MT of Jer. 47:5, in the context of an oracle against the Philistines, would be translated:
    "Baldness has come upon Gaza, Ashkelon is silenced, the remnant of their valleys
    how long will you mourn?" Citing Josh. ll:21-22, B^EIS conjectures emending the text -
    to "the remnant of the Anakim." G. R. Driver and others, however, find here an in-
    stance of 'mq Il and translate: "O remnant of their strength."32 The same holds true in
    Job 39:21, in the description of a horse, where 'dmeq parallels kdah: "It paws violently
    and neighs, mightily it goes forth to meet the battle line."33 Schwarzenbach identifies
    two additional texts where he believes a translation based on mq II yields better
    sense.34 In Jer. 2l:13 he translates: "You, reigning with power ('Emeq), O stronghold
    (sr2r) of righteousness (mil6r)"; in their context these are words of bitter irony. In Jer.
    49:4, while the'amdqtm in the oracle against the Ammonites can be understood as val-
    leys of the Jabbok and its tributaries, Schwarzenbach translates (accepting the emenda-
    tion of the MT in BFIS): "Why do you boast in your strength?" The NRSV follos,s this
    interpretation in Job 39:21 and Jer. 49:4-

    4.'dmeq and'drndqfdmdq. Only rarely do the noun '6meq and the adj. 'dmdqfdmdq
    denote something physically "deep." Ezk.23:32 describes the cup of Yahweh's wrath
    as "deep and wide" (hd'arnuqqA wchnrchdpd). In the regulations governing leprosy in
    Lev. 13, the affected area of the skin is described as'dmdq mE'6r bcidr6, 'dmdq min-
    hd'6r or the like (vv. 4,5,25,30-32,34). Depth is often figurative: "The mouth of a
    strange woman is a deep pit" (Prov. 22:14;23:27); rather more vague is the statement
    that "the words gf the mouth" or "the purposes of the human mind" are "deep water"
    (18:4; 20:5: urhathomable, possibly also dangerous). The adj.'dmaqalso describes the
    inaccessibility of the netherworld (Job 11:8; 12:22;cf. Prov.9:18, 'imqA Y'61).Thus
    the adjective also takes on the sense of "impenetrable" (Ps. 92:6[5); see 2 above), de-
    scribing both the mysteries of the world (kcl. 7:24; Dnl. 2:22 [Aram. mcsattcrald' par.
    'ammtqdldl) and the inner life of human beings (Ps. 64:7[6]; Prov. 25:3). An incom-
    prehensible foreign language (Isa. 33:19: Assyrian; Ezk.3:5,6: Babylonian) is de-
    scribed as'amEq, "deep," kabed, "heavy,"3s or nil'ag, "barbarous"; one cannot under-
    stand what one hears.

    5. ma'omaqqtm. The pl. ma'"maqqirz stands concretely for the depths of the sea, into
    which the riches of Tlre vanish like a sunken ship (Ezk. 27:34), or the deep sea, which
    Yahweh dries up so that the redeemed may cross over (Isa. 5 I : l0). The speaker of Ps.

    30. rbid., 38-39.


    31. Not certain according to HAI. II, 848-49.
    32. P.6t.
    33. Herrmann, 39, shifting the athnach; see also Reider, 129.
    34. P.35.
    35. --+1a) kabed.
    PDv-'emeq

    69 says figuratively that he has come into deep waters that threaten to drown him
    (v. 3t2l) and prays that God will deliver him from these deep waters (v' 15[14])' The
    psalmist cries "out of the depths" in Ps. 130: I ; this car certainly mean "out of deep af-
    fliction," but there are probably overtones of the waters of the netherworld.

    lll. l. Jewish Aramaic.In Jewish Aramaic the root nz4 exhibits the same literal and
    figurative meanings as in Biblical Hebrew.36 For example, 'fim"qa' means both the
    "depths" of a house (a kind of cellar)rz and depth of knowledge: "Follow R' Nathan,
    for he was a judge and plumbed the depths of the law."38 The adj. 'dmtqtammiq means
    "deep, impenetrable, profound."3e 'cmeq appears as a toponym.40

    2. Deqd Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls speak of the holy angels "whose ears are
    opened to perceive unfathomable things" (lQM 10:ll). The Copper Scrolls mention
    the Valley of Achor as a hiding place for treasure (3Q15 l:1; 46; cf .4QpHosb l:1; see
    II.3.b above). Allegro identifies this location with the lowland called buqdi'a on the
    northwest shore of the Dead Sea; but the site near Jericho is also possible, because
    there, too, according to the text of the scroll, there is a hiding place for treasures. In the
    former case, we may be dealing with a pseudonymous designation of the site near
    Khirbet Mird.+t The phrase 'mqy bwa "'valleys' of the well" or "'depths' of the well"
    is unique (4Q184 l:6).

    3. LXX. The LXX translation of the geographical term 'Emeq varies widely.+z
    The word used most often (39 times) is koilds, especially in the Pentateuch, Sam-
    uel, and the Book of the Ttvelve. The translation pfuiranx (7 times) is found in Isa-
    iah and sometimes in Joshua, which also transliterates: Etrlekachdr (7:26),
    Emekraphain (18:16), Amek(k)asis (18:21). The translation of'Cilronicles uses
    aill1n for 'emeq. Elsewhere we find pedion (4 times), arthx (Job 39:10), and koilos
    (Joel 4:14[3:14]).
    Beyse

    36. WTM,II1,664-65.
    37. Bab. B. Bathra63a.
    38. Bab. B. Mez. ll7b.
    39. See the discussion of Dnl. 2:22 above.
    40. Jer. Sheb. 10.38; cf. Mish. KeI.26.7;Bab. Taan.2la.
    41. J. M. Allegro, DJD, V,75tr.
    42. Schwarzenbach, 34.
    aJv-'end! 209

    aJV-
    T ..
    'e"ab: )ilglx 'eikbt: d'liti\ simmaqtm

    I. History of Viticulture. II. Etymology. III. OT: 1. Occurrences; 2. Yahweh as Vintner; 3.


    "Blood of Grapes." N. LXX; Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. History of Viticulture. The earliest reference to viticulture in the region of Syria


    (TM 75 G 1847 from Ebla, 2500/2400 B.c.E.) speaks of 3 mi-at la-a GESTIN, *3OO
    casks of wine."l When the Hurrians invaded, Hittite strategy called for the wine grapes
    of GaSaSa to be harvested and brought into the citadel.2 Besides being made into wine,
    grapes were a central part of the diet (uice, honey, raisin cakes, fresh fruit). Canaan
    was the site of viticulture from time immemorial;: in Biblical Hebrew 32 lexemes are
    associated with it.4 We do not know what kinds of grapes were grown in the biblical
    period; the syntagm "blood of the grape" and Isa. 63:2;Prov.23:31;Mt.26:27-281'R:ev.
    1419-20 suggest dark blue varieties.s
    Depending on geographical location and weather, grapes were harvested from Au-
    gust through October; they were collected in baskets (Jer. 6:9), then set out to dry in the
    sun or pressed immediately by foot (ddraQ or under weights ( ga!, + )fl yeqe!, pfrri).
    Grape juice (miiA, 'dsts, dam 'anapim) or must (-+ !ll1'1'h tir6$ ferments quickly.
    Wine was drunk at meals and was used in the cult.
    Together with bread and olives (or olive oil), grapes constituted a major element of
    the diet. They were eaten even before they were ripe (bdser "sour grapes l' ler.3l:29;
    Ezk.l8:2; Job 15:33), although such grapes proverbially set the teeth on edge. More
    mature grapes (bdser gdmZl, Isa. 18:5) were considered delicacies.
    Part of the harvest was marketed as table grapes and part was dried to make raisins
    (;immfrq). Raisin cakes were popular (l S. 25:18; 30:12;2 S. l6:1; I Ch. 12:41([Eng.
    v. 40]); a raisin cake ('aitiA,2 S. 6:19; Cant. 2:5) served as a cultic offering (Hos. 3:l).
    The vine prevented (hdmas, "suppressed," Job 15:33; Lam.2:66) the complete ripening
    of the immature grapes or made them shrivel (be'uitm, lsa. 5:2,4). The doublet "vine

    'cndb. L. Anderlind, "Die Rebe in Syrien, insbesondere Paliistina," ZDPV ll (1888) 160-77;
    A. Charbel, "Come tradurre 'eikbl hak-kAfer (Cant l,l4)?" BeO 20 (1978) 6l-64; J. D<iller, "Der
    Wein in Bibel und Talmud," Bibl 4 (1923) 143-67,267-99; K. Galling, "Wein und
    Weinbereitung l' BnD,36l-63; M. Kochavi, "Khirbet Rab0d = Debir," Tel Aviv Journal | (1974)
    2-33; G. del Olmo Lete, Interpretaci6n de la mitologia cananed ( 1984); idem, Mitos y leyendas
    de Canadn segfin la tradici6n de Ugait (1981); O. Rdssler, "Ghain im Ugaritischenl' ZA 54
    (1961) 158-72; A. van Selms, "The Etymology of Yayin, 'Wine,"' JNSL 3 (1974) 76-84. --+ lDl
    gepen; --) lr1 yayin; --> d'1) kerem.
    l. G. Pettinato, 160.
    2. Magat'l5llM, ll. 8-12.
    3. -+ III, 53-55; VI,60-61.
    4. Van Selms,76-77.
    5. Ddller, l5l-52.
    6. -r IY 480.
    aJY- 'etudb

    and fig tree" or "grapes and figs" characterized the ideal of a rich agricultural region
    from the 8th century onward.T Areas devoid of grapes and figs were devalued, belong-
    ing to the period of the wilderness (Nu. 20:5).
    Grapes were integrated into the cult of the Jerusalem temple by the offering of the
    firstfruits of wine (Nu. l8:12-13; Dt. 18:4). The people living near Jerusalem offered
    fresh grapes (Dt.26:2); those living farther away probably offered dried grapes. Grapes
    were subject to the tithe (Dt. 12:11-18:' 14:22-26), the Levitical tithe (Dt. 14:28;
    26:12),theassessmenttosupportthepriests(Nu. l8:ll-19),theregulationsgoverning
    the corners offields,8 the fallow seventh year (Ex. 23:lo-ll; in Lev.25:5, the sabbath
    year), and the Jubilee Year (kv. 25:ll).
    The law requiring the owner to leave the gleanings of the vineyard for the poor (Dt.
    24:21; Lev. 19:10)e applied to grapes that had been missed during the harvest or left be-
    hind because they were not ripe. Depictions of grapes served to decorate the entance
    to the most holy place,lo synagogues, and coins.

    II. Etymology. Terms relating to viticulture exhibit remarkable variations of


    meaning in the individual Semitic languages. Ugar- gpn, cognate to Heb. gepen,
    "vine,"ll means "grapevine" and "vineyard"; an Arabic cognate to Heb. + E'1)
    kerern, "vineyard," refers to its product, "wine"; OSA w/yyn means both "grape" and
    "vineyard."l2 The word inbu(m), "fruit," found already in Old Akkadian, is associ-
    ated with human sexuality, referring to both "masculine potency" and "feminine at-
    traction"; it also has the resultative meaning "child." Ishtar bears the epithet b€let
    inbi. Tbe meaning "grape" is unattested.l3 In the Mari texts the root occurs in proper
    names.l4
    Ugar. $nb(m), "grapes,"ls appears in a prayer of Danel,l6 the Aqhat Epic, and a
    hymn in Shahar and Shalim.lT In Old South Arabic inscriptions, we find 'nb, "vite-
    yards," paired with 'brt, "meadows."l8 Arab. 'inab means "grape."t9 The Phoenician
    PN 'nbtb'l may suggest a role of grap€s in the cult of Baal.20
    ln the Aramaic language family, 'nb appears on an ostracon with the meaning
    "grapes"; in Egyptian Aramaic it probably means "harvest, fruit," as does Mand. hba,

    7. -r III,59-60.
    8. -r ilND pe?.
    s. -+l)v tt.
    10. Mish. Mid.3.8.
    ll. -r III,55-56.
    12. Biella, 127,131.
    13. AHw,1,381.
    14. C. G. Rasmussen, 259-60; cf. HAL, II, 851; see also III.I below.
    15. UT, no. 1976; WUS, no.2159.
    t6. KTU 1.19, I, 38-48.
    17. KTU 1.23,26.
    18. Biella, 373.
    19. Wehr,647.
    20. C$, I, 5893, 4iBenz,381: "unexplained."
    ))! 'Endb 211

    "fruit, grapes, trees."2l Jewish Aram. 'dnd! or 'inba', with the fem. form 'enabtd',
    "Erape:'zz Sam. €ndb, and Syr. 'enb"1a are closer to Hebrew usage; Jewish Aram.
    '"na|ta'means "berry, grain." Heb. '€nd! denotes the sweet, mature grape in contrast to
    the table grape ('eikbl); the plural refers collectively to "grapes" (albeit always sg. in
    the LXX). The noun 'eikdl denotes the "clusters" borne by the grapevine (Cant. 7:9)
    and other plants (Cant.l:14;7:8). Nu. 13:23 combines the two terms: "a cluster of
    grapes."

    III. OT.
    L Occuruences. The noun'end! appears 19 times in the Hebrew OT and twice in the
    Hebrew fragments of Sirach.
    The grape symbolism in Nu. 13:17-24 paints Canaan as a rich agricultural land. As
    proof, the spies bring back pomegranates, figs, and from Wadi Eshkol, the "valley of
    grapes," a firstfruits cluster of grapes on a pole carried by two bearers.23 Josh. I l:21
    qndb (LXX
    and 15:50 mention a village of the Anakim called Anabath!) (identified
    with Khirbet'Anab es-Seghira, near Rabud), suggesting "grapes" or "grain" (Jewish
    Aram. "nalta). In a dream Pharaoh's cupbearer uses his hand to press juice out of
    grapes over Pharaoh's cup (Gen. 40: l0-11). Hos. 3: I mentions grapes in raisin cakes in
    connection with the syncretistic cult of the northern kingdom.
    The use of grapes in the cult was regulated by specific ordinances. Lev. 25:5 (H)
    prohibits harvesting grapes from unpruned vines during the sabbatical year. The
    nazirite oath in Nu. 6:2-4 prohibits alcoholic beverages in general as well as all grape
    products, from the skins to the seeds. An ancient law (Dt. 23:25[2aD alows travelers to
    eat their fill of grapes in a vineyard. Neh. I 3: 15 chastises farmers around Jerusalem for
    treading winepresses and bringing produce to the city on the sabbath.

    2. Yahweh as Vintner Yahweh's testing of the conduct of the nations is presented un-
    der the image of a vintner inspecting his grapes. According toDt.32:32, the grapes of
    Israel's enemies are descended from the poisonous grapes on the vinestock of Sodom;
    CD 8:8 and 19:22 interpret this image allegorically as referring to the sinful way of the
    wicked. The Song of the Vineyard (Isa. 5) asserts that Yahweh expected sweet grapes
    but only shriveled grapes appeared. In a prophetical oracle ofjudgment (Jer. 8:13),
    Yahweh looks in vain for fruit from his grapevine/fig tree Israel; among the people of
    the wilderness generation, however, he found both kinds of fruit (Hos. 9:10). The
    postexilic (Deuteronomistic?) oracle of deliverance in Am. 9: l3 promises paradisaical
    fertility: grain and grapes grow up and ripen in an instant.

    3. "Blood of Grapes." The fixed syntagm dam'"napim, "blood of grapes," occurs


    three times (cf. I Mc. 6:34); it refers to red grape juice (like Ugar. dm 'sm, "grape

    21. For the ostracon see Nisa l6.l; for Egyptian Aramaic, AE 81:1; DNSI, ll,874.
    22. ANH, 316-17.
    23. See the accounts of large gtapes from Hebron in Anderlind, 174.
    212 \)\ 'anag

    juice"). Gen. 49: 1 l, in the Blessing of Jacob, describes Judah or the messianic warrior
    king (David) as washing his garments in wine, his robe in the blood of grapes; he wal-
    lows in Judah's eschatological endowments. Dt. 32:14 lists the agricultural products of
    Canaan, including fermented grape juice, as signs of abundance. A hymn in Sir. 39:26
    (ms. B) speaks of similar things as the elementary necessities of human life. Sir.
    5l: l5(16) describes the poet's progress in wisdom as the progression from blossoms to
    ripe grapes (llQPs" XXII; ms. B has a different text).

    IV. LXX; Dead Sea Scrolls. The LXX consistently uses the sg. staphyld (usually pl.
    in classical Greek) to translate Heb. 'zndb; only in Hos. 3: I does it use the interpretive
    translation staphis, "raisin." The Heb. sg. 'eikdl is represented by Gk. b6trys, "grape,"
    the Heb. plural by the corresponding Gk. plural.
    There is only one occurrence of 'nb in the Dead Sea Scrolls (l IQT 2l:7), in the rit-
    ual of the vintage festival. The celebrating priests are to eschew unripe grapes ('nb
    prbtl blwlsr) from the vines (gpnym).
    Angerstorfer

    7l\ 'an"s;779 'dneg; \)9 'dndg: \IJYD ta'%fis

    L Etymology. II. Occurrences. III. Verb: l. Pual; 2. Hithpael. IV. Nouns: l.'dneg; 2.'dnAg;
    3. ta'%fr7. V. LXX. VI. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology. Biblical Heb. 'ng corresponds to Arab. (n!: the verb {ani{a I and V
    means "adorn oneself, flirt" (II occasionally also "pamper, be ingratiating"); the nouns
    {un[ and u{nfila refer to the "sexually inviting demeanor" of a woman; a coquettish
    woman is called (ani{a, maSnfida, etc. t Cf. also Eth. 'a'nfrg (pl.), "ring (for the ear or
    nose)," and the rare TigrE word'anig, "beautiful" (fem. only).2
    The functions of this root in Biblical Hebrew are continued in the Dead Sea Scrolls
    (see VI below), in Samaritan,3 and in Middle Hebrew (verb: qal, "be soft, compliant";
    piel, "make soft, delicate"; hithpael, "enjoy oneself '; nouns: 'dneg, 'innfrg, and ta'onttg,
    "pleasure, enjoyment, delight"); in Rabbinic Aramaic, the pael of the verb means
    "make the skin soft" (by anointing, bathing, etc.).4

    Occurrences. The verb 'anag occurs l0 times in the OT: once in the pual, "be
    II.
    delicate" (Jer. 6:2), and 9 times in the hithpael, "take pleasure in," occasionally also
    "pamper," "make fun of' (4 times in Trito-Isaiah, twice each in Job and Psalms, once in

    1. Lane, 116,2299c-23Wa; Dozy, 11,228b.


    2. For the former see LexLingAeth,993; for the latter, WbTigr 475a.
    3. LOT II, 556a.
    4. Jastrow, 1092a.
    J

    \)l 'dnag 213

    Deuteronomy). The rro:un'dneg, "pleasure," occurs twice (Isa. 13:22; 58:13),'dndg,


    "delicate," 3 times (Dt.28:54,56; Isa.47:l), andta'anfig, "pleasure, delight," 5 times
    (sg. only in Prov. 19:10;pl.: Mic. 1:16;2:9;Cant.7:7;Eccl.2:8).

    III. Verb.
    of 'anag
    I . Puat. The theological significance of the only OT occurrence of the pual
    (ter.6:2) is hard to determine. The MT has Yahweh say (with reference to the foe from
    the north): "I shall destroy daughter Zion, beautiful and delicate" (hanndwA
    wehamme'uggdnt ddmilt ba1-;iy6n). The description of Zion as a pampered woman liv-
    ing a life of luxury is reinforced by Dt. 28:56 and lsa. 47:l (daughter Babylon!). If,
    however, we accept the emendation halinwEh ma'andg ddmelA, the text asks whether
    Zion "is like a lovely pasture"; cf. the statements about delighting in the prosperity of
    the land in Isa. 55:2 and Ps. 37:ll.s But the noun ma'&ndg is otherwise unattested.

    2. Hithpael. The 9 occurrences of 'anag in the hithpael point in several directions.


    One text speaks of a "pampered" woman (Dt. 28:56; see IV.2 below); another presents
    the image of a child "nursing happily" from the consoling breast of Jerusalem (Isa.
    66:11). The leaders of Israel are asked ironically whom they intend to "make fun of'
    ('al-mi ti1'anndgit, Isa. 57:4).
    In the remaining 6 occulrences, the hithpael has the meaning "delight oneself."
    Ttvice it is the land that is the source of delight: Ps. 37, a didactic psalm, asserts that the
    poor ('"ndwim) shall inherit the land "and delight themselves in abundant prosperity"
    (v. l1); and Deutero-Isaiah says in an oracle of Yahweh: "If you listen to me, you will
    eat what is good and delight yourselves in rich food" (Isa. 55:2).
    But delight in the prosperity of the land is linked indissolubly with delight in
    Yahweh. Those who delight in Yahweh receive from him the desires of their hearts (Ps.
    37:4); those who observe Yahweh's sabbath will take delight in Yahweh and feast on
    the land (Isa. 58:14). Thus Eliphaz can declare in his third answer to Job that Job if
    he returns to the Almighty (iadday) will delight himself in iadday (Job 22:26);
    - and
    -
    Job, for his part, says that the wicked cannot possibly delight in iadday (27:10). Gordis
    believes that in Job 22:26 and similar passages (he lists Isa. 57:4; Ps.37:4; Job 27:10)
    the hithpael of 'nq has the meaning "request, desire."6 This suggestion is noteworthy,
    but his reference to Arab. na[a'a VIII (metathesis) is not without its problems; neither
    is his appeal to Saadia's interpretation (dalla), for dalla/yadillu (like EnE; see I above)
    means "flirt" (I and V) and "pamper" (V), but never "request."

    IV. Nouns.
    l.
    '6neg. The noun 'oneg occvrs twice; it means "sensual pleasure." On the one
    hand, an oracle on the fate of Babylon describes in macabre terms how jackals now

    5. hoposed by W. Rudolph, Jeremia. HATUI2 (31968), 42l, cf . BHS and NRSV. See III.2 be-
    low.
    6. R. Gordis, Book ofJob (1978), 250-51.
    t
    214 \2\'anag

    take refuge "in the palaces of pleasure" (b"hAk'rc'oneg, Isa. 13:22), i.e., "in the cham-
    bers in which one would have heard the echoes of the sounds ofjoyful pleasure at an
    earlier time."7 On the other hand, perfect delight (both mental and physical) is the es-
    sence of Israel's proper observance of Yahweh's sabbath (Isa. 58:13).

    2. 'dndg. The word 'dnOg, which functions as an adjective, occurs only in Deutero-
    Isaiah (47:l) and the Deuteronomistic strata of Deuteronomy (28:54,56).8 In a taunt
    song over Babylon, Deutero-Isaiah declares that daughter Babylon will no longer be
    called "tender and pampered" (rakki wa'anuggd). In similar terms Deuteronomy 28
    describes retrospectively the afflictions of the exile: in that accursed time, a man who
    was once "refined" (raft) and "pampered" ('AnAg is forced to eat his own son (v. 54); a
    woman was formerly so "refined" (rakkh) and "pampered" (''nuggd) that she would
    not have ventured to set the sole of her foot on the ground "out of pampering and re-
    finement" (m€hi1'annZg fim€rdk,e v. 56).

    3. ta'onfig. The only occumence of the noun ta'"nfig in the singular describes a life
    of ease and pleasure: "It is not fitting for a fool to live in luxury" (Prov. 19: l0). Some
    scholars, including G. R. Driver and D. Winton Thomas, interpret ta'anfrg here as "gov-
    ernance" or "supervision," after the analogy of the second hemistich,l0 but this inter-
    pretation is open to objections. The proposed meanings are not found elsewhere; in-
    deed, the second hemistich appears to represent an intensification.ll
    Micah also speaks of sensual pleasure,l2 saying to daughter Zion: "The children of
    your delight" (b'nA ta'anAgdyif;) must now go into exile (1:16);and the women of the
    people will be driven "from their pleasant houses" (mibbQ ta'"nttgeyhd) by the new
    rulers (2:9).
    Qohelet's description of his approach to life speaks even more clearly of la dolce
    vita: riches, wine, song, and "the delights of the sons of man" (ta'anttgd! ben?
    hd'dQdm): concubines without number (Eccl. 2;$;.tr The poem of admiration in Cant.
    7:'l-l0a extols feminine beauty in similar terms: the subject is a "maiden of delight"
    (ba1 ta'onttgtml.t+

    V. LXX. The LXX generally uses en/kata/tryphdn to translate the hithpael of 'anag,
    trypher6s to translate '6neg and'anog, and tryphd to translate ta'"nfig.

    7. H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27 (Eng. trans. 1997),32.


    8. H. D. Preuss, Deuteronomium. EdF 164 (1982),59, 157.
    9. -s l)1 rdkaft.
    10. Driver, "Problems in the Hebrew Text of Job," Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near
    East. FS H. H. Rowley. SlrI 3 (1955), 84; D. Winton Thomas, y7' l5 (1965) 271-79.
    11. O. Pltiger, Sprilche Salomos. El( XVII (1984),222.
    12. On the question of authorship see H. W. Wolff, Micah (Eng. trans. 1990),64.
    13. On iiddh see H. W. Hertzberg, Der Prediger. KAT XVIY4-1 (1963), 80.
    14. On the text see IX,469.
    215
    4l'ana

    VI. Dead Sea Scrolls.Interpreting Ps. 37:11,4QpPsa (4Q171) 2:8-11 says: "Its in-
    terpretation refers to the community of the poor [i.e., all Jews; cf. lQpHab 8:l; l2:4;
    aQpNah (4Q169) 3:41, who have taken upon themselves the time of fasting, who will
    be delivered from all the snares of Belial; afterward they will delight in [. . .] of the land
    and will $oy all the pleasure of the flesh (whtdinw bkwl t'nwg b#l' In similar fash-
    ion, interpreting Ps. 37:21-22,3: I 1 says that the community of the poor "will possess
    the holy mountain of Isra[el and] and delight [in] its sanctuary (. . . lwb)qwdiw
    yt'ngw)!' Speaking of the daily prayers, 4Q503 24, 5:5 mentions the election of the
    people of God "for a festival of rest and delight" (lmwl'd) mnwb wt'nwg). Tlvo other
    o""ur"n""r of ta'"nfig are uncertain (lQHf 22:3; lQSb 4r2). It is possible that the latter
    text mentions "the deli[ghts of the sons of manf" (t'nwglwt bny 'dm]), recalling Eccl.
    2:8'
    Kronhorm

    ilJ\ 'a"a I;;tt!|D ma'"neh;111Y 'inydn; ilJy '6nA

    I. l. Root;2.LX.X. II. OT: l. Negotiations and Disputes;2. Trials;3. Prophecy;4. Cult;


    5. Miscellaneous; 6. Yahweh as Subject; 7. Niphal and Hiphil; 8. 'nh lll; 9. 'nr? IV. m.
    Derivatives: l. ma'"neh; 2. ma'and;3. Proper Names; 4. ma'aneh, "Purpose"; 5. ma'an; 6. ya'an;
    7 . 'inydn; 8. '6n6; 9. 'e!. lV. Deuterocanonical Books. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l, l. Root. Lexicons commonly distinguish four homonymous roots 'nft. t That this
    distinction is not unquestioned is noted by HAL,2 with the comment that'nh IV, "sing,"
    cannot always be differentiated clearly from 'nh I, "answer." Mandelkern also com-
    bines hlr I and IY and brings hhll[ "exert oneself," in part together with hhl and'nh
    II, "be afflicted."3 Birkeland traces 'nh I and II to a common root.4 Bammel follows
    Birkeland, with the unconvincing argument that Zni denotes the situation of answering
    as well as the willingness to answer, while the longer form denotes inferior status with

    'dnd. C. Barth, "Die Antwort Israels," Prcbleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971),
    44-56; H. J. Boecker, Redeformen des Rechtslebens im AT. WMANT 14 (1964); F. Biichsel,
    "dnoxp{vto," TDNT, Ill,944-45; L. Delekat, "Zum hebriiischen W<irterbuch: W 14 (196/.) 7 -66,
    esp.37-43; B. Glazier-McDonald, "'dr wC'onEh
    P.
    - Another Lookl' JBL 105 (1986) 295-98;
    Joiion, "'Respondit et dixit,"' Bibl 13 (1932) 309-14; C. J. Labuschagne, '?19 'nh I to an-
    swerl' TLOT 11,926-30; B. O. Long, "Two Question and Answer Schemata in the hophets,"
    JBL90 (1971) 129-39.
    l. GesB, 603-5; HAL,II, 851-54; cf. Lisowsky, 1094-98.
    2. P. 854.
    3. Concordantiae, 899-9M.
    4. H. Birkeland, 'dni and 'dndw in den Psalmen (1933), 10-11.
    2t6 ilJY 'dnA

    respect to the person demanding an answer.5 Kutsch has argued against this theory,
    while 'nft IV might
    -uintuirirg that'nhIII diverged from'nh II at a relatively late date,
    have coincided originally with 'nh I.6
    Delekat argues that'nh IV is an independent root, whereas'nhlll is an Aramaic
    loanword; its original meaning, "be concerned with, intend, mean, refg to," re-
    mained current in Hebrew, as evidenced by lema'an, "with respect to," and ya'an, "on
    'nh I appears in early
    account of." This meaning, he claims, is also present whenever
    'nh has an implied
    texts without a preceding statement or question. In such contexts,
    accusative of the subject and means "refer to what has just been mentioned." Only in
    late texts did'nh without a preceding statement or question come to be used in the
    sense of "commence." Therefore 'nh I and III are identical. Citing Akk. enfrm,
    "change the terms of an agreement," transitively "displace," and Egyp''n(n), "firn
    'nh as "turn'"7
    back, turn toward, turn away," Delekat defines the original meaning of
    Now it is the formal attribute of the forms assigned to 'nh ll not to have an implicit or
    explicit object, personal or impersonal. But probably the qal should be read only in
    tsa. :t:4 and25:5 (although it is preferable to follow BI/S in reading the latter as a
    niphal).8 Especially in Isa. 3l:4, the use of 'nft I, "answer," in the sense of "be re-
    sponsive, accommodating," is so appropriate that the hypothesis of a separate root
    upp"*t unnecessary. Thus all the senses of 'nh exceptfor'nh IV can be assigned to a
    root with the basic meaning "turn."9
    Delekat's contention appears plausible with respect to the relationship between'nhl
    'nh I
    and III. He can hardly claim success, however, in demonstrating the identity of
    and II, since his argument rests on extremely limited textual evidence and assumes a
    very restricted meaning of 'nh in the sense of "be responsive." In the light of his pas-
    sion for finding identity, it is surprising that he wants to consider
    'nhlY a distinct root.
    Labuschagne points out that Arab. (,annd, "sing," might support the existence of a
    *!ny in Ugaritic, while
    separate root'nh IV.ro But the absence of a corresponding root
    Ugar.'ny (related to Heb. 'nft I), "answer," may also mean "sing," may occasion second
    thoughts. The Ugaritic evidence suggests the identity of 'nhl and IV.ll We shall ac-
    cordingly assume the identity of 'nh I,III, and IV.
    The root 'nh l, "answer," appears in Ugaritic as 'ny.t2 There we find several word
    pairs that illuminate the links between Ugaritic and Hebrew literature. Examples in-
    .ry andim't3 (cf. Gen. 23:5-6;lsa.65:12,24;Jon.2:3iJob35:12-13; Prov. l5:28-
    "tuo"
    29), 'ny and 1bt+ (cf . iwb in Jgs. 5:29; Hos. 7: l0; Hab' 2:l'2; Job 13:22;20:2-3;32:14-

    5. E. Bammel, TDNT, VI, 888.


    6. E. Kutsch, ZTK 6l (1964) 197.
    7. Pp. 38-39.
    8. SLe aho H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27 (Eng. trans. 1977), 516.
    9. Delekat'42-43.
    r0. TLoT, \,926-27.
    1 l. But see also J. Barr, Comparative Philology and the Text of the
    oT (1968), 127.
    12. UT, no. 1883; WUS, no. ZOOO; O. Pardee, UF 7 (1975) 363; idem, UF I (1976) 261'
    13. M. Dahood, RSe I, 300, no. 437.
    14. RSe I, 300-301, no. 438.
    ilJU 'dnd 2r7

    15;40:2,4: Prov. 15:l),15 and.im'and 'rto (cf. Jer.7:13,27;35:17:' Job 20:3; 3l:35; Ps.
    55:20[Eng. v. 19]; also possibly Gen. 16:l1ri).
    In the texts from Deir'A116, we frnd'nyh (1:13); the same form occurs in Old Ara-
    maic, Egyptian Aramaic, Palmyrene, Jewish Aramaic, Samaritan, Christian Palestin-
    ian, Syriac, and Mandaic.l8 Egyptian has'n(n), "turn (intransitive); turn toward, turn
    away from (transitive)"; Akk. has enfi(m), "turn, change."le
    The root 'nh Il, "exert oneself," is found in Hebrew only in Ecclesiastes. It appears
    in Syriac as'ena', "exert oneself for," pass. ptcp. 'cnd', "busy";2o in Christian Palestin-
    ian, we find the ptcp.'nyn, "busy people, laboring people"'21 Arabic has'and, "con-
    cern, disquiet, seriously engage"; arrd'aniya, "be concerned, be worried, take pains";22
    in Old South Arabic we find 'ny, "take pains, struggle with."23
    The root 'nh IY, "sing," appears in Middle Hebrew as 'innfry, in Jewish Aramaic as
    'inntryd, "lament," and in Syriac with the meaning "sing (antiphonally)" for the pael
    and "lead a song, sing" for the aphel; it has a similar meaning in the Deir'All5 texts
    (l:10).24 Its Arabic equivalent is (ny ll, "sing."zs
    We must agree with Labuschagne that the original sense of 'nhwas "turn (one's face
    or eyes)."26 This developed into a basic meaning "react, respond," the basis for 'nh I
    and II (and probably also IV) and their derivatives.

    2. LXX. The LXX uses apokrinomai to translate 'dnd. The combination of


    apokrtnesthai with l6gein, eipein, etc., represents a genuine Semitism. In three texts
    'dnA is translated with antapokrinomai.2T

    II. OT.
    l. Negotiations and Disputes. The root 'nft I occurs 316 times in the OT. The Ara-
    maic verb appeius 30 times in Daniel, always in combination with + "lDN 'dmar ln
    Hebrew, 'anA + 'amar appears 142 times; in some 100 of these occurrences, it is a dis-
    course formula in dialogue. There are 6 occurrences of the combination 'dnd + dibber
    (Gen.34:13; Josh.22:21;lK.l2:7;2K. l:l0,ll,l21.zz Thisevidenceshows that'dnd

    15. See also Y. Avishur, Stylistic Studies of Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Liter-
    atures. AOAT 210 (1984), 396,6&.
    16. Dahood, rSe I,363, no. 570.
    17. If we accept the reading of M. Dahood, Bibl 49 (1968) 87-88.
    18. OnDeir'AlldseeATDA,2l2;onPalmyrene,DNS/, II,875-76; onMandaic, MdD,24a.
    19. See WbAS, I, 188-89; AHw, l, 22O-21; CAD, lY, 173-77.
    20. l*xSyr 534a.
    21. Schulthess, Lex. SyropaL (1903), 149b.
    22. Wehr, 650.
    23. Conti Rossini, 210a; Mtiller, 8l; cf. Biella, 374: "sense doubtful."
    24. ATDA,202.
    25. On the whole subject of etymology see HAL, II, 851-54; on Ugaritic, see J. C. de Moor,
    The Seasonal Pattern in the Ugaritic Myth of Ba'lu. AOAT 16 (1971),93.
    26. TLOT rr,927.
    27. Biichsel, 946-47.
    28. TLOT, fi,928.
    218 iiY'dnh

    in the sense of "react" needs additional qualification when the reaction is verbal. When
    the combination of 'And with 'dmar or dibber was understood as a hendiadys, Znd
    could also be used without more precise qualification. In many instances 'amar appears
    by itself in dialogue.2e
    The basic meaning "react, respond" points in the first instance to the realm of ne-
    gotiations and disputeS, e.g.r Gen. 18:27;23:5,10,14; Ex. 4:l; Nu. 11:28; Dt.
    l:14,41; Josh. l:16; Jgs. 8:8; I S. 1:15; lsa.14:32; Am.7:14; Mic. 6:5; Ps.119:42;
    Job 3:2;4:l;6:l;8:1; 9:l; 32:1,6,12,1,5i16,20; I Ch. 12:18; 2 Ch. 10:13. It is note-
    worthy that in all cases the language appears elevated. The combination of 'dnA and
    'dmar in particular, which should translated "he responded and said, he responded by
    saying," suggests a stereotyped dialogue formula. In most cases the context is also
    out of the ordinary.
    In Job 20:3 Zophar's rfial.t is the subject of 'anA: 'A spirit from my understanding
    makes me answer";3o also possible is the translation "answers me" (NRSV). In Prov.
    15:28 the subject is the heart of the ;adfrq.3r From such texts it is no long distance to
    Prov. 1:28, where Lady Wisdom appears as the subject of 'dnd.32
    Prov.26:4-5 merits special mention: "Do not answer a fool according to his folly,
    lest you become like him. Answer a fool according to his folly, lest he become wise in
    his own eyes." These seemingly contradictory maxims are probably meant as advice
    for different situations: silence is advisable for the wise who cannot reach an under-
    standing with a fool on the fool's own terms, correction when the fool claims equal sta-
    tus with the wise.33
    In Gen. 30:33 the subject of 'dnfi is ;e/dqA. In his dispute with Laban over his
    wages as a shepherd, Jacob appeals to his "cooperativeness"34 (NRSV "honesty"),
    which will speak for him like an advocate in a dispute.
    In Gen. 34:13 'dnd is done deceitfully (bcmirmd), thus serving as a means of decep-
    tion in negotiations.
    Ex. 19:8 states that the people "as one" (yabdnw) responded positively to the words
    of Yahweh set forth by Moses (cf. Ex. 24:3, q6l 'ebAO.In the context of legislation
    governing war, Dt. 20: 11 contains the statement that a city under attack "answers
    peace" (idl6m ta'aneh)ts during capitulation negotiations, after terms of peace have
    been offered (v. l0). Here ldl6m'dnd means submission to the demand for capitulation
    that promotes the idl6m of lsrael, the pax israelitica.s6
    Satan is the subject of 'dnd in the context of a dispute within the assembly of

    29. Long; Labuschagne, TLOT, ll, 929.


    30. G. Fohrer Das Buch Hiob. KAT XVI (1963), 325.
    31. See BIIS.
    32. See B. Lang, Frau Weisheit (1975),46-47.
    33. O. Pl0ger, Sprilche Salomos. Ef XVII (1984), 310.
    34. K. Koch, ZEE 5 (1961) 72-90.
    35. Delekat, 38: "If the city . . . responds to you peacefully."
    36. H. H. Schmid, SalAm, "Frieden," irn alten Orient und Alten Testament. SBS 5l (1971),
    60.
    ifi9'dnd 219

    Yahweh's court (Job l:7,9;2:2,4).37In Job 5:1 a heavenly being is probably the sub-
    ject.38

    2. Trials. The specialized use of 'dnd as a technical term of forensic language proba-
    bly derives from its use in the context of negotiations and disputes, for the verbal re-
    sponse expressed by 'dnd canbe evoked by an experience, a perception, or an event.3e
    lnEx.23:2'and refers to statements of a witness, as it does in the Decalogue (Ex.
    20:16; Dt. 5:20;.+o The difference in formulation should be noted. While Ex. 23:2 uses
    'dnd with'al-rlb (which Noth translates "against a legal adversary," whereas I would
    prefer "in a lawsuit"),al Ex. 20:16 and Dt. 5:20 use it with bcrE'af;a, "against your
    neighbor."42 The Decalogue texts also use different words to qualify 'Ed: Ex.2O:16
    speaks of '€d iaqer a "lying witness"; Dt. 5:20 speaks of 'dd idw', a "worthless wit-
    ness." By using this divergent formulation, Dt. 5:20 echoes Dt. 5:l I (= Ex. 20:7), thus
    including the oath frequently associated with statements of a witness'43
    Nu. 35:30 prohibits executing a murderer on the evidence of a single witness. Dt.
    19:16-19 requires that a witness who accuses someone of a breach of the peace and is
    found to be lying shall suffer the fate intended for the accused.
    We also find'dna used as a technical term in Dt.2l:7;25:9:31:21(subj.: .iirri'
    "song")'44 Josh. 7:20 (confession of guilt by the accused); lgs.20:4; 1 S. l2:3; 14:39
    (in the sense of "denounce"); 2 S. l:16 (srtbj.: peh, "mouth"); I K. 3:27 (udge's deci-
    sion); Isa. 3:9 (subj.: hakkfrralp"nAhem);59:12 (subj.: bafia'lenD;ts Jer. 14:7 (subj.:
    '^wdnAnfr); Hos. 5:5 ('dnA be denotes the incriminating evidence of a witness confront-
    ing the guilty party; Israel's pride is the final witness for the prosecution);46 7:10 (a
    gloss based on 5:5a); Mic. 6:3 (because of the forensic context, the translation should
    reflect the concrete juridical meaning: "testify against me")'47 Hab.2:11 (subj.: tdpis
    m€'€s, "rafters from the timberwerk"; since zd'aq/;d'aq is not a term of formal forensic
    languagea8 but rather denotes an appeal of a victim without resources for legal protec-
    tion,'dnA in parallel must mean 'Join in the hue and cry"; the walls and timberwork of
    the palaces cry to Yahweh for help, because no one comes forward to function as plain-

    37. See F. J. Stendebach, BiKi 30 (1975) 2-7.


    38. Fohrer, KAT XVL 146.
    39. TLOT il,929-30.
    40. See M. Noth, Exodus. OTL (Eig. trans. 1962), 188-89; H. J. Stoebe, WUD 3 (1952) 108'
    26.
    41. Exodus. ATD 5 (21961), 138 (not in Eng. trans'); cf. Zorell, lzxHebAram (21962),770:'
    NRSV.
    42. Boecker, 103.
    43. H. Schiingel-Straumann, Der Deknlog-Gottes Gebote? SBS 67 (21980), 66; for a different
    interpretation see F.-L. Hossfeld, Der Dekalog. OBO 45 (1982), 78; -+ 'Illl 'wd ll.l.b-
    44. -->119'wd.
    45. See BIIS.
    46. H. W. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 100.
    47. Boecker, 103.
    48. --r IY 115tr.
    ilJY 'dnA

    tiff before the courtae); INf'al.2:12 ('6neh = "advocate," contra Hartmann,s0 who inter-
    prets 'dneh as the piel ptcp. of 'nlr II, synonymous with me'anneft, "oppressor"); Job
    9:3,14,15,32; 13:22; 14:15; 40:2-3,5;42:l ('dnd as the response of a legal adversary);
    15:6 (subj.: Job's lips); 16:8 (subj.: Job's kahai, "leanness"5l).
    Wisdom literature also warns against giving false witness. Prov. 25:18 compares the
    'dneh 'd8 idqer to a war club, a sword, and an arrow.
    In Isa. 50:2 Yahweh asks: "Why was no one there when I came? Why did no one an-
    swer ('An'6neh) when I called?" The oracle in 50:l-3 stands in a group of judgment
    discourses in which Yahweh and lsrael confront each other, with Yahweh as the ac-
    cused. V. 2a reflects the silence of the accuser. It is significant to observe in this context
    that when a person is the subject of 'dnd, it is not that person but Yahweh who "calls"
    (qdrd'), taking the initiative (cf. also Isa.65:12; Jer.7:13;35:17; Job 14:15; Mic. 6:3).
    Here the human response is preceded by a challenge spoken by Yahweh.
    Here I also note the two occurrences of 'and in the sense of "bear witness on behalf
    of in the ostraca from Yavneh-yam.sz
    3. Prophecy. In Gen. 40:18 and 4l:16,'and appears in the context ofdream interpre-
    tation (cf. Jgs. 7:14). Thus it can also introduce a prophet's words (as in 2 K. l:10,12).
    In Jer. I l:5 it introduces the prophet's answer to a word from Yahweh; and in Hag.2:14
    it introduces a prophetic adaptation of a priestly rdrd.
    Isa. 65:12 suggests a prophetic context: "I called, but you did not answer." Here the
    verbal transaction between Yahweh and Israel, mediated by a prophet, is understood as
    a dialogue, albeit a dialogue in which Israel refuses to participate. Westermann finds
    here a similarity to Deuteronomistic language, but there is no evidence for this theory
    (cf. also Isa. 66:4; ler.7:13,27;35:17; the Jeremiah texts belong to stratum D; there are
    no parallels in Deuteronomic or Deuteronomistic literature;.sl
    This brings us to Hos. 2:17(15), where the basic meaning "respond" suggests the
    translation "follow willingly." The construction is pregnant: the meaning of the pas-
    sage requires that a verb of motion be supplied.s+ The object of Yahweh's wooing
    Israel -
    does what the appeal expects: she is once again ready for a marital relation-
    -
    shiP.ss
    With reference to Isa. 65:12 and Hos. 2:17(15), we can make the fundamental ob-
    servation that communication is realized in Israel's response to Yahweh's appeal, me-

    49. J. Jeremias, Kultprophetie und Geichtsverkiindigung in der spiiten Kdnigszeit Israel.


    WMANT 35 (1970),72.
    50. B. Hartmann, Hebrtiische Wortforschung. FS W. Baumgartner SW 16 (1967), 104-5.
    51. G. Fohrer, KATXVl,280.
    52. KAr 200.10-ll.
    53. Westermann, Isaiah 4M6. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969), 405. See W. T\iel, Die deuter-
    onomistische Redaktion von Jeremia l-25. WMANT 4l (1973), ll3.
    54. GK, $ll9ee-gg.
    55. Wolff, Hosea,3l,43; Labuschagne (928) understands ?nd as referring to the "willing re-
    sponse" of the bride in the sexual sense.
    l,?,1\'-dtua 221

    diated by a prophet. By contrast, silence means a deliberate termination of the personal


    relationship.56
    In Zechariah 'and occurs more frequently, albeit only in the vision cycle (1:10,
    11,12 4:4,5,6,11,12;6:4,5) and the vision (not a part of this cycle) of the investiture of
    Joshua (3:4). In these passages, however, 'dnA does not perform an authentically pro-
    phetic function; it is occasioned by the dialogic style of the visions.
    In this context one may note the occurrence of two question-answer schemata. The
    first appears in such passages as Jer.22:8-9;Dt.29,23-27(24-28);1 K. 9:8-9 and com-
    prises the following elements: (1) identification of the interrogator; (2) citation of the
    question; (3) citation of the answer. This schema derives from Assyrian treaties and
    historiography. The answer is introduced not by 'dndbutby 'dmar. The second schema
    appears in Jer. 5:19; 13:12-14; l5:1-4; 16:10-13; 23:33;Ezk.2l:12;37:18-19 and is al-
    ways found in words spoken by Yahweh to a prophet. The answer is introduced by
    'amar or dibber The setting is a situation in which a prophet responds to a question
    about divine messages.sT The observation that 'dnA does not appear in either schema
    shows that 'dnd is not rooted inherently in a prophetic context.
    Malamat notes the term dpilundaplfim, "the one who answers," in the Mari texts and
    connects it with 1 S. 7:9; 9:17;281;6,15; I K. 18:26,37; Jer.23:33'40;33:3;Mic. 3:7;
    Hab.2:2.58 There is a crucial difference, however: in the OT texts it is not a prophet but
    Yahweh who is the subject of 'dndh. The same is true in another text, where
    Be'el$amayn is the subject making the answer, albeit through the agency of seers and
    soothsayers, and in the Edomite name qws'nl on a 7th-century seal from Ezion-geber:
    qws 'dnd lt, "fThe deityl Qaus answered me."59 The "answering" of a prophet is at-
    tested in Mic. 6:5. Mral.2:12 is obscure and is better left out of the discussion.

    4. Cult. The verb 'dnA appears to be rooted more firmly in cultic contexts. The
    "short confession of faith" in Dt. 26:5'9 is introduced by we'dnt1d (+ 'mr).InDt.27:14
    the declaration of the curse by the Levites is introduced by wc'dnfi (+'mr), as is the re-
    sponse of the people in v. 15. Since neither Dt. 26:5 nor 27:14 is preceded by any
    words requiring an answer, in these texls 'AnA is best translated "speak up," i.e., re-
    spond verbally in a particular (cultic) situation (cf. also Ezr- lO:2; 2 Ch. 29:311'
    34:15).00 In 1 S. l:17 'dna introduces a priestly oracle of favor; in 1 S. 21:5-6 it occurs
    in the context of a priestly t6r6, giving David's response.
    A cultic context is suggested also by 1 K. 18:21, which states that the people did
    not respond to Elijah's question demanding a decision for either Yahweh or Baal
    (ld'-'dnfr; cf. I K. 18,24; ler.44 15,20;Ezt. 1O:12 Neh. 8:6). A priestly tdrd is the

    56. --> I, 331-32.


    57. Long.
    58. A. Malamat, Volume du Congrds, Genive 1965. SW 15 (1966), 2ll-13. See AIIW, I' 58;
    CAD, U2, I7O.
    59. For the former see KAI 202.11-12 = ANEP, 501; for the latter, N. Glueck, BASOR 73
    (1938) 13 n.45.
    60. See Jotion.
    ilJII 'dnd

    subject of Hag. 2:12-13; in each case, the answer ofthe priests is introduced by 'dni
    (see 6 below).
    With respect to Dt. 27:15; I K. 18:21; Ezr.lO:12:' Neh. 8:6, as well as Ex. 19:8;
    24:3; Nu. 32:31; Josh. l:16; 24:16 (see II.l below), Barth observes that in each case
    'and has the meaning of a real, dialogic answer, that it always refers directly to a pre-
    ceding question addressed to Israel from a particular side and evoking the answer.6l In
    dialogue between Yahweh and Israel, "the figure of a human leader regularly appears
    as a mediator"; except in Ex. 19:8, the mediation is always "from above to below."62 Is-
    rael's answer always involves a "declaration of readiness." 'As the site of such declara-
    tions, . . . a liturgical act is identifiable in every text."63 All the passages derive from
    Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic theology or exhibit its influence. "Talk of 'Israel's an-
    swer'appears in a particular stratum ofthe tradition, and is therefore to be intelpreted
    from the perspective of the historical and theological postulates of that stratum."64

    5. Miscellaneous. Apart from the contexts just examined, it remains ftte that'dnd
    appears without exception in elevated language or exalted contexts (Jgs. 5:29; I S.
    9:8,12,19i Prov. l8:23; Ruth 2:6,11; Cant.2:10).
    We find 'dndin military contexts in Jgs. 18:14; I S.4:17; 14:21,28;26:6,14;30:22;
    25. 15:21;20:20;2K. l:ll; Isa.21:9. It appears in the milieu of the court in I S.
    l6:18; 20:10,28,32i 22:9,14:'26:22;29:9;2 S. 4:9; 13:32:' 14:18-19; 19:22(21); I K.
    l:28,36,43; L3:6;2 K. 3:11; 7:2,L3,19; Isa. 14:10 (in the netherworld);Esl5:7;7:3.
    ln 2 K. 4:29 'dnA appears in a command not to return a greeting: Elisha orders his
    servant not to answer a greeting while he is on his way probably so as not to lose
    time.
    -
    Jgs. 19:28 says of a dead woman: 'An '6neh, probably best translated "she did not re-
    spond" (cf.I S. 4:20).Lack of response is also described in Job 19:16 and Cant. 5:6.
    Gen. 45:3 says that Joseph's brothers could not respond when he revealed his identity
    to them.
    In Eccl. 10:19 money (kcsefl is the subject of 'dnd, which probably here means
    "provide for, pay for" (cf. A*. apdlu).6s Labuschagne, however, interprets ya'oneh as
    a hiphil and translates: "Money lets everyone react willingly."66

    6. Yahweh as Subject. In many passages where Yahweh is the subject of 'dndh, the
    response is nonverbal; Labuschagne appears to give too much weight to this observa-
    tion when he includes Gen. 4l:16 in this category (cf. Dt. 20:1 l; 1 S. 20:10; I K. 12:13;
    2 Ch. 10:13).oz

    61. Barth,48-49.
    62. Barth, 50-51.
    63. Bafth, 53.
    64. Barth, 55.
    65. See O. Loretz, Qohelet und der Alte Orient (1964),266 n.228l' AHw, l, 56.
    66. TLOT 11,927. See also R. B. Salters, 7AW 89 (1977) 425.
    67. TLOT 1,929.
    ilJ{ana

    Gen. 35:3 (E) applies the epithet '1neh to the El of Bethel. [n the context of dream
    interpretation, Gen. 41:16 (E) says that Elohim, not Joseph, will give the answer.68 In
    Ex. 19:19 (E), Elohim answers Moses in thunder (b"qfll); presumably this description
    reflects oracular practice.6e In I S. 7:9 Samuel cries out to Yahweh, who answers him,
    i.e., grants his request (cf. I S. 8:18;22:12). We find 'dn| used as a technical term in
    oracular practice in 1 S. 14:37 23:4;28:6,15;25.22:36; cf. 1 S. 9:17. The focus of
    I K. 18:24ff. is the question which deity Yahweh or Baal will respond with fire to
    -
    sacrifice and prayer (vv.24,26,29,37; cf. L Ch.2l:26,28).
    -
    It would probably not be wrong to see oracular practice at the root of all the pas-
    sages in which God is the subject of 'dnd, even though the oracular background is of-
    ten faint (Isa. 30:19; 4l:17;49:8;58:9; 65:24;Jer.23:35,37;33:3;42:4;Hos.l4:9[8]
    [here the LXX reads 'nhll]alo toel2:19; Mic. 3:4; Hab.2:2;Znc.l:13; l0:6;zt 13'9;.
    Hos. 2:23-24(21-22) deserves special note: "It will come to pass on that day that I
    will answerT2 oracle of Yahweh I will answer the heavens, and they shall an-
    - -
    swer the earth; and the earth shall answer the grain, the wine, and the oil, and they
    shall answer Jezreel." The presupposed prayer of Jezreel is not heard directly by
    Yahweh; it is transmitted through a chain of intermediaries. The sequence exhibits
    the influence of didactic motifs from the wisdom tradition of natural history.73 The
    form of the chain locution may go back to ancient magical formulas, but the magical
    element is transcended in Hosea by the emphasis on Yahweh as the ultimate source
    of all fertility.
    Jacob, however, sees behind the repeated use of 'dnA in Hos. 2:23-24(21-22) a
    scarcely veiled reference to the goddess 'Anat.7a The people of Elephantine, he claims,
    concluded from this passage that'Anat and Yahweh were a divine dyad. Guillaume in-
    terprets hlr in Hos. 2:23-24(21-22) not as "answer" but on the basis of Arabic as
    -
    "flow," hiphil "cause to flow, make fruitful, produce."Ts
    -
    We find 'aniwithYahweh as subject most often in the Psalms, especially prayers of
    an individual and their corresponding thanksgivings. These hymns reveal a cultic di-
    vine tribunal, in the context of which 'dnd denotes the oracle that vouchsafes the
    psalmist vindication and deliverance.T6 Specific instances are: Ps. 3:5(4); 4:2(l);
    l3:4(3); l7:6; 18:42(41);20:2,7,10(1,6,9); 22:3,22(2,21) (retaining the MT;zz the pres-
    enUfuture translation of Fuchs must be rejected, along with his denial that the institu-

    68. See B.l'1S.


    69. H. Schmid, Mose: Aberlieferung und Geschichte. BZAW I l0 (1968), 58.
    70. Wolff, Hosea,233.
    71. See BI1S.
    72. See BHS.
    73. Wolff, Hosea,53-54.
    ll
    74.8. Jacob, UF (1979) 404.
    75. A. Guillaume, JIS 15 (1964) 57.
    76. J. Begrich, GSAI ed. W. Zimmerli. ThB2l (1964),217-31; W. Beyerlin, Die Rettung der
    Bedrtingten in den Feindpsalmen. FRI;4.NT 99 (1970), l4O-42; H. Madl, "Die Gottesbefragung
    mit dem Yerb ia'all' Bausteine biblischerTheologie. FS G. Botterweck. BBB 50 (1977),37-70.
    77.H.-l.Krats, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 292;R.Kiliarl BZ 12 (1968),173.
    \4'-dna

    tion of the oracle of salvation existed);78 27:7;34:5(4); 38: l6(15); 55:3(2) (the text of
    v. 20[19] is comrpt; ya'on€m must be emended);7e 60:7(5);eo 65:6(5); 69:14,17,
    l8(13,16,17); 81:8(7); 86:1,7;91:15; 99:6,8; 102:3(2); 108:7(6) (cf. 60:7[5]);
    1 18:5,21;st 119,26,145; 120: l; 138:3; 143:1,7; cf. Jon. 2:3; lob l2:4; 30:20; 35:12.

    In God's response when his worshipers call (-+ ll1y' qdrd), cry out (+ i79t za'aq),
    and make inquiry (-+ I21T darai; )XUi la'a|1, we see revealed the profoundly
    dialogical nature of the relationship between God and human beings in the OT;az
    Yahweh intervenes on behalf of his worshipers, helping and delivering them. Meta-
    phorically, 'andbelongs to the semantic domain of yJ'.43 This conclusion is supported
    by the use of yJ' in parallel with 'nh in 2 S- 22:42 = Ps. 18:42(41); Isa. 46:7; Ps.
    20: 10(9); 22:22(21); 60:7(5) = 108:7(6).
    When Kraus argues against the "dialogical principle" on account of its potential for
    misunderstanding, as though God and human beings faced each other on the same
    plane as equal partners and a "dialogical principle" could plumb the mystery of their
    correspondenc€,S4 1r" is being overly cautious. Even from the depths (Ps. 130:1) and
    from great distance (Ps. 8:5[4]), genuine dialogue with God is possible.
    Prayers from Mesopotamia likewise anticipate the deity's answer in the form of an
    "oracle of salvation": 'At your exalted command, which is immutable, uPon your sure
    affrrmation, which cannot be abrogated, may I your servant live and regain my
    health."ss
    Job 9: 16 brings us to the realm of the lawsuit between a human being and God.86
    Here too it holds true that in its forensic usage 'cnd denotes "all the legal evidence ad-
    vanced by the parties . . . to the suit, their testimony, objections, rejoinders, and deni-
    als."87 Fohrer actually translates qdrd'as "summon" and'dnA as "take the stand";sa sI'.
    Job 23:5;31:35;ae 33:13;38:l;40:1,6 (both verses are glosses that should be de
    leted).eo This forensic transaction, too, makes sense only against the background of the
    dialogical relationship between Job and Yahweh (cf. also Ruth 1:21).
    In most cases where Yahweh appears as the subject of 'dn6, God "responds" to hu-
    man initiative. Only six texts speak of Yahweh himself as taking the initiative.

    78. O. Fuchs, Die Klage als Gebet (1982), ll0, 178-83, 319-20.
    79. F. Delitzsch, Psalms. KD (Eng. trans., repr. 1954), II, 162-63; Kraus, Psalrns l-59,519.
    80. See BI1S.
    81. E. Kutsch, ZTK 6l (1964) 197.
    82. F. J. Stendebach, "Theologische Anthropologie des Jahwisten" (diss., Bonn, 1970), 339-
    41.
    83. -+ VI, 445-46.
    84. Theology of the Psalms (Eng. trans. 1986), ll-12.
    8s.
    'AHG,347.
    86. See BIIS.
    87. F. Horst, Hiob. BKXYUI (1968), 148; citing the language of prayer in the Psalms, Horst
    nevertheless expresses uncertainty whether in Job 9: 16 qdrd' and'iind are still in the forensic do-
    main.
    88. G. Fohrer, KAT XyL 195, 199,207-8.
    89. Ibid.,,+43.
    90. rbid., 494.
    ;i|{ana

    7. Niphal and Hiphil. The total absence of the qal of 'dnd from Ezekiel is striking.
    Instead we find the niphal used twice in the reflexive sense of "condescend to answer,"
    with Yahweh as subject (Ezk. 14:4,7; according to Zimmerli, v. 4 should be emended
    to na'^ni1i 16 bi on the basis of v. 7).lt In v. 7bp Yahweh declares: "I, Yahweh, will find
    it within myself to answer him." The niphal probably suggests a conscious indepen-
    dence on the part of Ezekiel's language, expressing the notion of an almost passive
    "letting oneself be pressed to answer."
    The niphal appears also in Job 11:2 (dispute) and l9:.7 (lawsuit), as well as Prov.
    2l:13, in the sense of "receive an answer." The hiphil occurs in Job 32:17e2 and Prov'
    29:19 with the meaning "acquiesce."
    The Aramaic occurrences of irlr in the peal contribute nothing new to the picture so
    far drawn (Dnl. 2:J;er 2:7,8,10,15,20,26,27,47; 3:9,14,16,19,24,25,26,28; 4:16,27f19,
    301 ; 5 7, 1 0, 1 3,17 ; 6: l3,l 4,1'1,21112,13,16,20); 7 :Zea).
    :

    8. 'nh III. The only occurrences of 'nhlll, "exert oneself," are in Eccl. l: l3 and 3:10.
    Both passages refer to the "business" ('inydn; see below) God has given human beings
    to labor at an expression of the skeptical realism typical of Qohelet.es
    -
    Eccl. 5:19(20) uses the hiphil with God as subject:e6 the true gift of God is that one
    need not brood so much over the days of one's life, because God keeps one occupied
    with the joy of one's heart. "When one is happy, the thought of death which is what
    is trying to remind his readers of retreats into the
    - and becomes
    background
    Qohelet
    rare."97
    -

    9. 'nh IV. Ex. 15:21uses 'nft for Miriam's response to Israel's deliverance at the sea;
    in this context it means "sing" ('zlr IV). Here we see that the first human reaction to an
    act of God is a hymn, which follows immediately in classic form. In such "victory
    hymns," one of the women began the singing to greet the returning warriors; the hymn
    was then taken up and repeated by the chorus of other women (1 S. 18:7; 2l:l2llll;
    29:5).
    The qal of 'nhIY occurs also in Nu. 2l:17; Isa. 13:22 (subj.: ?yim, "jackals"; Jenni
    derives the verb from wn, "dwell"e8); Jer. 25:30 (subj.: Yahweh); 5l: l4; Ps. ll9:172l,
    147:7:Ezr.3:ll.
    Ex. 32:18 is difficult. The inf. of 'nft occurs three times, twice in the qal and once
    in the piel: "It is not the sound of victory songs ('4n61 ge!firA) and not the sound of

    91. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), 300-301'


    92. But see BIIS,' Fohrer, KAT XVI,449.
    93. See B^FIS.
    94. See BIIS.
    95. F. J. Stendebach, Glaube bringt Freude (1983), 88-109.
    96. See BFIS.
    97. N. Lohfink, Kohelet. NEB (1980),46.
    98. He 29\ cf. GesB, 572; see the reservations of Barr, Comparative Philology, 243, 250;
    see also I. Eitan, HUCA IAB (1937/38) 61.
    226 4\'.dnn

    defeat songs (an6! hohiA), but the sound of singing ('ann6!) that I hear." It is likely
    that something has dropped out of the third stich.ee There is no foundation for the
    proposal to read tann61 (piel of tnh, "extol") instead of'anndt.tw The root 'nh IV is
    identical with 'nh I and emphasizes the antiphonal or responsive character of sing-
    ing; the piel might denote a special mode of performance, in which a song was sung
    responsively to accompany a round dance (Ex.32:19).tot Instead of'ann61,
    Edelmann proposes reading 'ona1, the name of the Canaanite goddess who with all
    that she represents is contrasted with whatever might have sounded like the noise of
    a victory or defeat; this theory is out of the question.lo2 Mittmann proposes identify-
    ing the word omitted after 'ann61 in v. 18 with the mebdl6! ("round dances") of
    v. 19.103
    The piel is also found in Isa.27:2 and Ps. 88:l(superscription).re Seybold reads in-
    stead the piel of 'nhll: "for humiliation."l05 Glueck sees the word as a technical musi-
    cal term referring to "responsive, antiphonal performanse."l06

    III. Derivatives.
    l.
    ma'oneh. The noun ma'aneh, "answer,"lo7 is also found in Middle Hebrew.
    Ugaritic lrur -'r,'108 AY,k. ma'na is uncertain.lB The noun's OT occurrences are limited
    almost exclusively to wisdom literature. Prov. 15:1 states that a soft answer turns away
    *14fl1.110 Prov. 15:23 says that there is joy in making an apt answer. "The answer that
    averts wrath [as in v. 1] also fills the one who makes it with joy."l I I Prov. 16: I teaches:
    "The plans of the heart belong to mortals, but the answer of the tongue is from
    Yahweh." Finding the words that best express plans is "looked upon as a talent not pos-
    sessed by everyone, which must therefore be the gift of Yahweh."ll2
    Job 32:3 and 5 say that Job's friends could no longer find an answer to his words.

    99. Noth, Exodus. OTL,249.


    100. J. Morgenstem, HUCA 19 (1945146) 492; KBLz, 1034.
    l0l. J. M. Sasson, "The Worship of the Golden Calfl' Orient and Occident. FS C. H. Gordon.
    AOAT 22 (1973), 157; for a different view, see W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan
    (1968), 19 n.53.
    102. Contra R. Edelmann, W 16 (1966) 355, see R. N. Whybray, W 17 (1967), 122,243; for
    a different view see F. I. Andersen, W 16 (1966) 108-12.
    103. s. Minmann, EN l3 (1980) 43.
    104. See HP, 219-20; Sasson, AOAT 22 (1973), 157; Kraus, Psalms 6U150 (Eng. trans.
    1989), 190.
    I 05. K. Seybold, Das Gebet de s Kranken im Alten Te stament. BWANT 99 (197 3), I I 3- 14, cit-
    ing E. A. l*slie, The Psalms Translated and Interpreted in the Light of Hebrew Lift and Worship
    (t949),397.
    106. I. J. Glueck, OTWSA 6 (1963) 35-36.
    107. Bl-e, 491n.
    108. UI no. 1883.
    109. Cf. AHw,lI,60l; HAL, II,614-15.
    I10. W. Btihlmann, Vom rechten Reden und Schweigen. OBO 12 (1976),75tr.
    l1l. Pliiger, BKXVII, 183; cf. Biihlmann,261ff.
    112. Pliigea BK XVII, 189; cf. Biihlmann, 322ff.
    i179 'dnd

    Mic. 3:7 speaks of God's answer, which is not imparted to the seers and diviners. This
    text obviously reflects oracular practice.ll3
    Barth points out that in contrast to OT usage rn h is used in Ugaritic to denote
    a liturgical response.l 14 - -

    2. ma'ond. The noun ma'and means "plow path."lls The word may appear in
    .lr/,
    Ugaritic as "furrow."l 16 It refers to the path at the end of which a plow is turned and
    occurs only twice in the OT: 1 S. 14:14 and Ps. 129'3.117

    3. Proper Names. The root hi serves as a verbal element in several proper names:
    (1) ya'nay or ya'"nA, a hypocoristicon meaning "may (God) answer" or "(God) an-
    swered" (1 Ch. 5:12).ttr (2)'unnt, K'unni (l Ch. l5:18,20; Neh. 12:9). The meaning
    qndyd
    is uncertain; it is either a hypocoristic form of the phrase name or 'onanyd,
    "Yahweh has answered," or a descriptive name meaning "the answered one" (like
    Akk. Sazubu. "the saved one," related to dNergal ulEzib).tts (3) 'unnd (cf. I Ch.
    15:18,20; Neh. l2:9) is the eponym of a Levitical family.tzo (4)'andni (l Ch.3:24)
    appears in Egyptian Aramaic as'nny and in Babylonian Aramaic as'qndni.t2t The
    name is a shortened form of 'anAnyAtzz and means "He (Yahweh) has answered me."
    (5) 'andyh (Neh. 8:4;tzt l0:23122D.124 This name, which is also attested epi-
    graphically, is analogous to the form 'n7 (Bab. Aram. 'and'el).tzs (6)'andncyd (Neh.
    3:23) appears as Anania(s) in the LXX; cf. Egyp. Aram. 'nnyh.t26It means "Yahweh
    has answered me" or "Yahweh revealed himself."l27 All these personal names have
    theological force. Naturally we often hear in them "tones familiar from Israelite la-
    1ng11g." 128

    13. Barth, 47.


    14. Ibid., 48; UT, no. 1883.
    15. Bk,492p.
    16. J. Gray, lzgacy of Carwan. SW 5 1219651,71 r. 3.
    17. HAL, II, 615; Delekat, 38-39; G. Dalman, AuS, l[z, l7l-72. On both texts see BIIS.
    18. /PN, 27 n. 1,28, 198; HAL, ll,47l.
    19. IPN,39, 185; AN, ll2.
    r2o. DJD,II, 10, I, 3, p. 91.
    121 . See P. Grelot, Documents aramiens d'Egypte (1972), 465-66; M. D. Coogan , West Se'
    mitic Personal Names in the Muralit Documents. HSM 7 (1976),32,80.
    122. J . J. Stamm, "Hebriiische Ersatznamen," Studies in Honor of B. Landsberger (1965), 414
    n. 6; repr. in Beitriige zur hebrdische und altorientalischen Namenkunde. OBO 30 (1980), 60
    n. 6; for a different view see /PN, 184-85.
    123. See BIIS.
    124. IPN, 185.
    125. See LidzEph,ll, 196-97l, W. F. Albright, BASOR 149 (1958) 33, l. l; Coogan, West Se-
    mitic Personal Names, 32,80.
    126. P. Grelot, Documents, 466.
    127 . For the former see J. J. Stamm, OBO 30,60 n. 6; for the latter, IPN, 184, citing Arab.
    'anna, "appeat!'
    128.IPN, 198.
    4\'ana

    Whether the name of the goddess 'Anat is connected with hh in the sense of "be
    sexually responsive" must remain an open question.l2e Kapelrud connects the name
    with'nh IV, "sing," also "lament."l30

    4. ma'oneh, "Purpose." The noun ma'aneh with the meaning "purpose" derives from
    hhIII;tzt cf. Arab. ma'na, "meaning." It occurs in Prov.
    16:4: "Yahweh has made ev-
    erything for its purpo5s."132

    5. ma'an. The particle mq'an deives from 'nh lllby way of ma'oneh; it is found also
    in Egyptian Aramaic.l33 It is always combined with the prep- l" to mean "with respect
    to, for the sake of, on accou111 9f."134

    6. ya'an. The particle ya'an, "on account of, because," derives from hh III; cf. Arab.
    'and, "intend, plan." It was originally a substantive meaning "occupation, plan," and
    developed into a preposition.l35 Mulder locates the Sirz im kben of the particle in the
    motivations of prophetic oracles of weal and woe.l36 Labuschagne differs, seeing in
    ya'an an original jussive introducing the indictment, which became a fossilized verbal
    form.l37

    7. 'inydn. The noun 'inyan, "business," deriving from hh III,I38 is an Aramaic loan-
    word. It appears also in Middle Hebrew and Jewish Aramaic as 'inydnd', in
    Samaritanr39 and Christian Palestinian as'nyn, and in Syriac as'enyana', "affair, con-
    cern." It occurs only in Ecclesiastes, always with negatively skeptical connotations. It
    refers to everything with which human beings "busy themselves" (hll III) as ordained
    by God (1: l3; 3:10), their gathering and heaping, which is all vanitytao (2:26), their ac-
    tivities (5:2131;8:16), which bring only pain and vexation and are hebel (2:23).The
    negative connotations are reinforced by the phrase 'inyan ra'in l:l3,lat 4:8 (striving
    afterriches is "an unhappy business" andhebel), and 5:13(14) (riches are lost "in abad
    venture").

    129. Labuschagne,927, with reference to Hos. 2:17 arrd Ex. 2l:10.


    130. A. S. Kapelrud, The Violent Goddess (1969),28; disputed by J. C. de Moor, UF I (1969)
    224.
    l3l. BI*,491n.
    l32.Pl6ger, BKXVII, 187, 190.
    133. See Bk,492o; DNS/, II, 260-71.
    134. HAL,II, 614; H. A. Brongers, OIS l8 (1973) 84-96.
    135. Blz, 635b; HAI.Il,42l.
    136. M. J. Mulder, OrS 18 (1973) 49-83; cf. D. E. Gowan, W 2l (1971) 178-84.
    137. TLOT, II, 930.
    138. BI-e,500o; Wagner, 92, no.222.
    139. LOT rr,479,499.
    140. + )=n nebeL
    l4l. GK, Sl28w; see above.
    iJ{ana

    8.'dnA. Whether 'ond deives from'nhll,'nhlll, or ?l ("time") is disputed. In Mid-


    dle Hebrew the noun has the meaning "specific time"; Jewish Aram. 'vne16'/'oneta'
    means "time, hour," in metaphorical usage "time of marital duty, cohabitation."l42 In
    lQapGen 2: l0 we frnd 'nt', probably with the same meaning.la3
    The only OT occurrence is in Ex. 2l:10, in the context of legislation governing
    slaves: "If he takes another wife to himself, he shall not diminish the food, clothing, or
    'ond of her [sc. the Israelite slave taken as the first wife]."14+ This laws treats the sexual
    satisfaction of the female slave as a fundamental right.t+s Paul disputes this interpreta-
    tion, citing Mesopotamian legal texts that list the elements of a wife's maintenance as
    food (Akk. eprum), oil (piiiatum), and clothing (lubui/lubultum): 'dnd is therefore to
    be interpreted as the equivalent of pillatum.t6 Nowhere in any legal text of the ancient
    Near East does he find any mention of "marital rights." There are linguistic reasons to
    doubt this interpretation of 'dn6, but a theory proposed by von Soden merits consider-
    3dsn.r47 He maintains that there is no root'nl or'fin used in texts dealing with sexual
    intercourse. Neither is it usual in the ancient Near East for laws to regulate what
    women a free man may have intercourse with outside his marriage. But the woman
    needs a place to live. Now the verb 'frn, "live, dwell," is not attested with certainty in
    the OT, which uses the nominal derivative md'6n, "habitation," only for accommoda-
    tions for animals and the house of God in the sense of a permanent dwelling place.
    -
    According to von Soden, 'u/6nd is a rare and probably archaic word for a temporary
    dwelling. In my opinion this interpretation is highly likely. If so,'6nA derives not from
    the root 'nh but from 'frn.t4g

    9. 'eL The occasional proposal to derive ) ng 'e!, "time," from'nh cannot be sus-
    ginsd.lae

    IV. Deuterocanonical Books. In the deuterocanonical books apokrtnesthai occurs


    in everyday usage, albeit in literarily elevated texts (Tob. 2:3 S;2:14;5:l; 5:3; 5:10 S;
    6:14 S). It appears in political contexts in Jdt. 6: l6; I IN.{c. 2:17 ,19,36; l0:55; 13:8,35;
    l5:33,36.It appears in a forensic context in 2 Mc. 4:47, in the sense of "condemn" (cf.
    2ld.c.7:8).In I Mc. 4:46 apokrinesthairefers to prophetic guidance (cf.2 Mc. 15:14).
    Sir.4:8 exhorts the reader to respond to the greeting of the poor;5:12, to answer a

    142. l*vy, WTM, lll, 627 -28; Dalman, ANH, 318.


    143. J. A. Fitzmyer, Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave I. BietOr l8A (21971),87.
    lM.H. Cazelles, Etudes surle Code de I'Alliance (1946),49, citing Hos.2:17(15); l0:10 Q.
    145. Boecker, 138-39.
    146. S. M. Palul, Studies in the Book of the Covenant in the Light of Biblical and Cuneifurm
    Law. SW l8 (1970),57-61.
    147.W. von Soden, UF l3 (1981) 159-60; repr. in Bibel und alter Orient. BZAW 162 (1985),
    198-99.
    148. See also North, V? 5 (1955) 205-6;E. Oren, Tarbiz33 (1953154) 317; I. Cardellini, Die
    biblischen "Sklaven"-Gesetze im Lichte des kcilschriftlichen Sklavenrechts. BBB 55 (1981),
    255-56.
    149. Contra J. Muilenburg, HTR 54 (1961) 234.
    ilJY ll'AnA

    neighbor only when one knows what to say; I 1:8, not to answer before listening; cf.
    33:4 G, which should, however, be corrected by reference to the Hebrew 1sx1.ls0 fhs
    noun apdkrisis occurs in Sir. 5: I l; 8:9; 2O:6.

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls often use 'nft in cultic contexts e.9.,
    - of
    lQS 2:5,18 in connection with ritual cursing; IQM 13:2; l4:.4; 18:6 in the context
    blessing (brk) and cursing; IQM l5:7 and 16:15 in the context of ritual exhortation be-
    fore battle. We find 'nlr in juridical contexts in CD 9:7; 13: l8; 1lQT 61:8 with refer-
    ence to Dt. 19:15-21and in llQT 63:5 with reference to Dt. 2l:l-9.In the political
    sphere llQT 62:7 uses 'nft with reference to Dt. 20:10-18. God is the subject of 'nhin
    lQH 4:18 ('nh l" instead of 'zlr with the accusative reflects Aramaic influencel5l);
    l lQT 59:6 (cf. Dt. 28; the context is a mosaic of biblical motifsl52).
    The noun ma'oneh appeius in IQH 2:7;7:ll,l3; I l:34; 16:6; 17:17 all in a con-
    -
    struct phrase with ldl6n, "tongue." These texts are probably dependent on Prov. 16: l,
    but the expression "from Yahweh" has turned "spoken by the tongue" into inspired
    speech or "speaking in tongues," especially in IQH ll:34; 17:17.rst
    Stendebach

    150. J. Sauer, "Jesus Sirach," JSHRZ IIV5, 585.


    t5t. TLOT, II, 930.
    152. J. Maier, Temple Scroll. JSOTSUp 34 (Eng. trans. 1985), 128.
    153. Barth, 47; Labuschagne, 930.

    ;tJY u 'and; rlJl '"ndwa; h$Y "nfi!: ;1Jy 'ana: i,Jl.D ta'ant!; r){ ?ni; lJ{
    anaw

    L Occurrences and Distribution: l. OT; 2. Ancient Near East; 3. Statistics; 4. Lexical Fields;
    5. Genres;6. LXX; 7.Dead Sea Scrolls. IL Verb: l. Piel; 2. Hiphil and Hithpael; 3. Qal and
    Niphal. III. Nouns: l. ani; 2. Other Nouns. IV. Adjective: l. Forms; 2. Outside the Psalms;
    3. Psalms; 4. Excursus: Poverty. V. Theology of the Oppressed: l. Assumptions; 2. Individuals
    and Marginal Groups; 3. The Whole Community; 4. Liberation. VI. Broader Horizons:
    l. Hellenism; 2. Judaism; 3. Christianity.

    'dnd ll. K. Aartun, "Hebriiisch 'dni wd 'dndwl' BiOr 28 (1971) 125-26; W. W. Graf Baudis-
    sin, "Die alttestamentliche Religion und die Armen," Preussische Jahrbilcher 149 (1912) 193-
    231;H. Birkeland, 'dni und'dndw in den Psalmen (1933); H. A. Brongers, "Fasting in Israel in
    Biblical and Postbiblical Times," OTS 20 (1977) l-21;' A. Causse, lzs "pauvres" d'Israel
    lJl rl'and 231

    I. Occurrences and Distribution.


    1. OI Is there in fact an independent root 'dnAl?
    Delekat denies its existence emphat-
    ically, assigning all Hebrew lexemes with the consonant sequence'-n-h to "a root with the
    basic meaning 'turn toward."'l There are*veral arguments against this single-root the-
    ory: (a) the marked semantic differences among the lexemes based on (b) the con-
    "n'h;
    centration ofoccurrences ofwords assigned to'dnA II in specific literary genres; (c) the
    possibility of separate historical development of the roots; (d) the evidence of compara-
    tive linguistics (see I.2 below). Of course semantic similarities appear in individual texts
    and misunderstandings in the course of transmission have led occasionally to the confu-
    sion of roots, as is always the case with homonymous roots. But the vast majority of the
    words traditionally assignedto'an/,.il can defend their claim to etymological indepen-
    dence (see I.4 below). The argumentbased on genre (b) plays a special role in the discus-
    sion to follow. The possibility that'dnillderives from an original ?w in contrastto'dndl
    < hy is a strong (albeit not certain) argument for distinguishing the roots.2 Brockelmann
    establishes the early pre-Israelite coalescence of the two roots.3
    The root 'dni lll, "be troubled about, keep someone busy,"4 possibly attested in
    Eccl. 1:13; 3:10; 5:19(Eng. v. 20), might be simply a seqantic variant of 'dnd I or II.5

    (1922); J. S. Croatto, "Liberar a los pobres," in Croatto et al., Los pobres (1978), 15-28;
    L. Delekat, "Zum hebriiischen W0rterbuch: W 14 (19il)7-66, esp. 35-49; T. Donald, "The Se-
    mantic Field of Rich and Poor in the Wisdom Literature of Hebrew and Accadian l' OrAnt 3
    (1964) 27-41; A. Gelin, The Poor of Yahweh (Eng. trans. 1964); G. Guti6rrez, The Power of the
    Poor in History (Eng. trans. 1983); T. D. Hanks, God So laved the Third World (1983); H.-P.
    Hasenfratz, Die toten Lebenden. BRGG 24 (1982); J. Jocz, "God's 'Poor' Peoplei Jud 28
    (1972) 7-29; D. C. Jones, "Yho Are the Poor?" Evangelical Review of Theology 2 (1978) 215-
    26:Y.1. Kim, "The Vocabulary of Oppression in the OT'(diss., Dreq l98l); H. G. Kippenberg,
    Religion und Klassenbildung im antikcn Judiia. SUNT 14 (1978); K. Koch, "Die Entstehung der
    sozialen Kritik bei den Propheten," FS G. von Rad (1971), 236-51; A. Kuschke, 'Arm und reich
    im AI," 7AW 57 (1939)31-57; E. Kutsch, "ilJf{ ('Demut')" (Habil., Mainz, 1960); idem, "Deus
    humiliat et ex'dtat," ZTK 6l (1964) 193-220; idem, "'Trauerbrluche' und 'Selbsminderungs-
    riten' im AT," in K. Liithi et al., Drei Wiener Antrittsreden. ThS 78 (1965), 25-42; S.I-ach, "Die
    Termini 'Ani und 'Anaw in den Psalmen," AcBibCrac 1972 (1974) 42-64; E. Ldkatos, "Un
    pueblo hacfa la madurez," R evBibl32 (1970) 227-32; J. M. Liafio, "Los pobres en el Nll' EstBib
    25 (1966) ll7 -67 ; N. Lohfink, " 'Gewalt' als Thema alttestamentlicher Forschung," in E. Haag et
    al., eds., Gewalt und Gewaltlosigl<cit im AT. QD 96 (1983), 15-50; D. Michel, 'Armut. II, AT,"
    fRE, IV (1979),72-76:P. D. Miscall, "The Concept of Poor in the OT," HTR75 (1972) 60[-612;
    J. van der Ploeg, "trs pauvres d'Israel et leur pi€t6," OTST (1950)236-70;l.Pons, L'oppression
    dans l'AT (1981); A. Rahlfs, ']{ uzd lJ[ in den Psalmcn (1892); C. Schultz, "'ani and'dndw in
    Psalmen" (diss., Brandeis, 1973); M. Schwantes, Das Recht der Armen. BBET 4 (1977);
    J. Sobrino, "Die 'Lehrautoritiit' des Volkes Gottes in Lateinamerikal' Conc 2l (1985) 269-74;
    E. Tamez, Bible of the Oppressed (Eng. trans. 1982). For turther bibliog. -r tlilN 'eby1n; -+)1
    dal.

    l. P. 42.
    2. GK, 975b, etc.
    3. VG, r,927t.
    4. HAL,II, 854.
    5. Delekat, 38.
    232 i?']9 Il'dnd

    Analogous nuances are found in Arabic ('ana <'anaya, "disturb, interest, worry, etc.")
    and Syriac.o
    The lexicons also list a root 'and IV, "siag."z It is clearly related closely to 'and I
    (1 S. l8:7; 21:l2lll);29:5;Ps.ll9:172; l4?:7; Nu. 2l:17; Ex. l5:21; Ezr.3:ll), but
    its existence as a separate root is supported above all by Arab. (ny II.8 For a more ex-
    tensive etymological discussion -+ l'11i, 'dnd l-

    2. Ancient Near East. Both'dn1l and'dnd II occur in the immediate geographical


    environment of Israel in the OT period, but in different linguistic zones. Ugaritic
    clearly employs hy, "answer," in various stems and with a nominal derivative.e
    Whether 'nw is also found remains disputed.l0 Moab. 'nry appears in the Mesha inscrip-
    tion ("Omri was king of Israel, and he oppressed Moab for a long time. . . . And his son
    succeeded him. Artd he said, 'I will oppreSs Moab"').ll Alongside this text we can
    probably place another with three instances of the piel of Phoen. 'nft II, "subjugate."t2
    Conversely, contemporary instances of 'nhl, "answer, testify," in the region of Canaan
    and Syria are very rare.l3 The existence of the semantic variant "(cause to) triumph"
    identified by Dahood (Ps. 20:7[6]; 60:7[5]; 89:231221; ll8:21; etc.) must be demon-
    strated for each occurrence.l4 Moabite "oppress" and Phoenician "subjugate" are two
    sides of the same coin; the former at least is also common in political contexts of the
    oT.
    The Arabic verb 'ana, "be humble," occurs in both the northern and southern re-
    gions. ts From the same root we also frnd'anwa, "violence," and'Ani, "submissive, cap-
    tive."
    The various Aramaic dialects use words containing the radicals '-n-h with the mean-
    ing "answer" as well as "humiliate, torment." The latter usqge (e.g., 'i 'nh, "a humble
    man")16 suggests arool'nh II. Brockelmann cites '"ndl,"answer," and vndlll ethpael,
    "he humbled himself."rT In Biblical Aramaic the root appears only in DnL4:24(21):
    mihan'andyin, "have mercy on the oppressed."
    Akkadian and the non-Semitic languages of the ancient Near East prqvide no clear

    6. See Wehr, 650; Brockelmann, lzxSyr 534a.


    7. HAL, II, 854; l,exHebAram, 613l' GesB, 627; BDB, 777.
    8. Wehr, 686.
    9. WUS, nos. 2060, 2060a.
    10. See KTU 1.2,1,26,28,35; 1.16, VI,58; A. van Selms, UF2(1970)259-60,contraHAL,
    Ir, 853.
    tt. KAr 18l.5, 6.
    12. KAI 26A.1.18-20; see J. Friedrich, Phdnizisch-punische Grammatik. AnOr 32 (1951),
    $174.
    t3. KAI 200.10. I l.
    14. M. Dahood, Psalms I: l-50. AB l6 (1966), 116, I l8; idem, Psalms III: l0l-150. AB 17 A
    (1970),243.
    15. Wehr, 650; Biella, 383.
    16. KAI 2O2A.2; commentary: KAI, 11,206. See also Jastrow, 1092ff.
    17. kxSyr 533-34.
    il79 ll'dnd

    evidence of a root 'ani I or II. Akkadian of etymologically unrelated


    uses a series
    words to illuminate the conceptual realm, e.g., daldlu I, "be wretched," D stem "op-
    press"; dallu, "wretched"; iukdnu, "prostrate oneself'; muikEnu, "court dependent,
    poor person."lS
    The conclusion:'and II may be considered an independent root.

    3. Statistics. Because the boundaries are somewhat ill defined, it is easy for identifi-
    cations of the root to differ. Lisowsky lists 79 individual verb forms, 45 noun forms,
    and96 adjective forms deriving from 'dnAll. Mandelkern lists 78, 45 (plus 8 instances
    of inydn, "business," and2ofma'"nd, "plowpath"),and94;Even-Shoshan80,45,and
    96. Like Lisowsky, Martin-Achard adheres closely to the MT, listing 79, 44, and96 oc-
    currences.le Proper names are unlikely to derive from'dni II (but cf. 'anA, Gen.36 pas-
    sim;20 'rrrr,
    Ch. l5:18,20; Neh. l2:9).1take Lisowsky's data as my point of depar-
    1
    ture and reserye for later discussion possible subtractions (e-g., Zec. ll:7,11) and
    additions (Eccl. l0:19: "Money conquers all";2t go.. 2:l7ll5l: the woman follows the
    man submissivelyz2). The data are displayed in the table on p. 234.
    Joshua is the only substantial book in which'dni II does not occur, but the root is
    rare in the Former Prophets. Ofthe l8 occurrences in these books, l5 are verbs (12 piel
    forms); there are almost no occulrences of nouns or adjectives (only {nt in I S. 1:ll
    and2K. 14:26 and'dni in2 5.22:28; both Samuel texts are psalms). The lexical group
    is also infrequent in the Chronicler's History: the piel does not occur, and the two in-
    stances of the verb are a literal quotation of I K. 8:35 in 2 Ch. 6:26 and a technical term
    for fasting inEzr.8:21; there is no parallel to I K. 2:26, because the Chronicler pre-
    sents Solomon's accession very differently. The 3 occurrences of nouns (Ezr.9:5; Neh.
    9:9; I Ch. 22:14) appear in a penitential rite and a fixed Davidic tradition. It is notewor-
    thy that the historical tradition as a whole does not use 'dnd II for Israel's many afflic-
    tions; Jeremiah (one occurrence of 'ant in an ethicaUjuridical context Uer. 22:61) and
    Daniel (hithpael of the verb in 10: 12, an apocalyptic wisdom text, and an Aramaic
    word in 4:24127D scarcely count.
    By contrast, a few literary units exhibit a concentration of words deriving from'anA
    II. Derivatives of the root occur 45 times in the Pentateuch (some 20 percent of the to-
    tal), including24 occurrences of the piel. The prophetic books concentrate their use in
    the two adjectives (30 times. esp. frequent in Isaiah [16]; also Z,echaiah [4], Amos and
    Zephaniah [2 each], and Habakkuk []); there are 48 occurrences of the root altogether,
    some 22 percent of the total. Jeremiah ignores the root almost totally. The Writings
    make the heaviest use of 'dnill;these books excluding Ezra, Nehemiah, Chroni-
    cles, and Daniel
    -
    use the verb and its derivatives l0l times (about 46 percent of the
    -
    total). Especially frequent are the adjs. 'dnt and'dndw (55 times) and the noun ani (22

    18. For citations see AHw, s.v.; cf. BWL, 18 n. l.


    19. R. Martin-Achard, TLOT, ll,93l.
    20. M. Weippert, "Edom" (Habil., Ttibingen, 1971),245.
    21. Delekat,41.
    22. H. W. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 31, 43: HAL, 11,852: 'dnd I, no. 3a.
    i1J! ll'ana

    times). When we look for the "home" of 'dnd I[, therefore, we must pay particular at-
    tention to the genres appearing in Psalms, Job, Proverbs, and the Five Scrolls.
    4. Itxical Fields. The words associated with the root'and II belong to a negatively
    charged domain of knowledge and experience. It is impossible to identify a neutral ba-
    sic meaning. Positive valuation is present only when the detrimental force is sur-
    mounted or placed temporarily in the service of something beneficial. The nouns and
    adjectives refer to situations inimical to human life. The basic experience appears to be
    "affliction" in its various forms. Synonyms depict it as "hardship, torment, pain, de-
    spaiC' (see III below). "Days of affliction" (Job 30:16,27) are evil times, diametrically
    opposed to well-being (Job 29; cf. "now" in 30:1,9,16); they are life-destroying. The
    adjectives always describe people in "oppressed,.constrained, fatal" situations. The
    verb usually expresses the notion that someone is depreciating or threatening the life of
    another or temporarily embracing such a fate. The afflicted (Prov. 31:5, b"nA
    lni) ate
    almost beyond help. "Give strong drink to one who is perishing, wine to one in bitter

    Piel/Pual Hiphil/Hithpael ont Other nouns 'dnifanaw


    QaUNiphal
    Gen 4l 4
    Exl 5 3 I
    Lev 5 2
    Nu 4 I
    Dt 7 4

    Total I 25

    Jgs 5
    s 5 I
    K 2 I
    Total t2 2 I

    Isa 5 I t6
    Jer I
    Ezk 2 4
    Minor 3 9

    Total l0 I I 30

    Ps 10 l0 J 38
    Job 2 6 7
    Prov I 9
    Cant 5 1

    Dnl I
    Ezr I
    Ch 1

    Total t4 24 55
    i?'lV ll'and

    distress; let him drink and forget his poverty (rii) and remember his misery 1--> )nV
    'dmdl) no more" (Prov. 3l:6-7). Thus the semantic content of our lexical group reflects
    fear and a sense of impending death; it is set against the experience of security, happi-
    ness, strength, and superiority. Together with many other lexical groups of similar con-
    tent, this group arises from the darkness of human experience, the shadow side of
    life.z3

    5. Genres. The focal usage of this lexical group becomes even clearer when we ex-
    amine the genres that use these words and thus the concrete situations the words re-
    flect. Most numerous and important are liturgical texts and observances. Affliction and
    its causes are described vividly in the Psalms, Lamentations, and Job, as well as in
    scattered prayers (l S. l:l l; cf. Dt. 26:7). This has long been recognized (see the stud-
    ies of 'ant, esp. in the Psalms). It is less well known that extensive blocks of text, espe-
    cially in the prophets and wisdom literature, are liturgical in origin. This is immedi-
    ately clear in the case of Deutero-Is aiah: 'dni appears in words of comfort to Israel (Isa.
    4l:17;49:13;51:21;54:11; cf. 6l:l) that were preserved and transmitted in the cultic
    congregation. The same is true of the divine utterances in Isa. 66:2; Zeph. 3:12; Zec.
    7:10; etc., as well as more paraenetic passages (e.g., Isa. 58:7;66:2;Ezk. 18:12,17;
    22:29; etc.) that are in part cultic and exhibit affinities in vocabulary and intention to le-
    gal and wisdom texts. These are the two other major sorts of text. Laws and admoni-
    tions forbid abusing the afflicted. The paraenetic style (Ex.22:20ff.[2lff.]; Lev. l9:9-
    10;z+ or liturgical background (Job 24:Iff.; 29:1ff.:34:17ff.;36:5ff.) of these texts are
    conspicuous. The verb, especially in the piel, describes the origin of the affliction. The
    act of affliction or oppression is reprehensible (8x.22:21-22[22-23];Prov.22:22); the
    condition must be overcome (Job 36:8ff.; ler. 22:16). Didactic narratives describe the
    ethical and juridical situation (Gen. l6:4-12;Ex.l:6-14). Prophetic indictments also
    depict oppression and injustice (Am. 2:6-7;8:4-6). Thus we can recognize a common
    thread: the various literary genres describing and reflecting the religiously significant
    affliction of an individual or the people use -- along with other expressions words
    derived from'dn?lI. -

    6. LXX. The LXX picks up the Hebrew terminology on a broad front and with a va-
    riety of of the Hebrew root leads to discrepant interpreta-
    nuances.25 The ambiguity
    tions, e.g., Ruth l:21; Hos.2:17(16);5:5;7:10; 14:9(8); Mal.2:12, where Greektermi-
    nology of abasement represents MT 'dnd I. Conversely, expressions denoting speaking
    or answering may replace the terminology of oppression or affliction (e.g., Isa. 60:14,
    where the LXX simply has two ptcps. following bcnA; Ps.22:25[24], where dddsis rep-
    resents Heb. '"nfifl.In most cases, however, the Greek translation agrees with the two
    distinct roots of the Hebrew text.

    23. -+ IN) k'b; -; IllD mfr1.


    24. J. Halbe, Das Privilegrecht Jahwes. FRI"ANT ll4 (1975), 426tr, 451tr.
    25. W Grundmann, TDNT, VIII, 6.
    il79 ll'dnA

    Despite the variety the LXX (including Sirach) uses 36 words to represent 13
    -
    Hebrew terms (including the six verbal stems) we call observe a preference for cer-
    -
    tain expressions. Most of the translations involve tapeinoiln/tapein6s/tape{ndsis,
    "(make) low" (Gen. 15:13; Lev. 16:29,31 Dt.2l:14[13]; Jgs. 16:5-6; Ps.82:3; Isa'
    14:32; Gen. 16:11; Dt. 26:7);20 ptdch^s/pficheia, "poor, poverty" (Lev. 19:10; Ps.
    lO:2,9i lob 3O:27; Isa. 48:10);27 pinesthai/pinas/penechr6s/penia, "needy" (Dt.
    24:l2ll1l; Ps. l0:12; Prov.3l:20; Eccl.6:8;8x.22:241251; Job 36:8), synonymous
    with ptdch6s (cf. "penury'); praiis/prafrtes, "meek(ness)" (Zeph. 3:2; Zec. 9:9; Isa.
    26:6; Ps. 45:5141); or kakain/kakio/l7ikdsis/kakouchein, "(do) evil" (Gen' 16:6; Dt.
    8:2-3;8x.22:221231; Isa.53:4; lK.2:26). Statements concerning affliction and abase-
    ment, some of which are meant in a positive sense (prafrsl), must be interpreted in the
    light of the contemporary social order (see VI.l below).

    7. Dead Sea Scrolls. The lexical group plays an important role in postcanonical
    writings, especially the Dead Sea Scrolls. The members of the sect understood them-
    selves as the poor, the devout, the elect.28 In 4QpPs 37,2,8-9,'andwim "refers to the
    congregation of the poor" ='oda! ha'epyOntm.ze Frequently, therefore, they call them-
    selves ?ni or 'andw. Kuhn lists 18 passages,30 of which 7 are inthe Hodayot (lQH
    l:36;2:34;5:13,14,21 14:3; l8:14). The verb appears 6 times (lQpHab 9:10: God dis-
    graces the wicked priest; IQM 12:14: the oppressors of Israel) and'andwah 9 times,
    primarily in the Manual of Discipline (lQS 2:24; 3:8; 4:3; 5:3,25;9:22; l1:11; lQH
    l'1:22: "a proper self-assessment before human beings and God"). "Let no one be
    lower than his rank or raise himself from the place of his lot. For all must conduct
    themselves toward their neighbors as a single community of tn:4h (yabad'emefi, with
    humble goodness ('anwa1t6!),loving compassion ('ahobal hesed), and upright pur-
    pose (mafioiepel;eileq)" (lQS 2:23tr.;:t cf. IQS 4:2-6;5:23-25; l0:24-l1:2). 'An up-
    right spirit" (rfialty6ier), "humility" ('%awil, and "submissiveness" ('anwalnepei)to
    all the laws of God effect reconciliation and purification (lQS 3:8). The noun ta'ant1
    clearly occurs in 4QpPs t4Q17ll 37:2,L0 and cD 6:19 in the sense of "fasting" (cf. the
    use of the verb in this sense ["fast on the Day of Atonement"] in I IQT 25:12 27:7);fr-
    nally, the verb also appears with the meaning "overpower" (66:3,11). Concordances
    give equivalents to'dnA II in the Greek Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha.32 Except in
    Maccabees and Sirach, these documents make little use of the lexical group.

    26. W. Grundmann, ?DNI VI[, l-26.


    27. E. Bammel, TDNT, VI, 888-915.
    28. J. Maier, Die Texte vom Tbten Meer 2 vols. (1960), II, 83-87.
    29. E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran (1981), 272-73.
    30. Kuhn, 167 n. 4:'A clear differentiation . . . is hardly possible."
    31. Following Maier, Texte, 1,24.
    32. E. Hatch and H. A. Redpath, Concordance to the Septuasinr, 3 vols. in 2 (1897, repr.
    1983); C. A. Wahl, Clavis Librorum Veteris Tbstamenti Apocryphorum Philologica (1853, repr'
    1972).
    itJ\ ll'dnd 237

    II. Verb.
    l. Piel. The piel is the commonest stem of the verb; its 54 occurrences are relatively
    evenly distributed.r: Physical or psychic force is used to alter the status of someone for
    the worse. A person who "oppresses, violates, abases, humiliates" is using power con-
    trary to the demands of justice.
    a. Juridical Usage. The use of the piel in juridical texts is sharply defined. Because
    the slave Hagar has done wrong (bdmds, "impairment," Gen. 16:5) to her mistress
    Sarai, Sarai receives permission to punish her (v. 6a), i.e., to interfere with her status as
    concubine and vicarious mother. Sarai "degrades" her (watte'annehd, v.6b; LXX [mor-
    alizingl: elqikdsin aut6n). The angel commands Hagar to accept this degradation
    (hi1'annt, "submit," v. 9; LXX apostniphEti). The marriage contract agreed to by Laban
    and Jacob contains a clause stipulating that the bridegroom must not "slight" Laban's
    daughters in favor of other wives (Gen. 3l:50)
    When 'dnd II must be translated "violate," the central idea is not the use of brute
    force but rather civil defamation and its concomitant loss of status. This is illustrated
    most clearly by 2 S. 13:llff., where Amnon forces Tamar to have intercourse with him.
    She objects to the destruction of her being it is an outrage (n"!dld, v. l2), a disgrace
    (berpA, v. 13). Other texts point in the same- direction: Gen.34:2;Dt.2l:14 (change of
    status through intercourse);22:24,29 (the man is punished because he has violated a le-
    gal asset [cf. llQT 66:3,11]); Jgs.19:24;20:5;Lam.5:ll (rape as an offense against
    the person); in Dt. 22,24,29, the degradation is presumed but is not mentioned explic-
    itly. Only in the late text Ezk. 22:10-11 does the piel of 'dnAil mean simply "have in-
    tercourse" (Zimmerli translates "abuse";3c possibly the etymological source of '6nd in
    Ex. 21:10).
    The juridical nature of the verb is also apparent in texts that speak of "degrading"
    the underprivileged: Ex. 22:21-22(22-23); cf. Ps. 94:5-6; Ezk. 22:7-12 (a catalog of
    vices: v. 7, exploitation of the weak; vv. 8-12, cultic offenses). In Jgs. 16:5,6, the re-
    peated "bind and subdue" signifies not only loss of strength but loss of status; v. 19
    says in conclusion: "Thus she began to rob him ofhis strength" (or [niphal inf.]: "Thus
    he began to be abased, to lose his status"; cf. LXXA tapeinortsthai). A process of per-
    sonal and social disintegration begins that can end only in death (vv. 28-30; at the same
    time, rehabilitation through revenge).3s
    The juridical concept can also be applied to the people as a whole; examples in-
    cludes Dt. 8:2-3,16 and Ex. l:ll-12. The Deuteronomist describes Yahweh himself as
    temporarily repudiating Israel's elect status (cf. also Isa.64:11; Nah. 1:12; and the
    theological explanation in Lam. 3:31-33; Job37:23). Hunger (Dt. 8:3) is not part of the
    covenant design; it is a test of faith, a temptation (vv.2,16).In Ex. 1:11-12 it is the
    Egyptians who grossly violate the rights of their Israelite neighbors by enslaving them
    (cf. v. 14, "brutal forced labor"; similarly Dt.26i6; Gen. 15:13; cf. Nu. 24:24;25.

    33. E. Jenni @e 288) mentions 57 occurrences, without evidence.


    34. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),453.
    35. Hasenfratz, T0-80: social death in anomie.
    ;lry ll'dna

    7:10; 1 K. 1l:39; 2K. 17:20:Ps.89:231221). Two texts use the participle to denote the
    oppressors (Isa. 60:14; Zeph. 3:19).
    b. Liturgical Usage. The liturgical usage of the verb is closely connected with its ju-
    ridical usage. The point at issue is the transgression of norms, even when Yahweh is the
    subject. Because affliction is contrary to the divine order, it can be cultically alleviated.
    Only God can guarantee ;eQdqi,'Justice"ro (cf. Ps. 82). Therefore individuals lament
    their degraded circumstances (Ps. 90:15; lO2:24[23]: "He has broken my strength in
    midcourse," i.e., "He has made me incapable of living" through sickness [vv.4-6(3-5)],
    enemies tv. 8(7)1, and social death;37 Ps. I l9:75). Communal lament, too, springs from
    the experience ofdegraded life (Ps. 90:15;94:5); assurance ofa favorable hearing is
    the cultic response (Zeph.3:19;Ps. 89:231221). Some texts are obscure: Ps. 88:8b(7b),
    ". . . waves, you overwhelm [me]?"; Job 30:l l, ". . . bowstring, and afflicts me?"; Ps.
    105:18, "afflict with fetters?"
    Degradation need not always be inflicted from without: voluntary self-degradation
    is also possible.38 The supplicant bows down in the dust, fasts, demonstrates his worth-
    lessness. Alongside other expressions of self-degradation, the expression 'innd 'e1-
    nepei, "humble oneself," has become an OT idiom (Lev. 16:29,31;23:,27,321' Nu. 29:7;
    30:14[13]; Isa. 58:3,5; Ps. 35:13).
    The rare instances of the pual fit the same picture. Lev.23:29 refers to fasting; Isa.
    53:4 and Ps. 119:71 are cultic in nature. The sufferings of the servant of Yahweh reflect
    communal theology (ndgfra', mukkeh, m"hdldl,Isa. 53:4-5). Finally, Ps. 132:1 either
    draws on the fasting idiom or reflects a separate tradition of "David's abasement" (cf.
    I Ch.22:14).
    The juridical and cultic usages of 'dnd II piel and pual are so interwoven that it is
    impossible to assign priority to one or the other.

    2. Hiphil and Hithpael. The usage of the hiphil and hithpael is most compatible with
    that ofthe transitive piel. I have already discussed the hithpael in Gen. 16:9 (acceptance
    of degradation). The banishment of Abiathar also belongs here (l K.2:26-27): he is
    spared for the time being because he shared David's low position on the social ladder.
    The cultic sense of the hithpael is manifest inBzr.S:2land Dnl. 10:12;Ps. 107:.17 can be
    interpreted either passively (most comms.) or reflexively: "Because of their iniquities
    they were exposed to deadly peril" (v. 19, sar) sickness and starvation (cf. v. 18).
    -
    The hiphil in I K. 8:35 par. 2 Ch.6:26 is synonymous with the piel (cf. LXX; or is
    this'dnl I?). In Isa. 25:l-5, a hymn of praise, one of the themes is Yahweh's help for
    the poor (v. 4), echoed by his humiliation of the enemy (v. 5). The vocalization of the
    hiphil ya'"neft follows the parallel hiphil taftnia' (the Syr. has a niphal; cf. also the
    hiphils in vv. 11-12); the meaning is that of the piel. The text of Ps. 55:20(19) is cor-
    rupt.3e The two verbs were originally probably "hear and answer ('dndl)." The imme-

    36.-+l1t ;dq.
    37. Hasenfratz, 70ff.
    38. See Kutsch.
    39. H.-J. Kraus, Psalras l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988),519.
    ;|,JV ll'ana 239

    diate context requires that proper names be supplied from Gen. 36:3,5; the extended
    context should probably be reconstructed as a lament, a declaration oftrust, and a curse
    (vv. 18-20[7-19]).

    3. Qal and Niphal. T\e few instances of the qal and niphal appear also to refer to the
    mental state of those who have been abased. Social degradation has its psychic conse-
    quences: "I have sunk very @"'dO low" (Ps. I 16: 10 qal, LXX pass.; I 19: 107 niphal). To
    utter these words in prayer is to accept that one is "down," acknowledging and lamenting
    one's sins (Ps. 119:67 qal; LXX pass.); cf. v. 7l ("It is good for me . . .") and v. 75. Various
    afflictions are referred to in w. 19,25,50,92,95; expressions of lowliness appear in
    vv.125,141,176, etc.; contrast the "insolent" (zd!tm: w.21,51,'78,85, etc.). A sufferer is
    nepel na'and, "an abased soul" (Isa. 58:10; cf. 53:7), corresponding to'dnt in 58:7.
    The juridico-cultic notion of deterioration also casts light on secular contexts. A
    young lion is not daunted (Isa. 31:4). In7*c.10:2Israel is described metaphorically as
    straying and "disintegrating" (qd){ like sheep, i.e., losing its status as a nation. Pha-
    raoh must give up his arrogant sovereignty over the Israelites (Ex. l0:3 niphal).
    The verb appears most commonly in the piel, conveying the cultic and juridical
    sense of degrading someone from his or her divinely ordained status. The other verbal
    stems are explainable on the basis of this usage.

    III.
    Nouns.
    ent. The commonest noun is ent; its occurrences are concentrated in liturgical
    l.
    wisdom texts and cultic contexts. It has a narrow semantic range: "misery" that cries to
    heaven.
    There are a few possible exceptions. A tradition concerning David turns up in the
    Chronicler's special material (cf. I K. 2:26;Ps. 132:l; I S. 18:23): "with great pains"
    (be + ant) David provided the materials for building the temple (l Ch.22:14). Surely
    this refers to the perilous times before the pax Salomanica (cf. I Ch. 22:8,18).+t But do
    we have here a theological reevaluation of David's "underground" period (l K.2:26)?
    This is most unlikely, for the only other occurrence of 'dni II in Chronicles is in Solo-
    mon's prayer at the dedication of the temple (2 Ch. 6:26l= I K. 8:351); in fact, the
    Chronicler does not deal at all with the lexical field of misery oppression, poverty,
    etc.a2 (Only in EzralNehemiah do we find an isolated liturgical ?ni in Neh. 9:9 and the
    hapax legomenon ta'"nt1 in Ezr. 9:5.) The most immediate interpretation of I Ch.
    22:14, therefore, is personal. Secondarily, ent is here a background setting for the
    golden age of Solomon (v. 9).43 Gen- 3l:42, too, refers to everyday "toil and labor"

    40. Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja l-8-Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KAT XllU4 (1976), l9O.


    41. P. Welten, Geschichte und Geschichtsdarstellung in der Chronilcbiichern. WMANT 42
    (1973),49-s0.
    42. l.P. Weinberg, TAW9S (1986) 89-90: theChroniclersuppressestheproblemof marginal
    grouPs.
    43. J. D. Newsome, "Toward a New Understanding of the Chronicler and His Purposes,",IBZ
    94 (1975)2Ol-17; S. Japhet, "Conquest and Settlement in Chronicles,".IBt 98 (1979) 205-18.
    ilJl, ll'and

    (eni and yegia' kap), albeit "seen by God"! The "bread of affliction" in Dt. 16:3 may
    also belong here, with a possible wordplay on lehem'6ntm, "bread of mourners" (Hos.
    9:4). The ma;;61are not so referred to elsewhere; but cf. Ps. 1.27:2, "bread of anxious
    care" ; 1 K. 22:27 par. 2 Ch. l 8 : 26, "prison bread" ; Prov. 20: 1 7 ; 23 :3, "bread of deceit" ;
    Ezk. 24:17,22 (cj. lehem -b€ltm), "bread of mourners"; Ps. 80:6(5), "bread of tears";
    etc. A secular usage (secondary?) of eni can be discerned'
    But the great majority of texts speak of a plight demanding Yahweh's intervention.
    A characteristic idiom is "God saw the misery of . ' ." (Gen.29:32;31:42;F;x.3:7;
    4:31;Dt. 26:7;l S. l:11; 2K.14:26; Ps.9:14[13];25:18;31:8[7]; ll9:153; Job 10:15;
    Lam. 1:9; Neh. 9:9); alternative verbs: hear (Gen. 16:l l), remember (Lam. 3:19). This
    idiom is especially common in prayers of individuals, where it appears with the lst-
    person sufrtx, "my misery" (Gen.29:32:31:42;41:52; 1 S. 1:ll; Ps.9:14[13];25:18;
    31:8[7]; 119:50,92,153; Job 10:15; Lam. l:9;3:19; cf. I Ch.22:14).In collective
    prayers we find the corresponding "our misery" (Dt.26:7:Ps. 44:251241; "the misery
    of our fathers," Neh. 9:9) and in cultic promises or divine discourse "your/his/her/their
    misery" (Gen. 16:11; Ex.3:7; "you" [pl.], Ex.3:17 in a lament describing misery,
    Lam. l:7). Narrative references to the misery of others emphasize this existential,
    cultic usage (Ex. 4:31; Job 36:15; 2K. 14.26). The plight is always personal. As a rule,
    it is expressed in a lament, petition, expression of trust, or thanksgiving addressed to
    Yahweh; ?ni is always misery that affects God. Once Yahweh is reproached harshly:
    "You have ignored our misery" Qs.44:25[24]).
    In the nature of the case, such misery is never concrete. Cultic usage comprehends a
    broad spectrum of threats, perils, and fears brought before Yahweh by an individual or
    the community. These are defined by the synonyms appearing in the immediate context
    of expression s of e nt :'amal, "hardship" (Gen. 4l :5 1 ; Dt' 26:7 ; Ps. 25 : 1 8 ; Prov. 3 l :7);
    lafua;, "oppression" (Dt. 26:7; Ps. 44:25[24]; Job 36:15); hdieft, "datkness" (Ps.
    107:10; Lam. 3: l-2); $"'dqd, "cry" (Ex' 3:7); z"'dqA (Neh. 9:9); mdrfrQ, "homelessness"
    (Lam. l :7; 3:19); ydgia', "labor" (Gen. 3l:42); mak'ob, "suffering" (Ex. 3:7); bafia't,
    "sin" (Ps. 25:18); tir6!, "adversities" (Ps. 3l:St7l); -bddA, "servitude" (Lam. l:3);
    rc-J, "poverty" (Prov. 31:7); cf. the extended descriptions of misery in Lam.3:l-21; Ps.
    3 I :8 - l3(7 - 12) ; 44: l0- 17,25 (9 - | 6,24) ; 8 8 :4- I 0( 3 -9), and the summaries in 2 K - I 4:26 ;
    Dt.26:7;Job l0:15; Neh.9:9. A specialized conception views misery as a (magical or
    cultic?) binding or restraining force (Ps. 88:9-10[8-9]; 107:10 [obviating the emenda-
    tion k"pdlim, "fetters"?l; Job 36:8).
    Misery can occur in the setting of a family or nation. Childlessness threatens the
    very essence of a woman's life; ?nitherefore appears in petitions and vows (1 S. 1:11)
    and in thanksgivings at the birth or naming of a child (Gen.29:32;41:521. cf. also Gen.
    16: l1). In the laments of an individual it is easy to recognize the typical afflictions of
    persecution by enemies and suffering occasioned by God's anger or punishment (Ps.
    9:14[13]; 25:18;31:8[7]; 88:10[9]; 107:10,14; I l9:50,92,153; Job lO:15: 3O:16,27;
    36:8,15,21; Prov. 3l:5; Lam. 3:1,19; I Ch.22:14). Only one text explicitly mentions
    the economic exploitation of an individual (Gen. 3l:42:Laban's exploitation of Jacob).
    The focus, then, is not on the cause, termination, or purpose of misery. The noun re-
    fers to a burden of suffering that affects Yahweh, always with social implications. The
    ;t y ll'drua 241

    same holds true for Israel. The parade example is the oppression of Jacob's descen-
    dants by the Egyptians (Ex. 1:6-14). Hard labor as slaves is intended to destroy them.
    This situation is formalized as ?ni (Ex. 3:7,17:' 4:31;Dl26:7; Neh. 9:9). Later crises
    affecting Israel appear in the same light (2 K. 14:26), especially the Babylonian catas-
    trophe (Ps. 44:25[24]; Lam. l:3,7,9).Isa. 48: l0 uses the image of a "furnace of mis-
    ery" ftfir lni) to summarize the experience of Israel's history; the same metaphor,
    without en| appears in Dt. 4:20; I K. 8:51; Jer. I 1:4. As a whole, the usage of ent is
    concentrated clearly in religious and cultic life. Two test examples prove the point: The
    few texts where ent appears without a suffix or attributive genitive (Isa.48:10; Ps.
    88:10[9]; 107:lo,4l; Job 30:16,27:36:8,21; Prov. 3l:5; Lam. l:3) grow out of reli-
    gious experience and are associated more or less directly with cultic language. And pu-
    tative secular usage (Gen. 3l:42; Dt. 16:3; Job 30:16,27;36:21; Prov. 31:5; 1 Ch.
    22:14) may derive from cultic notions.

    2. Other Nouns. The noun 'andw6 or 'anwA (the latter form occurs only in Ps.
    18:36[35] and 45:5; the difference, assumed by the MT, has no semantic
    significanceaa) refers to a human quality or a social condition. This quality can be
    sought, llke s"QdqL, "righteousnessl' or hoftmi. "wisdom": baqq'itt 'anawd, "seek hu-
    mility," Zeph.2:3 exhorts. Similar prophetic admonitions urge the hearer to seek what
    is good, to seek Yahweh (Am. 5:14-15; Zeph. 2:3; cf . Ps. 27:8; 105:4). The quest for
    the outlook that leads to true life also informs the thinking of wisdom (Prov. 15:14;
    2l:21; etc.). It would be wrong to think of 'anawd as an exclusively psychological or
    ethical attitude. It has practical consequences for the conduct of life and the role one
    plays. Wisdom and the cult are the spheres from which the concept of '"ndwd emerges.
    Prov. 15:33 and 18:12 contain the saying "Before honor, humility." Honor (kabdil is
    the polar concept (cf. 29:23). Parallel statements contrast pride and fall (16:18;
    18:l2a). In other words, 'anawd is the human quality that makes it possible to live in
    harmony with the world.as According to 22:4, '"ndwd is the wellspring of everything:
    fear of God (the copula "and" is a modern invention), riches, honor, life.a6 The virtue of
    'onawA is acknowledgment of one's proper status, not hypocritical false modesty.aT
    Synonyms derive from the roots -+ )our ipl, "be low" (Isa. 2:9-ll; l3:ll;25l.ll-12;
    26:5; 29:4; Prov. 16: 19; 29:13) and -+ )1 dal, "low;'
    TWo passages are diffrcult. Ps. 18:36(35) speaks of Yahweh's '"ndwi (2 5.22:36has
    the qal inf . of 'dnd I, "your answering"; LXX hypakod or paideia).In Ps. 45:5(4) "humil-
    ity" seems out of place with "righteousness" or "victory." Later redaction introduced the
    notion of "self-restraint." Nothing is gained by postulating'anAIIl, "be concerned for" or
    "exult."48 We must instead reckon with a late theology of humility that imputes to God
    and the messiah a humble solidarity with the suffering people (cf .7,ec.9:9).

    44. HAL,II, 855; G. Schmuttermayr, Psalm 18 und 2 Samuel 22. SANT25 (1971), 148-53.
    45. H. D. Preuss, M. Awerbuch, and S. Rehrl, "Demut," fRE VIII,459-68.
    46. On the rabbinic debate over the value of humility, see St.-B., l, 189-94,789.
    47. Cf. the Qumran Manual of Discipline (I.7 above).
    48. Dahood, Psalms I: l-50. AB 16 (1966), in loc.
    it79 ll'anA

    The two nouns 'cnfi! (Ps.22:25[24)) afi ta'orfi! (Ezr.9:5) are totally different. Late
    redaction understood the meaning of the former to be "lowliness"; the original text
    probably read "cry," "prayer," or "groaning."a9 The hapax legomenon in Ezr. 9:5 is a
    technical term: "penitential rites" must be ended when the worshiper moves on to ado-
    ration and supplication (kneeling, outstretched hands, prayer, vv. 5-6). The rites re-
    ferred to by ta'ant1 are not described.s0

    IV. Adjective.
    l. Forms. The semantics of the adjective are difficult, because several forms coexist.
    Is there a difference in meaning between 'dni and'dndw?sr We may note the following
    data: in the MT 'dnt appearc in both the singular (57 occurrences) and the plural (19 oc-
    currences). Even if some instances of the singular refer to collective entities, the singu-
    lar predominates: an individual is characterized as 'dnt. In the case of 'AnAw, there are
    19 instances ofthe plural and only 1 ofthe singular, and that (Nu. 12:3) appears to be
    represented by 'dnt in the Samaritan version.52 The problem, therefore, involves the
    plurals almost exclusively. Was '&ndwtm the original plural of 'd,nt?53 lf so,'oriyim is a
    scribal error or an artificial formation used secondarily to convey a semantic distinc-
    tion. Most scholars believe that the pls. 'antyim and 'andwtm always existed side by
    side, even though they were often confused. The Masoretes occasionally prefer a y-
    form to a w-form (Q: Isa. 32:7; Am.8:4; Ps. 9:19[8]; Job 24:4) or a w-form to a y-
    form (Ps. 9:l3tl2); l0: 12; Prov. 3:34; 14:21 16: 19; possibly random scribal variation;
    cf. the lack of uniformity in Ps. 9/10). We can possibly discern a conscious develop-
    ment in which '"ntytm = "poor" and 'andwtm = "humble, devout," but the distinction
    should not be pressed.sa

    2. Outside the Psalms. a. Juridical Texts. l*aving the Psalms aside, I shall sketch
    the areas with which ?zi is naturally associated. As in the case of the verb, the juridical
    sphere is of special importance. Persons deprived of certain natural rights, who experi-
    ence a perceptible diminution of their quality of life, are called -ntytm. Legal offenses
    against them are associated with the laws goveming loans and credit. A collection of
    parenetically formulated precepts protecting marginal groups (8x.22:20-26121-27))
    includes a prohibition against exacting interest from an 'ammt he'ant, an "impover-
    ished member of your clan" (v. 24t251). The following verse deals with a pledge taken
    from a neighbor (rda'). Both'am and r4a'refer to a consanguineous neighbor, origi
    nally a "father's brother."55 This individual is further defined by an attributive adjec-

    49. Cf. LXX; H. Gunkel, Die Psalmen. HKAT W2 (41929),97: "to answer."
    50. Cf. Qumran, [.7 above.
    51. As asserted by Birkeland, Causse, Gelin, and others.
    52. HAL, II, 855.
    53. Delekat, Rudolph.
    54. See the cautions articulated by Martin-Achafi, TLOT, 11,932-33; Grundmann, IDNI
    VIII,6.
    55. -+ DI 'am; cf. HAL, \,837, citing A. R. Hulst, TLOT 11,896.
    iDV ll'dnA

    tive: he'ant, someone living in reduced economic circumstances, dependent, in danger


    of losing the necessities of life (cf. Lev. 25:25-38;Dt.23:20-2109-20l:24:6,10-13,17;
    Ezk. l8:7-8,16-17; also Am.2:8; Iob24:9;Ezk.22:12; Prov. 19:17; 22:7;27:13).Such
    individuals are granted special protection when they take out a loan or pawn their pos-
    sessions. The prohibitions are grounded in a direct, personal responsibility toward the
    "poor," the "economically disadvantaged" (Lev. 19:10; 23:22). "Your hand shall be
    open to your poor and needy brother" (Dt. l5:l l). Here too the adjs. 'dnt and'epydn
    further qualify the critical term of relationship 'Abtka, "your brother," which plays a
    major role as an equivalentto rea' and'am (Lev. 19:17;25:25;Dt.23i20i cf. the precise
    terminology of Dt. 24:14-15, idf,tr 'dnt we'epydn mE'aheyf;n '6 miggdreftd, a laborer
    who is poor and needy and is a member of your tribe or a resident alien). Day laborers
    are economically disadvantaged. But why the double terminology "poor and needy"?
    Are we dealing with liturgical language (see 3 below)? Since Rahlfs's study, it has been
    clear that these terms refer to an Israelite dependent on society for protection and sup-
    port, an individual who is unemployed or on welfare (see the charitable provisions in
    8x.23:11; Lev. 19:9-10; 23:22;Dt.24:19-22), who has come down in the world.
    b. Wisdom. A second focal point of the adj. 'dnt is the language and intellectual
    world of wisdom. Here we find the prohibition: "Do not rob the poor (+ )l aaD Ae-
    cause they are poor, or crush the lowly ('dnt) in court, for Yahweh pleads their cause"
    (Prov. 22:22-23;.so 5i-'r-ry in the instructions to Lemuel: "Defend the rights of the
    poor and needy" (Prov. 3l:9). The call to intervene on behalf of the economically dis-
    advantaged is heard in catalogs of virtues and in confessions of faith. The ideal house-
    wife "opens her hand to the poor ('dnt) and reaches out her hands to the needy
    ('epy1n)" (Prov. 3l:20). Job describes his exemplary life: "I delivered thepoor ('dnt)
    who cried and the orphan $a!6m) who had no helper; the blessing of the wretched
    ('obe{ came upon me, and I caused the heart of the widow ('almdnA) to sing for joy"
    (Job 29:12-13). These groups are similar to those mentioned in the legal texts; vv. 15-
    16 go on to include the blind, the lame, the needy ('ebybntm), and strangers (ld'-
    ydQalt). Malfeasance is exposed: Job24 castigates the conduct of the wicked: "They
    drive away the donkey of the orphan and take the widow's ox for a pledge; they thrust
    the needy ('e!ybnim) off the road; the poor of the land ('"niyA-'dre;) all hide them-
    selves. . . . They snatch the orphan child from the breast and take a pledge from the
    poor ('dni).. . . At daybreak the murderer goes forth to kill the poor and needy ('dnt
    we'epy6n)" (Job 24:3-4,9,14).s7 Prov. 30: I l- 14 is a kind of curse on the proud and god-
    less "generation" (dbr) that disdains all norms, seeking to devour the "poor" (-ntytm)
    and the "needy" ('ely6ntm) (v. l4; the climax of their transgressions?). Contrariwise,
    the wise repeatedly pronounce blessings on those who acknowledge that they are
    bound by the rules of neighborly conduct. Prov. 3:33-35 says: "Yahweh . . . blesses the
    abode of the righteous (saddiqtm). . . to the wretched (lniyim) he shows favor . . . the
    wise (haf;dmtm) will inherit honor" (cf . 14:21: l6: l9). According to Elihu, God himself

    56. Cf. Amen-em-ope iv.4-5 (ANET,422a).


    57. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XYI (1963), 367tr.
    it]\ rt'dnA

    is absolutely just and impartial (Job 34: l9), so that he hears the cry of the afflicted (dal
    and'"ntyim,34:28; cf .36:6). Indeed, he goes so far as to argue that God uses the afflic-
    tion ofthe poor for positive ends (36:15). Prov. 15:15 and Eccl. 6:8 reflect on the fate
    of the poor, both with stoic objectivity.
    As a result, we can see in these wisdom texts the system of societal norms that sup-
    ports and integrates marginal groups. The socialization process inculcates these norms,
    bringing them constantly to mind through various forms of exhortation and admoni-
    tion. The Zni is never an isolated individual but a representative of a social stratum; by
    law and custom, such a person has a claim on divine and human help.sa The'oniytm and
    'anawtm are synonymous with the economically and socially deprived and vulnerable;
    they are identical with the dallim, 'epyOntm, and rditm.se
    c. Prophets. Can the usage of juridical texts and wisdom literature explain the other
    occurrences, especially in the prophets? In fact, many prophetic oracles reflect the
    charitable norms of the laws and wisdom instruction. Amos's championship of the dis-
    advantaged is well known (Am. 2:6ff.; 4:l; 5:11-12). In 2:7 and 8:4 (K) he uses the
    terms 'andwtm and'anwi-'ares (elsewhere 'eQybntm, ;addiq, dalltm). His vocabulary
    recalls legal and wisdom language (on Am.2:7 cf.Ex.23:2; Lev. 19:15; Job24:4;
    Prov.22:22; on Am. 8:4 cf. Ex.22:21-23122-24); lob 24:4,14; Prov. 30:14; clan wis-
    dom? cultic norms?).60 Zec. 7:9-10 is even clearer: "Render true judgments, show
    kindness and mercy to one another; do not oppress the widow, the orphan, the alien, or
    the poor; and do not devise evil in your hearts against one another." The obligation to
    champion the weak, the admonition not to abuse one's own power, and the reference to
    marginal groups fit with wisdom and law.
    Delineations of transgressions reveal the same picturp (Isa. 3:14-151' l0:2; Jer.
    22:16; Ezk. 16:49l, 18:12,17;22:29). Without reference to fundamental norms, such
    charges are inconceivable; Isa. 10: I speaks of written statutes. At times prophetic dis-
    course shifts to exhortation (Isa. 58:7; Znph.2:3), description of the future (lsa.32:7),
    or eschatological hymnody (Isa. 26:6). The 'andwim always enjoy Yahweh's special
    protection (Isa. I l:4; 14:32; 26:6; 29:19; 32:7; 4l:17; 49:13; 61:l; Zeph. 3:12; Zec.
    9:9). In the salvation and consolation oracles of the prophetic books we hear the voice
    of the cultic tradition (see IV.3 below).
    The rare feminine forms of the adj.'dni are significant. Applied attributively to per-
    sonified cities (Isa. 10:30; 5l:21; 54:ll), they describe a captured, destroyed, dese-
    crated city (in 10:30 the context also permits the translation "answered" [NRSV], rep-
    resenting the fem. sg. impf. of 'dnA I). The image is that of a disgraced woman (see
    II.l.a above). With '"ntydwe find such terms as "forsaken" (54:6), "barren" (54:1),
    "hated" (60:I5), and "desolate" (54:l;62:4).
    The prophetic books appear to reflect an incipient differentiation of'antytm and
    '&nawtm. Both contextual analysis and the Masoretic textual tradition support the dis-

    58. Schwantes.
    S9. --r )t dal; -+ llDll 'ely6n; + !l'l''l rwi.
    60. H. W. Wolff, Amos the Prophet (Eng. trans. 1973),70-73.
    itJl lrdnA 245

    tinction. The two plural forms appear side by side: 'on?yim (Isa. 3: 15; l0:2; 14:32; 58:7 ;
    in Isa. 32:7 and Am. 9:4, MT has Q '"ntytm; in Prov. 3:34; 14:21- 16:19 MT Q =
    'andwtm) and'"nawtm (Isa. l1:4; 29:19;32:7 K; 6l:l; Am. 2:7;8:4 K; Zeph. 2:3).
    Jhere appears to be a slight preponderance of '"nawtm in Isaiah andZnphaniah, rein-
    forced by the aim of the texts (cf. also Proverbs; in contrast, -niytm appears more often
    in stereotyped contexts: Isa. 3:14; l0:2; 58:7). We also find the fixed phrases '"ntyA
    'ammi (lsa. lO:2; 14:.32; cf . 49:13; Ps. 72:4) and 'anwA (hn)'dres (Isa. I l:4; Am. 8:4;
    Zeph.2:3; cf. Ps. 76:10[9]; Job 24:4).There is particular emphasis on collective enti-
    ties. Of the 28 relevant occurrences from Isa. 3:14 to Zec.9:9, 18 refer to human
    groups the people of Israel, the city of Jerusalem, population strata, an exclusive so-
    ciety
    - and only 10 to a needy individual (Isa. 3:14; 66:2; Jer. 22:16; Ezk. 16:49;
    -
    18:12,17 ; 22:29; Hab. 3: 14; Zec. 7:lO; 9:9, exhibiting a marked affinity to the texts es-
    tablishing norms).
    Parallel to the collective emphasis, however, we can also observe an individualiza-
    tion of the term. Many plurals clearly refer to a group made up of individuals; cf. Isa.
    61:1: "to bring good news to the oppressed, to bind up the brokenhearted"; Isa. 3:15:
    "They grind the face of the poor." The phrase 'an$A 'am should also be interpreted as
    referring to a collection of individuals: "They write statutes . . . to rob the poor of my
    people of their right" (Isa. l0:l-2). The pl. aniyim fondwim resolves a group into its
    components in a way that the traditional appellative "Israel" cannot. The addition of an
    attributive expression (cf . idktr'dnt, Dt.24:14;'ammt he'dnt,8x.22:24[25]) turns the
    adj. 'dni into a substantive and a technical sociological term: the poor of the people of
    lsrael, of the (whole) land! Here we find the beginnings of a class concept (cf. Isa.
    32:7; Am.8:4).

    3. Psalms. The largest concentration of 'dnA II and its derivatives is in the Psalms.
    The two adjectives account for 38 of the 65 occurrences of the root.
    a. Singular. When we examine the 24 occurrences of the sg. 'dnt and 'andw, we rec-
    ognize the situation of the individual supplicant. The connection with the norms laid
    down by laws and literature is sometimes quite clear. The psalmist uses Zzi and certain
    synonyms to describe himselft "This poor soul cries" (Ps. 34:7[6]); "I am wretched and
    in pain (k6'eU" (69:30[29]); "I am lonely Oab?il and afflicted" (25:16); "I am poor
    and needy ('eLydn)" (40:18[17]; 70:6[5]; 86:l; 109:22; cf. 35:10; 37:14; 74:21;
    109:16; never pl.). The mortal affliction of the psalmist is evident, wrapped in the man-
    tle of liturgical conceptuality and cultic ritual, as he describes his distress. The adj. Zni
    and its synonyms is a general signal for personal affliction (see III.2 above) in all its
    manifestations. "Poor and needy" is an important formula, used also outside the
    Psalms (Dt.24:14; Jer.22:16;Ezk. 18:12:'22:29; Job 24:14:. Prov. 21:9). It expresses a
    claim and plays a special role in supplicatory ritual.6l The "patient" lays claim to his
    rights as a poor individual.62 He assigns himself to the category of those with a right to

    61. E. S. Gerstenberger, Der binende Mensch- WMANT 5l (1980), 134tr.


    62. Schwantes.
    il')V ll'dnd

    help on the part of the tutelary deity (cf. the formulas avowing innocence and confess-
    ing sin, such as Ps. 5l:6[4] and26:la,lla).63
    Of the remaining occurrences of the singular, two are textually uncertain: Ps. 14:6,
    on account of the divergent parallel tradition in Ps. 53:6(5) and the obscure meaning of
    the passage,s and Ps. 68: I l( 10) ('dni in parallel with hayyd, "flock"; possibly read cj.
    'am, "people" ). However that may be, the final redactions speak of "plans of the poor"
    (14:6) and food "for the poor" (68:11[0]), i.e., "the people" in the wilderness.65
    Finally, there are texts in which the Zni is affected by certain actions on the part of
    others or appears as a reactive supplicant. Enemies persecute the poor psalmist, seek-
    ing to kill him (Ps. 10:2,9;37:14:' 109:16; does htp in 10:9 refer to abduction? [cf. Jgs.
    2l:2ll; more likely it is a metaphor that projects fear, drawn from the language of
    hunting66). God or the king, the maintainer of order, delivers the poor supplicant from
    his affliction (Ps. 35:10; 72:12) by rendering a just verdict (82:3; 140:13[2]; cf.
    72:2,4). Ps. 34:7(6); 74:21;102:l (cf. 9:13[L2l; 12:615];22:251241) mention the prayer
    of the 'dnt, his cry for help, and his hymn of praise. All in all, the 'dnt is at the mercy of
    powerful enemies and forces at work in society. He turns to his God, asserts his desper-
    ate situation, appeals to God for vindication, trusts in God's judicial intervention, re-
    joices at his deliverance. All this takes place in the setting of a supplicatory liturgy for
    the 'dni (see above).
    b. Plural. The plural of the adjective can refer to the sum of individual fortunes as
    well as to a group, a class, or the people as a whole. Neh. 5 vividly describes a catalog
    of afflictions. Many are suffering under the adverse economic and political situation,
    each experiencing a particular hardship: the need to mortgage property (v. 3) or borrow
    (v. 4), enslavement for debt (v. 5). Bands of people living in marginal circumstances
    are mentioned in I S. 22:2 andJgs. I l:3. Ps. 12 should be read in the same light: the af-
    fliction of individuals (v. 6[5]; cf. v. 3[2]) accumulates before Yahweh and moves him
    to intervene. The summarizingkol in Ps. 76:10(9) (cf .Zeph.2:3) gives voice to the fate
    of individuals. The mention of "establishing judgment" on behalf of the oppressed is
    rooted in the notion of justice for the individual (see above); it is then extended to
    groups (Ps. 12:6[5]; 76:10[9]). The use of plural and singular forms side by side in the
    same psalm text (10:2,9,12,17; 22:25,27124,261; 25:9,16; 34:3,7[2,6); 37:ll,l4;
    69:30,33[29,32];72:2,4,12:74:19,21; 109:16,22) demonstrates not only the potential
    collective meaning of singulars but also the microstructure of the collective.
    In many cases, however, a preponderant sense of the group is clearly present,
    whether the "poor" are identified with "all Israel" (Ps.72:2;74:19; 147:6; 149:4; cf .
    Isa. 49:13) or represent a particular group, category, or stratum within Israel. Then they
    are contrasted with the "violent," the "wicked," "transgressors," "sinners," etc. How do
    such collective concepts enter into cultic usage?

    63. E. S. Gerstenberger, ?RE, XIII, 386-88.


    64. See the comms.
    65. H. Gunkel , HKAT 1U2q,289; cf. Kraus, Psalms 6U150 (Eng. trans. 1989), 44, 46, 52.
    66. For the former see A. Alt, K/S, I, 333-40: for the latter, O. Keel, Feinde und
    Gottesleugner SBM 7 (1969).
    ;tJ9, lrdna 247

    The phrase '"ntyA or 'anwA:qm clearly denotes a group (Ps.72:4; Isa. l0:2; 14:32).
    References to the exploited and persecuted poor are concentrated in Ps. 9/10; 25;34;
    37;69;72;109- The acrostic Ps.9/10 (Ps.25, 34,ard 37 are also examples of this late
    form) furnishes the clearest example. This psalm contains elements of an individual
    thanksgiving and lament, but it universalizes the description of distress and the vio-
    lence of the oppressors (esp. 10:3ff.). The shift from the catalog of individual victims
    of these machinations pressed and delivered "I" (9:2ff.[1ff.]), the op-
    - the sorely
    pressed (dak,9:lOl9l; 10:18), the helpless (? hAfka,ot 10:8,14), the orphan Oafim,
    10:14,18), the poor ('dnt, L0:2,9) plural referring to the persecuted and ex-
    - to the lO:12,17)
    ploited ('anawtmfantytm, 9:13,19[12,18]; provides the interpretive key.
    Those who used this psalm obviously thought of themselves as poor wretches,
    marginalized by the power elite, impoverished and d6class6 cf. the image of the lion
    (10:9) and the description of the blasphemous brutality of- those in power (10:3tr).
    These'andwtm constituted a cultic community, for they addressed Yahweh collectively
    ( l0: 17- 1 8); the acrostic form does not argue the contrary.6s The traditions of the poor
    and afflicted individual and the divine helper have been assimilated. There is a similar
    polarization in Ps. 34 and 37.6e Such a group is conceivable only in the context of
    exilic/postexilic community development. Ps. 25 is a communal confession of sin. Ps.
    69 and 109 have been subjected to redaction. Ps. T2bears a messianic stamp: the op-
    pressor is external (w. 4,1 1), but the rift also divides Israel (vv. 4l'aniyA:am),12-14).
    Did this development lead to a new meaningfor'andwim. "humble"? Did it become
    a self-description? We can only speculate. Our word appears occasionally in parallel
    with "brokenhearted" (Ps. 109:16,22;141:3; cf. Isa. 6l:.l;66:2). The physical affliction
    of the psalmist also has a psychic aspect (cf. the stereotyped descriptions of affliction
    inPs.22:7-19[6-18]; 38:4-9[3-8]; 55:5-6[4-5]; 69:4;etc.). The contrition and innertor-
    ment of the psalmist are also emphasized as being pleasing to God (51:19[17]). This
    language does not imply a particular spiritualization of affliction. The condition de-
    scribed by Zzi involves the total person. The group or community used the plural in the
    cult to describe their condition; they did not employ it as a self-designation, preferring
    instead such terms as saddiqtm, "the righteous" (l:5-6; 34:16[15]; 37:-17,29,39;
    69:291281;97:12; 125:3; 146:8), h"stltm, "the faithful" (30:5[4]; 3l:241231; 52:lll9l;
    79:2;85:9181; 89:20[19]; 97:.10;116:15; 148:14;149:1,5,9), yir'A yhwh, "those who
    fear Yahweh" ( l5:4; 22:241231;33: l8; 103:17; I l5: I l; I l8:4), yiirA-bp, "the upright"
    (7:11[10]; ll:2; 32:ll; 36:11[0]; 64:1l[10]; 94:15; 97:ll), and yiir€-ddrel "those
    whose way is upright" (37:14). The consonantal text uses'"ndwim (10 times) more of-

    67. -+ lll,205-6.
    68. Contra S. Mowinckel,The Psalms in Israel's Worship,2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1962), II,
    I11ff. ("never ritually used," 114); H. Gunkel and J. Begrich,lntro. to Psalm,s (Eng. trans. 1998),
    294: "superficial adornment"; cf. E. Gerstenberger, Psalms, Part I. FOTLXIV (1988),72-76 (on
    Ps. 9/10).
    69. P. A. Munch, 7AW 55 (1937) 36-46; Gunkel and Begrich, 150: "The pious belong to the
    lower classes. The rich and the powerful stand over against them." O. Michel, TRE, [Y,75:. "a
    group . . . that has separated from the rest of the people."
    i1J9 ll'and

    ten than 4ntytm (6 times). There are 2 occurrences of 'andwim as a Q reading


    (9:13.L2); lO:12; cf . 12:6151) and one of '"ntyim (9:19[l8]; cf. l0:17). There does ap-
    pear to be one bit of evidence for an idealization of humility: Nu. 12:3 describes the ex-
    emplary figure of Moses as 'andw (sg. and superlative) the only instance of concrete
    -
    historical usage! Here modesty is a virtue.7o It is of interest that one text uses the
    phrase 'i 'nh, "a humble man," as a royal predicate, possibly of cultic significance.Tl

    4. Excursus: Poverty. This word group, especially the adjectives, has occasioned nu-
    merous studies of Israel's sociological history.zz Many of these have espoused some
    form of the theory that over the course of centuries in Israel the socioeconomic concept
    of poverty developed into an ideal of spiritual poverty before God and humility toward
    God. Sociologically, this theory holds that at the end of this development the'andwtm
    represented a movement or group embracing poverty, an outgrowth of the suffering and
    oppression experienced during the exile: "Israel became 'anaw through the exile"; in
    any case, "there came into being in Israel a party that voluntarily realized that transfor-
    mation in its own life."73
    The history of poverty in Israel is part of its sociological development. The latter is
    not easy to trace. Using the sources with caution (does the OT include texts composed
    by the "poor"?), taking into account the realities of life in the ancient world, and avoid-
    ing modern thought categories, we can sketch various stages in the history of the
    Poor.z+
    Individual poverty and misery were unknown in the early family structure of Israel.
    Production and provision of life's necessities were functions of the community. If any-
    one suffered, the group also suffered, even in cases of sickness or accident. The early
    individual laments do not mention poverty: it does not appear until the socioeconomic
    system became more complex. Aggregations of latifundia, urbanization, introduction
    of a money economy, administrative centralization, all of which undermined rural fam-
    ily businesses as well as the social structure based on families and villages, were neces-
    sary conditions for the appearance of the "poor." Laws, prophetical writings, and
    psalms document a centuries-long struggle against poverty. It began during the early
    monarchy (l 5.22:2, without 'dndII; possibly Deuteronomistic language) and lasted
    into the late OT period (Lev. 25; Neh. 5; Job 24:2-9). Economic politics and the tax
    system of the Persian Empire hastened the dissolution of familial associations and the
    growth of a proletariat.T5
    In the midst of these changing social structures, with the end of political indepen-
    dence there came into being Jewish communities held together by a common tradition,

    70. Ct. 1.7 above and VI.2 below.


    71. KAr 2024.2.
    72. See the bibliog.
    73. Rahlfs, 84, 85; -+ J)rlN 'ebyiln; -->)1 dal.
    74. On methodology see G. Hamel, "Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine" (diss., Santa
    Cruz, 1983); W. Thiel, Die soziale Entwicklung Israels invorstaatlicher Zeit (21985), esp, 150ff.
    75. Kippenberg.
    ilJY ll'dna

    by temple and torah. The lexical group associated with 'dndIl probably did not attain
    its documented meaning until after the exile; most texts appear not to antedate the 6th
    century. The "misery" of the lsraelites was caused by external and internal oppression
    and exploitation, both political and social. These communities could draw on the tradi-
    tion that "Yahweh helps the poor" dating from the period of the monarchy, understand-
    ing themselves as the true Israel (collective consciousness) while repudiating the Baby-
    lonian and Persian oppressors and their domestic collaborators (particularist
    consciousness).
    We have no precise information about the extent of poverty in Israel. Natural catas-
    trophes and wars aggravated social grievances; political or economic good fortune cre-
    ated periods of temporary prosperity. The population as a whole, however, became in-
    creasingly impoverished. As had been true for ages, those who had lost their familial
    support were the most vulnerable: widows, orphans, aliens (Ex. 22:21tr.122ff.1; Dt.
    24:19-21; Job 24:3), the blind, the lame, and others with physical defects (Lev. 19:14;
    Ps. 146:8), prisoners (Ps. 68:7[6]; 69:34133); Job 36:8), smallholders (l K' 2l:1-13)'
    debtors (l5.22:2), and laborers (Lev. l9:13; Dt.2414). At the same time, the ancient
    tradition of familial and tribal unity associated with the religion of Yahweh encouraged
    solidarity with the innocent poor. Which groups of persons slipped through the safety
    net at what point is difficult to determine, but there is evidence that it happened (1 K.
    17:12; Jgs. 11:7; Gen. 37:18-28).

    V. Theology of the OPPressed.


    l. Assumptions. How did a theology of the poor come into being in Israel? Several
    factors contributed: (a) In the domain of family religion, the personal tutelary deity of
    the family was responsible for the well-being of the devotees.T6 (b) As centralized
    states developed, the king (at least in theory) as representative of the deity took respon-
    sibility for public welfare; this was the case in Israel (Ps. 72). The reform laws of
    Sumerian and Akkadian rulers from Urukagina of Lagash to Hammurabi of Babylon
    bear eloquent witness to this responsibility.zz (c) In Israel, in the incipient theocracy of
    the exilic and postexilic period, Yahweh championed the cause of the poor. "Father of
    orphans and protector of widows" is one of God's titles, reflecting the ancient familial
    ideology (Ps. 68:6[5];cf. Dt. 10:17-19; Lam.5:l-3; Isa.63:8,16;64:7[8]). (d) Priests,
    Levites, scribes, and community leaders inculcated the theology of the mighty God
    who showed mercy to each individual and in particular championed the cause of the
    poor on the principle of familial solidarity. Many of the spiritual leaders of the early
    Jewish community were so close to the people and economically underprivileged that a
    genuine theology of the poor came into being. The sufferings of the people of Israel,
    especially the impoverished rural population, were incorporated into the liturgical texts
    of the prophetic corpora and the Psalter.

    76. H. Vorlander, Mein Gott. AOAT23 (1975); R. Albertz, Persiinliche Frdmmigkeit und
    Religion (1978).
    " 7j. Rechti-
    ffizielle
    und Wirtschaftsurkunden: Historisch-chronologische Texte. TUAT Vl (1985).
    ilJ\ ll'dnd

    2. Individuals and Marginal Gruups. Yahweh preferentially cares for the needy in-
    dividuals and marginal groups. Why? The ancient laments associated with the ex-
    tended family were incorporated into the religion of Yahweh and the larger social unit.
    God's solidarity was extended to the sick (Ps. 38), the innocent victim of persecution
    (Ps. 7; 17; 26), sinners (Ps. 5l), and the 'dni, the economically destitute (Ps. 9/10; 37).
    Yahweh, God of the poor this is a heritage from familial religion in a new, extended
    -
    social setting. The impoverished individual appears as a new type of person in need of
    help. Deuteronomy speaks of orphans, widows, and aliens (as well as the Levites!) (Dt.
    lO:18; 14:29; L6:11,14;26:12-13;27:19).In Dt. 24:10-15 the 'dnt and Sdkit; the new
    categories of the underprivileged, are listed before the traditional categories (24:17 -21)
    and are equated with them. Ps. 82:3-4 names three pairs of people seeking justice: dal
    (cj.for dal)wjd16m, "the weak and the orphan"; 'dntwdrdl, "the lowly and destitute";
    alnd dal wc'epydn, "the weak and the needy," thus includingthe'antyim in the list (cf.
    Zec.7:10; Isa. 58:6-7,10). In the late psalms primary emphasis is on the 'andwtm (Ps.
    9ll0;25;34;37; ll9).
    Yahweh is also the God of the economically vulnerable; by virtue of ancient familial
    tradition, he stands in solidarity with them as a trustworthy helper and a proven savior.
    He hears the laments and the prayers of his own; to him expressions of trust and praise
    are addressed. "You do not forget the oppressed" (Ps. 10:12). "Good and upright is
    Yahweh; therefore he instructs sinners in the way. He leads the humble in what is right,
    and teaches the humble his way" (25:8-9). "My soul makes its boast in Yahweh; let the
    humble hear and be glad" QaSPI; cf.22:271261; 69:331. Enemies, however, some-
    times prevail (Ps. 9/10) "hsths1s" from the supplicant's own people (Isa. 66:5).
    -
    3. The Whole Communiry. All lsrael or more precisely the postexilic temple com-
    -
    munity and the local communities of Palestine or in exile
    - could think of themselves
    as'onawim (Isa. 14:32; 26:l-6; 4l:17 ; 49:13:' 6l:l-7 ; Znph. 2:3; Ps. I 8:28[27] ; 69:31 -
    3a [30-3 3 ] ; 7 2:2; 7 4: 18-23 ; 147 :3 -6; 1 49 :4). How does the theological language change
    when these communities become exclusive? Just as the theology of marginal groups
    draws on familial traditions, so the "all Israel" theology of the poor emerges from tra-
    ditions of the monarchy and a universalistic ideology. Universal symbols are necessary,
    the traditions of Zion and David, myths of a world mountain and battle with chaos (Ps.
    72;76; Isa. 25:1-5; 29:17-21;61:1-9). The danger ofjumping from wretchedness to a
    halo of triumphalism is greater than in the case of a smaller group. The enemy city is
    trampled by the poor (Isa. 26:6). The needy remnant of Israel will live in renewed
    glory, but God will kill the Philistines (14:30,32). Upon liberation, the depression of
    those who suffered turns into a hymn of victory (49:13). At the same time, however,
    the sufferings of the whole exilic and postexilic community bring new recognition
    (52:13-53:12): in the figure of the moribund servant ('anAil in w.4,7), contrary to all
    outward appearances, inchoate life is already present.

    4. Liberation This is in fact $e goal of all laments and supplications on the part of
    the afflicted: may Yahweh vanquish their suffering and establish the full, intact potenti-
    ality oflife. The suffererhopes forqhe restoration ofhealth and social status (Ps. 35:10;
    i179 ll'dnd 251

    40:18[17]; 69:301291). Marginal groups are to be sustained. "Indeed, there should be


    no poor among you" (Dt. 15:4). But since there are, it is the duty of society as a whole
    to rehabilitate them (Dt. 15:7-8,11; Lev. 25:25ff.). To overcome affliction means to de-
    stroy the hostile powers that cause misery. God's righteousness and power succeed,
    now and in the future, in bringing about this miracle, which is appropriately celebrated
    in hymns (cf. the rejoicing of the afflicted in Ps. 22:27[26);34:3[2);69:33132]). This is
    the beginning of true life, peace, and salvation for the afflicted. From this perspective,
    affliction is preliminary, perhaps a trial by fire for the kingdom of righteousness. Thus
    'ant and ont take on eschatological overtones (Zeph. 3:11-13; Isa. 6l:1ff.). Reflective
    wisdom can already say: "He delivers the afflicted by their affliction, and opens their
    ear by adversity" (Job 36:15; cf. 33:14-22). For the early Jewish community, suffering
    becomes a passage to salvation (Isa. 52:13-53: l2). The '"ndwim acquire special signif-
    icance. Yahweh stands in solidarity with them (Isa. 4l:17; 66:2; Ps. 18:281271;
    22:25124); etc.). They are his possession (Isa. 49:13; Ps.72:l-2), his "mediators" (Isa.
    53:4-5;62:1-5; Ps.41:2[1]; Prov. 17:5). This identification continues in full force in
    Ml25:34-40.

    VI. Broader Horizons. The "theology of the poor" has continued to be influential
    down to the present day. The OT never glorified or trivialized poverty. It had to be suf-
    fered through, and became a reference point for theological thought and language.

    l.
    Hellenism. During the 3rd century B.c.E., Greek-speaking Jewish communities
    came into existence. By using terms like tapein6s to translate 'dnA [ (see I.6 above),
    did they promote an introverted spiritualization of poverty? Hellenistic social condi-
    tions were no paradise.Ts An aristocratic social structure, deification of the king, the
    economic system (including taxation), and extravagant expenditures on arms and mili-
    tary operations could only aggravate the wretchedness ofbroad strata ofthe populace.
    The Hellenephone Jewish communities shared to some extent in the prosperity of the
    upper classes, but had to suffer the fate of an oppressed minority; they lived in the tra-
    dition of the OT. The tension inherent in such an existence is especially notable in the
    life and work of Philo of Alexandria and Flavius Josephus. The language of affliction
    and poverty therefore was not abstractly spiritualized.Te In the Greek Apocrypha and
    Pseudepigrapha (e.g., Sirach), oppression, lowliness, and poverty play an important
    role (Sir. 3:17-25;4:l-10; 7:4-7; 13:18-20; 35:14-21; etc.); the apocalypses project
    tribulation and deliverance into the eschaton (see 2 below).

    2. Judaism. We likewise find the theme of affliction and oppression in the Hebrew
    and Aramaic tradition. The original Hebrew text of Sirach may be cited as an example
    (cf. Pss. Sol.5; l0). The Zadolrite Fragment (8:13) quotes Isa. 10:2.80In I Enoch the

    78. M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2 vols. in I (Eng. trans. 1914, repr. 1981); Kip-
    penberg, 78ff.
    79. W. Grundmann, TDNT, VIII, Iff.
    80. Charles, APOT, lI, 814.
    i?,l9 ll'ann

    spirits of the giants torment the world ( 15: I I ) as the princes of the eschatological age
    do the righteous (46:8; 53:7). The paradise to come is marked by the absence of all tor-
    ment and distress for the righteous (20:6; 4 Ezra 7:ll4) and suppression of the evil
    powers ( 1 Enoch 48 :8, l0; 50:2; 62:4-5,10; 9l:12).
    Apocalyptic literature uses oppression as an eschatological commonplace. "Woe to
    you mighty, who oppress the righteous with violence. The day of your destruction is
    coming" (1 Enoch 96:8). The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, which stands closer
    to the wisdom tradition, promotes "lowliness of heart" (T. Reub.6:10). Issacharis a
    model of modesty and simplicity; he sympathizes with the "poor and weak" (T. Iss.
    4:l-5:3, esp. 5:2;6:5). Sympathy is the motto of Zebulun (T.Zeb.5:Iff.). A personal
    attitude of modesty and lowliness is also urged by Pirqe Abot (l:3; 4:4,12;6:6; etc.).
    Generosity to the poor goes without saying (1:5). The members of the Qumran sect
    were instructed along the same lines (lQS 2:24;4:3;5:3,25;9:22; 10:26). The poor
    and lowly are identified with the devout, the righteous, the elect (lQH 2:13,32,34;
    3:25; 5:13-22 [six relevant words and phrases, including 'dni and 'andwtm]; l4:3;
    18:14-15; lQM ll:9; 13:14;' l4:5-ll). Violent, colorful images describe the apostate
    antagonists and authorities (the orthodox Jews?).
    To sum up: in the different streams of OT tradition about the "poor, lowly, op-
    pressed," various nuances of our lexical family evolve in various places. Included are
    texts referring to the psychic and personal qualities, characteristics, and attitudes. But
    there is no observable "development" in the direction of spiritualization.

    3. Christianiry. The tradition continues in the NT, taking on new accents. Jesus un-
    derstands his mission as being primarily to the humble (Lk. 5:31-32; Mt. 19:14). They
    are awaiting their physician and redeemer; they are more inclined and able to accept
    the gospel of the kingdom of God than are the wealthy and the orthodox, the teachers
    of the law and the politicians. For Paul, too by virtue of theological reasoning as
    -
    well as the realities of the Christian community the priority of the lowly was clear
    (l Cor. l:26-28). -
    The OT heritage has descended through subsequent ages, primitive Christianity, the
    Middle Ages, and the dawn of the industrial age, down to the present with its contrG"
    versies over capitalism, imperialism, the social state, and the impoverishment of the
    "third and fourth worlds" in the Latin American church.8l
    Gerstenberger

    81. On the Middle Ages see M. Mollat, Die Armen im Mittelalter (1984); the history of the
    monastic orders. On the industrial age see C. Jantke and D. Hilger, ed., Die Eigentumslosen
    (1965); K. Marx and F. Engels. On the present see Croatto, Guti6rrez, Hanks, Schwantes, Tamez,
    Lohfink.
    IJYanan

    I. Occurrences and Distribution: l. Etymology; Ancient Near East; 2. OT Occurrences. II.


    Meaning and Usage: l. Meteorological Phenomenon; 2. Metaphorical Usage; 3. LXX and Dead
    Sea Scrolls.

    I. Occurrences and Distribution.


    l. Etymology; Ancient NearEasr. The noun 'dnfrn,"cloud," occurs 87 times in the OT; in
    addition,thereisahapaxlegomenon,Aram.'"nnn(Dnl.7:13),andacollectlenoun'"ndni
    (Job 3:5). The PN 'dnfrn (Neh. lo:27[Eng. v.26]) also belongs under this heading.r The
    word is probably a primary noun, for the verb 'ananpiel, found only in Gen. 9:14, has the
    meaning "cause clouds to gathet'' (figura etymologica) and is clearly denominative.
    Whether the polel form, meaning "interpret signs, divine," derives from this verb or from a
    homographic lexeme is uncertain, but the latter assumption is more likely.2
    The noun is rare outside Hebrew, occurring predominantly in later languages: in
    Jewish Aramaic, Syriac, Mandaic, and Arabic ('andn), the meaning "cloud" is clearly
    .nn
    attested.3 A noun occurs 6 times in Ugaritic texts and should probably be supplied
    ir KTU 1.2, I, 18. ln KTU 1.2,1,34-35, b'l w'nnh is generally translated "Baal and his
    servants [messengers] l'ln KTU 1.4, IY 59, we find'nn'1rt, said to mean "a seryant of
    Asherah"; similarly 'nn ilm, "servant of the gods."4 T[vo other occurrences are dam-
    .zn
    aged.s The meaning of the Ugaritic texts is unclear. Most scholars interpret as "ser-
    vant" or "messenger," deriving the Ugaritic word from a root distinct from biblical hn.
    In all the legible texts, it is associated with deities. It is therefore reasonable to accept

    'anan. E. Cassin, La splendeur divine (1968); S. Grill, Die Gewittertheophanie im AT


    Heiligenkreuzer Studien I (1931); B. Holmberg, "Herren och molnet i Gamla testamentet," SEI
    48 (1983) 3l-47: E. Jenni, "1,19 'dnnn cloudl' TLOT, ll, 937-39; J. Jeremias, Theophanie.
    WMANT l0 1z197rr' L. Kopf, 'Arabische Etymologien und Parallelen zum Bibelw0rterbuch,"
    l? 8 (1958) 16l-215; I. Ltzartaga, Las tradiciones de la nube en la Biblia y en el Judaismo
    primitivo. AnBibl 54 (1973), esp. l5-41; T. W. Mann, "The Pillar of Cloud in the Reed Sea Nar-
    iative," JBLgO (1971) 15-30; E. Manning, "La nu6e dans l'Ecriture: BVC 54 (1963) 5l-64;
    G. E. Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation (1973), esp. 32-66; A. Oepke, "veS6tr4," TDNT, IY,
    902-10; W. J. Phythian-Adams, The People and the Presence (1942); G. von Rad, "The Tent and
    the Ark," Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Eng. trans. 1966), lO3-24; P. Reymond,
    L'eau, sa vie et sa signification dans I'AT. SW 6 (1958); L. Sabourin, "The Biblical Cloud," BZB
    4 (1974) 290-312; R. B. Y. Scott, "Behold, He Cometh with Clouds," NIS 5 (1958/59) 127-32;
    idem, "Meteorological Phenomena and Terminology in the OT: 7AW 64 (1952) ll-25; L. l. J.
    Stadelmann, The Hebrew Conception of the World. AnBibl39 (1970), esp. 97ff.; E. F. Sutcliffe,
    "The Clouds as Water-Carriers in Hebrew Thought," W 3 (1953) 99-103.
    l. PNPI, 106, contra /PN 38, 184; Berz,382.
    2. For the former see HAL,11,857; cf. Jenni,937. On the discussion see Kopf, 190.
    3. See lzxSyr 533; MdD, 24; Wehr, 647.
    4. KTU 1.3,[Y,32; 1.4, VIII, 15.
    5. KTU 1.10,II, 33 and 2.8, 4.
    IJ{anan

    Mendenhall's theory that'nn as a "cloud" or "veil" of a god is the Semitic equivalent of


    AYk. melammu.
    Freedmnn Willoughby
    -
    2. OT Occurrences. T\e 87 OT occurrences are distributed as follows: 5 I in the Pen-
    tateuch (4 in Gen. 9;20 in Exodus [5 in Ex. 4Ol;2 in Leviticus; 20 in Numbers [Nu. 9-
    10, with 14 occurrences, has the densest "cloud concentration" in the OTI; 5 in Deuter-
    onomy); 2 in the Deuteronomistic History;4 in the Chronicler's History; 2 in Hosea; 1
    each in Isaiah, Deutero-Isaiah, Jeremiah, Joel, Nahum, andZnphaniah; I I in Ezekiel; 4
    in Psalms; 6 in Job; 1 in Lamentations. It is hard to assign the word to the individual
    sources of the Pentateuch, but this distribution as regards the meteorological phe-
    nomenon
    -
    is not significant. Only in accounts of theophanies do we find marked di-
    -
    vergences specific to particular sources.6 In describing a theophany J and E prefer di-
    rect (J) or indirect (E) confrontation with the deity; JE, D, and R however, frequently
    employ the cloud motif in this genre.
    Fabry

    II. Meaning and Usage.


    l. Meteorological Phenomenon. T"be occurrences are concentrated chiefly in meta-
    phorical usage, more precisely in descriptions of theophanies; clouds as a meteorologi-
    cal or atmospheric phenomenon receive little attention (Gen. 9:13-16; lsa.44:22; Job
    3:5:7:9; etc.). Only once does 'andnrefer to a cloud of incense (Ezk' 8:11), a usage
    from which the metaphor of a cloud as a sign of God's presence in the sanctuary proba-
    bly evolved (Lev. 16:13).7
    Freedman Willoughby
    -
    Besides 'dnan, the lexical field "cloud" includes the less common -s Al 'db,
    "cloudbank," -+ iTnll iafiaq, "cloud (of dust)," as well as --r )D'ty 'arapel, "thick
    clouds, darkness," qty64 "smokel' ndit', "vapor," bdztz, "thwdercloud," etc.8 In arid
    Palestine clouds were important as bringers of rain.g
    Fabry

    2. Metaphorical Usage. The OT uses clouds chiefly in similes and metaphors, in


    three ways: (a) to represent impermanence; (b) to represent opacity; and (c) on account
    of their association with storms and elemental violence, to represent a theophany.
    a. Impermanence. Hos.6:4 compares Ephraim's love of God to a morning cloud,
    and to the dew, which vanishes quickly. Because of its sins, Ephraim is like the morn-
    ing mist or the dew that goes away early (Hos. l3:3). Since Ephraim's love is not con-
    stant, Ephraim itself will not endure.

    6. See II.2 below.


    7. See further discussion below.
    8. See Scott, Reymond, Luzarraga, Jenni.
    9. See Scott, Sutcliffe; also -+ '19tl mald4 esp. VIII, 254-57.
    lJ{anan

    b. Opacity. Ezekiel uses the opacity of clouds as an image to describe Gog's over-
    whelming invasion of Israel. Gog will advance "like a cloud covering the land" (Ezk.
    38:9,16). The whole land will be devoured by a cloud from which there is no escape. In
    Lamentations the poet describes separation from God: "You have wrapped yourself
    with a cloud so that no prayer can pass through" (3:44). The opacity of clouds or the
    impenetrability of the morning mist is used to describe the total inaccessibility of the
    deity.
    c. Theophany. The association of clouds with storms, tempests, and the powerful
    forces of nature is used by the prophets when they want to describe God's anger against
    his enemies (7.eph.1:15 = Joel 2:2; Nah. l:3;Ezk.30:3,18; 32:7;34:12). God's appear'
    ance on the "day of Yahweh"lo is depicted by thick clouds and darkness (baieb; ruin
    and destruction will reign. Storm clouds provided the prophets an impressive image for
    describing the devastating anger of God toward his enemies. This use of 'anan is rooted
    in the ancient tradition of describing God as wrapped in a cloak of clouds or light (Ps.
    104:2).
    Quite independently of what source stratum they belong to, all the theophany de-
    scriptions with 'andn are associated with the exodus and wilderness tradition. While J
    sees Yahweh himself at work in the act of deliverance, and E the mal'aft hd'eldh?m, the
    JEmateriallI tses'ammfi!'dndn,"pillar of cloud,"togetherwith'ammfi/ ?,i, "pillarof
    fire," to describe how God appears to the Israelites (Ex. 13:21'22; 14:19,24; Nu. l2:5;
    Neh. 9:12,19; Nu. l4:14). The pillar of cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night lead
    the Israelites and protect them from the Egyptians. The Deuteronomist speaks instead
    only of the "cloud" (Ex. 14:20), darkness, and fire (Nu. 9:15,22; Dt. 1:33); P once
    again understands Yahweh and his knbbd as the effectual agent, but combines kdbbd,
    "glory," with'dnan: God's glory is in the cloud (Ex. 16:10; cf. Ezk.10:3-4; I K. 8:10-
    ll=2Ch.5:13-14).
    According to Ex. 33:9- 10, too, Yahweh is present only in the "pillar of cloud" in the
    tent of meeting. The cloud indicates God's presence while at the same time concealing
    God's radiance (= kdbdd in P). God appears veiled within the cloud to Moses on Mt.
    Sinai to present him with the law (Ex. 19:9,16; 24:15-18;34:5; cf . Dl 5:22, where we
    also find ?,i1. The 'dnan also veils God when God descends to speak with Moses (Nu.
    I l:25) and with Aaron and Miriam (Nu. 12:5; Ps. 99:7). It reveals God's presence in
    the tent of meeting (Ex.40:34,38; Nu. 9:15-22; 17:7U6:42); Dt. 3l:15) and in the tem-
    ple at its dedication (l K. 8:10-ll =2Ch.5:13-14).
    Thus "cloud" and "fire" symbolize God's being and presence, while at the same
    time concealing God's nature. By contrast, the mal'af; yhwh, "angel of Yahweh," is an
    emissary endowed with divine authority.t2 The long argument between Moses and
    Yahweh over who will accompany the Israelites on their journey through the wilder-
    ness and if necessary into the promised land makes the difference clear. Yahweh says

    lO. -> l1: y6m.


    Die Meerwundererztihlung. ilAT 9 (1985), 272.
    I 1. P. Weimar,
    12. -+'1N)A mafdS.
    lJl 'anan

    that he will send his messenger (mal'dft,8x.23:20,23;32:34), but Moses insists that
    Yahweh come in person (33:.12-34:.9). Veiled in a cloud, God actually leaves the tradi-
    tional abode on Mt. Sinai to go with Israel.
    In Ex. 14:19 redaction has effaced the distinction between God hidden in the pil-
    lar of cloud (JE) and God's messenger: "The angel of God (mal'al hd'cldhtm) who
    was going before the Israelite army arose and went behind them" (v. l9a); the pillar
    of cloud ('ammfi/ he'dndn) executes the same movement (v. 19b). The angel of God
    and the pillar of cloud are two different modes of treating the same event, even when
    the descriptions do not match. The 'dndn mediates Yahweh's presence, whereas the
    angel acts as Yahweh's agent; the "cloud" shows that Yahweh is present in person;
    the messenger indicates that Yahweh, present somewhere else, is represented by his
    agent.
    Freedman Willoughby
    -
    Mendenhall suggests that'anan is an earlier theophanic term than mal'df,. This the-
    ory may be correct; but it is not supported by current German pentateuchal criticism,
    which concludes that mal'dft is specific to the earlier E, in contrast to the pillar of cloud
    of the later JE and the cloud of the Deuteronomist. It is possible for later strata to con-
    tain earlier traditions.
    Fabry

    Moses spoke with Yahweh "face to face" (Nu. 14:14; Ex.33:ll). In these passages
    Yahweh removed the concealing cloud, which actually represents an element protect-
    ing the partner in dialogue with God: when Moses came down from Sinai, his face re-
    flected the radiance of the k"!68 yhwh (Ex. 34:29-35). All the Israelites were allowed
    to see the cloud and the fire, but only Moses was allowed to look on Yahweh without
    his "veil."
    The kabOd is in the cloud (Ex. 16:10; 1 K. 8: l0-l l; Ezk. 10:3-4) that floats around
    andabovethecoverof thearkinthemostholyplaceof thetentof meeting (Lev.16:2).
    In Ezekiel's vision of God's appearance (Ezk. l:4,28), the figure of God can be seen
    as a human form within a fiery cloud (v. 4). In short, OT theophanic terminology is not
    invariant. What can be seen is described as a "pillar of fire" or "pillar of cloud" (often
    depending on whether it is day or night), sometimes simply as a "cloud" (the omission
    of "pillar" [-+ 1lDI 'ammdfl being apparently unimportant) or a "pillar of cloud and
    fire" (Ex. 14:24). Mendenhall suggests a religio-historical connection between 'dndn
    and Akk. melammu, the "awe-inspiring radiance" masking the deity, and between 'd.f
    and Akk. pulufutu, the "fearsomeness" in which the deity is clothed when appearing to
    mortals.13 Mendenhall states: 'These theophanies become reality in human experience
    and in the corresponding human reaction to them" (see the eschatological texts Dnl.
    7:13-14 and Isa.4:5).
    Freedman Willoughby
    -

    13. See AHw, II, 643, 878-79.


    119,'apar

    IIII. LXX and Dead Sea Scrolls. The LXX consistently uses nephdle or ndphos to
    translate 'anan atd'db,t+ rurely sk6tos (Ex. 14:20) or gn6phos (Dt. 4:ll; Isa.
    44:22).
    ^rr"
    In the Dead Sea Scrolls 3 occurrences of'anan have been identified. The messenger
    concept appears in lQM 12:9, "Our cavalry are like clouds."ls The other occurrences
    (4QDibHama 6:10 and 4QDibHamc 126:2) recall the presence of God in the cloud and
    pillar of fire (Ex. 14:24).
    Fabry

    14. -r X,375;cf. Oepke, TDNT,lY,902.


    15. See the discussion --> X,375-76.

    1l\ 'apar;aDe 'pr; lflS ?per

    I. l. Etymology; 2. Occurrences; 3. LXX. II. General Usage: l. Loose Earth, Dirt; 2. Soil,
    Ground;3. Dust;4. Ashes;5. Plaster, Debris. III. Figurative Usage: l. Multitude;
    2. Worthlessness;3. Devastation;4. Humiliatiou 5.'dper IV. Religious Significance: l. God
    Casts Down and Raises Up; 2. Rites of Abasement and Self-Abasement; 3. Self-Abasement
    Formulas; 4. Return to Dust; 5. The Grave and the Netherworld. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    L l. Etymology. The root ?r appears as a common Semitic nominal stem meaning


    "loose earth, dust."l Besides Hebrew, it is found in Akkadian,z Ugaritic, Arabic, Ara-

    'dpdr S. Abir, "Das Erdreich als Schtipfungselement in den Mythen der Urgeschichtei Jud 35
    (1979) 23-27,125-30; G. W. Coats, "Self-Abasement and Insult Formulasi' JBL89 (1970) 14-26;
    M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic lrxicography VII," Bibl 50 (1969) 352: P. Fronzaroli, Studi sul
    lessico comune semitico. AANLRVilUZ3 (1968), 271,28'7,298; A. Guillaume,'A Note on Num-
    bers xxiii l0: W 12 (1962) 335-37: J. Heller, "Noch zu Ophra, Ephron und Ephraim," W 12
    (1962) 339-41; J. Hempel, Gott und Mensch im AT. BWANT 38 1z1936r' E. Kutsch,
    "Trauerbriiuche" und " Selbstminderungsiten" im AT. ThS 78 (1965); E. Y. Kutscher, 't,19- l' lzl
    27128 (19il) 183-88; C. Rabin, "Etymological Notes." Tarbiz33 (196316r'.) 109-17; A. F. Rainey,
    I
    "Dust and Ashes," Tbl Aviv loumal (1974) 77-83; N. H. Ridderbos, '"rQ{ als Staub des
    Totenortes," OfS 5 (1948) 174-78; W. H. Schmidt, Die Schdpfungsgeschichte der Priesterschrifi.
    WMANT 17 12196'r'r, 197-99, 214-18; A. Schwarzenbach, Die geographische Terminologie im
    Hebriiischen des ATs (1954), 123-29; R. Smend, 'Asche," BHI{W, I, 136; K. L. Tallqvist,
    Sumerisch-akladische NamenderTbtenwelt. StOrY14 (1934); L. WAchter, DerTbd imAT AzTIllS
    (1967), 48-52,97-106, 161; idem, "Unterweltsvorstellung und Unterweltsnamen in Babylonien,
    Israel und Ugarit," MIO 15 (1969) 327-36; G. Wanke, '.tQ{apdr dlstl' TLOI,1.,939-41.

    l. Fronzaroli, 27 l, 287, 298.


    2. W. von Soden, Z{ 76 (1986) 155.
    1l{apdr

    maic, and Syriac. From this stem Hebrew forms the notJn'ApAr and its verbal deriva-
    tive 'pr piel, "throw dirt."
    The noun 'Eper, which resembles 'dpdr phonologically, partially corresponds to it
    semantically. It is found only in Hebrew, Jewish Aramaic, and Ethiopic.3 Until re-
    cently, '€per was translated as "ashes." Barth defined it as synonymous with 'dpdr with
    the original meaning "dust"; Zimmern explained it as a loanword from AY,k. epru.a
    This explanation appeared to solve the problem, especially since the linguistic devel-
    opment of epru from pr in Akkadian is easy to explain.s Schwarzenbach and Rainey
    take other approaches. Schwarzenbach does not dispute Zimmern's theory, but seeks to
    demonstrate a semantic distinction between 'dpdr and'dper on the evidence of differ-
    ing lexical fields, returning to the traditional translation "dust" for 'cper6 Rainey main-
    tains that the etymology of 'eper is still a riddle.T The word, he claims, refers to the
    ashes found in all settled sites, which were mixed with clay or dirt to reinforce streets.
    This theory by no means refutes Zimmern's etymology.

    2. Occurrences. There are I l0 occurrences of 'dpdr in the OT, only 2 of which (Job
    28:6; Prov. 8:26) are in the plural. Its frequency varies greatly in the different books: 26
    occurrences in Job, l3 in Psalms, l5 in Isaiah, none at all in Jeremiah. The verb 'prpiel
    appears only in 2 S. 16:13.
    There are 22 occunences of 'Zpeq mostly in relatively late texts (Job, Esther, Trito-
    Isaiah, Ezekiel). The only preexilic texts are 2 S. 13:19, Jer.6:26, and possibly Gen.
    18:27.

    3. LXX. The most common translations in the LXX are gd 1+l times) and choris (41
    times). Nine times the LXX uses ch6ma (which like chorts has the basic meaning
    "heaped-up earth") and 4 times idaphos, "soil!'
    Dt.9:21 twice translates 'apar with l<oniort6s, "(cloud o0 dust," which elsewhere
    represents 'apdq. In promises of increase, the translations dmmos, "sand" (3 times),
    and spdrma (Nu. 23: l0) are striking. Job l4:8 uses the translation p/rra, "stone"; in Job
    30:6, however, petr6n represents kdpim and 'dpdr is untranslated. The same is true in
    Job 4:19: pel6s, "clayJ'does not stand directly for'dpdr Nu. 19:17 deals with ashes,
    and therefore the translation spodia is used.
    The variation in translation is based only in part on perceived semantic differences
    (when 'dpdr refers to plaster or rubbish, choils is always used); in part the choice of
    word depends on the personal preference of the group of translators. In Job the LXX
    prefers Sd (tl times), as in Isaiah; in Psalms choils predominates (10 times).
    Thetranslationof 'dperisuniform: spod6s, "ashes";onlyNu. 19:l0usesthesynon-

    3. [,eslau, Contibutions, ll.


    4. J. Barth, Etymologische Studien,2O-21;H. Zimmern, Akkadische Fremdwdrter (21917),
    43; AHw, 1,222-23; CAD, lY, 184, 19O,246.
    5. Heller, 339.
    6. P. 128.
    7. P. 81.
    al{apar

    ymous spodia, since spod6s appears already in the preceding clause. Job 2:8 is an ap-
    parent exception, with koprfa, "dung heap." But the LXX reflects a different textual
    tradition: according to the MT, Job sits at home among the'dpe4 whereas according to
    the LXX he sits outside the city on a dung heap.

    II. General Usage. Starting from the basic meaning "loose earth, dirt, du,st]' 'apar
    developed a range of meanings, extending on the one hand as far as "ground" and on
    the other as far as "ashes."

    l. Loose Earth, Dirt. The Philistines fill the wells with loose earth ('dpAr) to make
    them unusable (Gen. 26:15). The blood spilled when animals or birds are slaughtered
    is to be covered with earth (Lev. 17:13). The Chaldeans heap up earth to capture for-
    tresses (Hab. l:10). Shimei throws stones and flings clods of earth ('ippar be'dpdr) at
    David (2 S. I 6: I 3). Ezk. 24:7 vividly describes Jerusalem's bloodguilt: the blood she
    shed was poured on bare rock rather than on the ground ('al- ha'are;). where it could be
    covered with earth (l'kass6!'dldyw'dpdrEzk.24:7).By contrast, Job 16:18 reads: "O
    earth ('eres), do not cover my blood." The same notion appears in Isa. 26:21. Thus
    meanings of 'dpdr and'ere; intersect.s The same holds true for 'a/amA.e Gen.2:7
    God "formed man from earth ('apar), from the ground (min-hd'a4dmA)" -
    distin-
    guishes loose earth ('dpar) from the ground ('adamd). -
    In Gen. 3:19, however, the state-
    ments about returning to the 'aQdmd from which the man was taken and returning to
    dust are placed in parallel. Even ifthere is a traditio-historical explanation for the dif-
    ference,lO these two passages nevertheless reveal that the meanings of 'Apdr and
    'ajdmd also intersect. For this reason, too, the "dust" sprinkled on the head in rituals of
    (self-)abasement (see IV.2 below) can be called 'dpdr or 'Eper as well as 'o/dmd.

    2. Soil, Ground. In Job 5:6 "ground, soil" is the meaning of both 'dpdr and'"Qdmdin
    the parallel statement: "Misery does not come from the soil (m€'dpdrl, nor does trouble
    sprout from the ground (fim€'gy'dmA)." In Job l4:8 and lsa. 34:7, 'ere; and 'apar are
    used synonymously side by side. In Isa. 34:9, too, 'ApAr means "soil." Snakes are
    called "ground creepers" zdl.t"lA 'dpdr inDt.32:24, zdh"b 'ere; inlu{ic. T:17 .Iron is
    taken out of the ground
    -
    ('dpdr Job 28:2); tonents of rain can wash away the topsoil of
    the land (Job 14:19). Isa.2: 19 assumes more permanent features: "They will enter
    cavesof therocksandcavesof theground (m"bill6!'dpdr)fromtheterrorof Yahweh"
    (cf. v. 10). Job 30:6 also mentions holes in the ground (l.tdrA'dpdr), and 38:38 speaks
    of the ground's baking solid (b"geqe1'dpdr lammfrsdq).
    Finally, as a further development of the meaning "ground," 'dpdr could refer to the
    earth in the comprehensive sense. Job 4l:25(Eng. v. 33) says of the crocodile: "On
    earth it has no equal" ('An:al-'dpdr moil6). This may also be the meaning in 19:25.

    8. -+ IIN 'ere;, I1.2.


    9. -+ |IDTN -dAmA, \.2.a; Ill.2.a.
    10. C. Westermann, Genesis 1 -1 1 (Eng. trans. 1984), 204-5; Schmidt, 216.
    1l{apar

    3. Dust. [n a number of texts (e.g., Gen. 2:7;3:19), it is possible to waver between


    the translations "earth" and "dust" for 'apar. The situation in DL 28:24, however, is
    clear:"Yahwehwillchangetherainof yourlandintopowder ('abad anddust ('dpdr)."
    The word for the fine dust stirred up by horses and pedestrians and carried off by the
    wind,'dpdq (also Isa. 5:24;29:5;Ezk.26:10; Nah. l:3; soot: Ex. 9:9), is here conjoined
    with'dpdr.
    Dust ('dpdr) is raised by threshing (2 K. l3:7); it lies on the floor of dwellings
    (Nu. 5:17) and sticks to people's feet (Isa. 49:23). Aaron strikes the dust of the earth
    ('opar hd'dres) with his staffand the dust turns into gnats (Ex. 8:12-13[16-17]). The os-
    trich leaves its eggs on the ground (ta'azOb ld'dre;) to be warmed in the dust ('al-'dpdr)
    (Job 39:14). The snake eats or licks dust (Gen. 3:14; Isa.65:25; Mic.7:17). The use of
    'dpdr in the sense of dust is common in figurative expressions (see III below) and self-
    abasement formulas (see IV.3 below).

    4. Ashes. a. 'dpar Now and agun,'apdr can denote ashes or dust mixed with ashes.
    The latter usage occurs in Dt. 9:21: the image of a calf made by the Israelites is burned,
    crushed, and ground until it is reduced to dust (daq l"'apar). A similar process is de-
    scribed in 2 K. 23:4,6 (also vv. 12,15, without mention of burning: altars are the objects
    destroyed). Solid metal images could not have been ground to dust, much less burned.
    This was possible, however, in the case of images with a wooden core overlaid with
    gold or silver; the production of such images is described in polemics against idolatry
    (Isa. 40:19-20;41:6-7;44:9-20; etc.). When such an image is burned, the'dpdr in-
    cludes a substantial component of ashes.
    The pure ashes ofthe red heifer used in the preparation ofwater for purification are
    the subject of Nu. 19:17.
    b. 'dper The same ashes are called 'Eper in Nu. 19:9-10. This is the domain where
    the meanings of 'dpdr and 'Eper coincide. The range of meanings of 'Eper is narrower
    than that of 'dpdr; 'Eper always denotes loose dust or ashes. The translation "ashes,"
    traditional since the LXX, limits the range of meanings. Nu. 19:9-10 provides the only
    clear basis for this translation, which is probably also correct in Ps. 147:16: "He gives
    snow like wool, he scatters frost like ashes (kfr'dper))' The situation differs in 2 S.
    l3:19: since Tirmar has been ejected from house and home when she puts'Eper on her
    head, the word can only refer to dust.

    5. Plaster Rubble. Starting from the meaning "loose earth," 'apar can also take on
    the meaning "plaster" or "rubble." A house infected with "leprosy" is scraped down
    and the plaster ('dpa) is dumped in an unclean place (Lev. 14:41,45); new plaster is
    used when the house is repaired (14:42).In I K. 18:38, too, 'dpdr probably refers to
    plaster: fire consumes the burnt offering, the wood, the stones, and the 'dpdr of the Car'
    mel sanctuary.ll The rubble of destroyed cities is mentioned in I K. 20:10; Ps.
    102:15(14); Neh. 3:34;4:4(10). The same meaning is probably found in Ezk.26:4,12:

    I l. Schwarzenbach, 125.
    1l{apar 261

    the oracles against Tyre speak of demolishing walls and towers (v. 4) or walls and
    houses (v. l2), and then of the 'dpdr that is swept (vv. 4-5) or cast into the sea along
    with stones and timber (v. 12).

    III.Figuratlve Usage.
    l. Multitude. Like l.t6l, "sand," 'dpdr is used in some passages to suggest
    an incalcu-
    lable multitude. This usage appears in promises of multiplication of descendants (Gen.
    13:16;28:14). Israel is as numerous as the dust of the earth, says Solomon in 2 Ch. 1 :9.
    The meaning of Nu. 23:10 ("Who can count the dust of Jacob?") is disputed. The
    ancient versions do not paint a uniform picture, and the proposed emendations are not
    helpful. Rabin and Guillaume attempt to interpret the text as it stands with the aid of
    Arabic, Rabin by connecting 'dpdr with Arab. {afir(d.), "multitude," Guillaume by cit-
    ing Arab. 'ifr; "warior": "Who can count the warriors of Jacob?"12 Heavy reliance on
    Arabic "parallels" is problematic.
    Ps.78:27 shows how close'apar can come in meaning to fi61: "He rained flesh on
    them like dust (l<e'dpdr), winged birds like the sand of the sea (k"h6l yammtm);' lsa.
    40:12 probably also refers to a multitude: "Who has enclosed the dust of the earth
    ('apar ha'ares) in a measure?"

    2. Worthlessness. The notion of worthlessness appears in passages that choose Tpar


    as a parallel for "dirt" or "dung." Examples areZpc.9:3, "Tlre has . . . heaped up silver
    like dust and gold like the dirt of the streets (kcyty lti;fu)"; and Job 27:16, "tholgh they
    heap up silver like dust and pile up clothing like clay (lal.tdmer)." Zeph. l:17b uses
    'dpdr in parallel with g"laltm, "dung"; Ps. 18:43(42) (= 2 S. 22:43) in parallel with rir
    htts61, "dirt of the streets."

    3. Devastation. The last examples appear in contexts describing total devastation.


    The same is true of 2K. l3:.7, which records that the king of Aram made the Israelites
    like the dust at threshing ('dpdr h!Ai), and Isa. 4l:2, which says of Cyrus: "His sword
    makes them like dust (ke'dpdrl,like driven stubble (keqai niddap) his bow." Quite sim-
    ilar are texts like Isa.25:12 and26:5, which threaten a city with destruction and devas-
    tation "even to the dust" ('ad:dpdr).

    4. Humiliation. When referring to human individuals, such idioms express humilia-


    tion and abasement. Ps. 7:6(5): "Then let my enemy . . . trample my life to the ground
    (ld'dre;) and lay my soul in the dust (le'dpdr yaikEn)." Ps. I 19:25:- "My soul clings to
    the dust" (cf. Ps. 44:261251). Job 30:19: "He has cast me into the mire (lahomerl, and I
    have become like dust and ashes ('dpdr wd'dperf'
    "Licking the dust" of someone's feet is a sign of total submission. Isa. 49:23 prom-
    ises exiled Israel that kings and princesses "with their faces to the ground will bow
    down to you and lick the dust of your feet" (cf. Ps. 72:9; Mic. 7:17).

    12. Rabin, 114; Guillaume,336-37.


    1l{dpar

    5. 'Cper For this group of meanings, analogous texts use 'Eper instead of 'apar
    Worthlessness and futility are the point of the saying in Isa. M:ZO: "He who herds
    ashes (ro'eh'Eper)has been led astray by a deluded heart." This idiom is comparable to
    "herding wind" (r7l rfial.t, Hos. l2:2UD. "Proverbs of ashes" or "proverbs of dust"
    (miib 'Eper Job 13:12) are spoken into the wind, without value or eldurance.
    Total destruction is the aim of the oracle against the king of Tyre in Ezk. 28:18: "I
    turned you into dust on the earth (l"'€per 'al-hd'dre;))' The same is true in Mal.
    3:21(4:3): "You shall tread down the wicked, for they will be dust under the soles of
    your feet ('Eper tahat kappdt ragbf;em)!'The same idiom is also found in Akkadian.13
    In Job 30: 19 utter abasement is expressedby 'dpdr wa'eper (see above). In Lam. 3:16,
    in the context of other expressions of abasement, we find, "He made me cower in the
    dnst" (hif;piian? bd'dper). Comparable is Ps. 102:10(9): "For I eat ashes like bread."
    There are very close parallels from Babylonia, where "eat dust" is tantamount to "be
    vanquished."l4

    IV. Religious Signifrcance.


    l. God Casts Down and Raises Up. When 'dpdris used figuratively, a religious
    component is often present. It can be a human enemy who casts down into the dust,
    who destroys and abases, but it can also be God (Isa. 25:12; 26:5; Ezk. 26:4,12; Zeph.
    I : I 7b; etc.). This is especially frequent in the case of self-descriptions by supplicants
    (Ps. I l9:25; Job 30:19; etc.). But God, who casts down into the dust, can also raise the
    abased individual from the dust (l S. 2:8; I K.16:2; Ps. 113:7; Isa. 6l:3, p"'er tuha1
    'dpe4 "a garland instead of ashes"). Through the mouth of a prophet, God addresses Je-
    rusalem (Isa. 52:2): "Shake off your dust" (hilna'art mE'dpdr). Contrariwise, the
    prophet bids Babylon: "Come down and sit in the dust, virgin daughter Babylon! Sit on
    the ground without a throne, daughter Chaldea!" (47:l).

    2. Rites of Abasement and Self-Abasement. This usage reflects rites of abasement


    and self-abasement common in Israel and the ancient Near East.l5 An Ugaritic myth
    describes El's reaction to the news of Baal's death: he descends from his throne and sits
    upon the ground, "he strews ashes ( rnr) of mourning upon his head, dust ('pr) in which
    he rolls upon his pate."l6 The response to occasions of lrief or serious disaster, whether
    experienced or anticipated, was to tear one's garments, put on a mourning garment
    (sackcloth, iaq), fast, put dust on one's head, sit on the ground, and roll in the dust.
    When the attack on Ai failed, Joshua and the elders of Israel tore their clothes, fell to
    the ground on their faces, and "put dust on their heads" (Josh. 7:6). Messengers bearing
    newsof adefeat(1S.4:12;2S. 1:2)comewithtornclothesandearth ('aQdmA) ontheir
    heads. Hushai appears before King David in the same attire following the revolt of Ab-
    salom (2 S. 15:32). Other texts that mention putting dust on one's head include 2 S.

    13. AHw, l, 223: CAD, IV 186-87.


    74. AHw, l, 223: CAD, IY 186.
    15. Kutsch, 26-35.
    16. KTU 1.5, VI, llff. See WUS, nos. 295,2227.
    al{apar

    13:19 ('eper); Ezk.27:30 ('dpar); Lam. 2:10 ('dpdr); Neh. 9:1 ('"4dnrd); cf. also 1 Mc.
    4:39; ll:71;3 Mc. 1:18; Jdt. 4:15; 9:l; Rev. 18:19. Lam. 2:10 lists sitting on the
    ground, dust on the head, putting on sackcloth (:iaq), and bowing the head to the
    ground.
    When Job's friends see him sitting in the dust in his misery (Job 2:8), they tear their
    robes and throw dust ('ApAr) in the air on their heads (v. l2). Tlvo rites are combined
    here: the abasement rite of "dust on the head" and the rite of forcing back upon its
    bearer (cf. Ex. 9:8,10).17
    Mordecai (Est.4:1) "tore his clothes and put on sackcloth and ashes." V. 3 goes on
    to say: "Sackcloth and ashes were handed out to the multitude." Does this mean that a
    supply of ashes or dust was kept for occasions of general distress, to lend greater force
    to prayers through a communal ritual of rolling in dust or ashes? Mic. l: l0 speaks of
    rolling in 'dpdr Jer. 6:26 of rolling in '€per (par. putting on sackcloth); the ritual is al-
    luded to in Jer. 25:35 and Ezk. 27:30 (pu.'dpdr on the head). Isa. 58:5; Jon. 3:6; and
    Dnl. 9:3 also mention sackcloth and ashes as a sign of self-abasement.
    Rites of self-abasement are also met with in the secular realm (elsewhere in the an-
    bient Near East as well).I8 They were performed in the hope of being spared affliction
    (l K.20:31tr).
    The hope to be spared is the goal above all in the religious realm. Through these rit-
    uals, the worshiper submits humbly to God and implores God's mercy (Larn. 3:29:
    "Let him put his mouth in the dust there may yet be hope").
    -
    3. Self-Abasement Formula.s. Such humble submission to God also finds verbal ex-
    pression in words of self-abasement.le When Job submits to God (Job 42:6), he de-
    clares that he recants and repents in dust and ashes. In addressing God, Abraham refers
    to himself as dust and ashes (Gen. 18:27).
    Job's lament (Job 16: l5), "I have sewed sackcloth upon my skin and have laid my
    horn in the dust (we'dlalti pe'dpdr qarnt)]'contains a double expression of abasement:
    his mourning garment is never removed from his body, and he is profoundly humili-
    ated. "Raising one's horn," an image of pride borrowed from the bull (l S.2:l; Ps.
    75:.5-6,11[4-5,10]), has turned into its opposite for Job, a metamorphosis further un-
    derlined by the word "dust."2o'
    Ps. 103:14 emphasizes that we mortals are simply dusq Job 4: 19 calls human beings
    "dwellers in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust," an allusion to the physical
    composition and frailty of the human body.
    The same point can be expressed by other images, above all that of withering grass
    (Isa. 40:8; 5l:12; Ps. 90:5-6; 103:15- 16) or a shadow (Ps. 102:128 l); 144:4; Job 8:9;
    l4:2; I Ch. 29l.15; etc.).21 Such expressions emphasizing the transitoriness of human

    17. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XYI (1963), 104, 106.
    18. Kutsch, 30.
    19. Coats.
    20. Fohrer, KAT ){VI, 289.
    21. See Wiichter,Tod, g3-106. On "withering grass" +'l'3tl fti.sir; on "shadow" -+ )I sar.
    1DY 'aDdr

    life serve to incline God to be merciful but at the same time to glorify God's imperish-
    able greatness.

    4. Return to Dust. The saying "For you are dust and to dust you shall return" (ti-
    'ApAr 'afiA w"'el:dpdr tdifrU, originally independent,22 has been attached to the sen-
    tence pronounced on the man in Gen. 3:19. It emphasizes impressively the transitori-
    ness of human life. "Return to dust" is also mentioned in Ps. 90:3 (with dakkd);
    lO4:29;146:4 (with '"ddmd); Job 10:9; 34:14-15;Eccl.3:20; l2:7 (with'ere,r). The no-
    tion of the breath of life, which God has given (Gen. 2:7) and can take away (Ps.
    104:29; 146:4; lob 34:14-15; Er,cl. l2:7), is therewith connected. According to Eccl.
    3:18-21, humans and animals suffer the same fate: they are made of dust and must re-
    turn to dust (v. 20). The author questions whether the breath of human goes upward (to
    God) and that of animals downward to the earth ('ere;), i.e., the netherworld. As to the
    breath, this question is answered positively in Eccl. l2:7: the dust returns to the earth,
    the breath tAaD to God who gave it.
    The statement that humans are dust and will return to dust is probably associated
    with the burial rites of ancient Palestine. The dead were not buried in arable land;
    mountain caves were used for bench tombs, in which the decay of the remains into dust
    could be observed in the course of new burials.

    5. The Grave and the Netherworld. Therefore the dead can be equated with dust (Ps.
    30: l0[9]), the departed are called "dwellers in the dust" (i6kenA 'dpdr, Isa. 26:19), the
    expression "dust ofdeath" is used (Ps. 22:16[5]), and the dying can be described as
    lying down in the dust (Job 7:21;20:ll;21:26). Of course this language refers to the
    tomb, but the notion of the netherworld probably also played a role in many cases.23
    In Ps. 30:10(9) the parallel to "Will the dust praise you? Will it tell of your faithful-
    ness?" is "What profit is there in my blood, if I go down to the Pit?"24 The words "go
    down to the Pit," in the OT usually yrd b6rzs (Isa. 38:18; Ezk. 26:20; 3l:14,16;
    32:18,24,25,29-30; Ps. 28:l; 30:4[3]; 88:5[4]; 143:7; Prov. l:12), refer to a journey to
    the netherworld. In Ps. 22:30(29) "go down to the dust" (yrd'dpdr) has the same mean-
    ing. Job 17:16 uses "go down to the netherworld (te'61)" in parallel with "descend into
    the dust." In Isa. 26:19 the context suggests that "dwellers in the dust" are the inhabit-
    ants of the netherworld; this interpretation is supported by the use of the word r"pdim,
    "shades," in the same verse. The "land of dust" ('aQma1 'dpdr Dnl. l2:2) from which
    many who sleep will awake is the netherworld: the Akkadian expression bit epri is the
    exact equivalent.26 "Dust" could be an appropriate term for both the tomb and the neth-

    22. Schmidt, 216-17; W Schottroff, Der alttestamentliche Fluchspruch. WMANT 30 (1969),


    153; Westermann, Genesis 1-l l, 263-67.
    23. --> )]xul i"?/; see Tallqvisq Ridderbos, 174-78; Wiichter, Tod, 48-52; idem,
    "Unterweltsvorstellung," 329 -34.
    24. + nnui iaha!.
    25. -+ 'lNl be'er lll.
    26. Thllqvist, 37; AHw,1,223.
    ?Y z1

    erworld because the netherworld, a great open space in the bowels of the earth, was
    thought to be as dusty as a tomb.

    v. Dead sea scrolls. The Dead sea scrolls, especially the Hodayot, conrain a
    wealth of terms of self-abasement (cf. Job). Among these, expressions using 'apdr oc-
    cupy a significant place. Mortals are dust (lQH 15:21), creatures of dust (18:31), piles
    of dust (12:25), creatures of dust and clay (l l:3; l8:12), created (3:2I) or formed (leS
    l1:21) from dust, structures of dusr shaped with water (lQH 13:15), taken from dust
    and formed from clay (12:24). They are formed of clay and their desire is for dust ( I eS
    ll:22); they are dust and ashes ( lQH l0:5), having ears (18:4,27) and hearts (18:24) of
    dust.
    The expression "return to dust" is common (lQH l0:4,12; 12:26-27,fly.zt
    God can raise up out of the dust (lQM 14:14). Into the hand of the poor those
    bowed into the dust are delivered the enemies of all nationalities ( I QM I I :-I 3). The
    - in the dust," i.e., suffer oppression, will raise a banner (leH
    sons of light who "lie
    6:34) and be raised from the dust (ll:12).
    By contrast, secular usage of 'dpdr recedes into the background. In leH 5:27 slan-
    derers are called "creepers in the dust" (z6h"b'dpdr) (cf.Dt.32:24), in conjunctions
    with other allusions to snakes. In cD ll:10-ll and 12:15-16,'dpdr means "loose
    earth." In IQH 3:13-14 the yoi"la 'apd4 "inhabitants of the dust," are contrasted to
    those who travel on the sea; here 'apdr is equivalent to "dry land."
    l lQT 53:6 requires that blood spilled when animals are slaughtered be covered with
    'dpdr (cf. Lev. l7:13).
    Wdchter

    27. H. J. Fabry, Die Wurzel ifib in den Qumran Literatun BBB 46 (1975), I 10-20.

    L Ancient Near East: I . Egypt;2. Mesopotamia. II. 1. Etymology and Meaning; 2. occurrences;
    3. Lexical Field.III. secular usage: l. Tree, Trees; 2. wood; 3. Fruit Trees. IV. Religious Usage:
    l. Sacred Trees; 2. Tree of Life; 3. Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. V. Metaphorical
    Usage: l. Tree;2. Wood; 3. Related Metaphors. VI. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    ?s. L. Alonso-schtikel, Das AT als literarisches Kunstwerk (1971); P. J. Becker, "wurzel und
    wurzelspross," BZ20 (1976)22-44; M. Dahood,'Accusative ?sd, 'wood,'in Isaiah 3o,lb: Bibl
    50 (1969) 57-58; I. Engnell, "'Knowledge' and 'Life' in the creation Story," in wisdom in Israel
    and in the Ancient Near East. FS H. H. Rowley. srr 3 (1955), 103-19; idem, "'planted by the
    ?T ?T

    I. Ancient Near East.


    l. Egypt. Egyp. bt means both "tree" and "wood." Wood is scarce in Egypt; it is
    therefore no wonder that trees, as providers of shade and fruit, played a role in religious
    ideas. The grounds of every temple and palace included a garden.
    There were sacred trees in many nomes (persea, holly, acacia, sycamore, tamarisk);
    they did not play a major role in the public cult, but belonged to the realm of popular
    faith, usually as the abode of deities. For example, Hathor was "Lady of the Southern
    Sycamore"; Nut was often represented as a tree goddess.
    As early as the Pyramid Texts, we find the notion of two sycamores on the eastern
    border of the heavens, between which the sun rises.l There is also mention of a single
    sycamore'bn which the gods rest" or "which shelters the god."z The Book of the Dead
    speaks of a sycamore in the west that gives the departed breath and life.3 Drawings de-
    pict a tree goddess holding out water and fruit to the dead. Shade and refuge are also
    emphasized in this context. -4
    Another sacred tree was the ished (hardly a persea). Such a tree "broke open" near
    Re at Heliopolis "in the night of the war against the rebels."4 On the leaves of a ished
    tree, Thoth and Seshat wrote the names and years of the king, a kind of augury.s
    In the Tale of Tlvo Brothers, trees contribute to the preservation of imperishable life.
    The heart of the younger brother is hidden in a cedar; when he returns to Egypt as an
    ox, two persea trees grow out of the drops of his blood. When they are cut down to

    Streams of Water,'" Studia Orientalia loanni Pedersen (1953), 85-96; idem, Studies in Divine
    Kingship in the Ancient Near East (1943); K. Galling, "Der Weg der Ph6niker nach Tarsis in
    literarischer und archiiologischer Sicht," ZDPV 88 (1972) l-18; H. Genge, "Zum 'Lebensbaum'
    in den Keilschriftkulturen," AcOr 33 (1971) 321-34; F. F. Hvidberg, "The Canaanitic Back-
    ground of Gen. I-III," 1z7 l0 ( 1960) 285-94; E. O. James, The Tree of Life (1966); K. Jaro5, "Die
    Motive der heiligen Biiume und der Schlange in Gen 2-3," 7AW 92 (1980) 204-15; idem, Die
    Stellung des Elohisten zur kanaanriischen Religion. OBO 4 (1974); Y. Kahaner, "The Metaphors
    of the Vine and the Olive Tree," Dor leDor2 (1973174) l5-20; A. Kapelrud, Joel Studies (1948),
    26tr.; O.Kee| Symbolism of the Biblical World (Eng. trans. 1978); B. Lang, Kein Aufstand in Je-
    rusalem (1978); E. Lipirtuki, "'Garden of Abundance, Image of Lebanon,"' ZAW 85 (1973) 358-
    59; F. Lundgreen, Die Benutsung der Pflanzenwelt in der alttestamentlichen Religion. BTAW 14
    (1908); M. J. Mulder, "Bedeutet E!I9 in I Reg 5, 13 'Pflanze'?" ZAW 94 (1982) 410-12;
    K. Nielsen, For et tre ere dcr hdb (1985); M. B. Rowton, "The Woodlands of Ancient Western
    Asia," "/NES 26 (1967) 261-771, A. E. Riithy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrriischen
    Sprachgebrauch (1942); K. Seybold, "Bildmotive in den Visionen des Propheten Sacharja,"
    Studies on Prophecy. SW26 (1974),92-110; F. Stolz, "Die Bflume des Gottesgartens aufdem
    Libanon," 7AW 84 (1972) 14l-56; C. Westermann, The Parables of lesus in the Light of the OT
    (Eng. trans. 1990); C. Widengren, The King and the Tree of Lift in Ancient Near Eastern Reli-
    gion. UIIA 1951:4; U. Winter, "Der stilisierte Baum," BiKi 4l (1986) l7l-77; G. R. H. Wright,
    "The Mythology of Pre-Israetite Shechem," W 20 (1970) 75-82:M. Zohary, Plants of the Bible
    (1982; with bibliog.).
    l. Pyr, 1433; Book of the Dead 109.
    2. Pyr,916, 1485.
    3. Book of the Dead 59.
    4. Book of the Dead 11; Urk., Y 50; Ritual of Amon, 25, l.
    5. e{n, 84.
    FII ?s, 267

    make furniture, a chip impregnates his wife, who gives birth to a new king.6 Cf. the 'J
    tree (hardly a cedar) that bestows life as it surrounds the coffrn of Osiris.
    Well known but unique is the passage in the Wisdom of Amenemope that compares
    the impassioned individual to a withered tree, the "silent" individual to a green tree.7
    A fruit tree is called a "tree of life" (bt n hfi.s The Turin Papyrus compares lovers
    to a fig tree and a small sycamore.e More extensive discussion of Egyptian tree worship
    can be found elsewhere.lo

    2. Mesopotamia. Both Sum. giJ and Akk. f-sr mean "tree" as well as "wood." The
    only native trees were the Euphrates poplar and the tamarisk,ll but texts nnme many
    others: fruit trees, date palms, cedars, etc. There is frequent mention of the felling and
    planting of trees.l2 We know of expeditions to bring cedarwood from Lebanon.
    The kiikanil tree appears to be ideologically important: "In Eridu there is a black
    kiikanil tree; it was created in a pure place. Its appearance is like lapis lazuli; it spreads
    over ApsU."l3 The context speaks of the mouth of the two rivers; we are therefore deal-
    ing with cosmic symbolism in the temple.la
    Sumerian royal hymns liken the king to a tree: "Scion of a cedar, a forest of cy-
    presses am I, a box tree with sweet luxuriance am I"; 'A lhick mes tree . . . with radiat-
    ing outstretched branches am I, the refuge of Sumer, its sweet shade am L"ls The tree is
    an image of shade and refuge; there is no suggestion that the king is a "tree of life."t6
    Several bilingual hymns describe the word of Enlil as a gale that uproots even great
    m€sutrees.t1 In one fable the tamarisk contends with the palm over which is greater.ls
    The so-called tree of life in pictorial representations is a stylized palm being manip-
    ulated in some way by flanking figures (hardly artificial fertilization), obviously a
    symbol of life. The expression "tree of life" does not occur in Akkadian,le although we
    do find "plant of life," "water of life," and "food of life."
    Ringgren

    6. Mq34.
    7. ANET 422.
    8. Mythologically bestowing llfe: Pyr, 12161' made by Amon: Hymn to Amon, l, 7.
    9. Lit. Ag,3l2; see H. Grapow, Bildliche Ausdriickc, 105; cf. 46, l0l.
    10. l*xAg,I, 655-60; RAR, 82-87; M. L. Buhl, JNES 6 (1947) 80-97; E. Hermsen, lzbens-
    baumsymbolik im alten Agypten. Arbeitsmaterialien zur Religionsgeschichte 5 (1981).
    I l. Meissner, BuA, 1,211.
    12. For citations, see CAD, VII, 215-16.
    13. CT XVL46, 183tr.; Widengren, 5-6.
    14. See Widengren, 9, on the restoration of the killqnu lrree.
    15. W. H. P. Rtimer, Sumerische Kdnigshymnen der lsin-7zit (1965), 53, 52, respectively; cf.
    also 30: "a proud cedar . . . possessed of power."
    16. Widengren,42.
    17. G. Q. Reisner, Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen (1856), 4,34-35; cf. L. Didlr,, MVAG
    42ff. (r938) r3. r5,20-21.
    18. BWL, 15l-64; the conclusion is unfortunately lost.
    19. A. Sjtiberg, "Eve and the Chameleonl' In the Shelter of Elyon. FS G. W. Ahlstriim.
    JSOTSUp 3l (1984) 219tr
    ry ?f

    ll. l. Etymology and Meaning. In Hebrew the biliteral root ?=s means both "tree(s)"
    and "wood."20 The same root appears with the full range of meanings in the following
    Semitic languages: A}*.. isn/i;;u; Ugar. !; Ettr. 'C/.zt 1n Biblical Aramaic the meaning
    of the root has been narrowed: 'a'(in Old Aramaic texts 'q1zz means only "wood" (Dnl.
    5:4,23) or "timber" (Ezr. 5:8; 6:4,11), while "tree" is represented by ?/dr (Dnl.
    4:7,8,11,17,20,23[0,11,14,20,23,261).In the Targs. ?-.s is replaced by ildn ("tree")
    and qAsd'("wood";.2: In Middle Hebrew both ?,r and qtsd'occur, each with the full
    range of meanings ("tree" and "wood"); ?/dn occurs only with the meaning "tree."24
    The root ?=s has disappeared from Syriac, being replaced in the meaning "wood" by
    qisd' and in the meaning "tree" by ilana'.zs The root ?J also appears in Punic.26 It oc-
    curs twice; in both passages it means "wood."27 In Old South Arabic we find the root p
    with the meaning "wood."28 In North Arabic 'ida, 'idat, arl.d 'idd mean "thorny trees
    and bushes,"2e while "tree" in general is representedby (adan or ia{ar; "wood," by
    fualab.
    The form '€sAinJer.6:6 has been identified as a fem. form of ?1,'more likely, how-
    ever, it should be read as ?J with the 3rd person fem. sg. sufftx.30 Dahood explains ?=.rd
    in Isa. 30: I as the acc. of ?=p, but his argument is not convincing.3t

    2. Occuruences. The root ?.r occurs 330 times in the OT; its distribution is relatively
    uniform, although a concentration can be observed in exilic texts.

    3. lzxical Field.In the OT the lexical field "tree" is highly differentiated by specific
    botanical terms: 'erez, "cedar"; bcrdl, "cypress"; -) lDl gepen, "grapevine"; + llrl
    zayi1, "olive"; rimm6n, "pomegranate"; ii$d, "acacid'1' f'enA, "frg"; tamatr "date
    palm." Here we should also mention the word group'ayil,'dld, 'alld, '€16n, 'all6n, used
    indefinitely to refer to a "large tree" but especially an "oak."32 The lexical field also in-
    cludes words denoting parts of a tree, e.g., geza', "rootstock"; l.toye4 "branch"; -+ 1Il
    nEper and ;emalt, "shoot"; .io-re,I, "root";33 as well as various forms of growth, €.g., -+
    l\ gan, "garden"; -+ 'lltt ya'ar, "forest"; -+ Etl) kerem, "vineyard." See also the lexical
    field -+ \9' ya'a4 "forest."

    20. HAL,II, 863-64; Riithy, l0-l l,4l-42.


    21. AHw,I, 390-91; UT, no. l9O3; WUS, no.2078-79; LexLingAeth, 1025-26.
    22. S. Segert, Altaramiiische Grammatik (1975),3.2.6.
    23. KBLz,1053a, 1049; I*vy, ChW, I, 33; II, 359.
    24. l*vy, WTM, l, 65; IIL 67 ; lY, 298.
    25. NBSS, 144-45:' KBLz,1053a.
    26. DNSr,II, 879-80.
    27 . CIS, l, 346, 3; A. M. Bisi, OrAnt 9 (1970) 249-58; Riithy, 41.
    28. Biella, 378.
    29. Riithy,4l; NBSS, 144-45.
    30. For the former see K8L2,272: for the latter, HAI- 11,863, 867.
    31. Dahood. Cf. HAL, II, 863, 867.
    32. HAI. s.v.
    33. Riithy.
    rI 4

    III. Secular Usage.


    l. Tree, Trees. The noun ?s can denote both an individual tree, in whose shade one
    can rest (Gen. 18:4,8), and an indefinite number, as in "the trees of the field" (Ex. 9:25;
    10:5; Lev. 26:4;Jer.7:20).The pl. form ?Jim does not differ greatly in usage from the
    collective ?-l (e.g., Ps. 96:12; 104:16; Isa. 55:12; Joel 1:12). It can denote various kinds
    of trees (1 K. 5:13; lsa. M:13-14) or simply several trees (e.g., Jgs.9:8ff.; Ezk.17:24;
    31:4ff.).

    2. Wood. Different kinds of trees were used for different purposes. Some trees pro-
    vided timber for construction; others, such as fruit trees, were valued for the food they
    yielded (Dl20:19-20). The best wood for construction is cedar and cypress. Of course
    the dwelling place of God must be made of cedar, as 2 S. 7:7 implies: Yahweh never
    demanded a "house of cedar." To build the temple, Solomon imported cedars and cy-
    presses from -+ |f,Ja) fbdniln, wherg the Sidonians cut the trees (lK. 5:22,24;
    6:10,34; etc.). Part of Solomon's palace was called the House of the Forest of Lebanon
    (l K.7:2); the name indicates the source of the cedar. Nebuchadnezzar imported cedars
    of Lebanon to build the temple of Marduk; see also the accounts of the building of tem-
    ples and palaces by Ashurbanipal II and Esarhaddon.3a These cedars were also used to
    build the temple of Baal.3s In Egypt cedars of Lebanon were also used in shipbuilding
    (cf. Ezk. 27:5).to r, '
    In the traditions of the wilderness sanctuary, acacias (ii11im) play the central role as
    structural timber (Ex. 25:5,10,13,23,28; 26:15,26,32,37; etc.). Other kinds of trees
    could also be used: sycamore (iiqmd,Isa. 9:9[Eng. v. l0]); olive ('as6-.ia-men, I K.
    6:23,31ff.);'";A hlmuggim, not sandalwood, as is often claimed3T (l K. 10:ll-12;
    2 Ch. 2:7 [8); 9: l0- I l);'4 A- gOper pine (Gen. 6: l4).
    The difficulties involved in felling large trees are clear from Sennacherib's boasting
    (lsa.37:24) and Solomon's singling out the Sidonians as expert cutters of timber (l K.
    5:20[6]).38 The building material is often called simply 'E; or'd;tm (e.g.,Lev. 14:45;
    1 S. 6:14; 2K.12:13; Hag. l:8).
    Wood was used as a material for all kinds of objects. A gallows could simply be
    called ?'s (Gen. 40: 19; Dt.2l:22-23;Est.2:23; etc.).3e Various implements were fash-
    ioned out of wood (Lev. ll:32; 15:.12; Nu. 3l:20; 35:18;etc.); in an ironic description
    of an idolater, Isa. 44:13ff. depicts the carpenter (hdrai '€;tm) as a skilled and careful
    artisan, whose craft requires fine tools (see also 2 S. 5:ll1'2 K. l2:12[ll]; I Ch.
    l4: 1).+o
    Wood also served as firewood, both for sacrifice and for everyday cooking (Gen.

    34. For Nebuchadnezzar see ANET 3O7; AOT,365. For the others see ANET,275-76,291.
    35. KTU 1.4, V, 10ff.
    36. ANET, 252,254; see also 27b,24Ob,243.
    37. BRLZ, 12.
    38. Rowton, 275; AuS, YIl, 32-45; -s'19) ya'ar.
    39. On execution by "hanging on a tree," see VI below.
    40. AuS, Yll,42t.; BRU, 147tr.,356tr.
    rY ?,s

    22:7,9; Lev. l:8; 3:5; I K. 18:23,33-34; etc.). Firewood could either be gathered (1 K.
    l7:lO,l2; Nu. 15:32) usually by poor people or chopped. Since felling trees is
    - -
    hard work, Josh. 9:21ff. imposes it on the Gibeonites, i.e., aliens.

    3. Fruit Trees. The text speaks occasionally of felling trees in general rather than
    specific species (e.g., Dt. l9:5; Ps. '14:5;2 Ch.2:15[16];see also Isa. l0:19);Dt.20:20
    speaks only of trees that do not produce food. Without further definition, the OT often
    speaks of the "trees of the field" (Gen.23:17;8x.9:25; Isa. 55:12; Ezk.l7:24), but it is
    often clear from the context that the reference is to fruit trees (e.g., l*v. 26:4; Dt.
    20:19; Jer.7:20; Joel l:12,19; Ezk.34:27).In several passages the nature of the trees
    called simply'dstmis unknown (Jgs.9:8ff.; I K.5:13[4:331;2K.6:4;Isa.'7:2;44:23;
    Ezk.2l:3t20:471;315ff;Cant.2:3;Eccl.2:6:Ps.96:12;104:16; 1 Ch. 16:33; etc.); in
    others the context suggests fruit trees (Ex. 10:15; Lev.26:20; Nu. 13:20; Dl28:42;
    2 K. 3:19,25; Joel2:22; Ps. 105:33; etc.). !
    The most important fruit trees of Palestine are the olive (+ I1)l zayi!), the
    (grape) vine (+ |D\ gepen); the fig (t"'€nd), and the pomegranate (rimmdn, Dt. 8:8;
    cf. Dt. 6: I l; Nu. 20:5). Jotham's fable (Jgs. 9:8ff.) describes the olive as the natural
    king of trees. In second and third place follow the fig and the vine. These two fruit
    trees were often planted together, and therefore the OT often mentions them to-
    gether (e.g., I K.5:5[4:25];2 K. l8:31; Mic.4:4). The fruitof the fig tree could be
    eaten fresh (Isa.28:4) or used in cakes (l S.25:18;30:12). The vine, primarily a
    source of wine, requires much more care than the olive or fig. "The olive tree is
    like a bedouin woman (bedawlye) who knows how to take care of herself, while the
    fig tree like a peasant woman (fellaha) and above all the vine likc alady (sitt) de-
    mand quite different attention."4l Therefore vines and vineyards play a much
    greater role in OT imagery than the other fruit trees, concerning which there is less
    to say (--l E'l) kerem).
    Because fruit trees were vital to the Israelites, they understood the fertility of the
    trees as a sign of God's favor. Absent this favor, thorns and thistles take over the vine-
    yard (Isa. 5:6; 7:23; 27:4; 32:13); conversely, the desert becomes fertile when
    Yahweh's punishment is past (32:15;29:17; see also the description of the future in
    Bzk.47:12).
    The pomegranate was also among the prized varieties of fruit tree. It appears not
    only in descriptions of Israel's fertility (Nu. 13:23;20:5; Hag.2:19; see also Joel
    1:12) but also in the decoration of the wilderness sanctuary and the temple (e.g.,
    8x.28:33-34;39:24ff.;1 K. 7:18,20,42;2 Ch.3:16; Jer. 52:22-23). The symbolic
    function of this tree is also evident in the Song of Songs (4:3,13;6:7,lll7:.l3ll2l:'
    8:2).
    In the OT the date palm gamar) is also a symbol of fertility, as in the description
    of Jericho as a city of palms (Dt. 34:3; Jgs. 1:16; 3:13;2 Ch. 28:15) and the descrip-
    tion of Elim, where there were twelve springs of water and seventy palm trees (Ex.

    41. AuS, IV, 173.


    ?!l z,s 211

    15:27; Nu. 33:9). The trees growing in paradise are described quite naturally as trees
    from which one can (but not necessarily may) eat (Gen. 2:9,16;3:l-2; cf .Ezk. 47:7).
    In Gen. 1, also, the trees that were created should probably be thought of as fruit
    trees (Gen. 1:11,12,29). That attractive, fertile gardens had aesthetic value in Israel
    as well as in Mesopotamia and Egypt can be seen from descriptions in the Song of
    Songs, the traditions concerning the garden of Eden (Gen. 2-3) and the royal garden
    in Eccl. 2:5-6.42

    IV. Religious Usage.


    I . Sacred Trees. Trees signal the presence of the holy.a3 This was true in ancient Ca-
    naan, and several passages in the OT mention sacred trees. The oak of Moreh clearly
    belonged to the cultic center at Shechem, where Abram built an altar after the revela-
    tionof Yahweh(Gen. l2:6-7).Thenameof theoak,'€l6nm6reh, suggeststhatitfunc-
    tioned as an oracular tree (Hos. 4:12). According to Gen. 35:4, the foreign gods were
    buried under a tree at Shechem; in Josh. 24:26 Joshaa sets up a large stone of witness
    under an oak near the sanctuary of Yahweh. The function of both emphasizes the reli
    gious significance of trees. At Beer-sheba Abraham planted a tamarisk ('€iel) and
    called there on the name of Yahweh (Gen. 21:33). Abram built an altar in the grove of
    Mamre, near Hebron (Gen. I 3: I 8), and the angel of the Lord came and sat under the
    oak at Ophrah (Jgs. 6:11). Gen. 35:8 records a burial under an oak near Bethel. Saul
    and his sons were buried under the tamarisk in Jabesh (l S. 3l:13).
    The significance of sacred trees for the Israelites can also be seen from descriptions
    of the temple. The sacred tree represents one of the most widespread motifs of ancient
    Near Eastern pictorial art.# The two pillars Jachin and Boaz in front of the vestibule of
    the temple (1 K. 7:15-22) were doubtless stylized trees.45 The multitude of decorations
    employing motifs from the plant kingdom (trees, fruit, flowers, leaves) underline the
    close association between vegetation and the holy (-+ i1''|.1)D m"n6rA). Where a sacred
    tree grows, there is life. The many instances of sacred oaks suggest that this tree had a
    particular association with cultic sites (Gen. 13:18; Jgs. 6:19; I K. 13:14; I Ch.
    lO:12).te
    That trees played a role not only in the Canaanite cult of Baal but also in the cult of
    Yahweh is reflected in vehement prophetic and Deuteronomistic polemic. This cult
    was clearly widespread and popular in groves and under green trees (Hos. 4: 12-13; Isa.
    57:5; Jer. 2:20,27;3:6,9,13;17:2;Ezk.6:13;20:28,32;Hab.2il9).47 The sexual fertil-
    ity rites that were part of this cult were condemned as apostasy from Yahweh, the
    bestower of life. In the prohibition of Dt. l6:21, "You shall not set up any aiErd kol-'dg

    42. On the "tree of the knowledge of good and evil," see J. P. Floss, BN 19 (1982) 59-120,
    esp. 100ff.
    43.larc\231.
    44. BRL2,34-35.
    45. James, 37; Lundgreen, 33-43.
    46. Lwdgreen,24.
    47. W. L. Holladay, W ll (1961) 170-76.
    Y9- 'el

    beside the altar of Yahweh," the verb -+ 9Ul nala' svggests a living tree; but this verb
    can also be used figuratively. Dt. 12:2-3 demands the demolition of all sacred sites
    where the previous inhabitants worshiped their gods (e.g., under green trees) and the
    burning of their asherim (cf. I K. 14:23;2 K. 17:10;2Ch.28:4). According to2K.
    16:4, Ahaz offered sacrifice and incense on the high places, on the hills, and under ev-
    ery green tree. As part of his cultic reform, his son Hezekiah removed the high places
    (bdm6!; -+ i'lDl bamd), broke down the pillars (maWEb6!; + i]IID mdWdbd), cut
    down the asherah (-+ ;l''l!rR aidri), and broke to pieces the bronze serpent (nehai
    hann"hdie!; -+ tr2hl ndhdi; -+ llt?Il nehdiel that Moses had made (2 K. l8:4; cf.
    Josiah in 2 K. 23:4ff.). Gideon pulled down the altar of Baal, cut down the asherah,
    built a new altar to Yahweh, and used the wood of the asheraft for firewood (Jgs.
    6:25tf .), thus manifesting his conversion from the Baal religion of Canaan to the reli-
    gion of Yahweh.
    The ideology of the cult also included the notion of a close association between tree
    and king.+a This notion finds its way into the OT above all in the use of tree metaphors
    in texts that speak of the king or messiah (see below). Because 'os can mean both "tree"
    and "wood," it is often hard to decide whether the cultic object is a living tree or, for ex-
    ample, a pole-shaped wooden object, possibly a stylized tree.
    The OT frequently mentions cultic objects made of wood. In a great admonitory ad-
    dress, Moses predicts that,in the promised land Israel will senre idols that are the work
    of human hands, wood and stone, which cannot hear, eat, or smell (Dt. 4:28; cf. Dt.
    28:36,64 [cf. llQT 59:3]; Dt. 29:16171;2 K. 19:18 par. Isa.37:19; Isa. 44:19;Jer.
    l0:3). That not just a tree but also wood in general could symbolize and bestow life is
    shown by the use of wood as a medicament. A piece of wood transformed the undrink-
    able water of Marah into sweet water (Ex. 15:25). Cedarwood can cleanse a leper and a
    leprous house (Lev. 14:4,6,49,51-521, cf. Nu. l9:6).

    2. Tree of Ltfe.The best-known trees in the OT are the two trees in the garden of
    Eden. The tree of life (?.1 hahayytm) is mentioned in this connection only in Gen.
    2:9;3:22,24, i.e., in the introduction and at the conclusion of the paradise narra-
    tive. This fact enables Westermann to conclude with assurance that the original
    narrative dealt only with a single tree, the tree in the midst of the garden (3:3), the
    forbidden tree (3:ll).+e 1n" narrative was later expanded to include the familiar
    motif of the desire for everlasting youth, i.e., eternal life (cf. similar notions con-
    cerning the plant of life in the Gilgamesh Epic).so The combination of the two mo-
    tifs is explained by the fact that wisdom (the tree of knowledge) and eternal life
    (the tree of life) are the two attributes peculiar to the deity. The author's theologi-
    cal purpose is to underline the difference between God and mortals by introducing
    the secondary theme of the tree of life. The two different themes have produced a

    48. Engnell, Widengren.


    49. C. Westermann, Genesis l-ll (Eng. trans. 1984), 212-14, following Budde.
    50. Gilg. X[,266ff.
    rY ?,t

    single story, whose conclusion is that mortals have attained knowledge of good and
    evil, but eternal life belongs to God. The notions surrounding the tree of life are re-
    lated to those surrounding sacred trees. Behind the description of the garden of
    God, scholars (not least the Scandinavians) see the Canaanite grove with its sacred
    trees and springs.sl The purpose of the Canaanite tree cult was to create life. In this
    context, Gen.2-3 can be viewed as a narrative polemic. Its message resembles that
    of the prophet Hosea: the human search for eternal life results not in life but in
    death.
    The book of Proverbs uses the tree of life metaphorically (see below). For later no-
    tions of the tree of life, see T. Lev. l8:10-ll;4Ezra 8:52; Pss. Sol. l4:3; Rev.2:7;
    22:lff.

    3. Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. While the tree of life has many
    religio-historical parallels, we know the tree of the knowledge of good and evil (?-s
    hadda'a! l6b wdrd') only from Gen. 2:9,17 . According to Westermann, only the term
    "tree of life" is a traditional expression.s2 The author coined the name of the other
    tree from the narrative (3:5b). The knowledge of good and evil can be understood in
    various ways: (a) the totality of knowledge, i.e., divine omniscience; (b) the capacity
    to make ethical decisions perhaps interpreted in a more functional or utilitarian
    sense: helpful vs. harmful
    - that makes human beings autonomous; (c) sexual
    -
    knowledge and experience.s3 Gunkel and above all Engnell have emphasized sexual-
    ity as a central motif of Gen. 3, interpreting knowledge as knowledge of the differ-
    ence between the sexes, through which human beings attain maturity.s+ According to
    Engnell, the verb "know" must also be interpreted sexually in this context. By eating
    of the tree of knowledge, humans acquire the ability to create new life, thus becom-
    ing like God. Banishment from paradise was necessary because by eating of both
    trees they would have attained both individual and collective immortality. This inter-
    pretation is supported by sexual allusions in the text: in Canaanite religion the ser-
    pent functions as a sexual symbol; eating the fruit makes the humans recognize that
    they are naked; the fig leaves with which they cover their loins are probably to be un-
    derstood as aphrodisiacs; the curse on the woman strains her pregnancy and her rela-
    tionship with the man.
    The conclusion of this interpretation is that Gen. 3 expresses not an antisexual mes-
    sage in general suqh a notion would be alien to the OT but anti-Canaanite po-
    - cult through which people try to (pro)create
    lemic. The sexual - like gods brings only a
    curse and death. It must not be forgotten, howeveq that Gen. 3 also marks the begin-
    ning of civilized life, the life of the entire human race. Civilization does not arise until
    after a "fall," in which humanity has stolen something divine.

    51. Hvidberg, 285-94.


    52. BKUt,290.
    53. __> 91, yd/a..
    54. Engnell, "Knowledge."
    fI ?s-

    V. Metaphorical Usage.
    l. Tree. Like water, .as is ambivalent as a metaphor.5s Positively, it characterizes the
    devout: "They are like trees planted by streams of water, which yield their fruit in its
    season"(Ps. l:3;cf.Jer. l7:8);similarlythepromiseinlsa.65:22:"Forlikethedaysof
    a tree shall the days of my people be." The opponents of the prophet Jeremiah took
    counsel against him and said: "Let us destroy the tree in its prime" (Jer. 11:19). In the
    Song of Songs we read: 'As an apple tree (tappfiah) among the trees of the wood, so is
    my beloved among young men" (2:3); in a similar vein, the young bride is likened to
    all kinds of wood used as incense (4:14).
    In the great figurative discourse Ezk. 3L, where Pharaoh is compared to a cedar
    1'erez) of Lebanon,s6 the cedar stands among the trees of the field and is envied by all
    the trees in the garden of God (vv. 4,5,9), "for no tree in the garden of God was like it in
    beauty" (v. 8). But pride comes before a fall. Not only the proud cedar but the other tall
    trees as well must go down among the dead (vv. 14ff.). See also Ezk. 17:24:'All the
    trees of the field shall know that I Yahweh bring low the high tree and make high the
    low tree, dry up the green tree and make the dry tree flourish." In Ezk. 2l:3(20:47),too,
    the image of the destruction of trees describes God's judgment on humans: Yahweh's
    fire will devour all trees, both green and dry.
    The discourses in Ezk. 31, 17 , and 2l refer to political situations. So does the fa-
    ble of Jotham in Jgs. 9:8ff., where the inhabitants of Shechem, who made
    Abimelech king, are compared to trees that want to have a bramble ('dldil as king.
    The description shows that the bramble is considered the least among the trees,
    while the olive tree is the natural king.sz After the olive come the fig and the vine,
    other fruit trees. When the trees choose the bramble as king, they must take refuge
    in its shade: "if not, let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Leba-
    non" (v. 15).
    Job 19:10 speaks of the destruction of a tree: Job laments that God has uprooted his
    hope like a tree. Isa. 10:17-19 uses the image of a forest fire to describe the punishment
    of the arrogant king of Assyria. The glory of the king's forests and gardens will be de-
    stroyed, and "the remnant of the trees in his forest can be counted even by a child." In
    Isa. 56:3 a dry tree serves as an appropriate metaphor for a eunuch. In Isa. 7:2 the im-
    age of trees in a forest shaking before the wind describes the fear of Rezin and Pekah
    shared by the king and the people.
    The phrase 'Es-hahayytm appears in Proverbs, but only as a metaphor (3:18; 1l:30;
    13:12; l5:4).In 3:18 wisdom is characterized as a tree of life; in 11:30, the fruit of
    righteousness; in 13:12, desire fulfilled; and in 15:4, a gentle tongue. It is hard to say
    what the metaphor is meant to convey probably just that these four things are bene-
    ficial to life. -

    55. Alonso-Schttkel, 329-30.


    56. On the [rbanon cedar as a "cosmic tree," -+ VII, 454; Zimmerli, Ezekiel2 (Eng. trans.
    1983), 146-47.
    57. + IY 61.
    rYa 275

    2. Wood. Not only trees but also wood appears in the figurative language of the
    OT. Lam. 4:8 compares the dry skin of the inhabitants of Jerusalem to wood. Jer.
    10:8 brands all idolatry as wood i.e., dead. Ezekiel's verdict on the inhabitants of
    -
    Jerusalem is equally negative. As'€s-haggepen, they thought themselves better than
    any tree ('cs). They are not so, however, for from their wood ('c;) it is impossible to
    make even a peg it will be cast on the fire (Ezk. l5:2ff.). The text plays quite art-
    -
    fully on the ambiguity'E$ = "tree"/"wood." In consequence of Jer. 5:14, Yahweh will
    make his words in the prophet's mouth "a fte, and this people wood, and it will de-
    vour them." Zec. 12:6 describes God as making the clans of Judah a blazing pot on a
    pile of wood, so that "they shall devour to the right and to the left all the surrounding
    peoples." A similar image in Ezk. 24:lO proclaims the destruction of Jerusalem. In
    Ps. 74:5 the destruction of the sanctuary is likened to chopping wood. Jer. 46:22 de-
    scribes the enemies of Egypt as those who fell trees. The two sticks with the names
    of Joseph and Judah in Ezk. 37:16ff. should probably also be understood metaphori-
    cally.
    The connotations of the word "tree" are fundamentally associated with life, even
    when the text deals with the destruction of trees. "Wood" is associated with some-
    thing dead. Nevertheless, figurative language does not always view vigorous trees
    in a positive light. In Ezk. 31, for example, the luxuriance of the trees is con-
    demned as arrogance, justifying their destruction. Figurative language often associ-
    ates 7s with the proclamation of judgment, involving the destruction of trees or
    wood by fire.

    3. Related Metaphors. A survey of metaphorical usage cannot be limited to ana-


    Iyzing the occurrences of ?s. Trees as such play a large role in the OT, but often
    implicitly under the names of particular species (cedar, cypress, oak, vine, olive,
    fig, date palm, etc.) or through some related term (forest, Lebanon, vineyard, root,
    shoot, etc.). This is especially the case in the book of Isaiah. If we limit our atten-
    tion to chs. 1-39, where a remarkable number of tree metaphors appear,s8 we ob-
    serve that the word ?J appears as a metaphor only in 7:2 and l0:19. All other texts
    using tree metaphors primarily 1:29-31; 2:12-17; 4:2-6; 5:l-7; 6:12-13; 9:7-
    -
    20(8-21); l0:16-19; l0:33-11:10; l4:4b-20:27:2-6;32:15-20;37:22b-32 em-
    ploy the name of the tree: oak, linden, vine, thorns and thistles, mulberry,- cedar,
    cypress, or some other work that makes it clear that trees are involved: garden,
    vineyard, holy seed, fruit, the lofty and proud (in Lebanon), branch, stick, scion,
    shoot, stump, root, Lebanon, forest.se We note that trees valued for their timber are
    used metaphorically as well as fruit trees. Many texts clearly reflect Canaanite no-
    tions associated with sacred trees (e.g., l:29-31). The figurative discourses in Isa.
    1-39 often speak of destroying trees, either by cutting or by burning. The reason
    for their destruction emerges more or less directly from the description of the trees:

    58. See esp. Nielsen.


    59. On scion -+ ''lDll ltayer; ot shoot -+ 1y) ne{er -+ llDI semah; on forest -s l.9' ya'ar.
    ry ?{

    because of their arrogance trust in their own strength and their own resources
    -
    the trees are cut down or devoured by fire. These figurative discourses enable us to
    -
    see how Isaiah and his disciples interpreted the political situation oftheir age. Both
    the enemy and their own people are condemned for their arrogant pride, and pride
    comes before a fall (cf. the theory of Stolz that a Lebanon myth lies behind the OT
    notions associated with cutting down a tree). But Isaiah also points to the positive
    potential of trees. A tree that has been cut down can sprout again and put forth
    branches. The destruction of the enemy is total (e.g., 14:19), but for Israel there is
    still hope (e.g., 6:12-13; 10:33-l l:10).
    Like all good images, the tree metaphors in Isa. 1-39 stir the audience to participate
    actively in interpreting the image. Thus the audience, if the metaphor is successful, em-
    braces the ideas ofthe speaker. Isaiah's audience learns to see the situation ofthe peo-
    ple through the tree imagery, understanding on the one hand why Yahweh's judgment
    is necessary and justified and on the other that hope for the future is not foreclosed.
    The image of the felled tree that puts forth new branches points to the central theme of
    Isa. l-39: judgment and salvation go hand in hand. The image establishes their neces-
    sary connection in the history of Israel, for both are planned by Yahweh. Arrogance
    must be punished, but, after the proud king has been cut down, a new king will come,
    the scion that springs from the tribe ofJesse. A tree can also serve as a metaphor for the
    messianic notions associated with the coming ruler (e.g., Isa. ll:1,10; 4:2;53:2;Jer.
    23:5;33:15).oo
    Because figurative language is particularly open to reinterpretation, the tree meta-
    phors in Isa. l-39 were reinterpreted frequently, becoming themselves the root of new
    branches. For example, lsa. 27:2-6 is dependent on 5:1-7; and Nebuchadnezzar's
    dream of the great world tree that is cut down (Dnl. 4) has been influenced by the ear-
    lier texts. The many parables of Jesus in the NT and the figurative discourses in the
    Pseudepigrapha (e.g., 2 Apoc. Bar.36-37) must also be considered new branches from
    the same trunk.

    VI. Dead Sea Scrolls. The word ?J occurs 35 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls (e.g.,
    lQpHab lo:l; l3:2; IQH 2:26; 3:29; 8:5,6,9,12,22,25i lQ35 2:2; aQpNah l:8; CD
    I 1:19; 12:15). The meanings "tree" and "wood" are both found; see, e.g., lQpHab 10:1
    and CD 11:19, where ?s means timber, and IQH 3:29 and CD 12:15, where trees are
    mentioned. In lQpHab l3:2'Es stands for idols. Metaphorical usage of ?J appears in
    lQH 8:4ff. This psalm compares the community to a tree that drinks the water of life.
    Those who are not members of the community are described as trees, but they drink
    only ordinary water. [n addition to ?J, we find the names of specific species and words
    that designate parts of trees.
    K. Nielsen

    60. See Engnell and Widengren for the religio-historical background of these notions.
    rI 4

    The semantic domain of ?-s thus corresponds essentially to that in the OT. But there
    are many texts of such weight that they deserve individual mention. For example, regu-
    lations in the Temple Scroll decree the use of cedar in the area of the temple gates
    (1lQT 4l:16) and walls (42:4). The court of the priests contained a wooden structure,
    not further identifiable (38:7). According to 49:3,15, wood was subject to certain rites
    of purification. If Yadin's reconstruction is correct, the Temple Scroll recognized a
    "wood offering" (qorbdn hd'€stm,43:4). The polemic of Deuteronomy against idols
    (see above) is taken up by I IQT 59:3: Israel will serve other gods, the work of human
    hands, of wood and stone, silver and gold.
    Of extraordinary potential are the five occurrences referring to the punishment of
    being "hanged on a tree" (tal6'al-hn'E;, llQT 64:8,9,10,11,12). A directive in Dt.
    2l:22-23 requires that the corpse of a person executed not remain all night upon the
    tree (cf. the discharge of this duty in Josh. 8:29; l0:26; similarly 2 S. 4:12). "Hanging
    on a tree," therefore, was done to someone already executed: it was a demonstration,
    not an execution. In contrast to this Jewish practice, the Temple Scroll appears to refer
    to "crucifixion" (provided for in cases of high treason) of living criminals. They are to
    be hanged on a tree to die (64:7-8,10-l 1). In l. 9, by contrast, the regulation is unclear,
    since here the criminal is to be ktlled and hanged on a tree. This language raises the
    question whether the Qumran community was thinking of a practice like Roman cruci-
    fixion. Such an interpretation is supported by lQpNah l:8, which speaks of being
    hanged on a tree alive (hay).ot
    Another passage that has occasioned substantial discussion is llQPsa 28:6 (- Ps.
    151). Here the Qumran text is longer than the LXX, ascribing to David these words in
    v. 3: "The mountains do not bear witness to him [?; sc. God] nor do the hills proclaim,
    but the trees shall praise his [?] words and the sheep his [?] deeds." Since this verse is
    preceded by the making of musical instruments (v. 2), it is not hard to see in the combi-
    nation the bucolic Orphic motif of trees and animals praising God. The intrusion of this
    Hellenistic motif led the LXX to purge the offending words and the Masoretes to reject
    the entire psalm.62
    Fabry

    61. See the discussion in J. Maier, The Temple Scrull. JSOTSUp 34 (Eng. trans. 1985), 132-34,
    with bibliog.; --sihn tab.
    62.J. A. Sanders, DlD,lV (1965),58-64; F. M. Cross, BASOR23I (1978) 69-71; S. Smith,
    7AW 93 (1981) 247-53; H. J. Fabry, "1lQ PSa und die Kanonizitiit des Psalters," Freude an der
    Weisung des Herrn. FS H. Gross (1986), 45-67.
    278 :!{ tsa}

    )!Y 'a;ab; aYY;'e;eb; a


    -yi
    'a;eb; ) -t{a;e!; Iif Ty 1,r,rd!6n; nf IY 'a;;epe1;
    :ll}qD ma'asZld

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences. III. Meaning: 1. Verb;2. Nouns;3. Gen.3:16. IV. LXX.

    I. Etymolory. The root 'sD is not very cornmon in Semitic languages. In addition to
    Hebrew, it occurs in Arabic, Aramaic, Postbiblical Hebrew, Ethiopic, and (albeit rarely)
    in the Thrgums. In Biblical Hebrew the verb is semantically hxed, with one possible ex-
    ception. The substantives are more variable. This divergent usage could be due to differ-
    ing meanings of the same root or to distinct roots. Arabic supports the latter theory.
    Alongside 'sb I, "grieved" (cf. Arab. Eadiba, "tre angry"), Driver postulates an 'sb II, "re-
    viled, upbraided, cut off" on the basis of Arab. 'db, "cutl' metaphorically "cut with
    words," as well as an 'gb [[I, "toil."l None of the senses of the Hebrew verb supports the
    lattet but some of the nouns appear to require it. Erh. 'as(a)ba, "be difficult, be in difficul-
    ties," would be related to 'rD III, if in fact a third root is reflected in Biblical Hebrew.2

    II. Occurrences. The verb 'd;a! occurs 15 times (+ a conjectural emendation in


    25.13:21).2 The occurrences are distributed among J, E (Gen. 6:6;34:7;45:5), the
    Deuteronomistic History (l S. 20:3,34; 2 S. l9:3; I K. l:6 lbut cf. the proposed reading
    'o;arbt11, the Prophets (Isa. 54:6; 63:10), Psalms (Ps. 56:6[EnB. v. 5]; 78:40), wisdom
    (Eccl. l0:9), and the Chronicler's History (1 Ch. 4:10; Neh. 8:10-11).
    The qal appears 4 times, the niphal 7, the piel twice, the hiphil once, and the
    hithpael twice. The tendency to prefer reflexive forms may be due to the verb's intro-
    spective, personal, and emotional semantic content.
    Except in the special cases of Gen. 3:16,17 , and 5: 19 (all J), the substantives do not
    appear in the Pentateuch or in Deuteronomic texts, but are found primarily in poetic
    texts: 6 times in Proverbs (5:10; 10:10,22; 14:23;15:1,13),4 times in Psalms (16:4;
    127:2 lDahood derives this occurrence from 'sD I and translates "bread of idols"];5
    139:24 [Dahood treats it like 127:21;e A7:3), possibly once in Job (7:15, if MT 'smwty
    is emended to'sbwty), and 3 times in the Prophets (Isa. l4:3; 50:11; 58:l).2 The only
    other occurrence is in I Ch. 4:9 ('dseb in a strained wordplay on the name Jabez in ety-
    mological anticipation of the verb 'sD in the following verse).

    'Aga!. M. Greenberg, "Labor in the Bible and Apocryphal' EncJud, X, 1320-22; J. Scharbert,
    Der Schmerz im AT. BBB 8 (1955); C. U. Wolf, "Labor," IDB, lll,51-52.
    r. JBL s5 (1936), rt5-17.
    2. See Scharbert,27ff.,3l; WbTigr 49la; l*xLingAeth, l0l9-20.
    3. P. K. McCarter, II Samuel. AB 9 (1984),314,319-20.
    4. J. Gray, I and II Kings. OTL (21970),78 note f.
    5. M. Dahood, Psalms III: 101-150. AB l7A(1970),273.
    6. tbid.,292.
    7. On Jer. I l: 19 see R. Houberg, W 25 (1975) 676-77 .
    al9'dsab

    The form 'e{eb appears most frequently (6 times), followed by 'a;;e|e1(5 times, al-
    ways either in construct or with a suffix), 'dse! (3 times), 'iWAbdn (3 times), Zse?
    (once; preferable to 'a;;d! as the sg. of a word found only in the pl. [Isa. 58:3]) and
    ma'aqdlA (once).

    III. Meaning.
    l. Verb. As a verb, 'sb indicates a state of mental or emotional distress. The serious
    inward agitation denoted by the word can be defined more precisely by noting the
    terms with which it is used. It is associated with le!, "heart" (Gen. 6:6), the essential
    self of an individual, as well as with rttah, "spiit" (Isa. 54:6; 63:10), the soul or spirit
    of a person. The serious aspect ofthe verb's meaning appears where it is used in con-
    trast to great 'Joy" (Neh. 8:10: rejoicing accompanying worship and sacrifice on a day
    holy to the Lord) or well-being and peace (Neh. 8:l l) as well as blessing and prosper-
    ity (1 Ch.4:10). Finally, the verb's emotional aspect is clear from its use in parallel
    with words for vexation (furh, Gen.34:7;45:5; I S. 20:34), rebellion (mrh,lsa.63:10;
    Ps. 78:40), solrow (nl.tm, Gen.6:6), and mouming ('bl, 2 S. l9:3[2]).
    Both human beings and God (Gen. 6:6; Ps. 78:40) can suffer the distress denoted by
    ',rb. It can be due to self-reproach for a mistake or failure (Gen. 6:6; 45:5) or be
    grounded in the acts of others (e.g., Ps. 56:6[5]; 78:40). Or it can grow out of aware-
    ness of a situation before which one stands helpless (e.9., I S. 20:3).
    The only exception to this specific semantic domain of "mental suffering" is Eccl.
    10:9, where it refers to a physical condition. Here the verb denotes an injury caused by
    rock fragments; it refers more to lacerations than to the accompanying pain. In this
    text, therefore, 'sD should be assigned to bD IL

    2. Nouns. The occurrences of the nouns fall into two groups: in the first, the noun
    clearly derives from the verb 'pD and refers to emotional or mental suffering (Prov.
    l0:10; 15:1,13; Job 9:28; Isa. 50:l l;Ps. 139:24). Some texts use the auxiliary vocabu-
    lary that signals the nuances of bb; "anger" (Prov. 15:l), "heart" and "spirit" (15:13).
    Texts without such indicators contain sufficient contextual references to distress. Ps.
    16:4 may belong to this group, although its association with the verb rDft recalls the
    first clause of Gen. 3:16, where the issue, however, is not mental suffering.8
    The second group involves the concept of physical work (Gen. 3:16,17;5:29; Isa.
    14:3; 58:3; Ps. 127:2; Prov. 5: l0; 10:22; 14:23). It is possible that these occurences re-
    flect a derivation of the term from a different root. Nevertheless, a connection between
    the nouns "anguish" and "work" is possible when we observe the semantic nuances of
    the biblical vocabulary associated with physical labor (+ 9tr yg', + ilDy 'ih, -+ lfll
    'bd, +)nv 'mt,.+)tl p't1.
    In general the OT views positively the work involved in producing food and satisfy-
    ing other human needs.e God worked in the act of creation and continues to do so. Hu-

    8. See IIL3 below.


    9. Greenberg, 1320; Wolf, 252.
    f39 TsaD

    man labor, too, is considered honorable; in the sabbath commandment, the Decalogue
    includes the complementary notion that six days of work are required (Ex. 20:9-11).
    But the actual experience of Palestinian peasants showed that sometimes even the most
    vigorous labor was in vain. The highlands of Palestine were ecologically relatively un-
    productive; the possibility of failure despite all human efforts was always present.l0 In-
    evitably, work was sometimes accompanied inevitably by disappointments. The mental
    anguish expressed by 'sb would therefore be an appropriate aspect ofthe various nouns
    meaning "work" derived from this root. The two related texts, Gen. 3:17 and 5:29, sug-
    gest that productive work could take on the character of extremely arduous labor and
    result in psychological malaise due to the uncertainty of its results; this malaise re-
    quired "comfort." In this sense bD differs from -+ iN) ,'/,, which appears to emphasize
    the physical fatigue resulting from hard work.

    3. Gen. 3:16. Gen.3:16 represents a special case in our understanding of issd!6n


    and'ese!. The traditional translations render both terms with words for physical pain.
    Since 'sb II refers more to mental than to physical pain, however, this traditional inter-
    pretation must be called into question. That the two other occurrences of issd!6n
    (3:17:.5:29) refer explicitly to physical labor suggests that here too physical labor is
    mandated for the woman. Moreover, the first verb (rbh) of this verse has two objects,
    'iWAbOn and herbn, "conception" or "pregnancy." In the nuanced biblical lexical field
    of pregnancy and birth (-+ i1lil hdrd), the latter does not refer to the actual process of
    childbirth. Since neither conception nor pregnancy is painful, the'issd!6n connected
    with pregnancy cannot mean "pain." The first part of v. 16 therefore says that God will
    increase the number of the woman's pregnancies and also the amount of hard work she
    has to do, for in ancient agricultural society women performed a high percentage of the
    necessary tasks.ll The second clause of v. 16 deals with the theme of "having chil-
    dren"; it does not necessarily refer to the process of childbirth itself, for + 1), yalaj
    can mean simply "have" or "produce" children and is used of both men and women.
    Having many children was a desirable and fundamental aspect of the labor-intensive
    agricultural society, albeit not without difficulties: parenting had its own special
    "pain." Thus the meaning of 'ese! in this text is ambiguous: it can mean "labor" and
    "work" and intensify that statement of the preceding clause; it can refer to the psycho-
    logical stress of family life; or it can mean both. But it does not mean physical pain.

    IV. LXX. The LXX translated the occurrences totally differently, revealing the diffi-
    culty of distinguishing between 'sb I and 'sD II. The equivalent is probably lypii, lypefn,
    etc., but we also find tapeinoiln, asth4neia, etc.
    C. Meyers

    10. D. C. Hopkins, The Highlands of Canaan. SWBA 3 (1985).


    I l. C. Meyers, "Gender Roles and Genesis 3: 16 Revisited l' The Word of the lnrd Shall Go
    Forth. FS D. N. Freedman (1983), 337-54.
    *fI9 *Zsa-D 281

    *fIY
    t?
    *'asab

    I. Occurrences and Etymology. II. Meaning. III. Prophetic Indictments. IV. Polemics against
    Idolatry. V. LXX. VI. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Occurrences and Etymology. The noun *'a;db occurs 19 times in the OT. It ap-
    pears almost exclusively in the plural (1 S.3l:9 = I Ch. lO:9;2 S.5:21;Isa. l0:11;
    46:l; Jer. 50:2; Hos. 4:17: 8:4: l3:2; l4:9lBng. v. 8l; Mic. l:7; Zec. l3:2: Ps.
    106:36,38; 115:4; 135:15;2Ch.24:18). Only twice does the singular occur: Isa.48:5
    (MT) and probably also Ps. 139:24;t its unusual vocalization instead of 'dsdf;
    is obviously intended to recall bdiel and qualify the term.2-'d;eb
    - Few modern commentators have accepted the conjectural emendations that find this
    noun in Isa. 2:8,3 Hos. 10:6,4 and Mic. 5:13.5 Hardly convincing is Wellhausen's pro-
    posal to connect the fem. pl. 'a;;d!61in Ps. 16:4 with *'dsd! instead of 'assepeT "pain,
    torment, Brief."o
    The noun 'dsdb is usually derived from the verb 'sD I, "plait, make, form,"7 found
    twice in the OT. In Job l0:8 (piel), in parallel with'aid, it refers to God's act of cre-
    ation. In Jer. 44:19 (hiphil) the women who have taken refuge in Egypt justify their
    making ('diA) cakes to offer to the queen of heaven "marked with her image." It is true
    that the LXX and Syr. omit l'ha'"sip6, but probably only because they no longer under-
    stood the.meaning of the word (cf. Vulg. ad colendum eam, "to honor her").

    II. Meaning. Jer' 44:19 points to the meaning of 'gsabbim; the noun belongs to the
    idol terminology of the OT. Without reference to the different ways they are made, it
    serves as a comprehensive term for images of alien gods (2 S. 5:21; Isa. 46: l; Jer.
    50:2).4 Since the OT does not distinguish alien deities from their images, 'osabbtm can
    also stand for the gods themselves (1 S. 31:9 = I Ch. l0:9; Ps. 106:38; 2 Ch.24:18).s

    'dsA!. K.-H. Bernhardt, Gott und Bild. ThArb 2 (1956); C. Dohmen, Das Bilderverbot. BBB
    62 1z19frr' O. Eissfeldt, "Gott und G<itzen im AI," fSK 103 (1931) 15l-60 = KlSchr I (1962),
    266-73; J. Hahn, Das "Goldene Kalb." EH Theologie 154 (1981); C. R. North, "The Essence of
    Idolatry," Von Ugarit nach Qumran. FS O. Eissfeldt. BZAW 77 (21961), 15l-60; H. D. Preuss,
    Verspottung fremder Religionen im AT. BWANT 92 (1971); J. Scharbert, Der Schmerz im AT.
    BBB 8 (1955),27-32; S. Schroer, In Israel gab es Bilder OBO 74 (1987); -+ illDD mass€f,d.
    l. E. Wiirthwein, W 7 (1957) 173-74 = Wort und Existenz (1970), 187-88.
    2. North, 154.
    3. B. Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia. HKAT lIJ/t 1+19221, ,f .
    4. J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten (41963), 125.
    5. W. Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten. HKAT llU4 (31922),226.
    6. Skizzen und Vorarbeiten 6 (1899) 168.
    7. GesB, 609; HAL, II, 864-65.
    8. Dohmen, 259.
    9. W. Rudolph, Hosea. KAT XIIUI (1966), ll4.
    *f3! *'dsa-D

    Thus the term embodies negatively, as it were, the two characteristics of Yahwism that
    distinguish Israel profoundly from its neighbors: Yahweh's demand for exclusivity and
    the absence of images from worship of Yahweh. Therefore -;abbtm is used where the
    relationship of Israel to the world around it is at issue. The term appears both in pro-
    phetic indictments charging Israel with unfaithfulness to Yahweh (Hos. 4:17; 8:4; l3:2;
    14:9[8]; Mic. l:7; cf.Zec.13:2; Ps. 106:36) and in pejoratives applied to alien gods in
    polemics against idols (Isa. 10:11; 46:1; 48:5; Jer. 50:2; Ps. 115:4; 135:15). In the set-
    ting of prophetic indictments, homonymity with the root -) fIy
    !b II, "grieve, sad-
    den," probably already lent the word negative overtones.lo
    Only the occurrence in Ps. 139 stands by itself. V. 24 contrasts the way of the'dsdp
    (cj. for MT '6seb; see I above) with "the everlasting way." The psalmist prays to God to
    try to discover any trace of idolatry "in him" and guide him in the right way.l1

    III. Prophetic Indictments. The earliest datable occurences are in the indictments
    of Hosea. The date of Ps. 139 can hardly be determined.12 2 S. 5:21 is secondary.t3 11i5
    probably a contrastive allusion to I S. 4:11, the loss of the ark.la Since the LXX and
    I Ch. 14:12 read '"lOhtm at this point, it is arguable that '"gabbtm itself is a later addi-
    tion to the text.ls I S. 31:9 also does not fit seamlessly into its context. What is the
    point of exhibiting publicly a decapitated corpse in which no one could recognize
    Saul? It appears that a short notice concerning the exhibition of Saul (and his sons? cf.
    v. 12) has been expanded to reflect I S. 17:51,54, to contrast one last time the fate of
    Saul and the triumph of David.l6
    Returning to Hosea, we note that l3:2 describes the calf image of Bethel as a "cast
    image . . . after the model of idols."l7 This image was conceived of originally as a
    theriomorphic pedestal on which Yahweh was enthroned invisibly; it therefore escaped
    the notice of Elijah and Amos. Now Hosea sees it as a representation of Yahweh: "the
    representation has taken the place of the subject represented."l8 "People are kissing
    calves!" (13:2[;.te The pl. "calves" suggests that here, as in 8:4b, Hosea is thinking of
    copies of the calf image in the form of statuettes or plaques, intended for public and
    private use.2o

    10. North, 154; H. W. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 139:' Dohmen, 259; cf.
    Rudolph, KAT ){llVl, I 14-15; disputed by B. Lang, TQ 166 (1986) 137.
    11. H. Ringgren, The Faith of the Psalmisrs (1963), 56.
    12. H.-J. Kraus, Psalrzs 60-150 (Eng. trans. 1989), 513.
    13. T. Veijola, Die ewige Dynastie. AnAcScFen B 193 (1975),97-98. i
    14. -r VIII,433.
    15. W. Rudolph, Chronikbiichen HATU2I (1955), I 14; North, 154; otherwise J. W. Rothstein
    and J. Hiinel, Kommentar zum ersten Buch der Chmnik. KAT XVllU2 (1977),267,270:' cf.
    T. Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung. FRLA.NT 106 (1972),153.
    16. -+ VIII, 433; see also F. Stolz, Das erste und zweite Buch Samuel. ZBK 9 (1981), 183.
    17. ci. BHS.
    18. H. Utzschneider, Hosea. OBO 3l (1980), 102.
    19. +ll9 'egel.
    20. J. Jeremias, Der Pruphet Hosea. ATD 24ll (1983), 162.
    *139 *'a-sa-b

    At the same time, Hosea defines the calf image cult as worship of alien gods. "Since
    Israel's neighbors worship their gods in images, the creation of any image means tak-
    ing over foreign examples, and so a measure of assimilation to their understanding of
    God."2l This holds true especially for the calf image, which was a symbol of Baal in
    the Canaanite world surrounding Israel. [t is debated, however, whether Hosea presup-
    poses the second commandment, which attacks images per se as some commenta-
    tors maintain
    -
    or, by revealing the ambivalence of images for the first time, lays the
    -
    foundation for the second commandment.22 ln any case, the choice of the term
    'osabbtm shows that the focus is on Yahweh's demand for exclusivity.23 But does the
    terse, briefly stated criticism by the prophet suffice without the substantial presupposi
    tion of the second commandment, if the indictment has the function of enabling the au-
    dience to "affirm"24 the prophet's radical announcement of disaster?
    We should probably interpret 14:9(8) in the light of l3:2 and 8:4b-5. In 4:17, how-
    ever, the prophet appears to have his eyes rather on the cult of high places.2s Hosea's
    attack finds a powerful echo in the secondary passage Mic. 1:7a.
    In the postexilic period, Hosea's indictment turns into a confession of personal guilt
    (Ps. 106:36,38) and therefore of hope in God (Znc. l3:2).

    IV. Polemics against Idolatry. In parallel with its use in prophetic indictments,
    'asabbtm becomes a polemical pejorative for alien Bods.26 The identification of the de-
    ity with its image which hardly reflects the self-understanding of Israel's
    neighbors2T
    -
    means that the gods are judged by the standard of their images. They
    -
    are "silver and gold, the work of human hands" (Ps. 115:4; 135:15), dead matter
    (gillttltm, Jer. 50:2), "nothings" (nltlim, Isa. 10:l l). These texts, strictly speaking, do
    not contest the existence of these gods. It is not their existence but their efficacy that is
    denied.28 Though they have mouth, eyes, ears, nose, hands, and feet, they are unable to
    speak, see, hear, smell, feel, walk (Ps. l15:5-7; 135:6-17). Over against them stands
    Yahweh, transcendent in heaven, distinct from the entire created order and omnipotent
    (115:3; 135:6). Unlike the alien gods, he has demonstrated his power through the ful-
    fillment of his word (Isa. 48:5). The likely starting point for these polemics (late as a
    group) is the preaching of Deutero-Isaiah. For one moment, the prophet distinguishes
    between deity and image, but only to insist all the more on the impotence of the gods
    and their dependence on their images (46:l-2). After the downfall of Bel and Nebo in
    the political catastrophe of Babylon, their images are carted off by their worshipers.

    21. W. H. Schmidt, Faith of the OT (Eng. trans. 1983), 79.


    22. Dohmen,259-60.
    23. Jeremias, ATD 2411, 162.
    24. H. W. Wolff.
    25. Jeremias, ATD 2411,72.
    26. Eissfeldt.
    27. Preuss, 42ff.; A. H. J. Gunneweg, "Bildlosigkeit Gottes im Alten Israel," Henoch 6
    (1984), 259ff.; Schmidt, Faith, 8l-82.
    28. Schmidt, Faith, 278-79.
    )vg'aset

    The gods cannot save their own images; they are a burden to their worshipers and must
    go into captivity along with their images. Unlike Yahweh, who, far from having to be
    carried, carries his people and will save them (46:3-4), the chief gods of Babylon are
    tied to their images and the political fate of their people.2e
    Is there a connection between Hosea's use of 'o;abbtm and its appearance in the
    context of polemic against idols? Perhaps Hosea anticipates the latter ridicule of alien
    gods: "They are all the work of human hands" (Hos. 13:2; cf. 8:6a; 14:4a[3a]). The
    date of these passages is disputed.3o In any case, Hosea contrasts the "calves" charac-
    teized as idols to Yahweh, the living God (cf. Rom. l:22ff.). Besides him there is no
    savior (Hos. l3:4) the criterion by which later writers judge alien gods (Isa. 43:l l).
    -
    V. LXX. The LXX translates *'d;db with eiddlon In just three passages (Isa. 46: l;
    Ps. 106:36,38) it uses the nominalized adj. glypt6s, the regular translation of peseU
    *pdsil.

    VI. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Dead Sea Scrolls the only certain occurrence of 'sD I is
    in lQpHab l3:3; to the extent that the surviving text can be read, 2Q23 l:8 and 4Q509
    16:2 use 'sb II. The entire lexical field of idolatry (pesel, mass€[d, yese4 'cltltm, 'E;,
    'elen) used in Hab. 2: l8-19 is incorporated here and concentrated in the term '"sabbim:
    "On the day of judgment, God will obliterate all those who worship idols, all the
    wicked, from the earth."
    Graupner

    29. C. Westermann, Isaiah 4046. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969), 180-81.


    30. Jeremias, ATD 2411, 108, 169ff.; Dohmen, 148 n.243, l5l n.249.

    )YY 'urut

    L Etymology. II. l. Distribution; 2. Textual Problems; 3. Lexical Field; 4. LXX. UI. OT


    Usage: 1. Jgs. 18:9; 2. Wisdom Literature.

    I. Etymology. In Akkadian we find e;Elu, "cipple," and e;lu, "heavy of move-


    qtel, 'aylA', "deaf,
    ment."r The root does not occur in Ugaritic. Related are Syr. numb,

    'dsdl. A. Barucq, l* Livre des Proverbes. SB (19@),77ff., 155ff.; J. T. Draper, Proverbs


    (r977), 58-65.
    l. For the former see AHw, 1,251; CAD, IV 341. For the latter, CAD, IV 350.
    )yy'aset

    willful, stupid," 'a1lfrg', "willfulness, stupidity"; Middle Heb.'dsdl, "negligentl' 'a;1fr7


    "sloth," 'aslan, "slothful"; Jewish Aran. 'ayld', "lazy]' 'a1lfig', "laziness"; and Arab.
    'atila, "be uncovered, not work"; cf . 'a;ala, "twist," 'a;ila, "be hidden."

    ll. l. Distribution. Except for one occurrence of the verb in Jgs. I 8:9, the use of the
    root 's/ is limited to wisdom literature (Proverbs plus one occurrence in Ecclesiastes).
    The verbal adj.'dsdl occurs 15 times. It is usually used as a noun; it appears as an ad-
    jective in Prov. 24:30.The derivatives 'aslfi1(31:7) and'a;ld (19:15) as well as the un-
    usual dual in Eccl. 10:18 should be noted.

    2. Textual Problems. If we follow Fichtner in Prov. l3:4, napi6 should be deleted


    (cf. the ancient versions).2 In this case 'd;El is the subject and the verb should be
    emended to mi1'awweh. If we accept the lectio dfficilior the suffix in napl6 requires
    explanation. An archaic nominative ending is one solution.3 We should not reject out of
    hand the possibility of an erroneous carryover from v. 3a.a
    In Prov. 15:l9b the reading l.tArfr;im instead of y"idfim has been proposed on the basis
    of the LXX (t6n andreidn); cf. the parallel in 13:4.5 Since Ese-l conveys a derogatory
    sense and is closely relatedto rdid', however, y".ia-rimmaybeintended as an antithesis.
    In Eccl. l0:18 the dlual ba'osaltayira serves to "reinforce the concept."6

    3. l,exical Field. The meaning "lazy, laziness" according to Lauha,T "a central
    topic of wisdom literature" - but attempts at a more precise
    is assured by the context,
    definition show that the -semantic field is wide-ranging and cannot be defined
    exhaustively by contrast with hdrfrs (Prov. l3:4). Unreliability (10:26 [cf. l3:l;a
    25:l3l;20:4), negligence to the point of fraud (remtyd, 19:15; cf. lO:4; 12:24), even
    stupidity (h"sar-l€b,24:30) bring the term into the domain of the treacherous (bdge{tm,
    l3:2), who are inclined to violence, as continuing to follow the trail of the lexical
    fields -
    an affinity for the rdid'with all the associated wickedness shows, so that the
    life of- the 'dsEl is at risk (21:25). All in all, the word conveys a strongly pejorative
    sense: it is not simply a superficially derogatory term for an idler, but a concentrated
    expression denoting someone who, through laziness, both endangers his own well-be-
    ing, indeed his very life and existence, and exerts a baneful influence on society: "as to
    the social aspect of the vice of laziness, a lazy person is a repugnant creature."e No
    theological arguments or allusions appear in the immediate context.

    2. BHS.
    3. cK $90.
    4. M. Lambert, Traiti de grammaire hdbralque (1938), 143 n. l.
    5. BIIS; comms. by C. H. Toy, ICC (1899); B. Gemser, HAT Ul6 (21963); W. McKane, OTL
    (1970).
    6. A. Lauha, Kohelet. BK){I){ (1978), 196; cf. H. W. Hertzberg, Der Prediger KATXYIU4-5
    (1963), 194; on the entire verse see M. Dahood, JQR 62 (197ffi2) 84-87.
    7. BK){tX, t97.
    8. Oesterley, Book of Pmverbs (1929),103.
    9. Barucq,78.
    )vv'aset

    4. lXX. The LXX has ten occurrences of okn€ r6s and one of okne ria. Twice ae rg6s
    is used. In the text used by the translators,'dsZl may have appeared in 19: l5b instead of
    19:15a. The remaining equivalents (10:26: 19:24;24:34) are not direct translations but
    stay within the domain of the pejorative lexical field.
    The word does not occur in Sirach or the Dead Sea Scrolls.

    III. OT Usage.
    l. Jgs. l8:9. The only occurrence outside wisdom literature (Jgs. 18:9) appears not
    to convey a derogatory sense. In the context of the narrative in which the Danites' spies
    encourage them to attack the prosperous and untroubled city of Laish, the niphal of 's/
    is used. The preceding ltih (even if the text of the clause is in doubt,l0 the verbal root is
    not) makes it hard to perceive any morally derogatory nuance in 's/; it simply means
    "do not hesitate, do not delay."

    2. Wisdom Literature. Within the framework of usage in wisdom literature, several


    connotational foci can be identified:
    a. The lazy strive after a false goal. It is significant that there is an element of dy-
    namic craving in the conduct of an'd;dl. This element is documented in the use of wft
    hithpael or ta'"wd (Prov. l3:4; 2l:25) and nepei (in parallel and in the same context:
    13:2-4; 19:15); the use of nepei generally emphasizes "appetite."rr The goal of this
    craving is attained on the road of life.12 The wise, correct way (7:25;21:16;23:19) is
    contrasted frequently with its opposite (2:121' 22:5); a frequent parallel is 'orah, "path"
    (15:19). The two ways of life stand in sharp contrast: the right way is simple (15:19)
    and leads to increased vitality (19:16; 22:5);the wrong way leads to a diminished life
    (22:5a: "thorns and snares are in the way of the perverse"). Prov. 1 5 : 1 9 ("the way of the
    lazy is overgrown with thorns") associates such diminution of life with the lazy, who
    always find "impediments and pretexts to excuse their indolence,"l3 thus implying that
    ethical misconduct and genuine laziness notjust lethargy14 s1s closely related.
    This is underlined by 2l:25: how are we to - understand the statement
    - that "the craving
    (ta'awd) of alazy person is fatal (mfighiphil)"?
    The noun ta'"wd denotes more than a "desire for peace and quiet."ts When it is asso-
    ciated with negative entities (rebelliousness: l8: l; profrt: 19:22; the wicked: 2l:26), it
    brings calamity. In the extreme case, the diminution of life can be fatal (21:25). The
    book of Proverbs promises death primarily to the wicked (rdid'; cf. also 14:32) and
    their like (including, e.g., the 'c-,se.7). Deliverance from death is effected not by riches
    (ll:4;21:6) but by righteousness (;cfldqi, l0:2; ll:19; 12:28), discipline as under-
    stood by the wisdom school (19:18; 23:13; l5:lO;5:23), and above all by discernment

    10. Comms. by W. Zapletal, EHAT VIAI 0973),266; G. F. Moore, ICC (1910),393.


    11. McKane, Proverbs, 457.
    12. On dereft as "way of life, conduct of life" -+ III, 286-88.
    13. Ringgren, Spriiche. ATD 16ll (31980),65.
    14. McKane, Proverbs, 530.
    15. Gemser, HAT U162,81.
    lyy'a;ct

    as taught by the wise (13:14; cf. 10:21). If the terminological links guide our interpre-
    tation correctly, the reason why the lazy stand in risk of their lives is not so much that
    they simply refuse to labor (NRSV) but that they do not vigorously endeavor to achieve
    the opposite of wrong, under the spell of which laziness brings the individual. In this
    case it is not enough to speak simply of an unfulfilled life.l6 Therefore the question of
    what an ZsZl neglects becomes urgent.
    b. First, we note that the 'dsEl gives reasons that appear convincing but are in fact
    nearly incrediblelT why he cannot undertake any meaningful action: lions are abroad,
    and he would be killed outdoors in the streets (Prov. 22:13;26:13; + llI'1 r;fi de-
    notes killing in the strict sense of homicide). While the street or the outdoors (rehdp,
    btt;) is the domain where people must prove themselves to show that they can sup-
    port a family (24:27) and where Wisdom practically forces people to take notice of
    her (l:20), it is also the perilous terrain where a seductive woman can practice her
    wiles (7:12; cf. 5:16). In22:13 and 26:13, this pejorative aspect of "street" appears
    clearly to play a role, so as to lend more "conviction" to the argument used by the
    'd;€l to justify inaction.
    When an ?,re-l has evaded working outdoors, he devotes himself to unproductive re-
    pose.l8 As a door tums on its hinges, he turns in his bed, not thinking for a moment
    about leaving his bedroom (26:14). While this text does not require us to picture the
    lounging 'd;dl as asleep, 19:15 clearly does. This sleep of the'dsdl is like an uncon-
    scious "deep sleep" (tardemi,' Gemser's interpretation as "apathy and lethargy" is un-
    necessary).le This leads to a slothful inertia that can be criticized only by sarcastic ridi-
    cule: when such a lazybones buries his hand in his food bowl, he is too indolent to
    remove it or bring it to his mouth (19:24;26:15).
    The 'dsEl is in danger of losing his possessions and failing to provide for his own
    nourishment. But it would be wrong to conclude from this observation that working
    in the fields is the particular criterion of diligence.20 The point is rather that making
    provision for food is a vital concern. That "climate, location, and the memory of no-
    madic life" provided the impetus here appears highly dubious.2l Failure to provide
    for food is irrevocable, as experience shows. Therefore many proverbs attack the
    love of sleep, for it gives birth to poverty (20: 13; cf . 24:33). The grain must be har-
    vested at the right moment (10:5). The 'dsEl could observe this fact in the animal
    kingdom and learn from the example. He should go to the ant (6:6). The advice is not
    meant as a subtle parable;z2 it presents a straightforward didactic analogy: among the
    ants, the ?se-l will find a "people" without administrative officials (6:7); neverthe-

    16. McKane, Proverbs, 550.


    17. Ringgren, ATD 163,87: "preposterous excuse"; McKane, Proverbs,569.
    18. Draper, 61.
    19. HAT U162,77.
    20. As maintained by Gemser, HAT U162,39; Ringgren, ATD 163,31-32.
    21. Contra Gemser, HATAl6z,39;Lamparter, Das Buch derWeisheit: Prediger und Spriiche.
    BAT ){Yr (1955),271.
    22. As claimed by McKane, Proverbs,324.
    It{aqet

    less, in the summer they gather the food they need (6:8). The accent is more on dili
    gent preparedness than on "the ceaseless activity that is especially characteristic of
    the ant."23 Instead, the 'dsEl lies abed and sleeps (6:9), and poverty is suddenly at
    hand (6:10-11). That poverty is not "fated" 11s[ even for the 'dsEl (Prov.24:30-34;
    Eccl. 10:18) -
    but is to a large extent the individual's own fault is emphasized by a
    -
    variety of proverbs. Laziness has its deeper roots in a failure to heed conventional
    wisdom and discipline: "Poverty and disgrace await one who ignores discipline"
    (Prov. l3:l8a). The remedy is diligence (e.9.,12:-21;21:5), evidenced especially in
    honest labor (28: l9). But how can someone harvest grain in summer if, like the'dsEl,
    he does not plow in the spring? Naturally when harvest comes there is nothing to be
    found (20:4).
    c. The conduct or "lifestyle" of an 'ds€l can be assessed from two viewpoints: from
    the perspective of ethical expectations and on the basis of the fundamental order re-
    flected in wisdom instruction. Manifestations of want cry out for such assessment. As
    we have already seen, the 'd;dlis characterized by appetite, craving, and vitality (nepel
    in Prov. 13:4; 19:15; the use of nepei is an argument for viewing 13:2-4 as a
    redactional unit2a). Slackness to the point of deceit is contrasted with diligence: it re-
    sults in poverty: 'A slack (remtyd) hand causes poverty, but the hand of the diligent
    fiarfr;) makes rich" (10:4; cf. 12.,24). The close association of nepei, rcmtyd, hdmds,
    aJnd 'd;dl (6:6) as well as the connection with rd.fd' (21:24-29) shows that being 7.se7 is
    not value neutral. Neither does one become 'dpdl as a result of the correlation of desert
    and fortune. An 'd;dl is simply a person who lets himself drift, refusing to observe his
    fundamental obligation to provide for the necessities of life, devoting himself instead
    to irresponsible indolence. Therefore his unreliability is an obstacle to the functioning
    of society (10:26).
    Common sense (lE!) should prevent such destructive tendencies; a normal measure
    of intelligence (bkm) should point the right way. Therefore the 'd;dl is sent to the ant,
    where he can observe the necessary foresight and learn the right lesson (6:6). But the
    'd;dl is like an 'adam hasar-leb Q4:30). Derisively, 26: 16 chides the 'd;€l: "The lazy
    person thinks himself wiser than seven who can answer discreetly." T\e 'd;€l does not
    make a critical assessment of himself; his smugness prevents him from reshaping his
    life, and he is alienated from the counsels commended by wisdom.25
    Reiterer

    23. O. Pl6ger, Spriiche Salomos. BKXVII (1984), 6.


    24. rbid., 158.
    25. McKane, Proverbs,60l; Ringgren,ATD 163,105: '"That is ultimate stupidity." On "smug-
    ness" see J. van der Ploeg, Spreukcn. BOT VIII (1952), 90; R. N. Whybray, Proverbs. CBC
    (1972), ts3.
    dl{dsan 289

    d!\ 'a;a*; EII{ 'dsfim; d*!t 'dsem; i1Q\! 'o;mA; niDIyD ta'a;umily

    I. General: l. Scope; 2. Other Semitic Languages; 3. LXX;4. Dead Sea Scrolls. II. Usage and
    Meaning: l.'dihm; 2.Yerb;3. Other Nouns; 4. God. III. Theological Contexts: l. God as Giver
    of Increase and Power; 2. Human Power against God; 3. The Promises to the Patriarchs; 4. The
    Increase of Israel in Egypt;5. The Nations of Canaan;6. The Assault of the Nations; 7. Deutero-
    Isaiah; 8. The Pilgrimage of the Nations; 9. The Cultic Community of Israel; 10. Daniel;
    I 1. Sins.

    I. General.
    l. Scope. Despite the assumed common root, this article does not discuss -+ EIy
    III, "close (eyes) j' or *a;mi, "great event;
    'esem, "bone," and its associated words, 'pm
    misfortune, suffering, torment," which Driver postulates in Ps.22:18(Eng. v. l7);
    53:6(5); Job 4:14; 7 :15.r

    2. Other Semitic Languages. The root 'sz probably derives from Proto-Sem. '4m.
    Words based on this root meaning "numerous, mighty," occur in Ugaritic, Phoenician,
    Arabic, and Ethiopic. In the Deir 'All5 inscriptions (I, 8-9), we find l.tik w'l ngh 'ym w'l
    smrl<y. Hoftijzer cautiously interprets 'l ngh'.tm as "powerful absence of light"; his syn-
    tactic analysis, however, and the presence of our root have rightly been disputed.2 A
    clearly "Semitic" 'dmm oil resists interpretation.3

    3. lXX.The LXX does not have a fixed translation for this group of words, clearly
    not perceiving them as conveying a meaning that could be conveyed by concordant
    treatment. There is likewise no specific echo of the Hebrew word group in the NT.

    4. Dead Sea Scrolls. Occurrences in the Dead Sea Scrolls: 'srz; IQH 6:31; IQH fr.
    52:l;'swm: IQM l1:5;4Q184 l:14.

    'dgarn. Y. Avishur, Stylistic Studies of Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Literatures.
    AOAT 210 (1984), 399; R. Giveon, 'A Ramesside 'Semitic' Letter," RSO 37 (1962) 157-73;
    M. D. Goldman, "lrxical Notes on Exegesis," ABR 4 (1954155) 87-90, esp. 89-90; W. Gross,
    Bileam. SAIV'I 38 (1974),258-60; H. W. Hertzberg, "Die Abtrtinnigen' und die 'Vielen,"'
    Verbannung und Heimkchr FS W. Rudolph (1961),97-108, esp. 104-5; N. Lohfink, "Zum
    'kleinen geschichtlichen Credo'Dtn26,5-91'TP 46 (1971) 19-39, esp. 28-29,31; J. L. Palache,
    Semantic Notes on the Hebrew lzxicon (Eng. trans. 1959), 18; P. Weimar, Untersuchungen lur
    priesterschrifilichen Exodusgeschichte. FzB 9 (1973), esp. 25-36.
    1. G. R. Wver, ExpT 57 (1945146) 193, 249; idem, rVO I (1947-1952), 4ll-12; rejected by
    A. R. Johnson, The Vtality of the Individual in the Thought of Ancient Israel (1964),8.
    2. J. Hoftijzer, ATDA, 197. Cf. J. Naveh, IEJ 29 (1979) 136; J. C. Greenfield,,/SS 25 (1980)
    251;H. and M. Weippert, ZDPV98 (1982) 93.
    3. Cf. Rossi-Pleyte, Papyrus Tuin,ll,8; Giveon.
    D}U'dsam

    II. Usage and Meaning.


    l.'dsfim. The adj.'qsfrm occurs 31 times in the OT (counting Ps. 10: l0 but not Isa.
    4l:21 or Job 7:15) and once in Sirach. There are 12 occurrences in the historical books
    and the Pentateuch, 1l in the Prophets (esp. Isaiah and Joel), 3 in the Psalms, 4 in wis-
    dom literature,and2 in Daniel. Of the total, 18 are in poetry and 14 in prose; of the lat-
    ter, at least 6 appear in Deuteronomistic rhetorical prose, with its propensity for
    parallelisms and series. The earliest texts are Ex. l:9 (J); Am. 5:12; Isa. 8:7; the latest
    are Dnl. 8:24; ll:25; Sir. 16:5. The majority appear to be exilic or postexilic. There is
    no obvious concentration in a specific period or genre.
    In Isa. 4l:21 'a;um6l refers to forensic proofs; it is reasonable to assume a connec-
    tion with'dsfrm(cf. the discussion below of 'sra in Ps.69:5[4]). This is clearly a spe-
    cialized meaning, however, so that it is better not included here. It is less clear whether
    an already independent specialized meaning should also be postulated in Ps. l0:10, and
    certainly not what that meaning might be. It is pointless to be tempted into conjectural
    emendation in this verse, which presents other diffrculties as well. In any case, it wit-
    nesses to the Masoretic interpretation of the text, in which the Q reading of fulk'ym
    finds a military metaphor ("army of the weak"). I forgo including the totally conjec-
    tural m€'a;um6py, "than these my defensive arguments," in Job 7:15.4
    Association with certain words is significant. In 2l instances'dsftm appears attribu-
    tively or predicatively with'am or gdy (in the sense of "nation" or "army"). Five addi-
    tional occurrences deal with the same subject without using either word, although'am
    or g6y generally appears in the context (Isa. 8:7; 53:12: Joel2:11 ; Dnl. 8:24; I I :25). In
    only five texts does 'd;fim modify other entities: Nu. 32:l (cattle); Am. 5: l2 (sins); Ps.
    l0: l0 (snares, pits?); Prov- 7:26 (victims of the strange woman); l8: l8 (contenders at
    law); Sir. 16:5 (striking tales of God's wrath). In short, 'd;frmbelongs primarily to the
    lexical environment of 'am and gdy.
    This focused usage also explains the prevailing appearance of the word in serial and
    parallel constructions with ra! ( 16 times) and gd/61 (8 times). In 5 addition al cases ra!
    occurs in the immediate context, and in 2 gd86l. Only 8 occurrences involve neither
    rap nor gdQdl (Ntt.22:6;Isa.60:22; Joel l:6; Mic.4:7; Ps. l0:10; Prov. l8:18; 30:16;
    Dnl. 8:24). Both adjectives were identified with the words'am and g6y even before
    they became associated with'd;fim: giy ga86l and'am ra! are common phrases. Only
    occasionally is'd;fim added for emphasis. Therefore when it does occur it appears in
    second place, with just two exceptions: 'dsfim + rap inDL9:14 and mA hanndhdr
    hd'asfrmtm w"hdrabbtm in Isa. 8:7. A special case is the compound series in Dt. 26:5:
    giy + 'dsfim + ra! (see III.4 below). The emphatic nature of 'd;fim appears clearly in
    texts that use the shorter expression (ust ra! or ga/61) and then repeat it with the addi-
    tion of 'd;frm (Dt.4:38 [see vv. 6,7,8]; 7:1 [see earlier in the same verse]; Mic. 4:3 [see
    vv.2,L3i 5:6,71; Dnl. 11:25 [see in the same verse]).5
    In some cases an earlier version of the text without 'a$tm has been emphasized by

    4. J. Reider, W 2 (1952) 126.


    5. On the interpretation of this stylistic technique, see Avishur, 125.
    EI9'dsam 291

    the addition of the word in the new text: Gen. 18:18 (cf. l2:2); Nu. 14:12 (cf. Ex.
    32:10);Joel2:2 (cf.Isa. 13:4); Mic. 4:3 (cf.lsa.2:4). The series rb +'4m may also be
    found in Ugaritic: biku rabbu 'a4umu, "a large vial."6 Emphatic use of 'd;fim is also
    present (esp. in late texts) when other expressions paraphrase or substitute for the
    nouns 'az and giy. In a few cases'dsfim alone modifies 'arz (Nu. 22:6; Joel2:5) or gdy
    (Isa. 60:22; Mic. 4:7).
    On the periphery of this picture we find some additional words and motifs used in
    parallel or close association. They too belong to the domain of'am and gdy, ga/61
    and ra!. These include the physical stature and irresistible strength of the Anakim
    and the fortification of the Canaanite cities (Dt. 9:l), the word 'elep (Isa. 6O:22 a
    countless number, but perhaps as a military term?), 'An mispar (Joel l:6), le'dri1
    -
    (Mic. 4:7 division of an army, with military connotations), the inhabitants of
    -
    many cities (Zec. 8:20,22), qdhdl (Ps. 35:18), melek (Ps. 135:10; Prov.30:26-27).
    Even the lions' teeth in Joel l:6 and the word 'azinPrcv.30:25 (with v. 26) have mil-
    itary associations.
    The metaphors in which 'dsAm appears stay in this same domain. Isa. 8:7 uses the
    image of the water of a river overflowing its banks. The Joel passages have to do with
    an army of locusts covering the whole land (the expression kissd 'ey'An hd'dre; associ-
    ated with Nu. 22:6 may also suggest locust imageryiT in Prov. 30:26 the theme of lo-
    custs appears in the following verse). Joel2:2 (continued by v.5) speaks ofthe dawn,
    Mic.4:6-7 of a flock scattered over the land. What all these passages have in common
    is an image of the earth as a broad surface over which extends something mobile, new,
    altering, numerous, often frightening.
    It may be possible to define the associational sphere of 'astrm more precisely. The
    word occurs 21 times in conjunction with hostility and conflict (Ex. 1:9; Nu. 22:6; Dt.
    4:38;7:l;9:l; ll:23;26:5; Josh. 23:9;lsa.8:7;53:12:, Joel 1:6; 2:2,5,11; Mic. 4:3; Ps.
    10:10; 135:10; Prov. 7:26; 18:18; Dnl. 8:24; ll:25). Seven additional passages are at
    least related to this theme (Nu. l4:t2; Dt.9:14; Isa. 60:22 [alluding to the Dtr texts
    concerning conquest of the land]; Am. 5:12; Mic. 4:7; Ps. 35:18 [surrounding verses];
    Sir. 16:5 [introducing tales of God's wrath]). There are only four occurrences outside
    this connotative sphere (Gen. l8:18; Nu. 32:l; Zec.8:22; Prov. 30:26).
    Connected with the sphere of conflict is the frequent use of zin following 'dl,fim. In
    Ex. 1:9 and Nu. 22:6this construction should probably be translated "too numerous/
    mighty for"; in Nu. 14:12 and Dt. 9:14 it clearly means "more numerous/mighty than."
    In the remaining passages (Dt. 4:38; 7:l;9:l; 11:23), the decision is more difficult, but
    "more numerous/mighty than" is likely (note esp. the context of 7: l). The construction
    in this situation has been called a "superiority formula."8
    The relatively rare contrastive expressions denote smallness in size and number, in-
    significance, weakness (Dt. 717, me'at lcf. 7:l); 26:5, melA mc'at; Isa. 8:6-7, hal"(im

    6. KTU 1.3,1,12. See E. Lipiriski, UF 2 (1970)77,81;M. Dahood, RSB I,II, 516; rejected by
    J. C. de Moor and P. van der Lugt, BiOr 3l (1974) 6 n. 11.
    7. See the discussion in Gross,95-96.
    8. Weimar,33.
    dlYa am

    l"'at; 6O:22, qatbn, sdir; Mic. 4:6-7,lameness, distance, rejection). The expression ?n
    mispdr in Joel l:6 could be taken as a quasi-definition of 'dsfrm. There is probably an
    elative or superlative element inherent in the word 'd;frm
    - but in the case of the
    (as
    verb) this element can be reinforced further by me'd{ (Nu. 32: l; Dnl. I l:25; cf. Joel
    2:11).
    The meaning of 'dsfrm oscillates between "numerous, many" and "mighty, power-
    ful." On the one hand, Nu. 22:6 and32:l cleally require the translation "numerous." In
    Ex. l:9; Dt. 26:5; lsa. 60:22; Joel2:2,5,11; Z,ec. 8:22 (cf . v. 20: "inhabitants of many
    cities"); Ps. 35:18, individual elements in the context at least suggest that the numerical
    aspect is primary. Overtones ofthis aspect can be heard in all occurrences, so that there
    is no really clear instance of the idea of pure might and power apart from any numeri-
    cal aspect. On the other hand, contextual elements in Dt. 7:l; 9:1 (and consequently
    also in the associated texts 4:38; 11:23; Josh. 23:9); Isa. 8:7 (cf. the contrastive lan-
    guageof v.6);53:12(notethereferencetotheintroductory52:13);Am.5:12(cf.v.9);
    Ps. 10: l0; 135:10 indicate that here the aspect of power and might is primary. In other
    passages it is very difficult to decide; there is a similar semantic oscillation in the case
    of ra!, so that the use of 'd;fim and ra! in parallel does not imply the numerical sense
    of 'asfim (cf. Josh. 17:17,'am ra! par. kOab SAflOI). One must remember that in
    segmentary societies the power and prestige of a family were defined by the number of
    its members and their cattle, and that in pretechnological warfare military power de-
    pended primarily on the number of warriors. There was therefore no reason to separate
    the two aspects linguistically. The semantic oscillation that causes problems for us is
    due to the language of translation and its sociocultural presuppositions. Even the no-
    tion that the nominal pl. 'osttmtm should always be translated "mighty (persons, rul-
    ers)" turns out to be wrong. It identifies correctly the primary aspect in Prov. I 8: 1 8 and
    Dnl. 8:24, and probably also in Isa. 53:12,e but is by no means certain in Prov. 7:26.
    The aspect of numerical multitude, present to a greater or lesser degree, probably does
    not refer to numbers that can be counted on the fingers of a hand but to quantities that
    are hard to count, going into the hundreds, thousands, and beyond.
    If the basic meaning of 'a;Am is "multiplicity,"l0 ,1r"n more precise analysis is
    needed. In 17 cases 'd;fim qualifres a singular entity, within which the multiplicity
    must be asserted. This involves no problems in the case of the collectives'am and g6y.
    The same is true of other words. When the referent is plural, as in gdyim'"pfrmtm, the
    meaning must be "many" nations (which together as a multitude of nations would be
    "mighty") or "populous nations," each of which would then be "mighty" individually.
    Because 'a;fim can already qualify a sg. "nation," the second alternative is preferable
    (Dt. 4:38; 7:l;9:l; ll:23; Josh. 23:9;Mic.4:3;Zec.8:22; similarly Isa. 53:12; Dnl.
    8:24).In Dt. 7:l the seven nations named explicitly, despite their symbolic character,
    are probably too few in number to suggest "many." The aspect of the size of each indi-
    vidual nation becomes thematic in v. 7. There are only two 'asttmtm in Prov. 18:18. If

    9. Contra Herzberg, 104-5.


    10. Contra Palache.
    dlI'dsam

    the idea of multiplicity is involved, it can only be because having many family mem-
    bers or adherents makes the contenders mighty. Ps. 135: l0 is similar: each of the kings
    has a great nation behind him. The question remains open in kov.7:26 and the meta-
    phorical occurrences in Am. 5:12 and Sir. 16:5. It is impossible to cite a counter-
    example, where'dgAm, appearing with an entity in the plural, is shown by the context
    to be qualifying this plurality rather than distributively each individual instance of the
    multitude.
    Ps. 135:10 borrows the Deuteronomistic topos of the mighty nations of Canaan, al-
    though it does not speak simply of the "nations." Vv. l7 -20 of the following psalm
    even apply the same topos to the kings alone, clearly in the sense of their power and
    might. Ps. 135:10 stands somewhere in the middle. Here the meaning of 'dsftm depends
    on the precise sense of ra!, which here takes the place of the traditional gd/6l.The
    texts would seem at first glance to speak of "many nations." To the two classic
    Transjordanian kings of Dt. 2-3 and Ps. 136:19-20 are added all the maml"fi61of Ca-
    naan. Nevertheless, gdyim rabbtm probably does not mean "many nations (of Ca-
    naan)." In the parallelism of gdy and meleft, gdy refers to the subjects rather than the
    sovereign.rl Perhaps that is why ra!had to replace gdSdlhere. The latter could proba-
    bly be linked with g6y only when the word was not paired with a word referring to the
    sovereign but included the sovereign. In Ps. 135:10, therefore, the rabbtmwith gbyim
    qualifies each individual nation; to be consistent, the 'a;frmtm with meldf;tm must qual-
    ify the individual kings. The translation should read: "populous nations . . . mighty
    kings," with the might of the kings deriving from the great number of the nations they
    reign over.

    2. Verb. There are 17 occurrences of'sm (including Jer. 30:14 and Ps. 69:5[4], but
    excluding the piel in Jer. 50: 17 and the conjectural occurrence in Dnl. I 1:4), 16 in the
    qal and one in the hiphil. It appears 3 times in Genesis and Exodus, but nowhere else in
    the Pentateuch and the historical books. It appears 5 times in the Prophets, but only in
    Isaiah and Jeremiah always in authentic texts. It is thus totally absent from the
    -
    Deuteronomistic corpus. It appears 6 times in the Psalter and 3 times in Daniel. There
    are no occurrences in wisdom literature. Eleven occurrences are in poetic texts
    (Prophets and Psalms), 6 in prose (Genesis, Exodus, Daniel). Seven occurrences date
    from the period of the monarchy. Of these, Gen. 26:16 (J) could derive from a prior
    oral Isaac tradition; Jer. 15:8 bears witness to the events of 597 or 587. The majority of
    the postexilic occurrences are late. The occurrences in the Psalter are mostly in psalms
    of an anthological nature (40:6,1315,121; 69:5[4]; lO5:24).
    Jer. 30:l4b should not be deleted, even though it is identical with v. l5b.tz The piel
    of 'pz in Jer. 50:17 is a denominative from 'e;em, "bone."l3 In Ps. 69:5(4) we may be
    dealing with a specialized meaning: "make oneself strong in a lawsuit = bring suit

    I l. W. L. Moran, 'A Kingdom of Priests," FS M. J. Gruenthaner (1962),7-20.


    12. N. tohfink, "Der junge Jeremia als Propagandist und Poet," in lz livre de .lirdmie. BETL
    54 (1981),351-68.
    13. HP, 267.
    DIll 'a-sam

    against";14 cf-'asfim61in Isa. 41:21 (see above) and Middle Heb. 'sm hithpael, "engage
    in a lawsuit." Since the meanings here have not yet really drifted apart, I include this
    text. The conjectural k"'o;m6 in Dnl. I l:4 should be rejected as a harmonizing assimi-
    lation to 8:8.1s
    In sharp contrast to the usage of 'd;fim, only in Ex. 1:20 and Ps. lO5:24 (both times
    in connection with Israel's becoming a nation in Egypt) is the subject of the situation
    expressed by 'qm designated by the word 'am.Tlteword gdy is never used. Indeed, Dnl.
    l1:23 says of Antiochus IY: we'a;am bim'at-giy, "he became mighty even though his
    supporters were few." In three passages, however, the subject is equivalent to'am/gby:
    Ex. l:7 (Israelites); Isa. 3l: I (horsemen/chariots of an army); Jer. l5:8 (the widows of
    the people of Yahweh an ironic allusion to the promise of many descendants). In
    three other passages, -
    individuals must be viewed as representatives of their clans or
    kingdoms: Gen.26:16 (Isaac), Dnl.8:8 (Alexander the Great), and Dnl. 1l:23
    (Antiochus IV). Finally, Dnl. 8:24 must be included (the "power" of Antiochus IV as
    the subj. of 'sru). This accounts for 9 out of 17 occurrences. Somewhat similar are Ps.
    38:20(19) and 69:5(4), which make statements about the psalmist's enemies: they can
    hardly be meant as individuals, but they can as representatives of clans. The 6 remain-
    ing texts are metaphorical; the subject of the verb is the sins of Israel or the psalmist
    (Jer. 5:6; 30:14-15; Ps. 40:13[12]), God's wondrous deeds (Ps. 40:6[5]), or the sum of
    God's thoughts (Ps. 139:17). Although usage of the verb fundamentally resembles that
    of 'd;fim, we find less association with particular words and a greater tendency toward
    metaphor.
    Corresponding to the absence ofg6y as subject is the fact that gdl appears only once
    in a series (Dnl. 8:8, where gdl introduces the series). Appearance in series withrbb,
    rbh, or ra!, however, is common (Ex. l:7,20:. Isa. 3l:1; Jer. 5:6; 30:14-15 [twice]; Ps.
    40:6[5]; 69:5[4] with rb before bz; Ps. 38:20[9]; 139:17-18 with 'sm before rb: ato-
    tal of I 0 occurrences). In addition, gdl and rb appear in Gen. 26:.13-14, a proleptic ex-
    planation of v. 16. In Ps. 139:18 we find something like a definition of irrz.' "They are
    morethanthesand"(cf.alsoJer. l5:8,"thesandof theseas").Cf.alsoEx. l:17;Ps.
    40:13(12); lO5:24;139:17; Dnl. 8:24. The clearest parallel is probably the phrase 7n
    mispdr in Ps. 40:13(12). As opposites we find in Ps. 38:12(11) (cf. v. 20[19]) and 69:9-
    13(8-12) (cf. v. 5) the social isolation of the psalmist, and in Dnl. 8:7 (cf. v. 8) the im-
    potence of an opponent.
    The verb, too, is usually associated with enmity, conflict, etc. In 10 occurrences this
    hostility is found in the immediate context (Gen. 26:16; Ex. 1:20; Isa. 31:l; Jer. l5:8;
    Ps. 38:20[19];69:5[4]; 105:24; Dnl. 8:8,24; ll.,23); in 4 it appears at least in the ex-
    tended context (Ex. 1:7; Jer. 5:6; 30:14-15). Construction *ith min, common with
    'dsfim, appears in Gen. 26:16:' Jer. l5:8; Ps. 40:6,13(5,12); lO5:24.
    Again the meaning oscillates between "be numerous" and "be mighty." Gen.26.12-
    16 shows clearly how under fractionated circumstances both aspects go together. In the

    14. Goldman.
    15. First proposed by H. Graetz, MGWJ 20 (1871) 142.
    dl{apan

    case of the verb (in contrast to'dsttm), however, especially in later texts, the aspect of
    multiplicity clearly becomes secondary to that of might and power. A total dissociation
    of the aspect of "might" from that of great numbers appears in Dnl. 1l:23 ("despite the
    small size of his party"). [n Isa. 31:1, on the contrary, the point is precisely the great
    multitude of the Egyptian cavaky promises their defeat. Comparison
    - for the context
    to the hairs of the psalmist's head in Ps. 40: l3(12) and 69:5(4) likewise admits only a
    numerical sense.
    Again the question of the actual subject of the expression of multiplicity arises
    when that entity appears in the plural: is it the plurality itself or distributively the indi-
    vidual member of the plurality? Once again, multiplicity can be predicated of a singu-
    lar entity (Gen. 26:16; Ex. l:20; Ps. 105:24). In the case of the psalmist's enemies in
    Ps. 38:20(19);69:5(4) (cf. Prov. l8:18) and ofthe sins described in Jer.5:6; 30:14-15;
    Ps.40:13(12) (cf. Am. 5:12), the verb should possibly be interpreted distributively. But
    a text like Ex. 1:7 ("Israelites" as subj.) shows that a different perspective can make its
    appearance in the case of the verb. The plural subject is perceived as a collective and
    thus as a totality can become the entity of which multiplicity and might are predicted.
    This is clearly true in Isa.3l:l; Jer. l5:8; Ps.40:6(5); 139:17 as well.

    3. Other Nouns. If Isa. l1:15 and Ps. 139:15 are not counted, the noun '6;em ap-
    pears twice (Dt. 8: l7; Job 30:21); if Sir. 38:18 is not counted and Isa. 40:29 is counted,
    the noun 'osmb (overlooked by KBL, appears 5 times (tsa. 40:29; 47:9; Nah. 3:9; Sir.
    4l:2; 46:9).In Ps. 68:36(35) the word ta'a;ftm61 appears as a hapax legomenon parallel
    to 'da with the meaning "power." Ps. 68 could be very ancient. Nah. 3:9 is certainly
    preexilic. Dt. 8:17 (the only occurrence in prose) belongs to a late Deuteronomistic
    stratum.
    None of the ancient versions supports the interpretation of the hapax legomenon
    ba'ydm in Isa. I 1: 15 as a comrption of b"'Asem.r6 The LXX and other ancient versions
    support the reading 'o;mfr inlsa. 40:29.17 In Nah. 3:9 it is unlikely that the Masoretes
    "carelessly"rs omitted the mappiq; this is therefore an occurrence of 'o;m6, not'6;em;
    the ancient versions added the personal pronoun that the sense requires. In Ps. 139:15
    '6;mi is the original reading, not the pDy of l lQPsa; but the word in question is'dsem
    II, "body," related to 'e{em, "bone" (cf. "soul" in v. l4). In Sir. 38: 18 , B reads ybnh
    !Dh, "brings tribulation"; LXX laimpsei ischfn might reflect yc'ann€h'o{mA,le but this
    is not certain.
    The word 'dpez exists only in the bound phrase '6;emyd{ (Dt. 8:17; Job 30:21); in
    both its occurrences it clearly means "power, might." The phrase may already be found
    in Ugaritic,zo but the one occurrence of 'Vn yd could be vocalized as meaning either
    "might of hand" or "forearm bone."

    16. First proposed by Luzatto; cf. Delitzsch, Isaiah. KD 1,292.


    17. K. Elliger, Deutero-lesaja. BKXJII (1978),93-94.
    18. W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-tuphanja. KAT XIIV3 (1975), in loc.
    19. N. Peters, Das Buch Jesus Sirach. EHAT 25 (1913), in loc.
    20. KTU 1.12,r,24.
    d!\'dsam

    The meaning of the more freely used 'osmi oscillates between the two now familiar
    possibilities. rsa- 47:9 clearly has to do with numerical multiplicity, and probably Nah.
    3:9 as well; Isa.40:29; Sir.4l:2;46:9 more likely deal with "power, might." In Isa.
    40:29 (opposirc'l-n'6ntm), the reference may even be to the power of wealth, an inter-
    pretation supported by the Targum. The problem of a plural referent appears only in
    lsa.47:9, where the context sheds no light.
    Of the familiar parallel roots, gdl does not appear, but rD does: Dt. 8:17 (cf. v. l3);
    Isa. 40:29 (as a verb); 47:9 Qa!
    'osmd). New parallels include kdalt - cf.(Dt.8:17,
    the similar expression in v. 12 with 16! but not
    with kdah then appearing by itself in
    v. 18; Isa. 40:29,where kdalt is a key word in the context; Job 30:21, wherethe'osem
    ydd of the divine enemy is an augmentation of the kbah yd/ of the human enemy in
    v. 2), '€n qd;eh (Nah.3:9), and bz (Ps. 68:36[35]). In the conrext of Isa. 40:29, the im-
    age of eagle wings (v. 31) deserves mention. In 4 of the 8 occurrences, the theme of
    conflict and war is sounded: lsa.47:9; Nah. 3:9; Job 30:21; Sir. 46:9 (on the warlike
    overtones of drk 'al bdmdp 'ere;, cf . Dt. 33i29i Mic. l:3).

    4. God. In secular usage the word group refers to individuals as well as nations, ar-
    mies, and other collectives; unlike other words for power and might, however, it never
    appears in a direct statement concerning God. The texts that come closest are Ps.
    40:6(5) (verb: Yahweh's wondrous deeds are myriad), Ps. 139:17 (verb: the great sum
    of El's thoughts), Job 30:21-22 ('6sem: the might of Eloah's hand lifts Job into the gale
    to destroy him), and possibly Sir. 16:15 ('dsfrm: many/mighty evidences of yahweh's
    wrath recorded in the Bible). But all these passages use the word in question indirectly;
    never is the root associated directly with God. The word group must have had a conno-
    tation that made such association impossible. Was the semantic element of "multiplic-
    ity" so dominant that it appeared irreconcilable with the one and only God of Israel,
    who did not belong to any divine family constellation? Was the connotation of conflict
    and struggle so indicative of an open, unresolved situation that Yahweh could not be
    conceived in such a setting? That the word group is never used of God should not, how-
    ever, lead us to conclude that its meaning was fundamentally negative. The error of
    such a conclusion is demonstrated by its use in connection with God's gracious acts in
    history on behalf of human beings.

    III. Theological Contexts.


    l. God as Giver of Increase and Power Independently of the special theological
    topoi concerning Israel, the word group appears to be available to represent the benefi-
    cent intervention of the deity in history on behalf of human beings. Isaac's power,
    achieved by increase of possessions, cattle, and household (Gen. 26:13-14, anticipating
    v. 26), is ascribed to God's abundant (m"'60 blessing (v. l2).In the hymnic conclusion
    of Ps. 68 (possibly very early and, if so, norrhern in origin), the kingdomslkings of the
    eartMand (v. 33[32]) praise Yahweh as the "El of Israel," who "gives power and
    strength ('62 wcla'"sfimdfi to his people [or 'the people,' i.e., humankind]" (v. 36t351).
    Yahweh is also in the background when Dnl. 8:24 says that Antiochus IV will grow
    strong in power, "but not with his [own] power." In some occurrences in the books of
    E}U'asam

    Isaiah and Sirach, too, the use of the word group can hardly be ascribed solely to the in-
    fluence of classical texts recounting the sacred history of Israel, even when (as in Isa.
    60:22 and Sir. 46:9) the context includes elements associated with such texts. In Isa.
    40:27-31 the prophet reminds the disheartened Jacob-Israel of the exile of what it has
    long known (v. 28): Yahweh gives power ('oqmd) to the faint (v.29). He can and the
    point ofthe entire passage -
    he will. In Isa. 60, the central chapter ofTrito-Isaiah, the
    -
    description of Yahweh's eschatological transformation of Zion ends with the state-
    ment: "The least of them shall become a 'thousand,' and the smallest one a g6y 'd;fim"
    (v.221.In Sirach's "Hymn Honoring Ancestors," it is said of Caleb without any ba-
    sis in the Hexateuch
    -
    that Yahweh gave him 'osmd and stood by him in his old age
    (Sir. 46:9). Therefore,- it was probably an open linguistic possibility to say that the de-
    ity makes someone favored'asfrm.

    2. Human Power against God. At the same time, it appears to have been possible
    likewise anticipating the salvation-history theology of Israel
    -
    to use the word group
    -
    to describe those who unfold their own human power against the deity or the faithful.
    We are still within the framework of normal secular usage when a lament describes the
    psalmist's enemies as'"sfimtm (Ps. l0;10; 38:20[9]; 69:5[a]). But the psalmist thinks
    of himself as being on the side of his God, and so the overall context brands the power
    unfolded by the psalmist's enemies as ungodly. On a national scale, the same constella-
    tion appears in an oracle of Isaiah against Israel for allying itself with Egypt (Isa. 3 l: I,
    with reference to the multitudes of Egyptian cavalry), in an oracle of Nahum against
    Nineveh (Nah. 3:9, with reference to Cush and Egypt as the great human reservoir sup-
    plying troops for Assyria), and in Deutero-Isaiah's ironic lament for fallen Babylon
    (Isa. 47:9, with reference to the multitude of Babylon's magical texts, which it thought
    guarantees its security). Dt. 8:17 must also be included here: the warning to Israel not
    to ascribe the wealth it will acquire to the "might" of its own hand, when in fact the
    wealth comes from Yahweh. Although these prophetic and Deuteronomistic occur-
    rences appear in texts that deal with sacred history, they probably point to the preexist-
    ing lexical possibility of using our word group for an ungodly unfolding of power.

    3. The Promises to the Patiarchs. Against the broader background of the general
    use of this word group in theological contexts, the occurrences related directly to sacral
    history take on a sharper outline. First, a negative observation often not recognized in
    the literature: the word group does not belong to the genuine vocabulary of the prom-
    ises to the patriarchs. In the pentateuchal texts recording the promises, only in Gen.
    18:18 do we find the expression g6y gd/61 w''dsfrm, which expands the phrase gdy
    gdQbl of l2:2 (cf . also 17:20 21:18;46:3). Whether l8:18-19 belongs to the source
    stratum of chs. 18-19 (J) is both affirmed and disputed. If the text is late, one might
    theorize that the expression g6y 9A/61 w"'asttm, which Deuteronomistic usage had
    made formulaic in a different context, has here been introduced secondarily into the
    topos of the promises to the patriarchs. Similarly, the verb 'sz in Jer. l5:8 and the noun
    'd;fim i;a[sa.60:22 appear in late and very tenuous allusions to the promises to the pa-
    triarchs.
    dl{.d;am

    4. The Increase of Israel in Egypt. A topos of sacred history to which the word
    group genuinely belongs is the increase oflsrael in Egypt to become a populous nation.
    The occurrences at the beginning of Exodus belong to several pentateuchal strata
    both the early sources (1:9,20) and PG (v. 7). Either rbh or ra! always precedes; the'
    -
    subject is'amor benA yiird'El. [n the early sources, the statement asserts that the Israel
    became too numerous for the Egyptians (v.9,'aprtm min), explaining why Egypt op-
    pressed Israel. This oppression impels the events of the exodus narrative. The situation
    is identical in PG; but the construction with rniz is absent, because PG has introduced
    the key word lrn into a declaration, crucial to the construction of the work as a whole,
    recording the fulfillment of the blessing on creation (Gen. l:28) and the blessing fol-
    lowing the covenant with Noah (Gen. 9:7) (verbs: prlr, iri, rbh, ml).lsrael is the exem-
    plary nation in whom that which was set in motion with the creation of humankind is
    now fulfilled with one outstanding exception: conquest (/cD.i) of the earth. For lsrael,
    -
    concretely, this means taking possession of its own land. This cannot happen in the
    land of Egypt. [n a manner typical of R this new inclusion of 'gm and its association
    with the rbh of creation blessing sets in motion the events of the exodus, beginning
    with oppression in Egypt: a reference back to the dynamics already established at cre-
    ation. The declaration that this final unfinished element of the creation blessing has
    been fulfilled will not appear until Josh. l8:1.2r
    The widespread theory that the combination of rbh and',lz in Ex. 1:7 does not be-
    long to Pc but was introduced by a redactor or compiler of the Pentateuch, on the
    grounds that lsz does not appear in Gen. 1:28, is unfounded. It fails to recognize the
    literary technique of PG, found elsewhere as well, which incorporates linguistic signals
    from the early sources at a point characteristic of them.22
    But even before PG used this technique to link the exodus with creation, the topos of
    Israel's increase in Egypt was already illuminating other textual complexes, including
    occurrences of the root 'srr. In the story of Balaam, the Moabite king Balak feels
    threatened by Israel, which "has come out of Egypt, spread over the face of the earth,
    and settled next to me" (Nu. 22:5). This nation is "too'd;fim for me" (v. 6). Therefore
    he calls on Balaam to curse this nation. Like the statement describing the increase of
    Israel in Egypt, this statement sets in motion the events of the narrative it begins. The
    reader is to recognize the associations in Balak's woids and even at this point imagine
    how the unsuspecting Balak will cross swords with Yahweh. The use of 'd;Am in Nu.
    22:6 thus presupposes that not only the author but also the expected readership is fa-
    miliar with an exodus narrative like that in the early pentateuchal sources whether
    -
    through oral or written tradition, or because the Balaam story struck the reader at once
    as part of a literary complex beginning with Ex. 1.
    It is likely that a proto-Dtn JE redaction (at the earliest) introduced into the story of
    the golden calf the scene of Moses' intercession (Ex. 32:7 -14). Yahweh informs Moses

    21. N. lrhfink, "Die Priesterschrift und die Geschichte l' Congress Volume, Gdningen 1977.
    sw 29 (1978), 218-20.
    22. For a more detailed refutation of this assessment, see Weimar, 25-26.
    lllU'dsam

    of his intention to destroy this nation and begin all over by making of Moses a gdy
    gdQdl (v. 10). This verse clearly echoes the promise to Abraham in Gen. l2:2: Moses is
    to be a new Abraham. Nu. 14:l l-20, an intercession scene inserted soon after into the
    story ofthe spies (and incorporating even later expansions), is dependent on the scene
    in Ex. 32, but introduces fresh nuances, including Yahweh's new words to Moses: "I
    will make of you a goy gd86l we'a;fim mimmennfi" (v. l2). Here gd/61comes from Ex.
    32:10, the prototype, but the expansion derives from Ex. l; its purpose is to bring the
    intended new Mosaic nation into an exodus situation with respect to Israel analogous to
    that of Israel with respect to Egypt in Ex. 1. This explains why yahweh's act of de-
    struction is conceived as a plague (14:l2a) it is analogous to the Egyptian plagues.
    - not to Abraham but to the exodus story.
    Thus the introduction of 'asfim directs attention
    while the root rb always precedes the root '.sm in Ex. 1, the dependence on 32:10 now
    includes the root gdl in this complex.
    This presumably established the pattern for the formulation of the increase in Egypt
    that appears in the Deuteronomic "short historical credo": "There [in Egypt] he [my
    ancestorl became l"gby ga86l'dsfim wdrd!" (Dt.26:5). The prototype Nu. 20:15-16
    did not include the motif of increase in Egypt.z: It is obvious that certain language was
    incorporated from Ex. 1. The total formulation, however, is new and is repeated in this
    exact form nowhere else in the OT. The threefold qualification of g6y is forced by the
    poetic form of the credo inDt.26, for it is a kind of metrical variant of the first clause
    'arammt 'a[eQ 'd[t with its three accents.24 If Gen. I 8: I 8 was not present in the then ex-
    tant form of the Tetrateuch, the Deuteronomic author of the credo used as his prototype
    the formulation in Nu. l4: l2 (missing the connection with the increase in Egypt), add-
    ing ra!, the original parallel to 'qsfrm in Ex. 1:9, as a third attribute. In a three-stress
    unit, metrical considerations probably helped account for its final position. Dt.26:5
    contains the only Deuteronomic/pre-Deuteronomistic occurrence of 'asfim; there can
    be no thought of a "Deuteronomic stereotype" here.
    In turn, the formulation in Dt. 26:5 presumably provided the basis for rhe highly
    unusual variant of God's words to Moses in the intercession narrative as formulated
    by the (probably Josianic) author of the earliest recension of the Deuteronomistic
    History in Dt. 9:l l-14,25-29: "I will make of you a giy 'dsfrm wdrd! mimmenntt,
    (v. 14). Both prototypes in Ex. 32 and Nu. 14 as well as Dt. 26:5 had gd86l; the LXX
    prototype also added it promptly to Dt.9:14. The word rdp came first in Ex. 1:9,
    which is also its normal place in combination with'dsfrm. One possible explanation
    of the word order in Dt. 9:14 is that Dtr I recalled and consciously adopted the for-
    mulation of 26:5, simultaneously eliminating the first element gd86l in order by
    means of this null statement to banish from the context any association with the
    promise of increase to the patriarchs. The latter purpose appezus to make itself felt
    elsewhere in the same context: when the patriarchs are mentioned in Moses'prayer
    of intercession (9:27), the promise that the patriarchs would become a nation, pres-

    23. Lohfrnk,25-28.
    24. rbid.,24-25.
    olY'diam

    ent in the prototype inBx.32:.13, is likewise omitted. The motivation for this omis-
    sion cannot be pursued here.
    Otherwise the root '-sm plays no further role in Deuteronomic and Deuteronomistic
    literature in connection with the increase of Israel in Egypt. In other literary domains
    as well, the topos with this root seldom appears. The postexilic texts Isa.60:22 and
    Mic. 4:7 may allude to it faintly. Ps. 105, an historical psalm that presupposes the Pen-
    tateuch, contains the motif (v.24). Here we find the only occurrence of the hiphil of
    'srz.. more directly than in the early texts, Yahweh is presented as the agent of Israel's
    increase.

    5. The Nations of Canaan. In some late Deuteronomistic redactional strata, how-


    ever, the word'dsfrm enters the stock of Deuteronomistic clich6s in a totally different
    context. It builds on the use of the word group for the autonomous might of the ene-
    mies of the deity and the psalmist. The most extensive text of "DtrN" (shown to be
    present in Joshua and Judges by Smend and probably also found in Deuteronomy)25 is
    Josh. 23:1-16. Its theme is the "nations" (gOyim, vv.3,4,7,9,12,13) destroyed (or not
    yet destroyed) by Israel during the conquest. The future role of the nations with respect
    to Israel is determined by Israel's faithful adherence to the Torah. After an initial rhe-
    torical arc, vv. 9-10 begin afresh: Israel has experienced its ability to destroy more
    powerful nations, and in the future it may be in a position to do so again. In v. 9 the ex-
    pression gbyim geSdltm wa'";frmtm appears as the object of yrJ hiphil; it is by no means
    a stereotyped clich6 (like the nations "left here" in the same text). Later DL1:li9il;
    ll,23 seize on the expression as a kind of catchword, always in conjunction with yr,f
    qal or hiphil and other verbs meaning "destroy." These passages belong to a stratum of
    Deuteronomy that takes a critical position with regard to the nomistic theology of
    DtrN.26 Here the expression is always a new addition to the existing text: for 7:l-5, cf.
    8x.23:23-24 and 34:11; forg:l-2,cf. Nu. 13:28,31and Dt. l:28;for 11:23'25, cf. Dt.
    I :7-8 and Josh. 1:3-5. The central argument against the nomistic theology of DtrN ap-
    pears in 9:1-5: it is not on account of any inherent "righteousness" on the part of Israel
    that Yahweh destroyed the more powerful enemy nations for Israel's benefit. Within
    the total argument, the motif of the nations' superiority serves to glorify the miraculous
    nature of Yahweh's aid, vouchsafed quite unmerited by Israel.27
    Without the root 'srn, the same stratum also mentions these giyim in Dt. 7 il ,17 ,22;
    8:20; 9:4-5; ll:23. Dt.7: 1 designates them as the seven nations of the early list of na-
    tions. In 7:17-24 in particular, we find a call to trust in Yahweh's help. The miraculous
    character ofthe destruction ofthe nations is likewise the subject of4:38, a text belong-
    ing to an even later stratum, where the expression appears to be used formulaically in a
    thoroughly appropriate context. Outside Deuteronomistic literature, a variant of the

    25. R. Smend, "Das Gesetz und die Volker," Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad
    (1971), 494-509; N. Lohfink, "Kerygmata des Deuteronomistische Geschichtswerksl' Die
    Botschaft und die Boten. FS H. W. Wolff (1981), 87-100.
    26. See Lohfrnk, "Kerygmata," 99-100.
    27. G. Braulik, ZTK 79 (1982) 127-60.
    Elf dgan

    formula (ra!insteadot Sd46l) appears in Ps. 135:10, in a summary of the conquest


    based on the accounts in Deuteronomy and Joshua (on the introduction of the nations'
    kings, cf. Dt.7:24).

    6. The Assault of the Nations. Independently of this use of 'dsfim for the hostile na-
    tions of Canaan, doomed to destruction, and at a much earlier date,zt Isa. 8:7 (authen-
    tic) in Isaiah's "memoir" uses the image of m€ hannahar hd'"sfimtmw"hdrabbtm, oyer-
    flowing the river's banks and inundating even Judah, to depict the oppressive might of
    Assyria. This is Judah's punishment for refusing "the water of Shiloah that flow
    gently." Judah wanted a role on the world stage now its life is at stake! But in the ca-
    - describes Yahweh as imposing
    nonical text, at least, v. 8b (authenticity disputed) a
    limit on the catastrophe (the enornous protective bird is Yahweh!). This limit is rein-
    forced by the ironic "challenge" addressed to the nations of the world in vv. 9-10 (au-
    thenticity likewise disputed). on this image and its use cf. Isa. l7:12-14. The concrete
    situation is presented in terms of the motif of the nations' assault onZion and its termi-
    nation by Yahweh.
    This motif connects this constellation of material with that of the book of Joel,
    where 'dsim appears frequently: in the earlier description of the invading army of lo-
    custs (1:6) and in ch. 2, where everything is presented in terms of the eschatological as-
    sault of the nations (2:2,5,11 at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of an
    overall palindromic structure).-In Joel the interpretive element of the "day of Yahweh"
    is added and the military aspect is strongly emphasized. At the end of the book we find
    once more an ironic challenge to eschatological battle (4:9-1413:9-14)).

    7. Deutero-Isaiah. In Deutero-Isaiah an exhausted and powerless Israel has ceased


    to believe that Yahweh can once more give it'osmb (lsa. 4O:29; see III.I above). Con-
    versely, the'osmA of magic cannot help Babylon, the oppressor (47:9; see III.2 above).
    Yahweh will deliver his "servant" from death. The total commitment of Yahweh to his
    servant after his death and humiliation culminates in 53: 12 in the image of dividing the
    spoil after a great battle. Amongthe rabbtm. Yahweh gives his servant a share of the
    spoil; with the 'asfimtm he divides the spoil. The word rabb?m is a key word in the
    framework of 52:13-53:12 (52:14,151' 53:l 1,12 [twice]). Isa. 52: I 5 points to the gbyim
    rabbim and their kings, the great nations of the world, which have oppressed Yahweh's
    servant (in the definitive text: [srael). Formerly they were appalled to behold the terri-
    ble appearance of Israel (52:.14). Then, however, the servant bore their sins (53: 12) and
    made them "righteous" (53:12). Their reaction is total astonishment (52:15). But the
    servant is translated to the sphere formerly characteristic of the other nations and
    kings: the sphere of victory and dividing the spoil (53:12). The sphere of might, de-
    noted by the word 'd;frm, is now Israel's very own domain. Is this purely an image rep-
    resenting the exaltation of the delivered servant? Or is Israel really to take its place in
    the midst of the great nations? If so, after recognizing and accepting the truth of his-

    28. Contra Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. l99l),341-42.


    dl}'dsam

    tory, they would not cease to be great and powerful. This would be a conception similar
    to that presented by the image of the pilgrimage of the nations.
    Hertzberg points out that, even if the servant in the fourth "Servant Song" is inter-
    preted as an individual and the speakers ofIsa.53:l-lla are interpreted not as the na-
    tions and kings of the world but as Israel, the rabbtm and'ogfimim of the framework are
    clearly these nations.2e

    8. The Pilgrimage of the Nations.lnlsa.2:2-5 (= Mic. 4:l-4), the classical text de-
    scribing the pilgrimage of the nations, 'd;fim appears in the Micah version (4:3; no ear-
    lier than postexilic, no matter how one may think the text originated): from Zion, after
    the nations have assembled there, Yahweh "shall judge between 'ammtm rabbim and
    shall arbitrate between g6yim 'asfrmim
    possibly
    - even those far away." Possibly - but only
    this passage echoes the Deuteronomistic terminology for the destroyed na-
    -
    tions of Canaan (Dt. 7:l;9:l), suggesting how the end of history differs from the begin-
    ning of history. But the purpose may also have been to point to recall lsa. 53:12 by the
    expansion of the text.
    Comparison of Mic. 4 with Isa. 2 shows that in Isaiah g6y is the leading word, with
    'am appeanng in parallel; in Micah the situation is reversed. That the Isaiah pattern is
    the original is shown by the formulation of Isa. 2:4b (retained in Micah), where the ex-
    pression gby 'el-gdy uses only the leading word. In Micah redaction has included
    'ammtm (rabbim) in a more comprehensive text, thus making it the leading word in this
    oracle (cf. Mic. 4:5; 5:6,7)- In the original oracle, there was no modifier of gbyim (cf .
    lsa.2:2,4), while in each parallel stich'ammim was modified by rabbtm. The Micah re-
    daction used two different approaches to solve the problem of balance that arose when
    its operation changed the order of terms. In Mic. 4:l-2 itleft'ammtm unmodified and
    associated rabbtm with gbyim, now in second position. In 4:3, however, 'ammtm in ini-
    tial position retained rabbtm, and so an attributive had to be added to gbyimin second
    position. Thus '0sfrmtm was introduced here. That the prophecy encompasses all the
    nations of the world was underlined by the further addition of 'a/-rdhbq.
    The concluding text of Proto-Zechariah (Zec. 8:20-23; cf. the previous 2:15) takes
    up the theme of the pilgrimage of the nations; vv.20-21 are probably authentic. As in
    Isa. 2 = Mic. 4, nations ('ammtm) and the inhabitants of many cities ('tuim rabbdl ad-
    dress each other, calling for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in this case to appease the an-
    -
    ger of Yahweh and to make inquiry of the oracle of Yahweh of hosts. InZec. 8:22 a chi-
    astic addition resumes and clarifies the theme: the text deals with 'ammim rabbtm
    wcgiyim'osfrmtm. Here we may see an actual literary cross-reference to the oracle of
    M,ic. 4:l-4, already part of the prophetic canon.

    9.The Cultic Community of Israel.The use of 'am'dsAm in Ps.35:18, a vow of


    thanksgiving, is clearly unique: it denotes the cultic community before which the la-
    menting psalmist will give thanks for deliverance. It is preceded in the parallelism by

    29. W. 102-6.
    dl{asam

    qdhdl rd!, to which we may compare Ps.22:26(25) (likewise a vow of thanksgiving;


    par. "those who fear him"; cf. already 22:23122)) and 40:10(9). In ps. 22:25,27(24,26);
    35:10, the "poor" play a role in the context. All three texts are probably late. was 'am
    'dsfrm a common designation of the cultic community, which only by chance is not at-
    tested elsewhere? Or are we dealing here with a new formulation dating from a late pe-
    riod that was no longer secure linguistically? Ps. 35 is also unusual in another respect:
    it divides the vow of thanksgiving and places it at the end of each of its three sections
    (vv. 9-10,18,27-28). Recognizing this, we can observe a wordplay between kol
    'asm61ay, "mywholebody"(v.10,par. tonapliinv.9), and'am'dpfrminv. 18.Thisby
    itself may explain the choice of words (cf. the similar wordplay in ps. 135:15,17). of
    course the worshiper is meant above all to hear echoes of the texts recalling how Israel
    grew numerous and mighty in Egypt and then became a qdhnl at Sinai.

    10. Dqniel. Dnl. 8-12 uses our word group to describe especially mighty kings or
    armies. Such might is always the gift of God, who also determines whether it succeeds
    or fails. The distribution of the verb and 'd.;fim is linguistically interesting: the verb is
    used of Alexander the Great and Antiochus IV (8:8,24; ll:23), while 'dsfim represents
    the enemies of Antiochus IV (8:24; ll:25).

    11. Sizs. Amos used 'dshm metaphorically for the social sins of the northern king-
    dom: ydla'tt rabbim pii'Alcm wa'o;ilmim hagA 1Aftem (Am. 5:12). The text goes on to
    speak of sins in the gate, i.e., in the adminisration of justice. Sins surround the sinful
    upper class like a superior hostile army.
    During the last years of Josiah, when Jeremiah propagandistically legitimated
    Josiah's expansion to the north and in the process formulated the core of Jer. 30-31,30
    in his retrospective summary of the disastrous history of the north, he cited the obvi-
    ously familiar words of Amos in a clause forcibly repeated at the conclusion of a stro-
    phe: 'al ra! 'awdne$'d;cmfr hottd'Iayik ('aSt1t'elleh tak) eO:14-15). Under Jehoiakim,
    Jeremiah himself became a prophet of disaster in Judah; in 5:6 he turned the words of
    Amos against Jerusalem: rabbfr pil'ahem'dscmfi mclfrlophem. That he was adapting
    his earlier oracle against the north is shown by the catchword zth hiphil (cf.3o:12,r4
    with 5:6). That he was still drawing on Amos is shown by the catchwords milpd!, dal,
    and pela'(cf. Am. 5:7,11,12 with Jer. 5:4,6). New here is the charge of obduracy in
    wickedness, an obduracy that is underlined by the fact that ancient prophet oracles,
    pronounced in a bygone era, must be repeated.
    when the final redactor of Ps. 40 (postexilic) wanted in v. l3(12) ro forge a link be-
    tween the two existing sections of the psalm, he drew on both v. 6(5) (rabb61'asi!d. . .
    niplc'61eyla . . .'d;cmfr missappdr) and, instigated by the root 'srz, the prophetic motif
    of multitudinous and mighty sins: 'awdn61ay . . . 'ds,mfr miisa'or61 rd'lt.3r
    Lohfink

    30. N. Lohfrnk, lz livre de J€r€mie. BETL 54 (1981), 351-68.


    31. G. Braulik, Psalm 40 und der Gottesknecht. FzB 18 (1975), 232-33.
    304 d*!-'evm

    dBV 'r;e*; Dllt '6sem

    I. Ancient Near East. IL Etymology, Occurrences, and Meaning: 1. Etymology;


    2. Occurrences and Meaning. III. Usage: 1. Secular Literal; 2. Secular Metaphorical;
    3. Religious and Cultic;4. Theological. IV. Extrabiblical Usage: l. Dead Sea Scrolls;
    2. Postbiblical Aramaic; 3. LXX.

    I. Ancient Near East.l The noun 'esem, "bone, skeleton," is common to all
    branches of Semitic. AY.k. esemtu(m) means "bone(s)" (broken, inflamed, etc.) or
    "skeletons of the dead"; e;em/nseru, with the basic meaning spine, can refer to the line
    on a horse's back or the keel of a ship.z The Ugaritic Epic of Aqhat recounts how
    Danel, searching for the remains of his missing son, wonders whether "scraps of flesh"
    ('imt) or "bones" ('4m) might be found in the entrails of eagles that could have carried
    him off.3 Several Phoenician and Punic inscriptions on sarcophagi describe the con-
    tents ("the bones of. . .") or warn potential grave robbers: "You shall not open this rest-
    ing place above me to disturb my bones" (inscription of the son of SipilUa'at III, ca.
    300 a.c.r.).+ A Hebrew inscription found in the village of Silwan may be cited in this
    context: "This is the [tomb of . . .] YHW, the steward of the house. There is no silver
    and gold here, [for] only [his bones] and the bones of his female slave are with him.
    Cursed be the person who opens this."s
    There is an interesting occulrence in the "Ramesside 'Semitic' Letter," a model
    letter for an Egyptian apprentice scribe fluent in Semitic; this letter contains a list of
    goods, and among other pharmaceutical salves and oils it mentions "'dmm oil."6

    'esem. K. Bornhiiuser, 2613 (1921); L. Delekat, "Zum


    Die Gebeine der Toten. BFCT
    hebriiischen Wijrterbuch," 14 (1964) 1-67 ('e;em: 49-52); R. Giveon, 'A Ramesside 'Se-
    W
    mitic' Letter," RSO 32 (1962) 162-73; O. Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical world (Eng. trans.
    19'78); L. KOhler, Hebrew Man (Eng. trans. 1956); J. Pedersen, ILC, l-ll, l72tt-, 267ff.;
    W. Reiser, "Die Verwandschaftsformel in Gen 2,23: TZ 16 (1960) 1-4; J. Scharbett, Der
    Schmerz im AT. BBB 8 (1955), 9l-97; W. H. Schmidt, 'Anthropologische Begriffe im AT,"
    EvT 24 (1964) 374-88; G. Stemberger, Der Leib der Auferstehung. AnBibl 56 (1972);
    L. Wiichter, Der Tod im AT. AzT Iy8 (1967), 171-80; H. W. Wolff, Anthropology of the OT
    (Eng. trans. 1974).
    l. Additional extrabiblical usage is discussed in IV below
    2. AHw, l,251.
    3.WUS, no.2082; IlT, ro. l8l4; KTU 1.19, IIl,5, ll, 19, 25,34,39.
    4. For Phoenician see KA1 9,A,; for Punic, RES, 593,892,906,937,949,950,95 l; cf. DNS1,
    II, 880. For Sipliba'al see KAI 9A.5.
    5. KAI 1911, Keel, fig. 73. Translation based on KAI, II, 189; and Keel,67.
    6. Giveon, 167, 171; cf. H. Grapow, Wiirterbuch der iigyptischen Drogennamen (1959),
    449-50.
    ElU'esem 305

    II. Etymology, Occurrences, and Meaning.


    l. Etymology. Although the noun 'e{em and the verb iz exhibit the same conso-
    nants, curent Semitic linguistics does not derive the noun from the verb btt calls 'esem
    a "primary noun."7

    2. Occuruence s and M eaning. Therc are 123 occurrences of 'e sem in the OT; the ba-
    sic meaning may be defined as "bone(s)." The noun can denote the entire skeleton as
    well as individual bones; from the latter usage derives the meaning "limbs" (see
    above). Besides the physical sense (Gen. 50:25;2 S.2l:12-13: human bones placed in
    a tomb; Ezk.24:4-5: animal bones cooked in a stew), we find poetic usage in the figu-
    rative language of the Psalms and wisdom aphorisms.s Since bones are "man's most
    durable part his core, so to speak," 'esem takes on the meaning "self," as in the for-
    mula be'esem- hayydm hazzeh, "on the very day" (Gen. 7:13; etc.).e
    It is noteworthy that the noun has two plural forms: masc.'asdmtm and fem. 'a;dm61.
    Delekat interprets the situation by identifying the masc. form with the meaning
    "limbs," while the fem. should be translated "bones (collectively), frame." This is
    clearly true for a portion of the texts he cites (e.g., Jgs. 19:29; Ezk. 24:4-5; Job 2:5;
    40: 18; Eccl. 1l:5; cf. Ps. 139:15), but "the general difference remains uncertain."lO Ac-
    cording to Michel, the masc. pl. denotes bones in a collective sense, while the fem. pl.
    refers to the individual bones.ll

    III. Usage. The usage of 'esem in the OT is very complex and can hardly be divided
    into a secular realm and a religious or theological realm. Although the boundaries are
    fluid, my presentation will use the following categories: (l) secular literal, (2) secular
    metaphorical, (3) religious and cultic, (4) theological.

    I . Secular Literal. Jqb 40: 18 describes the enormous body of the hippopotamus with
    the words "his limbs are [ike] iron tubes." In Ezekiel's vision of a pot on a fire, the
    prophet sees the flesh and bones of a slaughtered animal cooking (vv. 4-5); the bones fi-
    nally char because the broth has been poured off and the pot has become red hot (v. l0).
    If burial of the dead is thought of in the first instance as nothing more than manual
    labor, then the appearance of 'esem in the context can be taken as "secular usage." Gen.
    50:25; Ex. l3:19; Josh.24:32 have to do with the bones of Joseph, who died in Egypt;
    they are to find their final resting place in the "promised land," at Shechem. In 1 S.
    3l:13 (-+ il'I\ geviyydinv.12 parallels 'esemin v. 13)r2 and 2 S. 2l:12-14 par. I Ch.

    7. Bl^e, 456; cf. HAL, II, 869. Contra GesTh, II, 1058: "bone, so called from its hardness and
    strength, compare the root no. 2," which it translates "be strong."
    8. See III.2-4 below.
    9. Quotation from Keel, 66; similarly W. Eichrodt, Theology of the OT 2 vols. (Eng. trans.
    1961-67),11, 146. See III.l below.
    10. HAL,II, 869.
    1 1. D. Michel , Grundlegung einer hebriiischen Syntax, I (1977), 49-50.
    12. -+ II, 436.
    306 trIf ?.sen

    10:-12 are described the ceremonies surrounding the burial with full honors of Saul and
    his son Jonathan, slain in battle with the Philistines. Ezk. 32:27, too, deals with the
    burial of warriors: their shieldsl3 are laid on their bones and their swords under their
    heads. Am. 6: l0 describes how the'asamtm
    - here probably "corpses"l4 - are re-
    moved from a house destroyed in the tumult of battle. According to Jgs. 19:29, in a
    gruesome symbolic action a corpse is cut in pieces "limb by limb" (la'asdmeyhi) as a
    call for vengeance following an outrageous crime.
    On the basis of bones recovered by archaeologists from Palestinian tombs, Kiihler
    attempts to determine the approximate height of a typical Hebrew, which he gives as
    approximately 65-67 inches. 15
    All other occurences of 'e;em in the sense of "bones of the dead, corpse" appear in
    the context of transgressions of ethical or cultic norms and therefore belong to the "re-
    ligious and cultic use" of the word.l6
    The words for the fundamental constituents of the human body, + \0a bdsdr and
    'e;em (cf. Job 2:5), are used in the "kinship formula" 'a;m? filcfidr? 'afiA/'attem,
    which emphasizes the close relationship between individuals (Gen. 29:14;2 S. 19:14
    [Eng. v. l3]) orgroups (Jgs.9:2;2 S.5:l [par. 1Ch. tt:t]; l9:13).tz lnGen.2:23
    this formula, "physically graphic,"l8 describes the relationship between man and
    woman.
    Next we frnd'e;em in a secular sense in the formula b"'e;em hayybm hazzeh, "on
    this very day," used as an expression of time in Gen. 7:13 (deluge); 17:23,26 (cir-
    cumcision of Abraham and Ishmael); Ex. 12:17,41,51; Lev. 23:14,21,28-30; Josh.
    5: I I (Passover and other feasts); Dt. 32:48 (Blessing of Moses); Josh. 10:27 (battle
    at Gibeon); Ezk. 2:3 (Ezekiel's call);24:2 (beginning of the conquest of Jerusalem);
    40:l (vision of the new temple). Very similar is the idiom stating that someone dies
    ,"in full prosperity" (bc'esem tumm6, Job 2l:23). Alongside this formula we may
    place the expression in Ex.24:10 that says that, when God appeared to Moses and
    the elders, "under his feet there was something like a pavement of sapphire stones,
    like the very heaven for clearness" (NRSV; MT frk"'eSem hal\dmayin lilAhar). This
    usage survives in Modern Hebrew, e.g., bc'e;em, "actually"; ydm hd'asmd'AL "lnde-
    pendence Day."

    2. Secular Metaphorical. Secular usage can also be metaphorical. Wisdom apho-


    risms use 'es.em in parallel with another part of the body as a synonym for the whole
    person. An example is Prov. 3:7-8 ("Do not be wise in your own eyes; fear Yahweh and
    turn away from evil. It will be a healing for your strength [it. 'flesh'1te and a refresh-

    13. W. Zimmerl| Ezekiel 2. Henn (Eng. trans. 1983), in loc.


    14. Delekat, 51.
    15. P. 12.
    16. See trI.3 below.
    17. Reiser.
    18. Reiser, 3.
    19. See BHK and B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos. HATVI6 (1963),26.
    Ef,f;'e;em

    ment for your bones"); similar are 15:30 ("Shining eyes rejoice the heart l) )) lebl,
    good news refreshes the bones") and 16:.24 ("Pleasant words are like a honeycomb,
    sweetness to the soul [-+ I?Dl nepeil and refreshment to the bones"). Qualities or situa-
    tions that bring misfortune are twice likened to "bone rot" (rdqdp + 'esem): passion
    (qin'd, Prov. 14:30) and a wife who brings shame (m"biid, l2:4; -s XJI qn'; -+ l21f
    D6O. Also reminiscent of wisdom is the observation of Job 20: I I that even limbs filled
    with youthful vigor will one day lie down in the dust. Similar metaphors and parallels
    appear in the Psalms and Job, but there as laments addressed to God they have theolog-
    ical relevance (see III.3 above).

    3. Religious and Cultic. Human and animal bones also have a religious and cultic
    dimension. This is clear from the directive inEx. 12:46 and Nu. 9:l2 "not to break the
    bones" of the Passover lamb. A better translation would be "divide," for "an undivided
    company" is to share "an undivided animal" when the Passover meal is celebrated, as
    Ex. l2:4 requires in other words, the sacrificial animal is not to be divided before
    the feast.
    -
    Very important is the cultic uncleanness caused by contact with human bones, a
    corpse, or a tomb; this state lasts a week and must be expunged by special purifica-
    tion rites (Nu. 19:16,18; cf. Ezk. 39:15: collecting and burying the bones of the dead
    lying unburied on the battlefield after the final battle makes the land clean once
    more). Prophets therefore often use it to prophesy disaster (1 K. l3:2; cf. 2 K.
    23:14,16,20 par. 2 Ch. 34:5); to escape this disaster, the local counterpart of the man
    of God from Judah, living in Bethel, asks to be buried in the latter's tomb (l K.
    13:31; cf. 2 K. 23:18). By contrast, a legendary story in 2 K. 13:21 tells how contact
    with the burial place of Elisha restores a dead man to life. On the other side stands
    respectful and careful burial of the bones of those who have died (l S. 3l:13; 2 S.
    2l:12ff.); to refuse such treatment is a great wrong (Am. 2:l) or a punishment (Jer.
    8:l; cf. 2 K. 23:14ff.,20; Ezk. 6:5).
    It is clearly very important for bones in a tomb to rest intact and undisturbed; "this
    reflects . . . a concern to preserve personal identity and association with one's clan even
    after death."2o For a human skeleton to be torn apart by a lion (Isa. 38:13) or to dry out
    in the sun and disintegrate (2 S.21:10) is therefore a terrible disaster.2l This view may
    also explain the warning in mortuary inscriptions against unauthorized opening of the
    tomb: the fear of desecration is greater than the fear of robbery (see I above).
    The bones of the dead, totally desiccated but all still in place, play a role in the
    powerful vision of Ezk. 37:1-10: at Yahweh's command, they come together again,
    are clothed with flesh, sinews, and skin, and arise once more as living human beings,
    interpreted in vv. I 1-14 as the resurrected nation of Israel. Bornhiiuser points to the
    belief in the NT period that the presence of all the bones, undamaged and intact, is

    20. Stemberger,60 n. l9; similarly Bornhiiuser, 2l-22;in the opposite case, Wiichter, 17lff.,
    speaks of an "aggravated form of death."
    21. See Bornhiiuser, l0-11.
    d!!.'esem

    necessary for bodily resurection except in the case where God's power restores
    the remains of a mutilated martyr -to new bodily life.zz ln addition, Ezk.37:lff. de-
    scribes the bones in their anatomical context with sinews, flesh, and skin (cf. Job
    l0: I l). Their formation in the womb appears a divine miracle to the wisdom teacher
    in Eccl. l1:5; they are already known to Yahweh before birth (Ps. 139:15: here
    'dsem).

    4. Theological. As partof the body (often in parallel with other parts of the body) or
    as a synecdoche for the body, the bones play a prominent role in the language of OT la-
    ments; their desolate condition siginalizes physical and psychological collapse.23 This
    is quite clear in !er. 23:9: "My heart t+ f) led is crushed within me, all my limbs
    shake." The combination of bdidr and 'e;em used in the "kinship formula" returns in
    descriptions of total deterioration: Ps. 38:4(3) (cf. 102:6[5]); Job 33:21; Lam. 3:4 (see
    III.I above). The outward skin (br) is also involved in this process of decay (Job
    19:20; 30:30; Lam. 4:8). The bones or limbs are the foundation of the body and are
    therefore synonymous with the person of the speaker;2a their sympathetic involvement
    is profound: Isa. 38:13 (three images in vv. 12-13 express the same thing); Hab.3:16
    ("bone rot]' rdqd! ba'aqamay; cf. Prov. l2:4; 14:30); Ps. 6:3(2); 22:15(14);31:11(10)
    (in parallel withhayytm; -+ il'll bayil;32:.3 (cf.Jer.20:9);Ps.42:ll(10); 102:4(3); JoU
    4:14; 2l:24; 30:17; 33:19; Lam. I : 13.
    Alongside the description of affliction we find a supplication for healing (Ps.
    51:10[8] here 'a;dm6l stands eloquently alongside the acc. of the personal pronoun
    -
    as a synonym) or a call to praise God (Ps. 35:10). Ps. 34:21(20) expresses the psalm-
    ist's confidence that his bones will be preserved and not broken (cf. Isa.38:13; also
    III.3 above); in Isa. 58:ll and 66:14 an oracle promises strong and vigorous bones.
    Nu. 24:8 and Mic. 3:2,3bing us into the realm of politics and economics: in the for-
    mer the seer Balaam prophesies that Jacob-Israel will crush the bones of his foes; in the
    latter the greedy rich, who "tear the flesh off the bones" of the people, are threatened
    with retaliatory punishment.
    Three passages containing the noun 'e{em are difficult to interpret and translate:
    (l) Lam. 4:7 bemoans the young men of Jerusalem: "Their 'e$emwas more ruddy than
    pearls." Kraus translates 'esem as "bodies";2s BHK suggests the conjectural emenda-
    tion 'd/am '6rdm or 'dQemi S'pdldm; GesB proposes the reading 'd/emfr mE'";A
    penintm, "more than branches of coral."26 (2) According to Schmidt and Kraus, Ps.
    109:18 is part of an indictment against the psalmist, charging him with "employing
    black arts";27 his curse is reputed to have soaked "into the body [-+ )11 qerep]like

    22. Pp.26tr.
    23. Scharbert, 9l-92.
    24. See Delekat and II.2 above.
    25. H.-J. Krats, Threni. BK XX (1956), 70; also NRSV.
    26. GesB, 6ll.
    27. H. Schmidt, Die Psalmen. HATVI5 (1934),201; H.-J. Kraus, Psa}zs 64150 (Eng. trans.
    1989), in loc.
    lll9'esem

    water, like oil into the bones"28 of a sick individual. Gunkel sees the psalmist as pro-
    nouncing these curses upon his false accusers.2e (3) The interpretation and translation
    of Ps. 141:7 are also very uncertain;3o the verse may describe the destruction of the
    wicked (reading 'asmAhem)3lby an earthquake (cf. Nu. 16:32-33).

    IV. Extrabiblical Usage.


    l. Dead Sea Scrolls. The use of 'esem in the Dead Sea Scrolls always has theologi-
    cal relevance. We encounter expressions that recall OT usage: lions dismember bones
    (1QH 5:7; cf. Isa. 38:13); bones fall asunder (lQH 7:4; cf . Ps.22:15[L4);32:3); there is
    fire in the speaker's bones (lQH 8:30; cf. Jer. 20:9); anxious thoughts penetrate the
    heartandbones (lQH ll:21;cf.Jer.20:9;23:9). Ps. 109:18 isbroughttomindby IQH
    5:35: "My bread turned into a quarrel . . . and it entered my bones."
    The Qumran fragment lQ34 is a collection of liturgical prayers;32 in the context
    of the righteous (saddtq) and the wicked (rdtd'),3:1,3 says that b'smwtm hrph lkl
    bir "in their bones is a disgrace for all flesh." Here 'esem is clearly to be under-
    stood in the personal sense as "being" or "nature." But the fragmentary state of the
    text makes a precise interpretation difficult. The four occurrences in the Temple
    Scrolls also stand entirely within the OT tradition (cf. llQT 50:5;51:4 with Nu.
    le).

    2. Postbiblical Aramaic. The double sense of 'esemis still found in Postbiblical Ara-
    maic.33 In some texts the meaning is "bone(s)" (e.g., Jer. Abod. hr II 40d: "It is per-
    mitted on the sabbath to raise [= restore to its original position] a headbone ('sm il r'i)
    [that has been dislocated]"), in others, "being, self' (e.g., Sifre Debarirn $9, reporting
    Moses as saying to Israel: "I did not tell you this of my own accord" (16'm€'a;mt '"nt
    'dmar ldf;em).

    3. D{X. The LXX uses ostdon/ostofin to translate 'epem. There are also isolated oc-
    currences of other words, e.g., s6ma, knitos, eidos, etc. The same is true for 'opem.
    Beyse

    28. NRSV; EU: "limbs"; Schmidt: "like anointing oil into the pores of the skin."
    29. H. Gunkel, Die Psalmen. HKAT M (41926), 475tr.
    30. Kraus, Psalms 60-150, 526,528.
    31. See BIIK.
    32. D. Barth6lemy, DJD, l, 153.
    33. WTM, ilt,679.
    310 1I9 'dsar

    '1![ Z;or;'139 'eser;'lIil 'a.ser; nJlYa;ere1;;r]T{ '";ar6; 'liIltD ma'sbr;


    1$lD ma';dr

    I.Etymology. II.Verb: l.Meaning;2.Problems. III.Nouns: l.'e;er;2.'1ter;3.'o;ereyand


    'a;drA; 4. ma'sbr; 5. ma'sdr IV. I . LXX; 2. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymolory. Heb. 'asarreflects the root *',rr which is also found in other Semitic lan-
    guages: Arab. 'asara, "press out, squeeze out"; 'a.J4 "act of pressing out, time, period";l
    'asa4, "refuge";2 Eth. 'a;ara andJewish Aram. 'aga4 "press out"; 'a;ra, "winepress, cask";
    Syr. '.lr "tread out (grapes or olives), press out," etc.; Mand. 'lr "wring out";3 possibly alsg
    Old Can. ha-zi-i, "be held back.'a The possibility of connecting'eser in Jgs. 18:7 with
    Arab. Sadara and 'oser in Prov. 30: 16 wittr Arab. 'alara is discussed below. It is unclear
    whether Ugar. fsr belongs with Sem. * 'sr or with gdr.s A1.*.. es€ru is unrelated.6

    Ahituv, "'aseret," EMiqrYl (1971),335-36; G. W. Ahlstrcim, "Notes to Isaiah 53:8f.,"


    'apar. S.
    BZ 13 (1969) 95-98; A. Ahuvyah, "'dsfrr wC'dzfib bCyilrd'aI," lzi 30 (1965166) 175-78; idem,
    'Again Concerning "asdr w{dzfib'i lzi 3l (1966167) 160; idem (unsigned article), 'Again Con-
    ceming "dsfir wi'dzfib',* lzl33 (1968169)70-71; P. J. Calderone, "Supplementary Notes on FIDZ-
    Il: CBQ 24 (1962) 412-19; L. Delekat, Asylie und Schutzorakel am Zionheiligtum (1967), esp.
    320-41; G. R. Driver, "Isaiah 52:13-53:l2l' In Memoiam P Kahle. B7-4W 103 (1968), 90-105;
    I. Efros, "Textual Notes on the Hebrew Bible,"./AOS 45 (1925) 152-54; A. Guillaume, "Hebrew
    and Aramaic Lexicography," Abr-Nahrain I (1961) 3-35; idem, "The Root l)N in Hebrew,"./7S 34
    (1933) 62-64; M. Held, "The YQTL-QTL (QTL-YQTL) Sequence of Identical Verbs in Biblical He-
    brew and Ugaritic," Studies and Essays in Honor of A. A. Neuman (1962),281-90, esp. 283 n. 8;
    P. Jo[on, "Notes de lexicographie h6braique," MUSJ 4 (1910) l-18; R. Kasher, 'Again on '?sfir
    wd'dzfib,"' lzi 3l (1966167) 240; E. Kutsch, 'ttlPD',' 7AW 65 (1953) 247-53; idem, "Die Wurzel
    13I, im Hebriiischen," W 2 (1952) 57-69; E. Y. Kutscher, "Concerning 'dsfrr wi'dzitbl' Izi 3l
    (1.966167) 80; J. [rwy, "lrxicographical Notes lll: HUCA l2ll3 (1937138) 99-101; E. Lohse,
    "nevrnxoonl," TDNT Vl,44-53, esp. 49; P. P. Saydon, "The Meaning of the Expression llt{]
    'lll{," W'2 (1952) 37l-74t H. Seebass, "Tradition und Interpretations bei Jehu ben Chanani und
    Ahia von Silo," 1rI 25 (1975) 175-9O; J. A. Soggin, "Tod und Auferstehung des leidenden
    Gottesknechtesl' ZAW 87 (1975) 345-55; D. Winton Thomas, 'A Consideration of Isaiah LIII in the
    Light of Recent Textual and Philological Study," ETL 44 ( 1 968) 79-86; idem, "Textual and Philo-
    logical Notes on Some Passages in the Book of Proverbs," Wisdom in Ancient Israel and in the An-
    cient Near East. FS H. H. Rowley. SlrI 3 (1955), 280-92; I. N. Vinnikov, "L 6nigme de "asir et
    'dzfib,"' Hommages d Andrd Dupont-Sommer (1971), 343-45; A. S. Yahuda, "Uber 'asir w{dzfrb
    und ?r wi'oneh im AI," ZA, 16 (1902) 240-61; H. Yalon, "The Plain Meaning of Some Biblical
    Verses," BethM lll4 (1966) l7-20.
    l. Wehr,616.
    2. Yahuda, 243-49.
    3. MdD,33.
    4. EA I 38: 130; DNSI, II, 88 I .
    5. For the former see WUS, no.2163; CMLz, 155; Calderone,4l3 n. l0; HAL,II, 870. For the
    latter, UT no. 1982.
    6. AHw,1,252.
    '119 'dsar 3ll

    II. Verb. The basic meaning of 'dsar is "hold back." The root occurs 46 times: 36
    times in the qal, l0 in the niphal.

    L. Meaning. Five semantic fields can be distinguished:


    a. The basic and best-attested meaning is "hold back, retain, limit, detain": Sam-
    son's parents detain an angel (Jgs. 13:15-16, in both instances with dir. obj.); rain
    threatens to stop or impede Ahab (l K. 18:44, dir. obj.; but cf. LXX [rain "comes
    upon" himl).7 People "hold back" their words, i.e., refrain from speaking (Job 4:2;
    29:9, be + obj.). God withholds the waters (Job 12:15). Women are kept away from Da-
    vid and his men (1 S. 21:6[Eng. v. 5], pass. ptcp.). David is "kept away" (i.e., hidden)
    from Saul inZiklag (1 Ch. 12:1). The Shunammite woman orders her servant not to de-
    tain her on her way to Elisha (2 K. 4:24, /' + obj.).
    The use ofthe niphal also belongs here. Plagues are "stopped": after Korah's revolt
    (Nu. 17:13,15[6:48,50]), after the sin with Baal of Peor (Nu. 25:8; Ps. 106:30), and
    after David's census (2 5.24:21,25; I Ch. 2l:22).
    b. The verb can also mean "close, shut up." God "closes" a woman's womb so that
    she cannot bear children (Gen. 16:2, suff. as dir. obj.; 20:18, b"'a! + obj.; Isa. 66:9, no
    obj.; cf. Prov. 30:16). The niphal appears in the same context in Sir. 42:10. God also
    "shuts up" the heavens so that no rain can fall (Dt. 1l:17; 2 Ch.7:13; I K. 8:35 par.
    2 Ch. 6:26 niphal). Cf. Sir. 48:3. God's word was "shut up" (pass. ptcp. ?pfr) within
    Jeremiah like a blazing fire (Jer. 20:9):'d frr (with the preceding wchdyd) appears to re-
    fer to ddpdr in v. 8, but it is also possible that it refers to ?l,f;8 it is doubtful that it refers
    to God or lcm6- Emendation to 'e{er '6{er or 'a;urd is unnecessary.e
    c. The verb appears 3 times with the meaning "confine, imprison." The Assyrian
    king imprisoned Hoshea for taking part in a conspiracy (2K. 17:4); Jeremiah was con-
    fined in the court of the guard (Jer. 33:l; 39:15).
    d. In one instance the verb means "ruIe." Saul is to "rein in" the people, i.e., rule
    over them (l S. 9:17; LXX drxei).to
    e. The expression 'sr kdah means "have strength" (Dnl. l0:8,16; ll:6;2 Ch. 13:20;
    22:9) and, more idiomatically, "be able to" (l Ch.29:14;2 Ch.2:5). The same meaning
    is present in 2 Ch. 14: l0(11) without kOah: Asa prays, "let no mortal prevail against
    you" ('al-ya';dr'immcf;a'"n61).T\e sense requiresthatklah be supplied.ll The situa-
    tion in 2 Ch.2O:37 is similar: the ships of Jehoshaphat and Ahaziah were destroyed in
    Ezion-geber, "and they were not able to go to Tarshish" (wcla' 'd;crfi ldle\e1, + inf.).
    Here too kdah has been omitted.

    2. Problems. Some occurrences of the verb 'dsar are hard to interpret:


    a. The qal pass. ptcp. in the alliterative expression'dsfrr wc'dzi! presents great diffi-

    7. See also Delekat, 326.


    8. See GK, Sl32d.
    9. Contra Delekat; Kutsch; W. Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT Vlz (1958).
    10. See H. Seebass, 7AW 78 (1966) 1741' in "Tradition" he interprets the text differently.
    ll. Contra Joiion, 11.
    312 '1I9 'dsar

    culties.l2 The idiom appears 3 times in connection with a curse on the royal house of
    northern Israel (Jeroboam, I K. 14: l0; Ahab, I K. 2l:21;2 K. 9:8). It appears also in
    Dt.32i36, which speaks of God's intervention on behalf of his people when they have
    lost their power and neither 'asfir nor 'dzfr! remuns. In 2 K. 14:26 we read that God
    saved his people when "there was neither 'asfir nor'dzfib and there was no one to help
    Israel."
    The following attempts have been made to explain this idiomatic dyad (understood
    as an opposition).

    1. Those who are unclean, under a taboo and excluded from the cult, vs. those who
    are not unclean and are therefore not excluded.13
    2. Those who stay at home (on account of illness, old age, etc.) vs. those who can
    leave.la
    3. Slaves vs. free citizens.ls
    4. Those under the protection of a tribe or clan vs. those who lack such protection.l6
    5. Minors under the authority of their parents vs. those who are of age.t1
    6. Married vs. single.l8
    7. Those liable for military service vs. those exempt.le

    Other interpretations understand the components of the idiom as synonyms:

    8. The upper or ruling class of Israel.20


    9. Flocks remaining near the village and kept in a secluded pasture.2l
    10. The helpless and worthless.22
    1 l.
    The oppressed and the helpless.23
    12. Increasing and enduring power or dominion.2a
    13. Warriors and military victors.25

    12. See Brongers, OTS 15 (1965) I I l.


    13. W. Robertson Smith, Religionof the Semites (repr.21956), 456;cf. S. R. Driver, Deuter-
    onomy. ICC (3 l9O2), 37 6.
    14. Oettli, cited by Driver, Deuteronomy, 376.
    15. BDB,73'lb.
    16. Yahuda, Driver, Delekat, NEB.
    17. Kutsch; Wllli, Beitriige zur alttestamentlichen Theologie. FS W. Zimmerli (1977),
    540.
    18. Keil and others, cited by Driver, 376.
    19. Seebass, 182-83.
    20. Efros, Held.
    21. Vinnikov.
    22. Saydon.
    23. loijon,9-12.
    24. Yalon, 18ff.
    25. Ahuvyah.
    'll9 'dsar 313

    This last interpretation appears more cogent than the others, since it is better supported
    bY the texl.zo
    b. Two other occurrences of the pass. ptcp. 'd;fra both of which are similar, are also
    obscure: ( I ) Jeremiah cannot go to the temple to read from his scroll (Jer. 36:5). This is
    understood to mean that he is prevented from going to the temple by ritual uncleanness
    (cf. 1 S. 2l:6),that he is under arrest or under guard (LXX; cf. Jer.33:l;39:15; but
    36:19,26 do not support this solution), that he is in protective custody,2T that he is
    forced to stay at home because ofpublic pressure or threats,28 or because he has gone
    into hiding (cf. I Ch. l2:l). The last explanation is probably the best. (2) The occur-
    rence of 'asfirin Neh. 6:10 should possibly be interpreted in the same way, though
    some think that Shemaiah was deterred by ritual uncleanness, prophetic ecstasy, con-
    finement,2e or an emergency.
    c. Doeg was "detained [niphal] before Yahweh" at Nob when David was there with
    his men (l S. 2l:8[7]). The attempts made to interpret this statement Doeg had re-
    -
    ceived an oracle in a dream, was practicing ascesis, fulfilling a vow, seeking asylum,30
    or taking refuge in the sanctuary are unconvincing. It is more likely that he was kept
    away from the sanctuary on account- of uncleanness or similar reasons.3l

    III. Nouns. Six nouns, with a total of 17 occurrences, derive from the verb.

    l. 'eser It is difficult to determine the meaning of this noun, because it occurs only
    once (Jgs. l8:7), in the expression ydr€i 'eser The best interpretation is that it means
    "dominion, power" (cf. 1 S. 9:17); ydr€i 'e;er is thus a person who ..seizes power.,, Al-
    ternatively, Delekat suggests that it is someone who "possesses rights to protection."32
    calderone connects 'eser with Arab. (adara, "be luxuriant," and (aQa "fertile soil," so
    that y6rdi 'eser means "land possessing fertile soil."33 Guillaume connects it with the
    same Arabic verb, but translates the expression as "possess wealth."3a

    2. '6ser In Ps. 107:39 bser means something like "oppression" (note the context:
    ra'd, "trotble"; ydgdn, "sorrow"). In Prov. 30:16 the best translati on of 'oser raham is
    "barrenness" (lit. "closure of the womb"). winton Thomas connects it with Arab.
    .'a4ara, "be disgusted by something," but also "drink too much."35 Interpreting raham
    as "vulture," he arrives at the translation "greediness of a vulture" from'oser raham.

    26. other conclusions are reached by Driver, Deuteronomy,3T6; yahuda, 240-43; Kutsch,
    60-65; J. Gray, I and II Kings. OTt 1219191,337-38; HAL,ll,87l; -+ atg 'azab.
    27. Delekat.
    28. Joi.ion, 10.
    29. Kutsch, 59-60.
    30. Yahuda.
    31. Kutsch, 65ff.
    32. P. 338; similarly Yahuda,249.
    33. Pp. 413-14.
    34. P. 30.
    35. "Textual and Philological Notes," 290.
    3t4 '1I9 Zsar

    Yalon suggests "growth or increase of (sexual?) desire" (cf. LXX 6rds gynaik6s).ro 6
    Isa.53:8 'd;eris harder to understand; the following meanings have been proposed:
    imprisonment, custody, arrest; oppression; impediment; strength; delay; dismissal (in
    the legal sense); power or authority; legal (or other) protection.

    3. 'asereltosdrd. The meaning of the nouns 'aserel and 'a;ard is likewise disputed.
    The former denotes (a) a ritual performed on the eighth day of the Feast of Booths
    (Lev.23:36; Nu. 29:35; Neh. 8:18); (b) aritual performed on the eighth day of the dedi
    cation of Solomon's temple, analogous to the ritual on the eighth day of the Feast of
    Booths (2 Ch.7:9); and (c) a ritual performed on the seventh day of the Feast of Un-
    leavened Bread (Dt. 16:8).
    The noun 'agdrA denotes (a) ritual observances or ceremonies in general (Isa. 1:13;
    the context includes l.td/el, Jabbal, miqrd', and m6'a$m), (b) ad hoc observances re-
    questing God's help, accompanied by fasting and lamentation (Joel l:14; 2:15), and
    (c) a feast in honor of Baal (2 K. 10:20). The pl. 'a;ycrOplzm in Am. 5:21 denotes rit-
    ual observances or ceremonies in general (pal.. ltnggim). The form 'a;erelinJer. 9:1(2)
    is a construct and means "group" or "band."
    The current interpretation is that (a) these nouns mean "gathering, festival assem-
    bly."3z Taking into consideration other (rccurences of this root, we may also think of
    an "association (of individuals)," I "meeting."3s This interpretation is supported by Jer.
    9:l(2) and assemblies in the contexts of 2 K.10:20-21; Joel 1:14; 2:15-16. (b) Fre-
    quently the nouns are interpreted as referring to "rest from labor," usually associated
    with festal observances. This usage led to the meaning "celebrate a festival." Later still,
    the nouns came to refer to the group celebrating the festival, e.g., "band" (Jer. 9: I [21;.:e
    This explanation is supported by the basic meaning of isr and the prohibition of work
    (Lev.23:36; Nu. 29:35; Dt. 16:8). In I S. 2l:8, therefore, the words ne'sa-r lipnA yhwh
    could describe Doeg as someone celebrating a festival. (c) Another interpretation starts
    from the assumption that the nouns originally denoted the concluding ceremony of a
    festival. From this basic meaning developed the sense "festal observance or assembly,"
    then simply "assembly." This theory is supported by the basic meaning of the root and
    the use of'asere! for the ritual observed on the last day of festivals lasting several days
    (see above). Less likely interpretations include (d) 'tonclusion of a celebration" in the
    sanctuary, (e) "state of ritual cleanness" (cf. I S.2l:6), and (f) "kinship meal."40
    The purpose of the'a;erelfasdrA depends on when the festival or observance was
    initiated. Joel 2:15 casts some light on such a festival. The prophetic summons, "Blow
    the trumpet inZion, sanctify a fast, call an'a;drdl'corresponds to the festival sequence
    of New Year's Day (I*v.23:24), the Day of Atonement (v.27), and the eighth day of
    the Feast of Booths (v. 36). Since the reason for Joel's 'a;drd was a plea for rain, it is

    36. Pp. 18-19.


    37. Ahituv; M. Haran, kmples and Tbmple-Service in Ancient Israel (1978),296-97 n. 14.
    38. Seebass, 182.
    39. Kutsch,65ff
    40. Yahuda, 249 n. l.
    ale'qb 315

    likely that the three fall festivals had a similar function.ar It is probably no accident that
    in synagogue worship a special prayer for rain is pronounced on the eighth day of the
    Feast of Booths. ,+'

    4. ma'sdr The noun ma'sdtr "hindrance," occurs only in I S. 14:6: "Nothing can hin-
    der Yahweh from saving" ('yn lyhwh m';wr).

    5. ma'sdr The noun ma'sar "control, restraint," occurs only in Prov. 25:28: "Like a
    city breached, without walls, is one who lacks self-control."

    lV. l. LXX. The LXX uses 23 different verbs and verb + substantive combinations to
    render the 46 occurrences of Tsar: Most frequent is synichein (12 times, also translat-
    ing ma'sbr), followed by 4chein (3 times), katischjein (2 times, plus 2 times for 'dsar
    kdah), and synkleiein (3 times, for'dsar referring to barrenness).

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. The usage of 'dsar in the Dead Sea Scrolls follows that already
    observed in the Bible. It is used in three general senses: (a) "hold back" (the "drink of
    knowledge," miqh d't, IQH 4:ll; "protection]' m'w2,8:24; "incurable pain that does
    not stop," l?n'pwn 8:28), (b) "shut, close" (the heavens and subterranean waters, 1Q22
    2:10; "enclosed" fire, IQH 8:30, echoing Jer.20:9), and (c) withkdah, "have power, be
    able to" (with an inf .: lhtyib, 1QH l0: I l; ld't, IQH fr. l0:3; also ld't without kwh, IQH
    fr. l:4; cf. IQH 10:12). See also l1:35 (fr.). The restoration of 'agerel is dealt with in
    11QT 17:16;29:10.
    Wright Milgrom
    -
    41. Knohl, private communication.

    . IPY 'qb; )pYaqcb;)?Y- 'eqeb; )?\ 'aqou

    I. 1. Occurrences;2. Meaning, LXX. il. Theological Relevance: l. Figurative Usage;


    2. Anthropology; 3. Yahweh.

    l. I. Occurrences. As a rule, lexicographers assume two roots 'qb: 'qb I, a denom-


    inative from'dqd!, "heel," and 'qb II, "preserve, protect," attested in such languages as

    'qb. P. R. Ackroyd, "Hosea and Jacob," W 13 (1963)245-59; R. B. Coote, "Hosea Xll," W


    2l (1971) 389-402; H.-D. Neef, "Die Heilstraditionen Israels in der Verkiindigung des
    hopheten Hosea" (diss., Tiibingen, 1984); --r VI, 185ff.
    3t6 )pe'qb

    Old South Arabic, Amorite, and Ethiopic. The latter occurs in Hebrew only in the PNs
    yo'oqdb, ya-q6!6, and'aqqfi!, unless, following Dietrich and Loretz, one assumes a
    meaning "follow dirbctly after, be near," a sense found in Ugaritic, Amorite, and Phoe-
    nician.r On the basis of Bab. Sanh. 109b, Prijs deduces a talmudic 'qb, "tvn toward,
    start off toward."2
    The root'4b I occurs 5 times in the OT: the qal in Gen. 27:36; Jer.9:3(Eng. v.4)
    (twice); Hos. 12:4(3); the piel in Job 37:4. If we follow BI/S in emending 'aqdpay to
    'dq"bay in Ps. 49:6(5), the qal occurs 5 times (see below). The root is attested in
    Ugaritic in the form m'qbk, "the one who defrauds you" or "the one who holds you
    back."3
    The noun 'dqEb, "heell' from which the verb derives, occurs 14 times in Hebrew (13
    if we do not count Ps. 49:6[5]; see above): 5 (or 4) times in the Psalms, 4 times in Gen-
    esis, and once each in Joshua, Judges, Jeremiah, Song of Songs, and Job. It appears
    also in Ugaritic, as well as Akkadian, Arabic, Syriac, Tigre, and Aramaic.a It occurs 3
    times in Sirach (10:16; 13:25; 16:3) and once in the Dead Sea Scrolls (lQH 5:24).
    The noun 'eqe!, "reward," is to be understood as an extensionof 'dqdb; it is found in
    Arabics and occurs 4 times in Hebrew, albeit more often as a conjunction.
    Finally, the noun 'dqdp occurs 3 times in Hebrew (Isa. 40:4; Jer.9:3141; Hos. 6:8) as
    well as in Sir. 36:25; the noun 'oqbd appears in 2 K. 10:19.

    2. Meaning, lXX. Clear as it is that all these words are connected with a root'qb,
    their actual meaning is often unclear. Ackroyd's statement that "the exact meaning of
    the group of words from the root'qb is not easy to determine" is still true.6 This is im-
    mediately clear when we address the various meanings of the noun 'dqd!. Arab. 'aqib
    means "heel of the foot"; this meaning is also found in Gen. 3:15 and25:26, where it
    refers respectively to the human heel, which is the serpent's target, and Esau's heel,
    which Jacob grips. In the genitive phrase 'iqqelA-sfrs (Gen.49:17; Jgs.5:22), our word
    could mean "[horse's] hoof."7 That makes sense in Jgs. 5, where the reference is to the
    noise made by horses'hooves as they gallop away.8 But this meaning does not really fit
    Gen. 49:17 , which describes a snake biting a horse's "fetlock."e ln Jer. 13:22 the clause
    "your skirts are lifted up" parallels "vqeldyif; are laid bare," which may be analyzed as

    l. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, BiOr23 (1966) 127-33, esp. 13l. For Ugaritic see KTU 4,645,
    l, contra HAL, 11,872: "be rough, hilly." For Phoenician see KAI 378.1: "continuation," or t}re
    like.
    2. L. Prijs, ZDMG 120 (1970\ 22-23.
    3. KTU 1.18,I, 19; WUS, no. 2086.
    4. On Ugaritic see KTU 1. 17, VI, 20, 23; onAramaic, KAI 223.11 (p. 285): "'at the heel' as a
    metaphor for 'at once."'
    5. On Hatra 3,2, see DNSI, II, 882.
    6. P.249.
    7. HAL, I,873.
    8. Hertzberg, Die Bilcher Josua, Richter Ruth. ATD 9 (41969), 181.
    9. Westermann, Genesis 37-50 (Eng. trans. 1986), 218; contra Rin, BZ I I (1967) 190 ("ten-
    dons").
    )19'qb 317

    a dual with a pronominal suffrx and interpreted as a euphemism for "backside" or the
    pudenda.
    In these passages the LXX vses ptinta, which represents'dqebin 8 texts. These in-
    clude Cant. 1:8, where 'iqPA hassd'n means "tracks of the flock." This meaning is also
    found in Ugar. 'qbt 1r: Aqhat wants to follow the "tracks of the bull."l0 The "footsteps"
    of Yahweh's anointed (Ps. 89:52[51]) the LXX translates with antdllagma and the
    "footprints" of Yahweh (Ps.77:20|91) with ichn€. Finally,'oqelam must be read in
    Gen. 49: 19, which could mean "their rear guard" but can also be translated quite liter-
    ally: "He [Gad] pursues [the raiders] at their heels" (LXX katd p6das).ll Josh. 8:13
    speaks of the "heel of the camp," meaning "ambush" ot more likely, "rear guard," be-
    cause v. 12 uses 'dr€! for the ambush (the verse is lacking in the LXX).12 Sir. l6:3 uses
    our word to mean the "end of life."
    Also associated with this meaning is the noun'oqbd,"fraud. deceit" (2 K. 10:19;
    LXX pternismds, the trans. used also for 'dqe! in Ps. 4l:10[9]).
    This is clearly one of the primary meanings of the root 'qb l. For Gen. 27:36 pro-
    vides a popular etymology for the name 'Jacob": Esau charges that Jacob has "de-
    frauded" him twice (Gen. 25; 27). This is also the meaning of Hos. 12:4(3), except that
    there the fraud is advanced to the womb; Coote therefore proposes the translation
    "seize."r3 Finally, in Jer. 9:3 the words kol:ab'aqdb ya'qab, "every brother is a
    defrauder," play on the name "Jacob"; Rudolph therefore translates: "Every brother de-
    frauds like Jacob."la The LXX always translates our verb with pternizO.
    question how the meaning "ambush, defraud" developed from the meaning
    ""The
    "heel" can be answered to a certain extent: the verb actually meant "sneak close behind
    someone"; this led to the meaning "deceive, defraud."ls Jirku accepts this meaning also
    for Ugar. m'qbk:'Anyone who defrauds you shall be thrashed."t6 Aistleitner, however,
    assigns the meaning "hold back, restrain" to the word.lT This corresponds to the mean-
    ing of y"aqq'lOm in Job 37:4: "He [Yahweh] does not restrain them [the lightning
    boltsl,"ta which the LXX translates precisely with antalldsso. We must presume that
    this meaning derives from some such expression as "hold by the heels."

    10. KTU 1. 1 7, VI, 23; WU S, no. 2086. C. H. Gordon, UT, no. 1907: "'tendon(s) of a bull' [for
    making a bowstringl"; Gordon interprets 'qbm dlbnn in KTU 1.17, VI, 20-21 in the same way
    (according to KTU, the reading is no longer tenable). WUS, no. 2087: "'qb II: black eagle, sea ea-
    gle." .
    ll. Westermann, Genesis 37-50,218. See H.-J. Zobel, Stammesspruch und Geschichte.
    BZAW 95 (1965), 5, 19.
    12. For the former see Noth, Das Buch losua. HATW (31971),51; see also Hertzberg, AID
    94, 57. For the latter, HAI. 11,873.
    13.P.3921' for yet another translation see Neef, 26.
    14. Jeremia. HAT Ul2 (31968), 64.
    15. Cf. GesB, 612-13.
    16. A. Jirku, Kanaaniiische Mythen und Epen aus Ras Schamra-Ugarit (1962), 125. See KTU
    1.18, I, 19.
    17. WUS, no. 2086.
    18. Contra L. I. J. Stadelmann, Hebrew Conception of the World. AnBibl 39 (1970), ll1
    n. 591.
    318 )le'qb

    In Isa. 4O:4 'dqdp means "rough places" (L)(X' tti sl<olid) in contrast to "plain"
    (mii6v).s This meaning is hard to associate with "heel." The same is true of 'eqep, "re-
    ward" (possibly "wfht follows after" = consequence), which the LXX translates with
    gened it Prov. 22:4 and antapddosis in Ps. 19:12(1 l).
    In four passages (Josh. 8: l3; Jer. 17:9; Hos. 6:8; Job l8:9), the LXX uses a totally
    different translation or the corresponding section of the text is absent.

    II.Theological Relevance.
    l. Figurative lJsage. The theological relevance of the root 'qb may be observed first
    in figurative idioms that are part of the religious language of Israel. All the texts'haYe to
    do with the human heel. When Bildad says that people are thrust into the net by their
    own feet and that afiap (paft) seizes them by the heel and a snare lays hold ofthem
    (Job 18:8-9),heisemployingimageryfromtheuseof snaresinhuntingtodescribethe
    self-entrapment of the wicked.2o In Ps. 56:7(6) the psalmist laments that his enemies
    are conspiring together, lurking, and watching (lmr) his heels; this language may also
    reflect hunting imagery: the hunter following the track of the prey.2t But this interpre-
    tation is not definite; the figurative language may express attentive observation of the
    devout, to seize every possible chance to accomplish his downfall. The figure of speech
    voices the psalmist's anxiety, distress, and fear. The same note is probably heard in Ps.
    49:6(5): "The iniquity of my heels surrounds mel'22 Finally, Ps. 41:10(9) says that the
    former friend of the psalmist has become an enemy and "now makes his heel great
    against me." The appearance of practically the same words in IQH 5:24 argues agaiglt
    the almost universal attempts to emend the MT, even though in the final analysis it is
    impossible to determine the precise meaning of what is clearly an idiom: "turn away,
    deceive (?), lift the heel (= foot), i.e. tread."23
    It is no longer possible to say exactly what Hos. 6:8 means when it calls Gilead a "city
    of evildoers" and says in parallel '"qubbA middim, translated by Jeremias as "full of
    bloody footprints" and by Rudolph as "full of bloody tracks," while others emend the
    text.24 However the text is rendered, what is clear is that "Gilead" refers not to the region
    but to the city of the same name, whose inhabitants are called evildoers. The nature of
    their wickedness is unclear because, as is common in Hosea, we are dealing with an his-
    torical allusion. Whether '"qubbi alludes to an otherwise unknown Jacob tradition, as
    proposed by Nielsen and Coote, can hardly be decided.25 We may also note Wellhausen's
    reference to Gesenius, who in his Thesaurus cites'qybt yyn, "polluted by wins."26

    19. HAL.
    20. See Dalman, AuS, VI, 320-21,323-24.
    21. Kraus, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988),526.
    22. Btt see B11S and the comms.
    23. Maier, Die Texte vom Tbten Meer 2 vols. (1960), II, 87.
    24. J. Jeremias, Das Prophet Hosea. ATD 24ll (1983), 89; W. Rudolph, Hosea. KAT XIIUI
    (1966), l4l.
    25. E. Nielsen, Shechem (1955), 291; Coote, 393.
    26. J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten (41963), ll7.
    ale'qb 319

    With its etiological explanation of the elemental enmity between the serpent and the
    human race, Gen. 3:15 brings us into the realm of OT anthropology. As in 49:17, the
    text alludes to the cunning or treachery ofthe serpent, presupposing that it attacks from
    behind.27 But the human heart is described in the very same terms. If the text is not
    emended, Jer. 17:9 speaks of the cunning or craftiness of the heart (cf. Sir. 36:25[20]:
    'A perverse heart will cause grief'; contrast the good heart in l3:251.2e This language
    expresses the "unfathomable contradictions of the human condition";2e it also ad-
    dresses the problem of theodicy by insisting that no one can look into the heart of an-
    other. An explanatory gloss in 2 K. l0:19 connects Jehu's summons to the great Baal
    sacrifice with the king's cunning.3o
    Finally, Hosea's inclusion and interpretation of the Jacob tradition (Hos. 12:4t31) is
    as an accusatory reference to lsrael's offenses; it cites the "defraud" etiology already
    connected with the name "Jacob" in Gen. 27:36 (in contrast to 25:26) and associates it
    with the people of the northern kingdom, implying that they are the direct heirs of Ja-
    cob with respect to cunning and deceit as well.3l The same idea is conveyed by Jer. 9: l-
    4(2-5), an invective castigating faithlessness, deceit, and slander: v. 3(4) charges that
    brother deceives brother.
    Ps. 89:52(51) speaks of the taunting of Yahweh's anointed, probably by the king, by
    the enemies of Yahweh; Jer. 13:22 describes the humiliation of Jerusalem by "laying
    bare her backside" (cf. 2 S. l0:4).
    Finally, the mention of the rich reward the psalmist receives for keeping the command-
    ments (Ps. l9:l2llll; also I 19:33) brings us to the correlation ofdesert and fortune, a cen-
    tral concept of wisdom thought. Jhis "reward for humility and fear of God is riches and
    honor and life" (Prov. 22:4) md endures forever (1.'6ldm 'Eqep, Ps. ll9:ll2).If Sir. l0:16
    can be read x 'qb S'ynl, "footsteps of the proud,"32 this text too expresses God's retributive
    justice, forGod "blots out the footsteps of the proud and cuts offtheirrootto the ground."

    3. Yqhweh. Only three texts associate'qb directly with an act of Yahweh; each time
    it is something different. Isa. 40:4 announces that the "uneven ground" will become
    level, that Israel's period of exile may come to an end. Here 'dq6! is an "image for
    rough, hilly terrain."33 Although v. 3 is addressed to the people and v. 4 is formulated in
    neutral terms, it is clear that Yahweh himself is at work: the passage deals with the
    "way of Yahweh" (v. 3) and the revelation of the "glory of Yahweh" (v. 5;.:e

    27. Westermann, Genesis 1-ll (Eng. trans. 1984), 259-60.


    28. For "cunning" see A. Weiser, leremia. ATD 2Dl2l (61969), 143. For "craftiness,"
    W Rudolph, Jeremia. HATUI2 (31968), l14.
    29. Weiser, ATD 201216, 146.
    30. wiirthwein, Die Biicher der Kiinige. ATD lll2 (1984), 34o n.2; Hentschel, 1 Kdnige.
    NEB t2 (1984),48.
    31. See esp. Coote, 392-93.
    32. Sauer, "Jesus Sirach," ISHRZllys,529.
    33. K. Elligea Deutero-Jesaja. BK XUI (1978), 19.
    34. See R. Kilian, "'Baut eine Strasse ftir unseren Gottt"' Kiinder des Wortes. FS J. Schreiner
    (r982), 53-60.
    Here one can only aver that Yahweh can transform nature because he is its creator,
    on the grounds that elsewhere as well Deutero-Isaiah stresses that Yahweh is God the
    creator; this point is made more directly in the other two passages . Job 37:4 is embed-
    ded in a description of meteorological phenomena such as thunder (vv. 2,4,5), light-
    ning (vv. 3,4), snow, and rain (v. 6). It is Yahweh who "does not restrain the lightnings
    when his voice is heard" (v. 4). He is the Lord of nature. And Ps. 77:ll-21(lO-20)
    speaks of the wonderful "hand of the Most High," whose power is revealed in the re-
    demption of his people (v. I I I l0]) as well as in floods, thunder, and lightning, accom-
    paniedbyearthquakes(vv.17-19[6-18]).Thepsalmcontinueswithaconfessionalaf-
    firmation: "Your way was through the sea, . . . yet your footprints were unseen"
    (v. 20[9]), which introduces the leading of the people by the hand of Moses and Aaron
    (v. 2l[20]). Just as the Most High God was present invisibly during the exodus of the
    people and its accompanying meteorological phenomena, so is God present again and
    again giving the psalmist the faith to see nothing and yet to believe.
    - Zobel

    I. Etymology and Distribution. II. Meaning: l. Verb; 2. Adjective; 3. Nouns. III. LXX and
    Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology and Distribution. The search for the etymon encounters many diffi-
    culties because the morpheme is distributed among several lexemes, all of which occur
    only a few times. The semantic specifications of the individual lexemes diverge sub-
    stantially. The verb 'aqar clearly denotes a destructive action: "tear out by the roots"
    (Eccl.3:2, qal), "become uprooted" (Zeph.2:4, niphal).r This meaning links without
    any semantic problems with the noun'iqqdti "root" (Job 30:3 cj.; Sir. 37:17), the PN
    'Eqer (l Ch. 2:27), and the occurrences in Late Hebrew.2 If the uncertain Can. noun
    'qrt, "gratary,"3 documents a semantic relationship leading from "tear out" to "har-
    vest," then the latter semantic sector has at least temporal priority.
    The noun '?qer, "offsping," which occurs frequently in the Sefire inscriptions, can
    be traced back to the 8th century; it may be connected with the adj. 'dqdr "barren,
    without offspring" (ancient in the biblical material) via antithetical development within

    'aqar L. W. Batten, "David's Destruction of the Syrian Chariots," 7AW 28 (1908) 188-92;
    S. Gevirtz, "Simeon and Levi in 'The Blessing of Jacob' (Gen. 49:5-7)l' HUCA 52 (1981) 93-
    128, esp. 1 l0-l l; W. Krebs, "'. . . sie haben Stiere geliihmt' (Gen 49,6)l' ZAW 78 (1966) 359-61.

    l. HAL,11,874; GesB, 613-14.


    2. WTM,III, 688.
    3. DNSI, II, 883; KAI 26A.1.6; see M. Dahood, Bibl 47 (1966) 270.
    p{dqar 321

    the root, with the complex view of progeniture among the Semites making it possible
    to establish linguistic identification of "root" and "offspring."
    Whether the verb 'iqq€r (piel), "hamstring," found already in J, should be assigned
    to the root under discussion is hard to judge, since the only apparent semantic element
    they have in common is destructive activity. Even that is true only with certain restric-
    tions, since all its occurrences and especially the occurrences ofthe Arabic cognate4
    -
    appear to be connected with ban and sacrifice, where the relationship between posi-
    -tive and negative shifts.
    Other extrabiblical occurrences of 'qr dre concentrated in postbiblical languages:
    Christian Palestinian, Syriac, Mandaic, and various Arabic dialects; but cf. Akk.
    uqquru, "handicapped person."s

    II. Meaning.
    l. Verb. The verb 'aqar is found in the qal, niphal, and piel, with differing semantics.
    a. Qal. The meaning of the qal is defined consistently as "tear up by the roots,
    weed."6 In the Phoenician Karatepe inscription (ca. 720 B.c.E.), however, King
    Azitawadda declares that he filled the 'qrt ("granary"?) of P'p.z This usage and the an-
    tithetical parallelism ofthe only biblical occurrence (Eccl. 3:2) suggest that the transla-
    tion "reap" is preferable.8 For Ecclesiastes, there is a time for everything: to be born
    and to die, to plant (-+ 9U! ndta) and to reap.
    b. Niphal. The only occurrence of the niphal is Zeph. 2:4 (secondary?) (the ethpael
    is found in Dnl. 7:8), in a threat that uses wordplay: "Gaza shall be deserted, Ashkelon
    become a desolation; Ashdod's people shall be driven out in broad daylight, and Ekron
    shall be plowed up ('eqrdn t?'dqdrf' The meaning of the threat is clear from the anti-
    Philistine oracles of other prophets (cf. Am. 1:7-8; Ezk. 25:16; etc.) and the use in par-
    allel of the verbs 'zb, "be left desolate J' gri, "be driven out," and imm, "become a
    desert," even if the paronomasia hides the specific nuance of 'qr
    c. Piel. The piel 'iqq€r refers to the practice of severing the tendons of the hind legs
    of certain animals so that they cannot move. In the ancient period, the Israelites clearly
    did this to the teams of captured chariots to make them unusable in case the tide of bat-
    tle turned (Josh. I 1:6,9, the horses [sfistm) of the northern kings).e This action proba-
    bly involved more than military tactics, however, since David hamstringed the chariot
    horses (rekeU of the Moabites even though he could have incorporated them into his
    own chariot corps (2 S. 8:4; I Ch. 18:4). It probably reflects an ancient provision of the
    ban (-+ da|l. hdram; note the par. verbs hrg, "slayl' Srp, "set on fire," and nkh hiphil,
    "smitd"). Thus hamstringing an animal was clearly a mandatory sacrificial ritual and
    had no place outside that context. To mutilate animals in this fashion "capriciously"

    4. See Krebs.
    5. See HAL, ll, 874; Lane, U5, 2107ff; AHw, lll, 1427a.
    6. HAL.
    7. KAI26A.t.6.
    8. Lohfink, Kohelet. NEB (1993).
    9. See Krebs.
    ap{aqar

    (bcrd;6n) was considered utterly reprehensible (Gen. 49:6; is the sequence "kill men
    hamstring oxen" climax or anticlimax?).
    -
    2. Adjective.The adj. 'dqdr occursonly in the Bible, where it means "barren." This
    meaning is contextually assured by the synonyms i6mEmd, "desolated," 'almdnd,
    "widow," and meiakk€lA, "miscarrying," as well as 'umlal, "wither," "be childless."
    This is contrasted with the following antonyms: hir6, "conceive]' htl, "have labor
    pains," pd1afi rel.tem, "open the womb," and ydla/, "bear." The social position of a
    childless woman is revealed by the fact that she is "despised" (Sdnd', qal pass. ptcp.)
    and counted among the poor and lowly (dal) and the helpless ('ebydn). In contrast
    stands the woman who is "rich in children" (rabba! bdntm), the 'Joyful mother" ('dm
    iemdl.rd), the woman who is blessed bArfrb.
    J records the barrenness of the matriarchs Sarai (Gen. I l:30), Rebekah (25:21), and
    Rachel (29:31) in order to emphasize the contrasting motif: God's promise of many
    offspring. It was probably Deuteronomistic theology that elaborated the prediction of
    Samson's birth to predict the birth of a nazirite (Jgs. 13:2-3). His mother is'"qdrd and
    receives a private oracle foretelling the significance of the promised son. For a late
    Deuteronomistic writer, it was a common article of faith that in the future there would
    no longer be an 'aqdrd in Israel (Ex. 23:26; late framework of the Covenant Code).
    This voice even frames the striking statement that Israel is the most blessed of peoples:
    among them and their livestock (secondary?) none will be barren, male ('dqdr masc.!)
    or female (Dt. 7:14). This formulation was probably chosen less for reasons of
    assonancelo than to emphasize universal fertility (cf. the bombastic promise of increase
    in v. 13). It is probable that in every era the Israelites (drawing intentionally on
    Canaanite fertility ideology) extolled Yahweh for transforming barrenness, the greatest
    disgrace that could befall a woman (Isa. 54:l; Ps. I l3:9), into its opposite: the honor of
    bearing many children (cf. the Song of Hannah and its continued influence in Lk.
    l:46ff.).
    The interpretation of Job 24:21is difficult. The wicked harm the childless woman
    and do no good to the widow. Here a postexilic sage is probably castigating the antiso-
    cial conduct of the times. In the light of the parallelism exhibited by the verse, the sub-
    stantial restructuring of the text proposed by Fohrer should be rejected.tt

    3. Nouns. The noun 'iqqdr in Biblical Hebrew is very marginal: it is a conjectural


    emendation in Job 30:3 (people who gnaw the grass and its "roots"); it is used figura-
    tively in Sir. 37:17 (the heart t+ f) lebl is the root of all human conduct). In
    Nebuchadnezzar's dream of the tall tree, 'iqqdr refers to the "rootstock" that is pre-
    served in spite of all humiliations (Dnl. 4:12,20,23115,23,261). Nebuchadnezzar will
    remain king if he acknowledges God (v- 231261).
    The noun 'eqer occlurrs only once in the OT, in Lev. 25:47.In this late passage in the

    10. P. P. Saydon, Bibl36 (1955) 39.


    ll. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KATXYI (1963),368.
    dle'qt 323

    Holiness Code, it is a general term for the descendants of a family. Here it embodies
    the meaning already richly attested (20 times) in the Sefire inscriptions of the Sth cen-
    tury B.c.E., where 'qr refers quite generally to the descendants of both parties to the
    treaty. These descendants are included in the treaty; they must keep it and abide by its
    provisions; if they break it, they are tlreatened with the appropriate punishment.

    III. LXX and Dead Sea Scrolls. The LXX translates the qal of the verb with
    ektfllein, the niphal with ekrizoun, and the piel with neurokopein;|2 only in 2 S. 8:4
    does it use paraljein for the piel, on account of the difEcult obj. refte!. The adjective is
    represented almost uniformly by steiros/steira, 'Eqerby genet6, and'iqqdrby phyd.
    Ttvo occurrences of the root have been identified in the Dead Sea Scrolls. In 4Q179
    2:7, with an allusion to Lam. l, destroyed Jerusalem is compared to a barren and em-
    bittered (mrr; par. "sad" ['Dl] and "bereft" [.ift4) woman. In 4Q509 283:l the context is
    fragmentary.
    Fabry

    12. For extrabiblical usage see Krebs.

    t Py 'qr;uip| 'iqqel; nrpP[ 'iqqctfr!; E'PP{D ma'aqatttm

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences and Usage. UI. LXX and Vulgate.

    I. Etymology. There is scant evidence of the root in other Semitic languages. A con-
    nection with Mand. 'qisais dubious if 'qisa is derived from the root qss.l The emphatic
    sibilant casts doubt on a relationship with Arab.'aqasa.2 Also uncertain is a relation-
    ship with Egyp. 'a-ga-i(a) and'a-ga-S-u,3 as well as with Syriac parallels.

    II. Occurrences and Usage. The verb '4.i, "twist, pervert," occurs 5 times in the OT:
    once in the niphal (Prov. 28:18), 3 times in the piel (Mic. 3:9; Isa. 59:8; Prov. l0:9), and
    once in the hiphil (Job 9:20). The adj. 'iqqEi, "crooked, perverse, dishonest" occurs l1

    'q.i. W. Brueggemann, 'A Neglected Sapiential Word Pair," ZAW 89 (1977) 234-58;
    M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexicography VII," Bibl 50 (1969) 353-54; F. Nritscher,
    Gotteswege und Menschenwege in der Bibel und in Qumran. BBB 15 (1958), 55-56.
    l. Cf. HAL,II, 875; MdD,356b.
    2. HAI.II,875.
    3. Helck, Die BeziehungenAgyptens zuVorderasienim 3. und2. Jahrtausendv. Chr (219711,
    510.
    I
    I

    rrPv w
    times (Dt. 32:5 ; Ps. l0l :4: 18:27 [Eng. v. 26] = 2 S. 22:27 ; Prov. 2: I 5 ; 8:8; I I :20; 17 :20
    l9:l;22:5;28:6), the subst. 'iqqcihl ffiice (Prov. 4:24;6:12), and ma'"qaiitm once (Isa.
    42:16). All the occurrences are in poetical texts; most are in Proverbs.
    The concrete meaning can be seen in ma'aqaiitm, "rough terrain," with its antonym
    mti6r "level ground, plain" (Isa. 42:6, in a description of the way for the returnees).
    The verb, the adjective, and the noun'iqqcifi1:re used only figuratively, e.g., the piel of
    '4.iin Mic. 3:9, where the concrete image is still recognizable. The antonym in Mic. 3:9
    is yeiArd, a word from the same root as mti6r in Isa. 42:6; "make crooked evErything
    straight" means "pervert all equity" cf. the par. "abhor (r?) justice (miipdt)!' As in
    these passages, we regularly find in- the immediate or extended context of 'qifiqqei
    certain typical concepts closely associated with the word: the image straight vs.
    crooked, the motif of the "way" (always metaphorical except in Isa. 42:6), and specific
    parallel or contrastive terms. For example, Isa. 59:8 exhibits a chiastic structure using
    the "way" motif in parallel with'i-n miipdt (cf . Mic. 3:9). Dr.32i5-6 (where none of the
    typical terminology appqrs with'iqqei in v. 5) contrasts with v. 4, where dereft ap-
    pears together with the figurative antonym ydidr and the semantically related tdmtm,
    miipdt, and saddiq.
    In Proverbs (and Psalms) we find an increasing tendency to use iq4e-.i and'iqqeifr1
    absolutely. In Prov. 10:9 the concrete image is still present behind the metaphor; and in
    2:15;28:6,18 (and to some extent in 22:5),'a,i and 'iqqEi are still associated with the
    motif of the way in some element of the idea presented; in 17:20;8:8 and 4:24; 6:12
    (both'iqqeifi1), however, abstract usage appears. In other words, when the imagery is
    concrete, misconduct is represented "in an immediately perspicuous metaphor as a
    crooked, perverse, or winding w8y."4 Finally, this moralistic description of a comrpt
    life becomes spiritualized, and'iqq€l becomes an ethical term meaning "wrong, dis-
    honest, culpable," sometimes used absolutely (Prov. 8:8;22:5; also Dt. 32:5;2 S. 22:27
    = Ps. 18:27[26]), sometimes qualified in a construct phrase (with "heart" in Prov.
    ll:20; 17:20; with "his lips" in Prov. l9:l; in Ps. l0l:4 as an adj. modifying "heart"
    l+ ), tebD.
    The most important antonym in Proverbs is tam. The two terms can be called a
    sapiential word pair; they appear together in Prov. l0:9; ll:20; l9:l;28:6,18 all
    texts from the earlier section of Proverbs. -
    a. Three words are used as parallels a single time: n"l6ztm (/wz niphal), "devious"
    (Prov. 2:15); ra', "evil" (Ps. 101:4); niptdl (in a word pair), "deceitful" (Prov. 8:8).
    b. In defining who is 'iqqEi, two individuals or groups may be contrasted (p1., Prov.
    11:20; sg., 17:20; lO:9;28:6,18); or the distinction may represent a choice placed be-
    fore a single individual (4:24; cf. Ps. 101:4).
    c. The MT vocalization of drlqm as a dual in Prov. 28:6,18 should be rejected; for,
    although two different ways are contrasted in the two cola, the second colon does not
    present a choice between two ways (there is no element of choice implied by '4^i; such
    an element would have to be a later development of totally abstract usage).

    4. N0tscher.
    ui?Y'qr 325

    d. In Job 9:20 the verb should probably be read as a hiphil; it is otherwise treated as
    a hybrid form or a piel.s "Parallel to yt "t hiphil, . . . only the hiphil teat as perverse
    fully brings out the paradox" ("my own mouth would condemn me and prove me per-
    verse, even were I blameless"l.6
    e. In Prov. 2:15 'iqqeitm may qualify 'orh6@hem despite the difference in gender;
    alternatively, 'iqq"itm may qualify the subject of the context, with b' being supplied
    before 'orhdfihem by analogy with the second colon.T Another possibility is to read
    me'aqqeitm.s
    In some instances the context describes concretely what is judged'qifiqqei. In Mic.
    3:9 "make crooked everything straight" (par. "abhor justice") means to "build Zion
    with blood and Jerusalem with wrong" (v. 10; v. 1l: judgment for a bribe, instruction
    for a price, prophetic oracles for pay). According to Isa. 59:8, there is no justice in the
    paths that the people have perverted; in particular, those who walk in them know no
    peace. In Ps. 101 (v. 4, "perverseness of heart shall be far from me"), the king under-
    takes specific obligations in the immediate context (vv. 3,5ff.). When there is nothing
    twisted or crooked in the words of one's mouth, they are righteous (Prov. 8:8). Here
    'iqqcifrlpeh ("perverseness of the mouth") means false or deceitful speech. In Proverbs
    'iqqdi is generally not elaborated on, however; sapiential language uses it as a technical
    term for a certain type ofconduct, the consequences ofwhich are often described: one
    who follows crooked ways will fall into the pit (Prov. 28:18), will be found out (10:9),
    or will come upon thorns and snares (22:5). Crooked hearts are an abomination to
    Yahweh (11:2) and do not prosper (17:20).
    Exegetes differ in their appraisal of the theological context. Ntitscher (esp. with re-
    spect to Isa. 59:7-8) emphasizes that morally crooked paths are roads to perdition. Those
    who follow them are lost. The crooked way leads to a bad end and becomes its own fate.
    Kraus (with reference to Ps. 101:4) gives the following definition: "[?jZll denotes the
    wrong direction of the innermost being."e He cites the principle of analogy: those who
    despise Yahweh or Yahweh's statutes exclude themselves from the domain of salvation.lo
    The word pair tmtql makes a general statement as to how one lives one's life.ll The
    adj.'iqqei means "twisted, perverse" (implying an act, unlike rm) and insists on the no-
    tion of departing from a straight path (that serves as a guiite) to follow a path that leads
    astray. In contrast to tm (integrity and solidarity with the community; -+ dDIl tmm),
    'iqqei means deviation, ignominy (Prov. 10:9), and isolation (28:18). The'iqq€i sepa-
    rates from the community and goes a different way. The pair trnfqi can have the same
    meaning in the context of royal traditions (Ps. 101:2-4) (whether or not the king works
    for the benefit of the community).

    5. See BIlrF; Horst, Hiob. BK ){VUI (31968), 140.


    6. HE 236; GK, $53n; M. Lambert, RE"/ 50 (1905) 262.
    7. Dahood.
    8. Brls.
    9. Psalms 6U150 (Eng. trans. 1989),279.
    10. Idem, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988),263.
    I l. Brueggemann.
    -l

    )J\ l'ara! I

    Some occurrences of 'diaq and'6ieq deive from 'q.f by metathesis and should be
    translated accordingly (for 'dieq some exegetes read an otherwise unattested 'oqei or,
    better,'iqqE$. Such metathesis is recognized in Hos. 12:8(7) and Isa. 30:12, sometimes
    in Isa. 59:13, and generally in Ps.73:8. But this reading must be supported in each in-
    stance by the meaning required by the context.

    IIII. LXX and Vulgate. The LXX renders the verb 3 times with diastrdphein ("per-
    vert," Mic. 3:9; Isa. 59:8; Prov. l0:9) and twice with skoli1s ("twisted, bent, perverse,
    deceitful," Prov. 28:18; Job 9:20). The predominant translation of the adjective is
    sloli6s (Dt.32:5iIsa.42:16; Prov. 2:15; 4:24;22:5). Seven other words are used once.
    The most common translations in the Vulg. are pervertere/perversus and pravus
    ("twisted, peryerse, improper, evil").
    The word has not been found in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    Warmuth

    ll{ I'drab r; ilJf! -rubba; I'irJV'drdbin; a)\'droQ; ;t?t"tlf! ta'"rfrla

    I. Usage: l. Verb;2. Nouns. II. Pledge and Surety.

    'dra! l. A. Abeles, "Der Btirge nach biblischem Recht," MGWJ 66 (1922) 279-94; 67 (1923)
    35-53; idem, "Btirge und Biirgschaft nach talmudischem Recht," MGWI 67 (1923) 122-30, 170-
    86,254-57; J. Behm, "&ppoBtirv," TDNT,l,475;2. Ben-Hayyim,':ly ;'tllt il," lit44(19791
    80) 85-99; idem, ed., ":'1y ;11]U;1," Let 46 (1981/82) 165-267; idem,'tPf19! lln:," 4€J45
    (1980/81)307-10;G.Bostr6m, Proverbiastudien(1935),esp.54-57;E.M.Cassin,"Lacautioni
    Nuzi," R,,{ 34 (1937) 154-68; M. Cohen,_"A propos di'gage, caution'dans les langues
    sdmitiques," GLECS 8 (1957-60) 13-16; E. Cuq, Etudes sur le dntit babylonien, les lois
    assyriennes et les lois hittites (1929), esp. 310-38; M. Dietrich, O.Loretz, and J. Sanmartin,
    "Keilalphabetische Biirgschaftsdokumente aus Ugarit," UF 6 (1974) 466-67; H. Donner,
    "Bemerkungen zum Verstiindnis zweier aramiiischer Briefe aus Hermopolis," in H. Goedicke,
    ed,., Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W. F. Albright (1971),75-85, esp. 76-83; G. R. Driver and
    J. C. Miles, The Assyrian lnws (1935),271-90;idem,The Babylonian Laws,l(1952),208-21;ll
    (1955),204-9,229; M. Elon, "Pledge," EncJud,Xlll,636-44; idem, "Suretyshipl'EncJud,XY,
    524-29; Z. W. Falk, "Zum jiidischen Biirgschaftsrecht," RIDA 3l1O (1963), 43-54; R. Haase,
    Einfilhrung in das Studium keilschrifilicher Rechtsquellen (1965), 106-11; P. Koschakeq
    Babylonisch-assyrisches Biirgschaftsrecht (l9ll); M. Liverani, "Due documenti ugaritici con
    garanzia di presenza," Ilgaritica 6 (1969) 375-78; E,. Masson, Recherches sur les pTus anciens
    emprunts simitiques en grec (1967),30-31; H. Petschow, "Ein neubabylonischer Biirg-
    schaftsregress gegen einen Nachlass," Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 19 (1951) 25-27;
    idem, Neubabylonisches Pfandrecht. ASAW 48ll (1956); idem, "Zum neubabylonischen Btirg-
    schaftsrecht," ZA 53 (1959) 241-471' B. Porten and J. C. Greenfield, "The Guarantor at Elephan-
    tine-Syene," JAOS 89 (1969) 153-57; E. Pritsch, "Zur juristischen Bedeutung der iubanti-
    Formel," Alttestamentliche Studien. FS F. Ntitscher BBB I (1950), 172-88; M. San Nicolb,
    "Biirgschaft," RLA, ll, 77-80; idem, Zur Nachbiirgschaft in den Keilschrifturkunden und in
    grtika-tigyptischen Papyri. SBAW 6 (t937); E. Szlechter, "Lr cautionnement a Larsal' Revue
    )-19 l'drab I

    I. Usage.
    l. Verb. The use of the verb 'dra! to mean "stand surety" goes back at least to the
    2nd millennium B.c.E. In the Alalakh texts ano qdtdtilSu.oug.A arut PN irzb or allum
    PN SU.DU8. Atrub means "stand surety for someone."l The subject of the verb erdbu
    ('rb), which means literally "enter," is the person slsvs, wife, or son who serves
    - -
    as the pledge. All law codes of the ancient Near East down to the Neo-Babylonian era
    bear witness to the use of personal surety, predominantly antichretic, i.e., the creditor is
    indemnified through the labor of the person pledged as surety. The practice of personal
    surety is also found in the OT (I*v.25:39,47;Dt.15',2,12; Neh. 5:2,5-7). The verb used
    in this context is i4 at least in Neh. 5:2 (emended) and Ps. 119:l2lb-l22,wherethe
    psalmist prays to God: "Do not deliver me to my creditors; give your servant as a
    pledge (-raU to some good man tl6fi,lest the proud distain me." The subject of ?b
    is no longer the person given in pledge, as at Alalakh, but the one who pledges the
    surety. The development leading to this usage may already be observed in Ugaritic
    texts,2 where the syntagm ?D D PN means "guarantee," "pledge oneself on someone's
    behalf'; the prep. b expresses the idea ofequivalence. The verb in Ugaritic does not yet
    haveadirectobject,asitwillinPs. 119:122. InProv. l7:l8thedirectobjectof the
    ptcp. '6rE! is '"rubbd, "pledge," without further specification; in Neh. 5:3 it is the
    fields, vineyards, and houses mortgaged to raise money. The same construction occurs
    in v. 2, where 'drcltm should be read instead of rabbim, so that the sons and daughters
    pledged as surety are the direct object of'rb. Jer.30:21 uses the giving ofsurety figura-
    tively: "Who has given his heart in pledge in order to approach me?" It was believed
    that to approach God without being called is to risk one's life. A clause in a Nabatean
    contract from Na[ral Hever reads: w'rbt wl.tlbt bty wmnyt ly bpg wn hw, "and I have
    pledged ('rbt) my house, and you have appraised (Wbt) (it), and you have credited (it)
    to me in this agreement."3 This statement should be compared to Dnl. 4:32(Bng. v.35),
    where ft.iD parallels mlt'byd, "strike one's hand," a symbolic gesture on the part of the
    guarantor, who promises to the creditor to fulfill the terms of a contract if the principal
    debtor does not: 'All the inhabitants of the earth are accounted as nothing . . . and there
    is no one who strikes his hand." [n other words, the inhabitants of the earth are left to
    God's mercy, as debtors for whom no one can stand surety.
    Instead of the Ugaritic syntagm ?D b PN, Hebrew uses the formula rD I PN (Prov.
    6: 1; cf. Sir. 29: 14) to express the same basic idea, "stand surety for someone." A differ-
    ent idiom uses ?b with the accusative of the person on behalf of whom one stands

    histoique de druit frangais et Ctanger (1958), l-39; A. Verger, Ricerche giuridiche sui papiri
    aramaici di Elefontina (1965), 137-40; H. M. Weil, "[r cautionnement talmudique compar6 aux
    institutioirs correspondantes de l'ancien Orient," AHDO 3 (1948) 167-208; idem, "Exdgdse de
    J6r6mie 23,33-40 et de Job 34,28-33i nfln ll8 (1938) 201-8; idem, "Gage et cautionnement
    dans la Biblel' AHDO 2 (1938) l7l-241.
    l. For the former see D. J. Wiseman, AlalakhTablets (1953), 82:11-13; 84:,4-5. For the latter,
    83:56.
    2. KTU 3.3, 2: 3.7 , l; 3.8, 6.
    3. A ll; J. Starcky, RB 6l (1954) 16l-81.
    )19 I'arab I

    surety: "O Lord, I am threatened with distraint; be my surety" (Isa. 38: l4); "To stand
    surety for a stranger brings trouble" (Prov. 11:15; cf. 20:16 27:13). The same con-
    struction appears in texts where the surety is meant figuratively, where it embodies the
    idea of making oneself a guarantor of someone's safety (Gen. 43:9;44:32). Finally, we
    frnd'rb with the accusative of the secured debt: "Do not be one of those who become
    surety of debts" (Prov.22:26). Sir. 8:13 uses ?D without any object, but it is clear that
    the text refers to simple surety for a third party.
    The hithpael of 'rD is used in 2K. 18:23 = Isa. 36:8 in the sense of "wager" (cf. OSA
    t'rb, "give pledges").+

    2. Nouns. In Biblical Hebrew two nouns denote a pledge: 'drdp6n and'"rubbA. The
    former appears in Gen. 38:17-18,20 and should also be read in Job l7:3: "Deposit my
    pledge ('erepOni) in your presence." It appears often at Elephantine,5 and is used in
    both Greek (aruab6n) and Latin (arr[h]abo), where the vocalization and the reduplica-
    tion of the r suggest that the word is borrowed from Phoenician rather than Hebrew or
    Aramaic. It does not appear, however, in the corpus of Phoenician and Punic inscrip-
    tions. The noun 'rbn is found in Ugaritic, where it denotes the "guarantor."6
    In Hebrew (Prov. 20:17) and Phoenician this meaning is conveyed by the subst. 'rb,
    which can be read as the act. ptcp. '6reb or, more likely, the nominalized verbal adj.
    'Areb.l The latter corresponds to the vocalization in Prov.2017 , Talmudic Hebrew, and
    even Imperial Aramaic, as the orthography 'ryb of the word for "guarantor" at
    Saqqarah shows: t lb zk knm 'ryb hw, "the aforementioned is guarantor in this marr
    ner."8 The term'rb appears already in a letter from Hermopolis (ca. 500 r.c.r.), in the
    Saqqarah texts, and in the Aramaic contracts from Murabba'at and Nal.ral $ever, where
    it always parallels the synonym '&ry.e Ttris pair "surety and guarantor" appears already
    in Saqqarah document 29:6: 'rby'w'br[y']; this expression should be compared partic-
    ularly to 'rb' w'ltry'in Mur 32:4. The two terms appear in synonymous parallelism in
    kov.20:17, where we should probably read'aharay milld':'A surety ('drefl is deceit-
    ful bread for a person, and a guarantor ('ahardy) fills the mouth with gravel." This im-
    age reflects the very common situation in which debt is incurred to feed one's family.
    After this text, we must wait until the sale contract Mur 30:5, 24, dating from 134 c.8.,
    to find other occurrences of this Hebrew lexical pair: kl iyi ly wi'qnh'hrym w'rbym
    lmrq lpnk 't hmkr hzh, "All that belongs to me and that I shall acquire is surety and
    guarantee to defend in your favor this sold parcel of land" (11.23-24; cf. Prov. 17:18).
    As we see, 'are! and 'aharay can denote either the person who stands surety (cf. Prov.
    20:17 and text B I I from Nahal Hever: 'nh hry 'rb l[k], "I am surety [and] guarantor

    4. Cf. W. von Soden, Uf l8 (1986) 341-42, who translates the verb instead as "get involved
    with."
    5. DNSI,II, 884.
    6. KTU 3.3, 1,7.
    7. KAI 60.6; cf . 119.72
    8. J. B. Sega| Aramaic Texts from North Saqqarah (1983),21:5.
    9. Saqqarah 21:5; 29:6; Mur 20:121, 26:1, 4; 28:l-2, 7O; 32:4; Nahal Hever B 1 I ;CI l.
    )Jl l'dra! I 329

    for [you]") or the property of the person in question (Mur 30, 23-24: contract c I 1
    from Na[ral Hever). It is probably this second meaning that we find in an Aramaic in-
    scription frorir Babylon,ro dated in the seventeenth year of Darius II (407 t.c-n.): 'rb' zy
    qdm kyiwi 't byt' . .. "the security available to Ki-Sharnash (consists) in (itti) the prop-
    erty. . . ." Finally, a Palmyrene inscripion speaks of one who "would sell the security
    that (is deposited) for the tomb" (1tzbn'rb' zy qdm rn'rt).tt
    The second Hebrew word for "pledge" is'"rubbd. [t occurs onry in I S. 17:lg and
    Prov. 17:18; but old Assyr. erub(b)dtu with the meaning "pledge" appears as early as
    the 2nd millennium n.c.e. in the Kiiltepe texts, where it refers to mortgaged real estate,
    personal surety, or the tablet (with seal impressed) given to the creditor as security.t2
    This term is not found subsequently in Akkadian. Its precise meaning in 1 s. l7:1g is
    obscure; in any case the text does not deal with surety in the legal sense.
    The unique expression bena hafia,rfrlol Q K. 14:14 = 2 ch. 25:24) is usually trans-
    lated "hostages." This recalls osA r'rD, which means "warrant of good conduct,"l3
    which is very close in meaning to the biblical expression.
    The subst. ma'ard!, used 9 times in Ezk.27,ta simply means "wares, cargo,,, and de-
    rives from the basic meaning 'rb, "enter."t5

    II. Pledge and Surrcty. Hebrew terminology establishes a close connection between
    pledge and surety. Both practices served the purpose of protecting a creditor against a
    debtor's inability to pay. [t is easy to understand that a creditor would seek to minimize
    his risks by refusing to make loans that were not secured by a mortgage or pledge.
    A pledge is denoted by derivatives of the roots -) 7n pu and -+ Dfy 'br, but
    erub(b)dtu>'arubbd (Prov. l7:18) and'Erd!6n (Gen.38:17-1g,20; Job l7:3) can have
    the same meaning; the various words appear to be synonyms. But 'rbn in the Jewish
    Aramaic papyri from Egypt Qike Gk. arrab6n and Lat. an[h]abo) can refer to pledged
    property that remained in the possession of the debtor and could be distrained by the
    creditor only if the debt was not paid before the designated due date. In Hebrew the
    verb'dlaq and the nouns 'd.ie4 and'oiq6 (lQlsa 38:14) refer to this distraint of a
    pledge, which could be property or a person. At Elephantine the classic list of goods
    that could be pledged to guarantee repayment includes male and female slaves, bronze
    and iron objects, clothing, and grain.to No distinction was rnade between real property,
    goods and chattels, slaves, and even free individuals. In other words, the term 'rbn also
    included the notion of a mortgage.
    Neh. 5:3, where the Jews pledge ('drc!?m) their fields, vineyards, and houses to buy
    grain, goes even further. Here more is involved than a hypothec, since the creditors

    10. c/s; rr,65.


    I l. Published in Berytus 5 (1938) 133.
    12. CAD, lY,327; AHw,1,248a.
    13. Beeston, 19.
    14. Cf. AE 2:5.
    15. E. Lipiriski, Studia Phoenicia, III (1985), 216-17.
    16. BMAP, ll:10: cf. Afl 10:9-10.
    )11 l'arab t

    have already taken possession of the property (v' 5), so that Nehemiah demands
    its re-
    turn (v. 11). The contractual pledge of real property denoted by
    'rb in v. 5 is clearly
    antichretic. The due date is piesumea to be und;fin;d, since the pledgedproperty be-
    longs in effect to "others." But the pledge is not treated as a kind of satisfaction, mak-
    ing the transaction tantamount to a sale with right of repurchase, the grain received by
    the mortgager representing the price. The requirement that the debt be repaid did not
    not
    lapse with ihe transfer of the pledge; but it was more advantageous to the creditor
    to set a due date, since he enjoyed usufruct ofthe pledge and did not have to press for
    repayment. The Nabatean contract A from Nalral $ever provides no clue as to whether
    l. 1l refers to a hypothec or an antichretic mortgage'
    Neh. 5:2, wherc 'dr"pim should be read, says that the Jews pledged their sons and
    daughters. In contrast to the narrative in 2 K.4:l-7, where allowance may have been
    .ud" fo, the tender age of the children, the personal surety described in Neh' 5:5 was
    established by the actual transfer of the individuals in question. The creditor was
    com-
    pensated by ihe usufruct and labor of the persons pledged. Ancient Near Eastern docu-
    ments indicate that if a person given in pledge died, fell ill, or ran away, the debtor
    had
    to repay the debt immediatelY.rT
    If thl pledged individual was not actually handed over, distraint of the person in the
    event the debtor was unable to pay could be suspended by surety (Isa. 38:14). Simi-
    larly, a borrower who was not in a position to provide sufficient pledges could obtain
    surety through a third party whose solvency was generally recognized. In the event
    of
    the failure oi the principal debtor to meet his obligations at the due date or at the con-
    clusion of a loan secured by a pledge, this third party "entered* ('rb) the lists on behalf
    of (t'/lipnQ the insolvent debior to discharge the liability. At the very outset of the
    agreemint, the guarantor ('drEb ot'aftaray we'drdb) had to come forward with the sym-
    bilic gesture of "clapping" or "striking" the hand, in Hebrew fiq6 kaP o_r ydgl (Prov.
    6:l;li:15; 11:t8;2i26;iob l7:3),inAramaic mcbd'(be)yad(Dnl' 4:32;OldAramaic
    tablets in Brussels, O. 3658, 5; O. 3670' 3).
    Surety is attested at a very early date in Mesopotamia; it is already denoted by the
    verb 'rD at Ugarit. The law codes of the Bible do not mention it; but the early sapiential
    that
    anthologies iefer to it frequently (Prov. 11:15; 17:18;20:16-17;27:13), showing
    cautions those who
    this institution is not a late phenomenon in Palestine. Proverbs
    stand surety for friends and above all for strangers (Prov. 6:1; 1l:15; 20:16:,27:13)'
    The guarantor should make every effort to be indemnified by constantly pressing the
    debtJr to pay (6:3-5), because otherwise the guarantor would be subject to distraint
    (20:16;ZiZeA,Zl;27:13).In a later era Sirach esteems the practice of surety as an act
    ofkindness (sir.29:14-20; cf. 8:13). He nevertheless cautions against standing surety
    grateful to
    beyond one's means (8:I3;29:20) and points out that debtors are not always
    ruin (29:17-18)'
    thiir benefactors (29:15) and that surety has plunged many into
    Lipirtski

    17. For example, AnM VIII, 31.


    33t

    f '19 UAU 'rb III:fIl;a)l I'erep I; f]llf II'Ere! II; f'ty 'ar6!; ))\ 'are!

    I. Etymology and Distribution. II. Meaning: l. The Verb 'rD II; 2. The Noun 'e-re! ll1' 3. 'ereb
    l;4. 'arab; 5. 'ara! lll,'dre!. m. LXX and Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology and Distribution. The meanings of the verbal formatives ?b I-V in


    Hebrew are so different that they should not be traced to a single etymological root. In
    the case of 'rb II, furthermore, we appear to be dealing with a late word concentrated
    primarily in the wisdom literature of the monarchic period and found outside the OT
    only in Aramaic (the two Egyptian Aramaic occurrences are uncertain), Syiac ('crap,
    "mix"), and Mandaic ("mix, intermix, mingle").t The verb occurs almost exclusively
    in the hithpael with the meaning "have dealings with"; it does not come into common
    use until after the OT period in the Dead Sea Scrolls (13 occurrences) and in rabbinic
    literature.2 From the same root derive the nominal formatives '€re! I, "mixed-weave
    fabric" (cf. Aram. 'arba), and '€re! I[, "rabble" (cf. Aram. 'irbfi!, 'Ara\rcptn).t
    The noun 'drAp, "dog fly," is usually connected with this root,4 but A*.. urbattu,
    "worm," in parallel with tultu, "worm," points in a different direction.s
    The verb 'draplII, "be sweet," with its derived adj.'dreQ, has etymological parallels
    only in South Semitic (Old South Arabic and Arabic dialects;.6

    II. Meaning.
    l. The Verb 'rb II. There are only 4 certain occunences of the verb iD II hithpael: Prov.
    l4:10;20:19;En.9:2;Ps.l06:35. It has also been conjectured in Prov. 14:16;2,4:21;26:17.
    In Prov. 14:1S the LXXmeignytai (= 6i1'6reb) casts doubt on the MT readingfif;cstl
    mi1'abbEr fibbQah in the second colon.T The first colon says: "The sage is cautious and
    turns away from evil"; as an antithesis, either reading makes sense: "The fool meddles
    and is gullible," or "The fool flares up [+ 1)9 'dlar II] and feels secure."8
    The text of 24:21 is highly corrupt: "Fear Yahweh, my son, and the king,'im-i6nim
    'al-ti{ara!}' On the basis of the LXX, we should read'al-lcnAhem ti1'abbdr.. "Do not
    be disobedient to either" ('Dr If.r Pldger retains 'rb atthe expense of an unusual inter-

    'rblll[l. Z. Ben-Hayyim, "The Root ?8, Meaning and Parallels," Lel 44 (1979180) 85-99;
    W. A. van der Weiden, "Radix hebraica f'ly," yD 44 (1966) 97-104.
    l. For Aramaic see A^B 2:5; Ahiqar 184; for Syriac, ZzxSya 546; for Mandaic, MdD, 35b.
    2. HAL,1l,877:l*vy, WTM,III, 691.
    3. WTM, rrr, 693, 695-96.
    4. GesB, 616; HAI. II, 879.
    5. AHw, III, 1428; cf. lzxSya 546.
    6. Ben-Hayyim.
    7. HAL,11,877; -+ X, 426.
    8. -+ II, 9l; H. Ringgren, Spriiche. ATD 16ll (1962), in loc.
    9. BHS; --+ X, 426; B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos. HATXVI (1963), in loc.

    l--
    fL InU 'rb llllll

    pretation of i6n€hem: "Do not associate with those who think differently than they
    lYahweh and the kingl."to
    In26 l'1, with a shift of the athnaclr, the MT reads mi1'abb?r'al-ri! la'-l6, "whoevet
    loses his temper in a quarrel that does not concern him."ll It may be emended on the
    basis of the Vulg. impatiens commiscetur (the verse is not in the LXX) to mi!'Ar/b,
    "whoever meddles in a quarrel."l2 But the Targ. and Syr. support retaining the MT.
    The meaning "mix" (with be or l) is secure and is represented accurately by LXX
    (epi)meignymi. It is developed in two directions: association and adulteration. In the
    former case, confusion with 'Dr II is easily possible (see above). A slanderer is notori-
    ous for betraying secrets; therefore one should not "associate" with a gossip (Prov.
    20:19; the context is characterized by a string of catchwords: 'rb l, v. 16; 'rb III, v. l7;
    'rb ll, v. 19). Prov. 14: l0 calls the heart (-+ f ) leb) the inmost seat of the feelings and
    emotions; a stranger (the LXX moralizes: hybris) should not meddle in its joy.
    The two late texts Ezl 9:2 and Ps. 106:35 allude to the mixed marriages of the
    postexilic period. By mingling with the g6yim, the Israelites lost their morality (Ps.
    106). Even more seriously, through this grave contamination they lost their identity,
    their "holy seed" (zera' haqqdSei, Ezr.9:2; cf. Isa. 6:13 [secondary]). This theological
    argumentation is based on the idea of Israel's privileged status (cf. 8x.34:12,15-16),
    familiar to the people from late Deuteronomistic usage (Dt. 7:3; 20:16ff.) and the lan-
    guage of the prophets (e.g., Mal. 2:10-16), summarizing it in the prosaic verb 'rb.

    2. The Noun 'dreb IL The noun 'Ere! Il clearly refers to such an ethnically and mor-
    ally contaminated group without theological identity. Ex. l2:38 (J) already uses ?re!
    ra! for the mixed crowd of non-Israelites, described by Nu. 1l:4 as "the rabble"
    fta'sapsup), that joined the Israelites during the exodus. Their denigration is clear:
    they are mentioned in the same breath as the livestock. This mongrel group in Egypt is
    also referred to in Jer. 25:20, a postexilic interpretive addition, where they are threat-
    ened with the cup of Yahweh's wrath. Jer. 50:37 (secondary) is a threat pronounced
    against the mongrel peoples of Babylon, auxiliaries of the Babylonian Empirel: (rele-
    gated to a position after horses and chariots). According to Ezk' 30:5 (secondary),'Ere!
    is a derogatory collective term that does not include people ofJewish descent, who are
    excepted as "sons of the land with which I made my covenant." lf 'EreP here alludes
    once more to Egypt, the people of Jewish descent might be the colony at Elephantine.
    Neh. 13:3 completes the arc leading to the usage of the verb inBzt.9:2- In line with the
    post-Deuteronomistic decree that no "bastard" (mamz4 "half-breed")14 may be admitted
    to the -+ )it jz qdhal (Dt.23:3-4[Eng.vv.2-3];7.ec.9:6 suggests that the term may refer to a
    person of mixed Israelite-Philistine blood),the'ere! was excluded from the postexilic com-
    munity. Neh. 13: I cites Dt. 23 only selectively, but probably has the whole decree in mind.

    10. O. Pltiger, Sprilche Salomos. Br( XVII (1984),264.


    11. rbid., 307.
    12. NRSV; --> X, 426.
    13. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), 129-30.
    14, HAL, II, 595.
    f"lY IVIII 'rb llll]l 333

    3. 'drep L The noun 'dreb I is a technical term of weaving. It may denote an item
    "woven" of linen or wool, either in the sense of a "mixed" fabric made with different
    kinds of yarn (as the etymology suggests) or in the sense of "warp and woof' (cf. the
    constant association with .ieti) as a term for types of yarn.ls There are 9 occurrences of
    'ere! r, all in the later expansions of the law governing leprosy (-+ Illllr sara'a!; Lev.
    l3:48-59).

    4. 'drdp. The noun 'drd!, "dog fly," with its Akkadian etymon probably has no con-
    nection with our root. It constitutes the fourth plague of Egypt (Ex. 8:17 -z1t2l -3 I I tJl )
    and is mentioned only in that context (cf. the two later reminiscences in Ps. 78:45 and
    105:31). Its precise zoological identification is uncertain. Bodenheimer suggests lice.16

    5.'dra! III,'drE!. The verb'dra!Ill, "be sweet, please," occurs 6 times in the qal
    and once in the hiphil (Sir. 40:21); the adj. 'arEL, "sweet, pleasant," occurs 3 times.
    Hos. 9:4 is disputed (see below). The things found pleasing are sacrifices, poetry,
    speech, lies, instruments, sleep, desires, and once Jerusalem, personified as a whore
    (Ezk.16:,37). These may be pleasing to God or to human beings. something pleasant
    gives a sense of physical or psychological delight; this holds true for God as well,
    whose favor can be gained by means of things that are pleasing to him (e.g., sacrifices).
    As a technical cultic term,tT ?D III is used in Jer.6:20 (Dtr) and Mal. 3:4 to describe a
    sacrifice as being pleasing to God; it may therefore be compared with ras6n (-+ iirl
    rdsd; Jer. 6:20). Because the people of Jerusalem do not give heed to the words of their
    Lord, he rejects their sacrifices and foretells instead destruction from the north (Jer.
    6:16-26). Sacrifice will be pleasing once more to Yahweh only when Israel has been
    purified, as in the days of old (Mal. 3:4 [secondary]).
    The textual emendation proposed in Hos. 9:4 (BHS: wel6'ya'arelfr-16 zi!fiAhem
    lfrom'drafu, "place in rows, arrange, compare"]) is not persuasive, since 'draft denotes
    the physical arrangement of the sacrificial offerings or wood (Gen.22:9;Lev. l:7 ,8,12;
    24:8; Nu. 23:4), and is otherwise not found with zebab. Hos. 9:4, by contrast, deals
    with the possibility or impossibility of offering any sacrifice in a foreign land. We must
    therefore posit a verb 'arap IV, "offer," "for the point is not whether the sacrifices are
    pleasing to Yahweh but the impossibility of offering any sacrifices in a foreign land."lS
    To excite God's pleasure was also the purpose of the author of Ps. 104:34 in this
    case, not by offering sacrifice but by singing a hymn of praise. As in Jer. 6:20, - the in-
    tent is to offer something to delight God in order that God may be favorably disposed
    (cf. Ps. 19:l5t14l with rdsdn).
    In all periods, sleep Genil is felt to be especially sweet. It strengthens the body and
    is promoted by a prudent way of life (Prov. 3:24). Conversely, sweet, quiet sleep paints

    15. See ltlt,


    1t,878; Dalman, AzS, y 104.
    16. F. S. Bodenheimer, Animal and Man in Bible lnnds (Eng. trans. 1960),72-73.
    17. G. Gerleman, TLOT III, 1260-61.
    18. Rudolph, Hosea. KAT XIIVI (1966), 172,176;withHAt 11, 877, et al., contra H. W
    Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 155.
    fiY M 'rb IIIIJI

    of a serene and carefree life (Jer. 3l:26). The physical and psychological re-
    a picture
    freshment brought by sleep is associated with personal conduct, for those who do
    wrong cannot sleep (Prov.4:16).
    The verb 'drap tll can express psychological as well as physical pleasure. Prov.
    13:19 describes a realized desire as being sweet (te"rab) to the soul.
    In Ezk. 16:37 'drab describes unfaithful Jerusalem, who has turned out to be a
    whore and fallen victim to her lovers. The emendation of 'dralt to'dgabt (from'dga!,
    "love, long for l'all someone") is unjustified (cf. Ps. 104:34).te
    The only occurrence of 'arap III hiphil is in Sir. 40:21, which says that flute and
    harp make a song (^iir) sweet (cf. 3Q6 I and llQPsE 22:14).
    The NRSV twice translates the adj. 'dr€! as "sweet," which must be understood in a
    f,rgurative sense. The bridegroom delights in the sweet voice of the bride (Cant. 2:14).
    Prov. 20:17 speaks of a sweetness that is deceptive: what is gained by lies may be very
    pleasing at first, but turns out ultimately to be deceitful. Sir. 6:5 describes pleasant
    speech as a mark of friendship: by it one gains friends.

    IIII. LXX and Dead Sea Scrolls. The LXX uses the word group meignymi and its
    compounds to translate 'rb II; similarly it uses epi./syndmiktos for 'dre! II. All the oc-
    currences of '€re! [ are represented by kr6kZ, "yam. cloth"; 'dr6! is rendered as
    kyndmuia, "dog-fly." Both 'drab III and 'drd! have a wide variety of translations:
    hedfnein/hedfs/hed41s (6 times), ek/ery'ddchesthai, epimignfnai, etc., once each.
    There are 13 occurrences of ?b I in the Dead Sea Scrolls and 4 (?) of iD III. The
    occurrences of 'rbltin the disciplinary regulations of IQS go back to the early period
    of the Essene movement at Qumran. It is a fundamental axiom that the property of the
    community must not be "confused" with the possessions of outsiders, postulants, nov-
    ices, etc. (lQS 9:8; later elaborations include 9:8, followed by 6:17,22;7:24).The
    Temple Scroll uses 'rbllincultic regulations. The functional structures within the tem-
    ple precincts are to be so erected as to achieve maximal lucidity. There must be no way
    to "intermingle" the temple utensils (l IQT 45:4), the sacrifices of the priests (35:12)'
    and those of the people (37:11). The water with which the sacrificial animals are
    washed must finally be removed by a separate drain so that no one can touch it, since it
    is "mixed" with sacrificial blood (32:15). Finally, a theological statement is made in
    1QH, a soteriological confession of faith, where the hymnodist appears to pray that the
    Spirit of God (?) may be "united" with his own spirit. The other occulrences of 'rb Il
    (lQSb 4:2;4QOrdb t4Q513l fr.102:3) and'rb 1I (4Q186 fr. 1 1:6; 4Q186 fr.22:2) ate
    in extremely fragmentary contexts.
    CD I l:4, "No one must establish an'erfrb [yr'rb] voluntarily on the sabbath," may
    be an early attack on a practice later regulated by the tractate 'Erubin, "Mixtures, Com-
    binations": a combination of courtyards and passageways to evade the law governing
    how far one may travel on the sabbath.
    Fabry
    - Iambe fi -Zielinski

    19. Contra W Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Henn (Eng. trans. 1979)' 33O,347. Cf. BHS.
    )]1.'erc! 335

    a-1! 'ereb: a19 'drab: a19D ma,rab

    I. l. Egyptian; 2. Akkadian. II. Etymology. III. l. Extrabiblical Occurrences; 2. OT


    Occurrences. IV. 1. Chronological Usage; 2. Geographical Usage. V. Contexts: l. Cult;
    2. Creation; 3. Peril; 4. Deliverance. VI. LXX. VII. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l. l. Egyptian. In Egyptian, evening is divided into mirw, the time around sunset
    when there is still light, and wfry'fi3w, the dark portion of the evening, when the stars
    are visible.l
    Evening comes with the departure of the sun god, who visits the realm of the dead;
    it is marked by the cessation of all activity. By virtue of her sovereignty over the west-
    ern desert, where the sun sets, Hathor becomes the Mistress of the Evening (mirw).z

    2. Akkadian. As the extrabiblical occurrences and some of the OT occurences


    show,'ere! derives from the root ?b with the meaning "enter."3 In other words, when
    ?b is predicated ofthe sun, it is entering its dwelling place: it sets and evening begins.
    This sense is illustrated also by the Heb. verb 'dra! V, "become evening" (Jgs. l9:9;
    Sir. 36:31), "come to an end" (Isa. 24:11), as well as Akk. er€bu and Ugar. ?b and
    m'rb.a
    The assumption of further etymological associations of ?D with 'rp should be re-
    jected; likewise derivation from Akk. erepu, "become overcast, darken."S There is no
    apparent connection between 'ere! and'ardQi, "desert."6

    'ere!. F. M. T. Btthl, '!!:'ly;t 1,): OIZ l8 (1915) 321-24; G. B. Bruzzone, "'EREB


    nell'ATl' BibOr23 (1981) 65-70; G. Dalman,AuS, U2(1928),620-30; K. Elligea "Das Ende der
    Abendwdlfe' 7,eph 3,3 Hab 1,8," FS A. Bertholer (1950), 158-75; P. J. Heawood, '"The Begin-
    ning of the Jewish Day," lQR 36 (1945146) 393-401; B. Jongeling, 'Jeux de mots en Sophonie
    III I et 3?" W 2l (1971) 541-47; H. lrs6tre, "Soir," D8, V (1912), 1824-25; J. A. Loader, "The
    Concept of Darkness in the Hebrew Root'rbfrpl' Defructu ois sui. FS A. van Selms (1971),99-
    107; E. Mahler, "Die ctuonologische Bedeutung von Etrf'l9 und Di'lill," ?.DMG 68 (1914) 677-
    86; J. Nelis, 'Abend," BZs (1982), 5-6; S. J. Schwantes, "'ere! bdqer of Dan 8,14 Re-examined,"
    AUSS 16 (1978) 375-85; H. R. Stroes, "Does Day Begin in the Evening or Morning?" l4I 16
    (1966) 460-75; R. de Vaux, Anclsql, 180-83; W. A. van der Weiden, "Radix hebraica I'1!," YD
    44 (1966) 97-104; S. Zeitlin, "The Beginning of the Jewish Day During the Second Common-
    wealth," IQR 36 (1945146) 4Q3-14; J. Ziegler, "Die Hilfe Gottes 'am Morgen,' " FS E Ndtscher
    888 l (19s0), 281-88.
    1. E. Homung, lzxAe,lY,29l-92; idem, ZAS 86 (1961) 106-11; 87 (1962) I 16-17, il9.
    2. E. Hornung, "Licht und Finsternis in der Vorstellungswelt Altiigytens," Studcen 18 (1965)
    73-83.
    3. For extrabiblical occurrences see III.I below; for the OT see IIL2.
    4.SeeGesB,615;HAI.ll,877;Loader,99-100; CAD,ly,269;AHw,1,234;WU\,no.2039.
    5. Contra, respectively, Loader, l0l-7; CAD, [Y,279-80.
    6. Contra A. P. B. Breytenbach, "The Connection between the Concepts of Darkness and
    Drought as Well as Light and Vegetation," FSA. van Sebns (1971),2.
    )J{ere!

    In Hebrew two nouns derive from 'rb IY; (a) ma'ard!, "setting (place of the sun)"
    (Isa. 43:5; 45:6; 59:19; Ps. 75:7[Eng. v. 6]; lO3:12; lO7:3), "west" (1 Ch. 7:28;
    12:16115l;26:16,18,30; 2Ch.32:30;33:14); and (b) 'ere!, denoting the evening (see
    III.2 below). In one text (Ps. 65:9[8]), 'ere! denotes the west. The segholate'ere! rep-
    resents a form of the root 'rD found only in Hebrew, since in Old South Arabic, Syriac,
    Akkadian, and Ugaritic the word for "evening" does not derive from the root'rb.

    lll. l. Extrabiblical Occunences.In East Semitic the root ?b is represented by the


    verb erebu, "sink," and the construct phrase ereb iamii, which means "sunset."7
    In Northwest Semitic we find Ugat'rb, "sunset," and m'rb, "sinking."a Comparable
    are Aram. m'rb, "sinking, west," and Syr. ?h "sink," m'rb, "westl' and m'rby, "west-
    ern."9
    In Old South Arabic the nouns m'rb/m'rbyt, "west," and m'rby, "western," derive
    from ?D I.lo

    2. OT Occurrences.The 130 OT occurences of 'ere| are found primarily in the Pen-


    tateuch (13 in Genesis, 13 in Exodus, 33 in Leviticus, 13 in Numbers,5 in Deuteron-
    omy) and the Deuteronomistic History (4 in Joshua,4 in Judges, 3 in I Samuel, 3 in
    2 Samuel, 2 in I Kings, I in 2 Kings). Occurrences are less common in the Prophets
    (l in Isaiah, 1 in Jeremiah, 5 in Ezekiel,2inZ'ephaniah, I in Haggai, I in Zechariah),
    wisdom literature (2 in Job, I in Proverbs, I in Ecclesiastes), the Psalms (8), and apoc-
    alyptic literature (3 in Daniel). There are more occurrences in the Chronicler's History
    (3 in Ezra, 2 in I Chronicles, 5 in 2 Chronicles).

    lY. l. Chronological Usage. a. Period of the Day. The three terms -> ala bdqer, -+
    Et"t;13 ;ohorayim, and 'erep denote the three major periods of the day (cf. Ps'
    55:l8a[7a]). Our word means the close of the day (-+ E)i ydm), marked by sunset, as
    shown by the frequent combination of 'ere! with D6' haiiemei (Dt. 16:6; 23:l2llll;
    Josh. 8:29; 10:26-27;2Ch.18:34; cf. Prov. 7:9).
    As a term referring to the close of the day, 'ere! also denotes the end of work (Gen.
    30:16; Jgs. 19:16; Ruth 2:17;Ps.104:23; but cf. Eccl. 11:6), the time to draw water
    (Gen.24:ll) and to walk in the fields (Gen.24:63; cf. Gen. 3:8) or to pitch camp for
    the night (2 S. ll:13;Zeph.2:7),and the time to bring the bride to the bridegroom
    (Gen. 29:23). In this sense 'ere! can denote either a period of time or a point in time;
    the latter usage is apparent in the temporal expressions l"'e1 'ere! (Gen. 8:ll;24:ll;
    2 S. ll:2),'d!minha!'ere! (Dnl.9:21;Ezr.9:4-5),'a/ hd'eref; ( I S. 20:5), b"'ere! (Gen.
    l9 l; 29,23 Ezk. 12;4,7), and lipn61 'ere! (Gen. 24:63).
    When'ere! is used in combination with bdqer, the time span denoted by the pair can
    be either day or night. The phrase mE'ere! 'aQ-boqer (8x.27:21 Lev.24:3; Nu. 9:21;

    7. CAD, IY 258-59; AHw,1,233-34.


    8. WUS, no.2093.
    9. For Aramaic see DNSI, ll,67l; KAI 215.13-14; Beyer, 664. For Syiac, lzxSyr 546-47.
    10. Beeston, 18.
    A.1!.'ere!

    cf. Nu. 9:15), which appears in cultic contexts, refers to the entire night; the same pe-
    riod is expressed in Nu. 9:15 by bd'erep'a{-bdqer and in Est.2:14 by bd'ere!
    frlabbdqer Conversely, the phrase min-(hab)bdqer 'a!-ft@'ere! (Ex. 18:13-14) or
    mibbdqer la'ereb (Job 4:20) refers to the course of the entire day. This is also true of
    the phrases 'a/ 'ere! bdqer (DnL 8:14) and mEhanneiep w"'aQ hd'ere! (1 S. 30: 17; cf.
    Prov. 7:9).
    Another use of the 'ere!-bdqer pair refers not to a period of time but to distinct
    points in time associated with a common action and its consequences. In Gen. 49:27,
    for example, the parallelism of the two words suggests continual action.l t The parallel-
    ism of 'erep and bdqer inDt.28:67 and Eccl. I l:6 is comparable: in the former it indi-
    cates that the state of dread is persistent; in the latter it describes unremitting activity.
    Bx. 16:6-7 assigns the knowledge of God's guidance to the evening and the vision of
    God's glory to the morning; here too the text does not refer to separate and distinct
    events rather, 'ere! and boqer are used idiomatically for "soon."l2 The situation dif-
    -
    fers in Ex. 16:8-12, where the promise of meat in the evening and bread in the morning
    refers to two distinct events.l3
    b. bAn hd'arbayim. The meaning of the temporal expression bAn hd'arbayim (Ex.
    12:6; 16:12; 29 :39,41 ; 30:8; Lev. 23:5 ; Nu. 9:3,5, I I ; 28:4,8) is disputed. With the ex-
    ception of Ex. 16: 12, the phrase always appears in a cultic context (see IV.2 below); it
    seems to represent a dual (no pl. of 'ere! is attested). But the only reason for interpret-
    ing the noun as a dual is the preceding prep. bAn;ta in fact, however, treatment of bAn as
    a dual was based on the erroneous interpretation of 'arbayirn as a dual, whereas in real-
    ity it is an adverbial form.l5 Analysis of the cultic contexts of this formula shows that
    the reference is to a single evening, not two; this observation argues against the noun's
    being a dual. The phrase bAn hd'arbayim can be understood as meaning "at twilight."t0
    Btihl theorized that in this formula 'ere! means "setting" and that the phrase Ddn
    hd'arbayim refers to the settings ofthe sun and moon, and should therefore be under-
    stood as meaning "as long as the moon is in the sky"; the expression was transferred
    from the night of Passover to every night.lT This theory is untenable.
    The Samaritans and the Pharisees arrived at differing interpretations of bAn
    hd'arbayim with reference to the sacrifice of the Passover lamb: the former understood
    the phrase to mean the time between sunset and total darkness (cf. Dt. 16:6); the latter
    understood it to mean the time between the sun's approaching the horizon and its set-
    ting. t8

    ll. C. Westermann, Genesis 37-50 (Eng. trans. 1986), 241.


    12. B. S. Childs, Exodus. OTL (1974),287.
    13. Ibid.
    14. T. N61deke,7A,30 (1915) 168; JM, $91e.
    15. Ct. GK, $88c; BIe, $63b'; Nelis, 6.
    16. K. Elliger, kviticus. HAT U4 (1966), 3O2, 313; E. Znnger, Das Buch Exodus (21982),
    l 18, 164; Childs, Exodus, 179, 182, 272, 520-21.
    t7. w.'323-24.
    18. Nelis, 6; Bruzzone, 65;l-esltre, 1824.

    \-
    )'19'ercb

    c. Verb. The verb iD IV also indicates time, as Jgs. l9:9 shows (rdpd hayyOm
    la'ordp): the waning (r"pal of the day brings evening. The Isaiah apocalypse uses
    'dra! figuratively in parallel with -+ n)l gata to describe the departure of all joy. The
    hiphilof 'dra!means "dointheevening"; I S.17:16usesitinparallel withhiiktm,"do
    in the morning." In Prov. 7:9 emendation of the MT on the basis of Jgs. 19:9 should be
    rejected, since the lectio dfficillor of the MT makes sense.le
    d. Beginning of the Day. The use of 'ere! in the story of creation (Gen. 1:5,8,
    13,19,23,3I) and in cultic texts (Ex. 12:18;L.ev. 15:5-27;23:32; Dnl. 8:4; cf. the reli-
    giously grounded law in Dt. 2l:23) has occasioned the surmise that a day was reckoned
    from one evening to the next.20 Even if this theory cannot be demonstrated for the PG
    creation account in Gen. I (see V.2 below), in cultic contexts the day begins with the
    preceding evening. This method of reckoning days is found from the postexilic period
    on, but even then it did not apply to secular chronology.2l

    2. Geographical Usage. As a designation for the geographical term "west," 'ere! ap-
    pears only once, in Ps. 65:9(8); elsewhere the word for "west" is ma'ard!. It makes its
    first appearance in Deutero-Isaiah (Isa. 43:5; 45:6) and Trito-Isaiah (59:19); it appears
    also in the Psalms (75:7161; 103:12:' 107:3), the Chronicler's History (l Ch. 7:28;
    12:l6E5l; 26:16,18,30;2Ch.32:30;33:14), and Daniel (8:5).In all its occurrences, it
    is a mem-locale formation based on 'drap, "sink," denoting the place where the sun
    sets.

    V. Contexts.
    l. Cult. Evening plays a special role in the cult. The new day including sabbaths
    and festivals -
    begins with evening. An origin of this chronological system in Israel's
    -
    nomadic tradition is neither demonstrable nor credible;22 neither can the creation tradi-
    tion of Gen. 1 be cited as its basis (see V.2 below). It is preferable to stress (with Dt.
    16:6) that the exodus from Egypt took place in the evening.
    Neh. 13:19 attests to the beginning of the sabbath in the evening.23 The duration of
    the Day of Atonement is defined as being m7'ere! 'ad:ereb (l*v.23:32), and the eat-
    ing of unleavened bread begins in the evening and lasts until evening on the fourteenth
    day (Ex. 12:18). The gate of the inner court of the temple is to be opened on the sab-
    bath and on the day of the new moon and is not to be shut until evening, i.e., at the end
    of the day (Ezk. 46:2).
    In the context of Passover, several passages use the phrase bdn hd'arbayim to denote
    the time when the Passover lambs are slain (Ex. 12:6; cf . Dt. 16:4,6) and Passover is
    celebrated (Nu. 9:3,5,1 l; Lev. 23:5; cf . Josh. 5:10). Only in Dt. l6:6 do we find the ex-
    planation that this is the hour of the exodus from Egypt.

    19. Contra BHI(/BHS.


    20. M. Noth, ZDPV 74 (1958) 138 n. 18; W. H. Schmidt, WMANT t7 1t1973r, Ur.
    21. 7.e,itlin, 403-414.
    22.Ct.U. Cassuto, Comm. onthe Bookof Genesis, I (Eng. trans. 196l),29-30.
    23. De Vaux, 181-82; Stroes,464-65.
    )Jf; 'ere!

    Apart from the context of Passover, a lamb is to be offered every morning and every
    evening (8x.29:39,41; Nu. 28:4,8), as well as a grain offering (l-ev. 6:13[20]; 2 K.
    16:15) and a burnt offering (Ezr.3:3). From evening to morning, a lamp is to burn be-
    fore Yahweh in the tent of meeting (Ex.27:21;30:8).
    Evening marks the end of petitions and lamentations to Yahweh (Josh. 7:6; Jgs.
    20:23;21:2;25.I:12) as well as fasting (lgs.20:26;2 S. l:12). Vows are binding until
    evening (l S. 14:24), and the sabbath ends at evening (l*v.23:32). Evening fulfills an
    important function in the context of cultic cleanness, since uncleanness contracted in
    the course of the day lasts until evening (Lrv. 1l:24-25,27-28,31-32,39-40; 14:46;
    l5:5-7,8,10-11,16-19,21-23,27; 17:15;22:6; Nu. l9:7-8,10,21-22) and cleanness be-
    gins in the evening (Lev. 17:15; Nu. 19:19; Dt. 23:12). This role of evening as the
    boundary between clean and unclean is connected with the cultic chronological system
    of the postexilic period, which counts each day as beginning with evening. The juridi-
    cal day also ends at evening, as we can see from the removal of the body of an executed
    individual in the evening (Dt.2l:23; Josh. 8:29; lO:16-17; llQT 64:11; cf. Mk.
    l5:42ff. par.; John l9:31).
    The evening offering (Ex.29:39;30:8; tev.6:13120l; Dt. 16:4;2 K. 16:15; Ps.
    l4L:2;Dnl.9:21;Ezr.3:3;9:4-5; I Ch. l6:40;23:30;2Ch.2:3141;13:11;31:3) is a -+
    illrf,} minhd or an -) ilry 'ah. The offering of the minltd took place at the ninth hour
    (3:00 p.m.), as is shown clearly in Ezr. 9:4-5, where the Peshitta replaces Heb. minfia1
    hd'ere! with /r.l' ljm.zt In the preexilic period there was an official grain offering
    (minbd) only in the evening (l K. l8:29; 2K. 16:15; cf .Ezr.9:4), while the burnt offer-
    ing took place in the morning.25 In Lev. 6:13(20) there is a doubling of the still inde-
    pendent grain offering. As the sacrificial system developed, there came into being "a
    combination of burnt offering and grain offering in the morning with simultaneous re-
    placement of the independent evening grain offering by a combination that included a
    burnt offeringl'26 as documented by Ex. 29:39 and Nu.28:4, as well as the relevant
    texts in the Chronicler's History (1 Ch. 16:40;2 Ch.2:314); 13:11; 31:3).

    2. Creation. Many scholars claim that in the PG creation story each day begins with
    evening.2T That this is not the case can be seen from the correct translation of wayehi
    'ere! (Gen. l:5,8,13,19,23,31), "and then evening came," so that in each case'ere!
    marks the conclusion of an act of creation.2s On the first day, the process of creation
    begins with the creation of light, not with evening;2e this also argues against reckoning
    the days as beginning with evening. Furthermore, the expression waychi 'ere! refers to

    24. See BHS.


    25. Elliger, HAT, U4, 97.
    26. Ibid.; W. Kornfeld, l.evitikus. NEB (1983),29.
    27. For example, E. A. Speiser, Genesis. AB I 121964), 5; W. H. Schmidt, Die
    Schdpfungsgeschichte der Priesterschrifi. WMANT 17 1t197rr, Ur.
    2S. E. Zenger, Gottes Bogen in den Wolkcn SBS l l2 (1983), 68-69 n. 61, 185; de Vaux, 181;
    Bruzzone,65.
    29. De Vaux, l8l; Schwantes, 385; Zenger,68-69 n. 61.
    aJ{ereP

    the night that follows the day but does not explicitly mention night, since night already
    had negative connotations as the time of peril.3o
    These observations help explain the expression ('ail 'ere! boqer in Dnl. 8: 14, which
    does not refer to a day beginning with evening in a cultic context, but rather, influenced
    by the language of PG in Gen. 1, denotes the entire day.31

    3. Peril. In contrast to "God's help in the morning," evening marks the onslaught of
    menace and dread; in this context we observe that nowhere is God's help mentioned in
    connection with the evening offering.32 This antithesis of evening and morning with
    their different connotations is especially clear in Ps. 30:6(5).
    The menace of evening is clear when'erep marks the onset of terror (Isa. 17: 14) or
    the coming of death (l K.22:35;Ezk- 24:18; Ps. 90:6; 2 Ch. l8:34), bringing weeping
    (Ps.30:6[5]) and lamentation (Ps.55:18[7). Conversely, victorious battles last until
    evening (Ex. 17:12-13); if the day is not long enough, the sun must stand still to post-
    pone evening (Josh. l0:12-13). Ps. 59:7,15(6,14) with its image of prowling dogs also
    associates negative connotations with'ere!. In the frequently cited texts Hab. l:8 and
    Zeph.3:3,'ardld, "steppe," should be read instead of 'ereb.33
    The negative connotations of evening are linked to ancient mythological themes
    from the pre-Israelite period. "In the evening, the anonymous . . . foe assaults the city
    on the mountain of God; in the morning, the foe has vanished miraculously."34 Isa.
    17:12-14 in particular should be read in this light. In the background stands Shalem,
    the city god of Jerusalem, who is identified with sunset or the evening star.3s

    4. Deliverance. In contrast to the negative connotations of'eref;, four texts speak of


    'erep asthe time of deliverance. This is clearly the case in Ex. 16:6 and16:12 eG). Simi-
    lar to the latter is the feeding of Elijah in the morning and in the evening in I K. 17:6.
    According toZ,ec. 14:6-7, which belongs to the last supplement to the book of Zecha-
    riah, the natural order will be abolished at the eschaton: the light of day will not vanish at
    evening time and the alternation of day and night will cease. In other words, the final state
    of salvation will be accomplished when there is still light at evening and "the primordial
    human fear ofthe darkness ofnight" is banished, so that the negative connotations so of-
    ten associated with 'ere! are overcome by the positive connotations of light.:6

    30. O. H. Steck, Der Schdpfungsbericht der Priesterschrift. FRLA,NT l15 1219311, 175; de
    Vaux, 181; Zenger,68-69 n.61.
    31. Schwantes,384-85.
    32. -+ 11,226-28; Ziegler,284.
    33. Elliger; K. Seybold, Satirische Prophetie. SBS 120 (1985),57 n. ll;
    idem, Beitriige zur
    prophetischen Bildsprache inlsrael undAssyien. OBO 64(1985),35; contraJongeling,545, etal.
    34. E. Otto, W"30 (1980) 321.
    35. H. Gese, Die Religionen Absyiens, Altarabiens und der Mandiier RM l0l2 (1970), 80-
    81, 168-69; Otto, yI 30 (1980) 321;'F. Stolz, Strukturen und Figuren in Kult von lerusalem.
    BZAW tt8 (1970), 181-85,204-18.
    36. W. Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja l-3-Sacharja 9-13-Maleachi. KATXIIV4 (1976),236: -+
    '''l]N '6r.
    a19'oreb 341

    VI. LXX. To translate 'eref;, the LXX uses the substs. espdra and deild, the adj.
    delin6s, and the adv. ops6. For the verb 'ara! hiphil, we find opstzein, and for the
    phrase 'erep boqer (Dnl. 8:14), nychthiimeron.

    VII. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls use'ere! primarily in cultic contexts.
    The Essenes are to repeat the precepts of God at the onset of evening and in the morn-
    ing(lQS l0:10).Thetimesof prayerreferredtoherearealsomentionedin IQM 14:14
    and IQH 12:5. The evening minhh appears in I IQT 17:7.ln 4Q503 3:6 we read of a
    prayer of blessing on the evening of the fifth day of the month; cf. 4Q503 8:12; l0:18;
    42-44:4;64:l;72:8(?); 76: l. The role of evening in the laws governing cleanness (Lev.
    ll, etc.) is adopted in llQT 49:20;50:4,12;51:3.
    Niehr

    ))it'o,cp

    I. Ancient Near East; Etymology. IL OT Usage. IIL LXX.

    I. Ancient Near East; Etymology. The Semitic languages do not distinguish be-
    tween ravens and crows. The raven appears in the pre-Sargonic bird list; the Sumerian-
    Eblaite dictionaryt cites [a/ga-ri-bn, N*.. dribu/€ribu.In the Gilgamesh Epic a raven
    signals the end of the deluge: it leaves the ark, eats, croaks, and does not return.2 Late
    Babylonian texts mention a guard whose function it was to keep rooks away. In Late
    Babylonian astronomical texts, the Raven Star (Corvus) is the star of Adad; it is also an
    alias for Mars and Saturn.3 The raven plays a religious role in omen texts;4 its head is a

    'drc!. N. Avigad, 't!!'lfy nlDnln: D!)DO'| DllNn )y," Erlsr 15 (1981) 303-5; F. S.
    Bodenheimer, Animal and Man in Bible lnnds (Eng. trans. 1960), 57; G. R. Driver, "Birds in the
    OT. I. Birds in Law," PEQ 87 (1955) 5-20; J. Feliks, "Rabe," BHHW III, 1545; J. Grittsberger,
    "lltrJ NlSl in Gn 8,7," BZ 6 (1908) I l3-16; G. L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-
    Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions. Near and Middle East Series 8 (1971),453; B. Kedar,
    Biblische Semantik (1981), I 14; J. A. Loader, "The Concept of Darkness in the Hebrew Root'rb/
    'rp)' De fructu oris sui. FS A. van Selms (1971),99-lO7; W. Richter, Traditionsgeschichtliche
    Untersuchungen zum Richterbuch. BBB 18 (1963); H. R0sel, "Studien zur Topographie der
    Kriege in den Btichern Josua und Richter," ZDPV 92 (1976) 10-46; A. Salonen, Vdgel und
    Vogelfang im alten Mesopotamien. AnAcScFen 180 (1973), 124-31, 178-80; L. Stdrk, "Rabe,"
    lzxAg, V, 74-75; E. Tichy, Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen. SAW 409
    (1983), 129-31, 168; F. V. Winnett and G. L. Harding, Inscriptions from Fifty Safaitic Caints.
    Near and Middle East Series 9 (1978), index p. 599.
    l. MEE,IV, no. 295.
    Xl, 152tr.
    2. Gllg.
    3. AHw,1,68a.
    4. CAD, U2,265-66.

    L-_
    ) _1!, 'areb

    magical substance. The relationship with fiafifiilru (fem. fiaSfiurtu), which appears in
    lexical listss but not in omen texts, is unclear.
    The lexeme *?b has not been found in Ugaritic, Phoenician, Punic, or Old South
    Arabic inscriptions; it does appear in Arab. (urdb (pl- (irbdn)6 and Ethiopic, e.g.,
    Amhar. k'urd, with loss of the -0. In the Aramaic family it is found in Samaritan, Jew-
    ish Aramaic, Christian Palestinian, Syriac, and Mandaic. The Jewish Aramaic deriva-
    tives'6rbd' and'Arbd'(fem. '6rabtd) still convey overtones of pagan magic.T An adj.
    'drbi1, *like a raven," also appears.
    In Safaitic the name of the bird is also used as a personal name (like Arab. !urdb).8
    InJgs.T:25;8:3 (Isa. 10:16;Ps.83:12[Eng.v. ll]),'6rd!is thenameof aMidianite
    captain who (according to an Ephraimite tradition?) was captured by Gideon's band
    and killed at Raven Rock. The personal names are possibly derivatives of the topo-
    nyms.9
    The Hebrew PN bre! appears on a seal reading l-'rb/nby, with the picture of a
    bird.ro
    Loader assigns to Sem. 'rb the meaning "enter," extending to a variety of domains
    and undergoing further semantic development in particular languages.ll Within the se-
    mantic domain "set (the sun) > evening/darkness/west," the Akkadian and Hebrew par-
    ticiple might suggest an etymology "black(bird)." The Bab. expression erdbu ;almu,
    "black raven," then shows that this etymology was forgotten. More likely the word is
    onomatopoeic, like Gk. k6rax and the denominative verb kr6zd ( < *krd g- ie ), "croak." 12

    II. OT Usage. There were four species of. Corvus in Israel, the most common being
    the raven (Corvus corax), a carrion eater. The corpses of executed criminals were not
    buried but were left exposed to such scavengers. The words of Agur (Prov. 30:17)
    threaten those who do not honor their parents with this degrading fate. The raven nests
    on mountains or in wadis. In Cant. 5: 1 I the woman compares the color of her beloved's
    hair to the black plumage of a raven.
    The rook (Corvus frugilegus) is distinguished by a white spot around its beak. The
    hooded crow (Corvus coronae), indigenous to the Jerusalem region, is an omnivore
    that nests in tall trees. The brown-necked raven or desert raven (Corvus ruficollis) lives
    in the Negeb.
    The regulations governing purity (Dt. l4:14;l*v. 11:15 [P]) classify all kinds of ra-
    vens and crows as unclean. As carrion eaters, they are described by prophetic oracles

    5. Salonen, 178ff.
    6. Wehr, 668.
    7. Bab. Shab.67b.
    8. Ryckmans, l, l76b; G. L. Harding, Index,453; F. V. Winnett and G. L. Harding, Inscrip-
    tions,599.
    9. Richter, 208ff.; Rt sel, 16, 20.
    10. Avigad, 305, with pl. 57.3.
    ll. Pp. 99-100.
    12. Tichy.
    il19 'drd 343

    of judgment as living among ruins (Isa. 34:ll;Z,eph.2:4 LXX and Vulg.) with sinister
    and demonic creatures. 13

    The greed of these notorious scavengers nevertheless establishes a close relation-


    ship with Yahweh. The young ravens serye as models for how Yahweh nourishes his
    creatures (cf. Lk. 12:24). Ps. 147:.9 LXX interprets their croaking as pleas heard by
    Yahweh (cf. Job 38:41).
    Unclean ravens bring food to the miracle-worker Elijah in the pre-Deuteronomistic
    narrative I K. l7:5b-7; the DtrP recension emphasizes in v. 4 that they do so explicitly
    at Yahweh's command.
    Gen. 8:7 (J) has Noah send out a raven before sending out a dove three times
    analogously to the three different birds in Gilg. X. As a "variant," the raven stands out-
    -
    side the framework of J's bird scene: its flying to and fro does not contribute anything
    to Noah's knowledge. The final redaction nevertheless kept the raven, to show that the
    earth was still inundated. Or is the necrophagous raven to render the terrain around the
    ark cultically clean for the altar (Gen. 8:20-21) by devouring the carrion?

    IIII. LXX. The LXX consistently translates 'ard! wifh k6rax, using the plural to ren-
    der the collective in Ps. 147:9; Zeph. 2:14; Isa. 34:l l.
    Angerstorfer

    13. H. Wildberger, Jesaja 28-39. BK Xl3 (1982), 1347tr.

    ilaaV lrdbA +"lIlD midbdr


    t i_l

    i119
    ? T
    'ara, i111D mbrd:1!D ma'ar:' i1119
    t:1'
    'erwd: i1"19 'ervd

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences. II. Usage: l. Verb;2. Noun (outside the P Tradition);
    3. Holiness Code; 4. Ezekiel. IV. LXX. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    'dr1. A. Alt, "The Origins of Israelite Law," Essays on OT History and Religion (Eng. trans.
    1966),79-132, esp. I 15-16; F. W. Bassett, "Noah's Nakedness and the Curse of Canaanj' W 2l
    (1971) 232-37; S. R. Bigger, "The Family Laws of Lev l8 in Their Setting," JBZ 98 (1979) 187-
    2O3; M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic lrxicography VII," Bibl 50 (1969) 337-56, esp. 354;
    K. Elliger, "Das Gesetz Leviticus 18: ZAW 67 (1955) l-25; l. Halbe, "Die Reihe der
    lnzestverbote Lev 18,7-18," 7AW 92 (1980) 60-88; F. L. Horton, "Form and Structure in Laws
    Relating to Women," SBISP I (1973), 20-33, esp. 2l-24; R. Kilian, Literarkritische und

    L
    i1'19'drd

    I. Etymology. Akkadian has a root erfr(m) V that means 'Ibe destitute" in the G stem
    and "lay bare" in the D stem.l From the same root is derived a subst. frru(m) II meaning
    "nakedness, female genitals," as well as erium, "naked."2
    In Northwest Semitic we find in Phoenician the derivative ?h (D stem) and in Ara-
    maic 'ry I (D), "strip," and 'rh III, "naked."3 The existence of an Ugaritic root 'ry was
    long a matter of debate.a Collation of one text has now found a verb 'rw used in parallel
    with'bd, "go to ruin," here to be translated "destroy."s A verb 'ry, "be destroyed, be laid
    bare," is also attested.6

    II. Occurrences. Besides the verb 'drd, the root'rh occurs in the derivatives m6rd,
    ma'ar; 'erwd, and'eryA. The verb appears 14 times, with no noteworthy distributional
    features. The situation differs in the case of 'erwd: 37 of its 54 occurrences are in
    priestly material (30 in Leviticus, 7 in Ezekiel); the remaining 17 occurrences are dis-
    tributed among the Pentateuch (5 in Genesis, 2 each in Exodus and Deuteronomy), the
    Deuteronomistic History (l in 1 Samuel), the Prophets (l in Isaiah, I in Hosea), and
    Lamentations (1).
    Of the other derivatives, ma'ar occurs once (Nah. 3:5),t '"rU 6 times (4 times in
    Ezekiel), and mdrd 3 times (Jgs. 13:5; 16:171' I S. l:ll).

    III. Usage.
    l. Verb. The verb Zrd is used in two different ways. Analogously to extrabiblical us-
    age, it appears in the piel (Isa. 3:17;22:6; Hab. 3:13; Zeph.2:141' Ps. 137:7) and hiphil
    (Lev. 20:18,19; Isa. 53:12) in the sense "lay bare" as well as in the hithpael (Lam.4:21)
    in the sense "strip oneselfbare." It also appears in the niphal (Isa. 32:15) and piel (Gen.
    24:20; Ps. l4l:8; 2Ch.24:ll) in the sense "be poured out" and "pour out, empty."
    These two uses of 'ard as "lay bare" and "pour out" do not represent two distinct mean-
    ings; we are dealing instead with modifications of the root's basic meaning "be naked,
    empty" so as to mean "lay bear," "pour out, or "empty," depending on the object.
    The use of 'ard in the sense "lay bare" has various connotations. For example,
    Yahweh will "lay bare" the foreheadltemples of the haughty women of Jerusalem,

    formgeschichtliche Untersuchung des Heiligkeitsgesetzes. BBB 19 (1963), esp.25-26,71-84;


    W Kornfeld, Studien zum Heiligkeitsgesetz (lzv 17-26) (1952), esp. 89-134; A. Phillips, "Some
    Aspects of Family Law in Pre-Exilic Israel," W 23 (1973) 349-61; H. Graf Reventlow, Das
    Heiligkeitsgesetzformgeschichtlich untersucht. WMANT 6 (1961), esp. 52-64; R. Yaron, "On Di-
    vorce in OT Times," RIDA 4 (1957) ll7-28.
    l. AHw, l,247-48.
    2. For the former see AHa lll, 1435; for the latter, l,24ltt.
    3. For Phoenician see KAI 14.21:' for Aramaic, DNSI, II, 887.
    4. Ct. WUS, no.2@7; UT no. 1920.
    5. KTU 1.14, I,6-8. See M. Dietrich and O. Lorctz,Wort undGeschichte. FS K. Elliger AOAT
    18 (1973), 3l-36, esp. 33; L. Badre et al., Syr 53 (1976) 95-125, esp. 96-97.
    6. KTU 2.38,25.
    7. On I K.7:36 see M. Noth, Kiinige. BKlxll (1968), 145; J. Gray, I and II Kings. OTL
    (21970),196.
    il'19'drd

    meaning that he will shave their heads (Isa. 3:17).t The use of 'drd piel to mean
    "shave" also lies behind the nominal derivative m6ri, "razot''(Jgs. l3:5; 16:17; I S.
    I : I 1). Another text from Isaiah (22:6) uses the piel of 'drA to say that Kir "bares" his
    shield, i.e., removes it from its sheath (cf. Hab. 3:9).
    The hiphil of 'drd, used in parallel with gdb, has the same meaning in Lev. 20:18
    (P). Here the object is the pudenda of a menstruating woman. Lev.20:19 also forbids
    laying bare (gdld piel) the nakedness of one's kin, for to do so is to lay bare ('drd
    hiphil) a blood relation. The hithpael of 'drA appears in Lam. 4:21, which speaks of
    stripping oneself bare in afrenzy (cf. Gen. 9:21-22).In Ps. 37:35 7/6 should be read
    for 'ard hithpael (cf. LXX).
    Like Ugar. 'rw, the piel of 'drd can be used in an extended sense to signify an act of
    destruction, as in Zeph. 2:l4,Hab.3:13, and Ps. 137:7 .e In combination with yesd4l, the
    piel appears to be a technical term denoting systematic destruction; cf . gdld niphaUpiel
    in Ezk. 13:14; Mic. l:6 with the same object, y,s68, and with mbse861 in ps.
    l8:16(Eng. v. 15) - 2 5.22:16.
    In the sense of "pour out," 'drdpiel can be used both concretely to mean "empty a jar"
    (Gen.24:20;2Ch.24:ll) and figuratively with nepei as its object (Ps. l4l:8) to mean
    "pour out a person's life." The latter formulation, with the hiphil instead of the piel, ap-
    pears with the same meaning in Isa. 53:12: the servant of Yahweh poured out his life.
    That these passages teatnepei as a kind of fluid is connected with the fact that, as the vi-
    tal principle, the nepei is associated with the blood (Gen. 9:4-5; l*v. 17:ll;Dt- 12:23; cf .
    also Lam. 2:12;Job 30:16;.to Isa. 32:15 uses the niphal of 'ardfigxatively to describe an
    outpouring of the spirit; we may note that here we do not yet find the established termi-
    nology of + 'JDUI idpaf, or + PI' ydsaq for the outpouring of the spirit.I I

    2. Noun (outside the P Tradition)- a. Cult. The earliest occurrence of 'erwA is in the
    altar law of the Covenant Code, which prohibits going up by steps to the altar, lest the
    nakedness of the priest be exposed (gdld niphal,Ex.20:26). The precise nature of the
    prohibited action described by gdh'erwd is disputed. According to Noth, the purpose
    'is to prevent the introduction of sexual practices into the cult of Yahweh; Cazelles
    thinks that the action could have resulted in improprieties.12 Conrad believes that the
    explanation in 2O:26b is secondary: the prohibition of a stepped altar was aimed origi-
    nally at the cult of a high god.t3 Ex. 28:42 responds to 20:26b by requiring that linen
    undergarments be made to cover the "naked flesh" (bciar 'erwh) of the priest.

    8. See H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. l99l), 149.


    9. On Ugar. 'n, see KTU 1.14, I,6-8. On the text of Z,eph.2:14 see W. Rudolph, Micha-
    Nahum-Habakuk-Zephanja. KATxrlu3 (1975),278-79; K. Seybold, satirische Prophetie. sBS
    r20 (1985), 53-54.
    10. See H. W. Wolff, Anrlrropology of the OT (Eng. trans. 1974), l9; H. Seebass, --r IX, 514.
    11. H. Wildberger, Jesaja 28-39. BKXI3 (1982),1277.
    12. Noth, Exodus. OTL (Eng. trans. 1962), 177;H. Cazelles, Etudes sur le Code de t'Alliance
    (1946),44.
    13. D. Conrad, Studien zum Altargesetz (1968), 17-18,53-57,123. See also B. S. Childs,
    Book of Exodus. OTL (1974), 467.
    346 i1'19'drd

    b. Family. The story of Noah's curse and blessing (Gen. 9:18-29; a short indepen-
    dent story incorporated into JE) presupposes male garments similar to those implied by
    Ex. 20:26Ja Noah's drunkenness led him to expose himself @al6 hiphtl; on the motif
    cf. Lam. 4:21; Hab. 2:15); Ham saw his nakedness ('erwd), which Shem and Japheth
    covered with a wrap (Simh, w.22-23). Ham's offense did not consist in seeing the na-
    kedness of his father or committing a sexual transgression,ls but in his failure to cover
    his father so as to spare his father the disgrace ofnakedness (cf. 2 S. 6:20; 10:4-5; Isa.
    47,3).rc A similar view of a son's duty to his drunken father appears in Ugaritic.lz
    The expression rd'd'e!'erwA in Gen. 9:22 appars in the later text Lev. 20:17 in par-
    allel with gdh 'erwA. Whether Lnv.2O can be used to interpret the story in Gen. 9:22-
    23, suggesting that Ham had sexual intercourse with his father's wives, is highly dubi-
    ous.l8 There is likewise nothing to support Gunkel's view that a later reader took such
    offense at Noah's son's action that he left it out.ts
    Another early occurrence of 'erwi is in I S. 20:30, in the context of the story of Da-
    vid's rise: Saul accuses Jonathan of having sought out David to his own disgrace and to
    the disgrace of his mother's nakedness. Here 'erwi refers to the womb, indicating that
    Jonathan has lived in disgrace from the beginning.
    c.Captivity. lsa.47:3 alsouses'erwitoexpressthedisgraceof nakedness: Babylon
    is treated like a female prisoner, who as a token of her humiliation must raise her skirts
    and display her nakedness; the exposure of her shame (berpd) is mentioned in parallel.
    The context of Isa. 20:4 is also captivity: an explanatory gloss20 calls the leading
    ahayof thenakedEgyptiansasadisgraceforEgypt ('erwa!rnisrayim). Mic. 1:l1,too,
    uses'eryA in the context of captivity. The addition of bdlelrcpresents a later interpreta-
    tion emphasizing the shame of nakedness. The word was not yet in the text translated
    by the LXX.2r
    d. Adultery. [n Hos. 2:ll(9) the husband takes from his divorced wife the wool and
    flax she would use to cover her nakedness. Ancient Near Eastern marriage law allowed
    a man to divorce an adulterous wife without support.22
    Bzk. 16 describes Jerusalem as an adulterous wife: here it is Yahweh who covers the
    nakedness (MsA 'erwd) of the young maiden (v. 8). Other expressions in v. 8 (pdras
    kdndp 'al, niiba' 1", b6' bibttt'efl suggest the establishment of a marital relationship.23

    14. P. Weimar, [Jntersuchungen zur Redaktionsgeschichte des Pentateuch. B%.W 146 (1977),
    158-60.
    15. As proposed by Bassett,233-37.
    16. J. Scharbefi, Genesis 1-l l. NEB (1983), 100.
    17. KTU 1.17, I,30, etc.; see O. Eissfeldt, KrS, IV 265,268-69; C. Westermann,Genesis 1-
    11 (Eng. trans. 1984),488.
    18. Contra Bassett, 233ff.
    19. H. Gunkel, Genesis (Eng. trans. 1997), 80.
    20. H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27 (Eng. trans. 1997), 2851' BHS.
    2l.OntheMTseeH.W.Wolff, Micah(Eog. trans. 1990),44;onemendationof 'ery6toir;
    see BIIS and J. L. Mays, Micah. OTL (1976),49 n. l.
    22. H. W. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 37.
    23. G. Giesen, Die Wurzel ib', "schwiiren." BBB 56 (1981), 332-34.
    itJ{ard 347

    The adulterous wife has uncovered her nakedness (gah'erwA, y.36)), and therefore
    Yahweh will now uncover her nakedness to her lovers (v. 37). This motif of disgracing
    a woman also lies behind Nah. 3:5, which says nothing about adultery.2aLarn. l:8, too,
    should be read against the background of disgracing an adulterous wife: here con-
    quered Jerusalem must expose her nakedness like a humiliated wife.
    e. Divorce. The construct phrase 'erwa! dAbdr refers to a circumstance that provides
    occasion for a man to give his wife a certificate of divorce (Dt. 24:l); its meaning is
    disputed. The expression appears first in 23:15(14) in the context of regulations gov-
    erning the purity of the camp, where its antithesis is qa!6i. If Yahweh sees atlry 'erwa!
    dapda he will turn away from the camp. In the context of purity ordinances, 'erwa1
    dfipdr here must be interpreted as something offensive. Hence in 24:l the phrase must
    also refer to something offensive, but in a different context. The 'erwa! ddpdr is to be
    interpreted as "anything which the husband found distasteful in his wife other than her
    adultery";2s it does not refer to adultery which incurs capital punishment (22:22).
    f . Topography. In Gen. 42:9,12,'etwa! ha'are,r refers to the "nakedness of the land,"
    i.e., land without military defenses, which spies can reconnoiter (cf. Job 26:6).zo
    g. Figurative Usage. ln Ezr.4:14 Aram. 'arwd denotes the disgrace of refusal of
    tribute that threatens the king.

    3. Holiness Code. In the Holiness Code 'erwA appears in Lev. 18 and 20; in all its
    occurrences (except Lev. 2O:l7a), it is the obj. of gald. Ot the 29 occurrences of gdld
    'erwA, 20 are formulated as prohibitions. In Ex. 20:26, its earliest occunence, giild
    'erwd means "uncover the nakedness"; in Lev. 18 and 20, it refers to "sexual activity of
    whatever kind."27 Lev. 18:6-18 is a decalogue, constructed with the prohibitive /6'
    tcgalleh 'erwi with the addition of an enclitic personal pronoun or a substantive, for-
    bidding all kinds of sexual intercourse with blood relatives. The use of the expression
    gdld'erwA must be considered a euphemism.2s (The passage actually comprises eleven
    commandments. The original text may have been either a dodecalogue,2g because a
    prohibition referring to a daughter has been omitted by homoioarcton between vv. 9
    and 10,30 or a decalogue, if v. 13 is secondary, since it deals with a mother's sister, who
    is not part of the extended family.rt)
    f
    The basic constituent of the series is 'erwa! . . . la' galle& plus the designation of a
    female relative. The pure form of the prohibition is preserved in vv. 8a,12a,15a, and

    24. See W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-kphanja. KAT XIIU3 (1975), 178; J. Jer-


    in den spiiten Kdnigszeit Israels. WMANT 35
    emias, Kultprophetie und Gerichtsverkiindigung
    (1970),36-37.
    25. Phillips, 355; cf. Yaron,127-28.
    26. Horton,22.
    27. Elligea 8.
    28. W. Kornfeld, Izvitikus. NEB (1983),70.
    29. Elligeq Lcviticus. HAT U4 (1966), 238; idem, "Gesetz," 2; Kornfeld, Levitikus, 7O.
    30. Elliger, HAT U4,234.
    31. Elliger, HAT U4,239; disputed by Halbe, 60-88.
    32. Elliger, HAT V4,231.

    L
    ilai 'drd

    l6a; motivations and repetitions of the prohibition have been added secondarily (vv.
    7bP,15bB).32 According to Alt, the ld'1egalleft series is comparable to the list of capital
    offenses (Ex. 2l:12,15,17), the list of accursed offenses (Dl 27i15-26), and the
    decalogue (Ex.20:2-17; Dt. 5:6-21).33 Our list is distinguished from the first two by its
    prohibitive formulation, which states the laws as direct prohibitions. The purpose is to
    prevent chaotic sexual relations from causing the shared life of the extended family to
    degenerate.3a Proposed datings vary from the premonarchic to the preexilic period.3s
    Aspects of Lev. 18:.7-17 are incorporated and in part modified in Lev. 20:11,17,
    l8,l9,2o,Zl. The reason for the incorporation of these prohibitions may be deduced
    from the difference: Lev. 18 states prohibitions, Lev. 20 lays down punishments.36 A
    further difference is that Lev. 20 deals with a narrower circle of relatives than Lev. 18,
    no longer encompassing four generations of the extended family.

    4. Ezekiel. In Ezk. 22:10 the expression 'erwa!-'Ab gdh is to be understood as mean-


    ing that violation of the father's wife uncovers the father's nakedness. We may com-
    pare this usage to D|23:l(22:30), where ldqah 'Eie1'db and gdh kenap 'd! appear in
    parallel; and Dt. 27:20, where gdlA kcnap 7| parallels 'im-'eie1 'd!. Lev. l8:8
    id[a!
    and 20: I 1 may also be cited. The occurrence in Ezk. 23: I 8 is a secondary addition to
    the book of Ezekiel;sz here the familiar formula gdld 'erwd of the Holiness Code is
    used in the sense of "act lasciviously." In addition, there are four occurrences in
    Ezekiel of the term 'eryd in combination with the subst. -) d11g 'Er6m (16:7,22,39:
    23:29).In contrast to 'erwA, 'eryd refers in 16:7,22 to the nakedness of a newborn in-
    fant, and in 16:39 and 23:29 to the nakedness of a woman bereft of her lovers, who is
    naked as a newborn child.

    IV. LXX. In priestly contexts (Holiness Code and Ezekiel), the LXX translates
    'erwA with aschemosfnE' an exception is Ezk. 16:37, where the repeated 'erwi of the
    MT is differentiated from aischlnE and kakia. other Greek terms for 'erwd are
    glmndsis (Gen.9:22-23), tti fchn7 (Gen.42:9,12), and apoluilypsis (l S. 20:30). The
    construct phrase 'erwa!dabdr is rendered as aschEmoslnd prdgmatos in Dt. 23:15(14)
    and as dschcmon prdgma inDL24:1.Heb. 'eryA is translated with aschdmdn. In trans-
    lating the verb 'drd, the LXX reflects its varying connotations, translating it with
    apoka$ptein when it means "lay bare" (Lev. 20:18-19), enkenoiln when it means "pour
    out, empty" (Gen. 24:20; Ps. 137:7; 2 Ch. 24:ll), tapeinofin when it means "shave"
    (Isa. 3:17), and paradid6nai (lsa.53:12) or antanaliskein (Ps. 141:8 = LXX 140:8)
    when it is used figuratively.

    33. Pp. 3tl-17.


    34. H. J. Boecker, Law and the Administration of lustice in the OT and Ancient Near East
    (Eng. trans. 1980), 202.
    35. Premonarchic: Elliger, HATU4,239,etal. Preexilic: Kilian, 169.
    36. Elligea HAT U4, 265, 27 1-72.
    37. Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979), 487-88.
    d1'19 'drbm 349

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. At Qumran, exposing one's nakedness is subject to punish-


    ment: if a man takes out his hand (euphemism?) from under his clothes so that his geni-
    tals can be seen, he is to be punished for thirty days (lQS 7:13-14). We hear an echo of
    the Holiness Code in CD 5:10-11: "If a brother's daughter uncovers the nakedness of
    her father's brother, she is [nevertheless] a blood relative, [and is therefore guilty ofin-
    cestl," even though this is not the case in Lev. 18, where the situation is stated from the
    perspective of the brother (v. 9). The construct phrase 'erwa! dAbdr familiar from Dt.
    23:15and24:l,appearsin lQMT:7 and l0:l as'erwa!dAbdr ra', inthesenseof adis-
    graceful matter (cf. 1 IQT 58: l7). In IQM 7:7, as in Dt. 23:15, it appears in the context
    of regulations governing the camp. Semantically comparable is IQH l:22, where the
    hymnodist describes himself as the quintessence of shame ('erwd). We find a similar
    expression in I QH 12:25, where the hymnodist calls himself a "wellspring of unclean-
    ness and of vile disgrace ('erwQ!'In IQH 13:15 the same expression is used to de-
    scribe the counsel of sinners as a "vile disgrace." Also comparable is miipay'erwd (CD
    5:9), which means "law of incest"; the context cites Lev. 18.
    Only in 4QMa (4Q491) frs. 1-3:8 is'erwA to be understood as "nakedness."38
    Niehr

    38. M. Baillet, DJD, Vll,15.

    01lY 'dr6m; d1':,9- 'arOm

    I. Ancient Near East: l Egypt; 2. Mesopotamia; 3. Syria and Canaan. II. l. Etymology;
    2. Occurrences. III.Contexts: 1. Poverty; 2. Defeat, Captivity, Grief; 3. Adultery; 4. Cult,
    Ecstasy; 5. Revelation; 6. Summary. IV. LXX. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    'arbm. P. Behrens, "Nacktheit," LexAg, lY, 292-94; A. van den Born, "Nackt," BL, l2l2;
    A. van der Flier, "Enkele opmerkingen over het paradijsverhaal (Gen. 2:4V3:24)l' Nieuwe
    Theologische Studien20(1937) 306-15, esp.306-11; G. Fohrer, "Kleidung," BHHW,lI,962-65;
    E. Haag, Der Mensch am Anfang. TTS 24 (1970), esp. 49-50, 58-59; C. Kuhl, "Neue Dokumente
    zum Verstiindnis von Hosea 2,4-15: 7AW 52 (1934) lO2-9; H. Les€tre, "Nudit6," DB,lY, 17 12-
    14; F. Pfister, "Nacktheit," PW, ){VV2, 1541-49; H. Ringgren, "Nacktheit," BHHW ll, 1277;
    J. M. Sasson, "welo' yitboiairi (Gen 2, 25) and Its Implicationsl' Bibl 66 (1985) 418-21;,
    A. Waetzoldt, "Kleidung. A. Philologischl' nte, VI (1980), l8-31; B. N. Wambacq, "'Or tous
    deux 6taient nus, I'homme et sa femme, mais ils n'en avaient pas honte' (Gen 2,25)l' Milanges
    bibliques en hommage d B. Rigaux (1970), 547 -56; U. Winter, Frau und Gdttin. OBO 53 (1983),
    esp. 93-199, 272-76.

    L
    ol'tl'arrlm

    I. Ancient Near East"


    l. Egypt. In Egypt nakedness represents in the first instance absence of status; chil-
    dren and dead enemies are therefore depicted naked.l The nakedness of child deities
    should be considered a secondary assimilation to the way children are depicted; it is
    meant to lend expression to their youthfulness in the context of rebirth symbolism.2
    Deities thought of as children are thus depicted naked, as well as those concerned with
    procreation.3 Humans are depicted naked when engaged in physical labor; also naked
    are female servants, typified as "concubines."4 Imported gods like Qodshu are also de-
    picted naked; here nakedness was already associated with them in their country of ori-
    gin; even Bes has non-Egyptian features.S [n the rare instances where the king is de-
    picted naked, we are dealing with an allusion to the creator god.6

    2. Mesopotamiq. ln Mesopotamian eyes, clothing is "the second self of its wear-


    ers, whose power is transferred to their clothing."T This is especially clear in Ishtar's
    descent to the netherworld: with every article of clothing she removes, she loses
    power. The majority of the population probably possessed only a single garment,
    which they wore at all times. Clothing could be stripped from the body of a person
    guilty of misconduct or serving as a hostage.8 At Nuzi an adulterous wife was pun-
    ished by being stripped and led away naked (cf. Hos. 2:5[Eng. v. 3]).e In ancient
    Sumer the cult was performed by priests who were naked to emphasize their cultic
    purity.lo

    3. Syria and Canaan Representing the territory of Canaan, an illuminating ivory


    carving from Megiddol I depicts two naked prisoners tied to a horse drawing a chariot.
    Iconographically, the figures ofnaked goddesses are especially important: in Syria as a
    tutelary intercessor and mediator (nakedness being a sign not of helplessness but of
    specifically feminine power),I2 in Ugarit as a fertility goddess.

    ll.
    l. Etymology. The etymology of the Hebrew lexemes 'drdm/'ArOm is disputed.
    Some scholars derive them from wr [I, which appears in the niphal in the OT (Hab.

    l. E. Hornung, Conception of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Many (Eng. trans.
    1982), t0z.
    2. Behrens.
    3. For the former see Hornung, l2l-22; for the latter, Behrens, 293.
    4. W. Helck, kxAg,1,684-86.
    5. Behrens, 293.
    6. Hornung, Der Eine und die Velen (31983), 165; Behrens, 293.
    7. Waetzoldt, 18.
    8. Waetzoldt, 24.
    9. Waetzoldt, 25; CAD,IY 320.
    10. See the illustrations in L. Delaporte, Mus€e du Louvre. Catalogue des cylindres, cachets
    et pierres gravies en style oientale (1920),13, no. I.ll0.
    tt. BHHW, \,927-28.
    12. Winter, 192-99, 28O.
    d1:.Y zr6m

    3:9) with the meaning "be made bare."l3 Others postulate aroot'rm IlI, associated with
    Aram.'oram, "lay bare," but otherwise unattested in Hebrew.la The same holds true for
    the proposal to derive these lexemes from aroot'er (<*'auir) with the suf. -62.15 Oth-
    ers, however, argue for derivation from'dri with the addition of -6m, so that'ardm
    could be considered a qdtfil formation.16
    To elucidate further the etymology of 'drdmtArOm, we may note other East Semitic
    and North Semitic words with related roots. In Akkadian, for example, we find the adj.
    erfr./erium with the meaning "naked, destitute."lT From Aramaic we may cite Old
    Aram. 'rh, "naked, exposed," and Imperial Aram. 'rh, "naked, exposed, without."l8
    Ugaritic has the adi. 'ry, "naked," the subst. 'nz, "nakedness," and the adv. 'rym.19
    Phoenician uses the D stem of 'ry, "lay bare."20 A subst. 'aryag "nude." occurs in Syri-
    ac.2l

    2. Occurrences. The adj.'ardm occurs 15 times in the OT (once each in Genesis, the
    Dtr History, Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Ecclesiastes; 5 times in Job;4 times in Isaiah)
    and the form'Arbm 5 times (3 times in Genesis, twice in Ezekiel). The subst. 'ArOm oc-
    curs 5 times (once in Deuteronomy, 4 times in Ezekiel). There is also a subst.
    ma'orummtm derived from'? rdm (2 Ch. 28:15; Sir. 48 : I 8).

    III. Contexts.
    l. Poverty. Most of the OT occurrences of 'drdm appear in the context of poverty
    and need.
    a. Creation. The four occurrences of 'drbrntArdn in Gen. 2:25;3:7,10,1 I give the
    terms a key place in the structure of J's creation account. Their use in these texts did
    not originate in the earlier story adapted by J; together with the story of the serpent, it
    represents J's unique contribution to this account.zzThe first section ends in Gen.2:25
    with the statement that the man and his wife were naked ('drbm) and were not
    ashamed. In the second section (3:l-7), the seduction of both by the serpent culminates
    in the knowledge that they are naked (ArOm: v.7).In the third section (3:9-23), J has
    introduced into the earlier story the theme of nakedness ('ArOm) (vv. 10,11) and
    Yahweh's provision of clothing for the man and his wife (y.21).23 This shows that

    13. GesB, 573,620.


    14. GesB, 620.
    15. Bl,e, $61c"'.
    l6.W.vonSoden,Z{41(1933) ll8n.l; HAI.ll,882;BI*, $61c"';NSS, 9279,p.42n.l.
    17. AHw, 1,242; CAD,[V,320-21.
    18. For Old Aramaic see S. Segert, Altaramiiische Grammatik (1975) 546. For Imperial Ara-
    maic see DNSI, II, 887.
    19. See, respectively, IVUS, no. 2O97; UF 12 (1980) 430; KTU l.16,Il, 29-30.
    20. DNSI,II, 887.
    21. Brockelmann, kxSyr 548.
    22. L. Ruppert, BZ 15 (1971) 192-94; P. Weimar, Untersuchungen zur Redaktionsgeschichte
    des Pentateuch. BTAW 146 (1977),154-58.
    23. Weimar, 156.

    l-.
    352 d11l'ar6m

    knowledge ofnakedness is an important accent introduced by J. This knowledge ofna-


    kedness must be seen in relationship to the pre-J motif of the knowledge of good and
    evll (2:9,17;3:5,22). This relationship is suggested by the verb ya/a', common to both
    motifs, as well as the shared feature of opening the eyes (3:5,7).
    At the same time, however, the varying interpretations of this motif indicate the diffi-
    culty of achieving an adequate understanding. For example, G0rg, borrowing a reflection
    of von Soden, finds in the primal history of J a veiled criticism of Solomon.z He inter-
    prets the serpent as a symbol of the goddess Renenutet, whose functions as "nurturer"
    and "keeper of the wardrobe" he connects with the sequence "eating of the tree" and
    "knowing nakedness."25 '"The author discredits faith that relies on this deity as the final
    source of support (food and clohing), threatening to lose from view any specific orienta-
    tion toward Yahweh."26 Similarly, Wambacq believes that the nakedness in the primal
    history is to be understood as signifying that the first humans were "poor creatures, need-
    ing protection and help."z7 The motif of nakedness in the primal history does not suggest
    any aspect of sexuality, which is nowhere associated with'drbmtArdm.28 But2:25 and
    3:7 should call attention to the reciprocal aspect of nakedness in 3:7,10.2e
    In interpreting the motif of nakedness, we note that there is a wordplay in Gen. 3 be-
    tween 'arftm and 'drOmfArdm: the serpent's craftiness ('drfrm) leads to knowledge of
    nakedness ('drdmf€rdm) on the part of the man and woman. In Gen. 2:25 'dr6m pre-
    cedes the mention of the serpent's craftiness ('Arfrm) in 3:1, while in 3:7,10-ll naked-
    ness is denoted by 'ArOm. Here we have a differentiated presentation of nakedness,
    since it is not yet qualified negatively in2:25. The choice of 'ArOm in 3:7,10-11 (cf. Dt.
    28:48; Ezk. 16:7,22,39; l8:7,16; 23:29) makes clear the negative connotation of the
    motif of nakedness.
    b. Distraint. Nakedness can also result from distraint of a garment. 8x.22:25-26(26-
    27) protects against this possibility by forbidding a lender to keep a garment taken in
    pledge beyond sunset (cf. Dt. 24:12-13; Job 24:7),to placing the naked debtor under the
    protection of God's mercy.
    Distraint is also addressed in Job 22:6,where "exact pledges" stands in parallel with
    "strip the naked of their clothing." Job is accused of both transgressions, which are
    among the reasons God has inflicted judgment on him. The charge in 22:6 is aggra-
    vated by saying that Job has taken the pledges "for no reason" and that it is the naked
    who have been stripped of their clothing; the latter expression means "exploit the
    weak."3r There is a similar association of distraint and nakedness in Job 24:7-lO.

    24.M.Gorg, BN 16 (1981) 42-59;W. von Soden, WO7 (1973174)228-40.


    25. Gtirg, 50-53.
    26. rbid.,53.
    27. Pp. 551-52.
    28. On nakedness as a sign of poverty, see also Haag, 49-50; W H. Schmidt, Die
    Schdpfungsgeschichte der Piesterschrifi. WMANT l7 1tt97rr, rra.
    29. Sasson.
    200.
    30. See also KAI L,
    31. -rVII,46I.
    d1-19'dr6m

    Distraint also provides the context for Eccl. 5:12-16. Here, in contrast to Job l:21,
    the expression lfr!'drbm does not refer to human death but to the departure of the
    debtor from the creditor, who has taken the debtor's clothing in pledge.32
    c. Clothing the Naked.Isa. 58:7 demands the clothing of the naked, along with set-
    ting free slaves and captives, feeding the hungry, and sheltering the homeless poor (vv.
    6-7). Comparable is the clothing of the naked captives in 2 Ch. 28:15; here they are
    called ma'orummim (abshact for concrete).33
    Ezk. l8:5-9 describes the righteous man: he oppresses no one, restores to the debtor
    his pledge, commits no robbery gives his bread to the hungry and covers the naked
    with with this ideal, deuterocanonical literature
    a garment (v. 7; cf. v. 16). In harmony
    includes clothing the naked and feeding the hungry among the works of mercy (Tob.
    l:17;4:16).
    d. Infants. Nakedness is also a sign of poverty and vulnerability when the text
    speaks of a newborn infant emerging from the mother's womb (Job l:211.2+ This fun-
    damental human condition is extended to other situations to express human need and
    vulnerability. Hos. 2:5(3) says that the adulterous wife will be stripped naked (see III.3
    below) and exposed as on the day of her birth, and turned into a desert so that she will
    die of thirst.

    2. Defeat, Captivity, Grief.ln the context of defeat, nakedness can symbolize captiv-
    ity or grief. Am. 2:16 describes a walrior who flees naked on the day of Yahweh. In
    Mic. 1:8 the prophet reacts to God's judgment on Judah and Samaria by lamenting and
    wailing, by going barefoot and naked, to express his grief.:s The mention of going
    barefoot shows that 'drbm refers only to removal of one's outer garment, not total na-
    kedness.36Ongoingbarefootasasignof grief,seealso2S. 15:30;Bzk.24:17,23.
    This combination of going barefoot and naked appears also in Isa. 20:2-4, in the
    context of a prophetic symbolic act. Yahweh commands lsaiah to loose the iaq from
    his loins and remove the sandals from his feet. The meaning of 'Ar6m in this text is in-
    dicated by the term.faq, which can refer to a wrap covering the whole body as well as a
    loincloth. Unlike Mic. l:8, lsa. 20:2-4 does not describe a display of grief: the
    prophet's symbolic act anticipates deportation, since prisoners of war were deported
    naked (cf. Job 12:17,19;2 Ch.28:15). [n addition, nakedness together with hunger,
    thirst, and poverty is a sign of oppression by the enemy (Dt. 28:48).

    3. Adultery. Hos. 2:5(3) uses nakedness as a sign of repudiation following adultery:


    the prophet threatens to strip his adulterous wife naked as on the dayof her birth. Since
    Ex. 2l: l0 (cf. Isa. 4:1) requires a man to provide clothing for a woman he takes in mar-

    32. N. tohfink, Kohelet. NEB (1980),4445; contra Wambacq, 550; and A. Lauha, Kohelet.
    BK XIX (1978), I I 1, who associate Jri! with death.
    33.|*sAtre, 1712.
    34. N. C. Habel, in Die Botschaft und die Boten. FS H. W. Wolff (1981),374-75.
    35. Wambacq,550. i
    36. W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-Zephonia. KAT XIIV3 (1975), 42 n. 20.

    L
    o1'1lt'ar6m

    riage, Hos. 2:5(3) implies release from this obligation if divorce is occasioned by the
    woman.37 The disgrace of being stripped as a punishment for adultery is mentioned
    several times in the OT (Jer.13:26-27;Ezk.16:36-37;23:10,29; Nah. 3:5).

    4.Cult,Ecstasy. Theadj.'dr4mdoesnotappearinanyculticcontext.severaltexts
    protect against cultic nudity (Ex.20:26;28:42-43; Lev. 6:3; Ezk.44:18). David's danc-
    ing before the ark (2 S.6:14) may suggest partial nudity in a cultic context.
    Nakedness as an ecstatic phenomenon is mentioned in the story of Saul among the
    prophets (1 S. 19:18-24). Here, as in Job 22:6;24:7,10; Isa. 2O:2-4, we may ask
    whether the text refers to total nudity or merely removal of one's outer garments.3S The
    ecstatic context makes the former likely, especially since the description recalls naked-
    ness occasioned by ecstasy or drunkenness outside the cult (Gen. 9:21; Hab. 2:15;
    Lam.4:21).

    5. Revelation. Job 26:6 uses nakedness figuratively to describe the relationship be-
    tween God and the netherworld: 'drOm ic'61 negd6. It is exposed to God's gaze, de-
    fenseless before God's eyes (cf. Job 12:22;Ps.139:8,11-12; Prov. l5:ll). Sir.42:18 is
    similar: ma'arummtm (cf. Dt. 28:48) describes the secrets of the abyss and of the hu-
    man heart, which are known to Yahweh.

    6. Summary.It is striking that except in Gen. 2:25 es of 'arbm/


    'arom are in negative contexts, in- which the nakedness denoted- all occurrenc
    by 'dr6m/'ar6m is a
    sign of poverty, need, vulnerability, grief, captivity, or adultery. The words have no dis-
    cernible sexual connotations; when nakedness appears in a sexual context (Dnl. 13;
    2 S. l1:2), a different term is used.

    IV. LXX. The LXX always translates 'drdmfArbmwith gymn6s,. the only exception
    is Sir.42: 18, where ma'arummim means "secrets," which the LXX translates with
    panortrgeuma. The subst. 'ardmis translated by gymn6tds in Dt. 28:48, elsewhere by
    gyrnn6s.

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. There are few occurrences of 'arilm in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    According to IQS 7:12, whoever walks naked before his neighbor without needing to
    is punished for six months. In 4Q166 2:12, a pesher on Hos. 2:8-11(6-9), hunger and
    nakedness ('ArOm) are described as a punishment from God.
    Niehr

    37. Waetzoldt, 25; Kuhl, 105-7.


    38. Les€tre, 1713.
    17\'araP 355

    17\'ar"y; 11Y'erek; ;l?lqD/n?l{ Q ma'a rdf;i/ma{reVe1

    I. Etymology. IL Meaning: l. Verb; 2.'Zr"k; 3. maariif;h/ma-refte1. lll. Dead Sea Scrolls;


    LXX.

    I. Etymology. Outside Hebrew, the etymon is well attested in Arab. 'araka, "grind,"
    'arika, "be valiant in battle," 'arka, "battle, fight," etc.l Most of the nominal derivatives
    in Arabic have something to do with battle and war. [n the other Semitic languages, we
    find few or no occulrences. Both important and disputed is Ugar. 'rlcn.2 Another text
    reads b 'rb\ 'lrt b'l 'rkn;z these words have to do with a temple, loaves of bread set out
    before the deity, or a warrior.4 Also disputed is ?/c /b.5 Phoen. 'rkt may mean "rank."6

    II. Meaning. The verb occurs 75 times, the nouns 33 times. The basic meaning of
    'dra! is "lay out, arrange, set in order."

    1. Verb. As the basic meaning clearly shows, tull@n 'arfik $sa. 2l:5: 65:ll; Ezk.
    23:41; Ps. 23:5; 78:19; Prov. 2:9) does not mean a table on which things are laid out,
    but a table originally a piece of leathef that has been spread out. The ilrrange-
    - -
    ment of things on a table is expressed by the combination'draS 'al (Ex. 40:23). There-
    fore'draft is the appropriate verb to denote the spreading out of such a "table." Thus
    Ezk.23:41describes lsrael as sitting on a couch and spreading out her table. When ob-
    jects are laid out, they are arranged horizontally, e.g., wood on an altar (Gen.22:9; I K.
    18:33) or stalks of flax on a roof (Josh. 2:6). "Laying out" words (e.g., Job 32:-14) te-
    fers to a distinct presentation of words in consistent order, a coherent argument. The
    expression ya'r'f;chd li, "l.r.lt him set it forth before me" (Isa. 44:7; par. to higgtS, "pro-
    claim"), shows that the meaning resides in the demanded logical sequence of ideas.
    Thus the verb is used in forensic contexts to denote presentation of a legal case (Job
    13:18;23:4). Finally, the verb often refers to the formation of battle lines (Jgs. 20:22;
    1 S. 17:8; 2 S. 10:8). The noun ma'ardf;fi accordingly means "battle line."

    'draft. S. Abramson, '11'1$1 lP n);' Lel36 (1971-/72) 122-49; J. Milgrom, Cult and Con-
    science. S.I/r{ 18 (1976), esp. 13ff., 44-54;8. A. Speiser, "lrviticus and the Critics," Oriental
    and Biblical Studies (1967), 123-42; F. Znrcll, "Zur Vokalisation des Wortes I?lP, in Lev. 27
    und anderwiirtsl' Bibl26 (1945) 112tr.
    l. Wehr,608.
    2. UT no. l920a.
    3. KTU 1.105,4.
    4. See, respectively, M. Dahood, Bibl 50 (1969) 355; H. Cazelles, W 19 (1969) 5M; L. R.
    Fisher, RS4 ll, 142: cf. HAL, II, 884.
    5. KTU l.ll4, 29; on the discussion see HAI. l,
    884.
    6. CIS 132,4; DNSI,II, 888.
    7. AuS, VII, 126; Kraw, Talmudische Archiiologie, I, 58-59.

    L
    119'drak

    Building on the meaning "set forth," the nominal form'eref; takes on the meaning
    "layer, row, valuation." The notion of laying olut enumerated objects leads to the more
    abstract sense of valuation ("reckon" < *"extend, reach"). This secondary meaning of
    "liken, compare" appqrs in such passages as Isa.40:18; Ps.40:6(Eng.v. 5); 89:7(6).
    But the translation "liken" does not capture the meaning exactly, as Isa.40:18 with
    demfr1 indicates. A more precise and literal translation would be: "What likeness will
    you reckon to him?"
    Ps. 40:6(5) ("none can compare with you") can be evaluated similarly. Buber's
    translation "none can be set beside you" is clearer; the point is not that God is incompa-
    rable but that mortals are incapable of understanding God adequately and setting forth
    all his acts. The question "Who can be compared to Yahweh?" (Ps. 89:7[6]) should
    also be interpreted in this sense: Yahweh is incomparable, for only Yahweh himself can
    set forth what he is or what he has done. The noun'Zref,, "valuation," derives accord-
    ingly from the meaning "reckon."8 In Ps. 55:14( 13) '"rU, O"'"r/<f "a person like me," is
    not an exception, HAL notwithstanding.e The translation of BDB is closer to the mark:
    "according to my valuation." The notion behind the expression is that of an absolute
    valuation on the part of the speaker, not comparison of one person with another. In
    other words, 'dra! refers to the speaker's valuation of another person, not the equality
    of both in the eyes of a neutral observer.
    The hiphil he'ert! (2 K. 23:35; I*v. 27:8,12,14) is probably a denominative from
    '0rel.

    2. 'Ereft. The meaning of '€re! deives from the basic meaning "spread out, set forth"
    via the secondary meaning "reckon." In the administrative vocabulary of the kingdom,
    it meant "tax assessment" and its result, "assessed value, census" (2K.23:35: cf . l2:5,
    often emended to 'erefu ii kc'erkO).to Although most of the occurrences of the term are
    in Priestly texts, it is not characteristically Priestly. Assessment of an individual's
    worth naturally did not say anything about the value of an individual per se, since bibli-
    cal law considered life and money incommensurable.ll It was simply an approximate
    measure of economic productivity based on age and sex, the "estimated value, i.e. the
    sum of money 'which measures the standard of a person according to the usual val-
    ues."'12 The term never referred primarily to a pure market value. According to Lev.
    27:3ff., an adult male had an equivalent value of 50 shekels, a woman 30, a male less
    than twenty years old 20, a girl 10, etc.
    In the sense of "equivalent," the noun always appears with a fossilized 2nd person
    sg. suffix (-kn), even when the noun is otherwise determined (e.g., Lev. 27:2,12,23).
    This has misled some into treating the suffixed form as a relic in which the suffix was

    8. -r ) k"; -+ ilbl dAmi.


    9. HAL, II, 885, with discussion.
    10. BHs.
    11. M. Greenberg, "Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal Law," FS Y. Kauftnann (1960), 5-
    28.
    12. HAL, II, 885, quoting K. Elliger, lzviticus. HAT V4 (1966), 386-87.
    11\'araP

    no longer perceived as such.l3 For comparison, Speiser cites bd'"Sd (Gen. 10:19,30)
    and Akk. mimma iumiu, which later appears with its own suffix, e.9., mimmu iuniuia.
    But neither ofthe proposed parallels represents a truly analogous case of so weakened
    a suffix. It is difEcult to offer a satisfactory explanation for the form'erk"fta. Although
    today the grammatical category of an "intemrpted construct" is often accepted (e.g.,
    Lev.26:42; Hab. 3:8), 'erkella as a suffixed noun is inappropriate to its context. The ex-
    planations given by Ehrlich ('erke$d is a pil'al) and Feigin (-/<a represents an
    afformative -/c of uncertain meaning) are grammatically problematic or unproductive.
    In Lev. 27:23, too, there are two occurrences of '€ref; determined by both definite arti-
    cle and suffix.14
    However one treats the problem of the -lca in'erkef,d, the context makes its meaning
    clear. It refers to the "monetary equivalenl"ls of an object or person to be redeemed. In
    the case of persons, this redemption is obligatory (Lev. 27:2-8; Nu. 18:15) and the
    price is fixed. In the case of an animal, the price is variable, since the value of an ani-
    mal varies with the market. The monetary equivalent of persons is relatively arbitrary;
    it is less the actual sum that is of interest than the valuation in relation to the individual
    groups and to animals. The Hittite law code values a sheep at one shekel, a bull at ten
    shekels.16 At Nuzi the guilty party (committing an act of violence or refusing to abide
    by an oath) must make compensation defined by the value of certain animals in the re-
    lationship one bull = one ass = ten sheep = ten shekels.lT (The example of Nuzi is esp.
    important, because it can explain the 'didm offering, the object of the "valuation" in
    Lev. 5:15ff.; see below.) In other words, the market value of animals is "assessed" for
    each case, whereas the sums of money established for persons do not appear to repre-
    sent any actual economic value. Such an estimate is intended to emphasize the impor-
    tance of an individual's offering; it does not reflect any market conditions, nor does it
    define an ultimate value.l8
    Speiser connects the formula bAn fi! fibAn rd'in Lev. 27:12 with the Nuzi texts de-
    sCribing an exchange of fields, which state that the agreement cannot be altered:
    iumma eqlu mdd ld inakkis iumma ;efier/mis la uradda, "if the land proves to be too
    large, it shall not be curtailed; if too small, it shall not be increased." This formula was
    later abbreviated to mi;d madd, "small or large," or lil mdd lil ;efier.tg In the same way,
    Lev. 27:12 appears to establish an average value.
    Lev.27 deals with the redemption of consecrated objects. Things capable of being
    sacrificed (i.e., animals) cannot be redeemed; human beings, who cannot be sacrificed,
    can be redeemed and are consecrated in the form of a sum of money determined ac-
    cording to an appropriate scale. Other consecrated objects (e.g., nonsacrificial animals,

    13. HAL,II, 885; GK, $135q,r.


    14. These are analogous to the forms cited in GK $135r.
    15. Speiser.
    16. $$63ff.
    17. Speiser, 126.
    18. See Greenberg, "Some Postulates."
    19. Speiser, 136.

    L
    358 11\'ara$

    houses, devoted property lltereml excepted) can be redeemed by the person making the
    offering for their assessed value plus one fifth as a penalty for rescinding the vow. Con-
    secrated objects can be resold for their assessed value to anyone other than the person
    offering them.2o

    3. ma4raf;i/ma-rekc!.The nominal form ma'ardf,i, "battle line," does not need sep-
    arate discussion. The nominal forrn ma'aref;elrefers to the bread laid out on the table in
    the tabernacle. In Ex. 4O:23 the term'dre[ refers in general terms to the arrangement of
    the bread. The nonspecific meaning of 'Ereft is apparent in the lack of precision in the
    instructions for arranging the bread. Iev.24:.6 gives detailed instructions, describing an
    arrangement comprising "two rows of six fioaves] each." Despite the size of the loaves,
    the basic meaning of the root 'rlc indicates a horizontal arrangement. In later books
    ma'"ref;c1in the construct phrase lel.tem ma'are,keg no longer means "row" in general; it
    is a technical term for "bread of the Presence."
    The arrangement of the bread on the table illustrates on the one hand the use of the
    term in connection with ordinary meals (see II.l above); at the same time, however, it
    suggests at least typologically a different conception of how offerings are made to the
    deity. Here, in contrast to the way things are generally offered to God, the bread is sim-
    ply placed on a table. This type of offering is characteristic of Egypt and Mesopotamia,
    but is unusual in Israel. It is one of several signs that the tabernacle was thought of as
    the dwelling place of God, for whom drink and bread were provided.

    III. Dead Sea Scrolls; LXX. There are 56 occurrences of the root in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls, 9 of the verb and 47 of ma'ard(Z; with few exceptions, these are in the War
    Scroll. Usage is largely identical with that in the Bible, although 'dreft does not appear.
    Since the community meal played an important role at Qumran, we again frnd'draft
    with tull.tnn as its object (lQSa 2:17; cf. also lQS 6:4; IQM 7:3). Once miqtere! ap-
    pears as object (lQM 2:5). The verb also refers to preparing for war (lQM 2:9; 1QH
    4:24) and forming up for battle (lQM 2:9, with milltdmd as obj.). The most frequent
    form, however, is ma'ardSi, "line of battle," which is not surprising in view of the
    source (46 occurrences in lQM). l lQT 8:9 refers to the arrangement of the bread of
    the Presence.
    The LXX uses no fewer than 23 verbs to translate the verb, with a preference for
    paratdssein (24 times), etoim.dzein (8 times), syruiptein (5 times), stoibdzein, andtimdn
    (4 times each). The noan'dreft is translated 27 times by timd and related words, twice
    by prdthesis; ma'ardf;b is translated by pardtaxis (16 times), ma'arefie1by pr6thesis (6
    times) and thdma (3 times).
    Firmage Milgrom
    -

    20. For a discussion of the entire subject see Milgrom, 48.


    )19'arat 3s9

    )J\ 'arot;l7q 'arer; itll\ 'ortd

    I. Linguistic Matters; LXX. U. Usage: l. Ethnic Identity; 2. Relationship with God; 3. Lev'
    19:23-25.III. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Linguistic Matters; LXX. The root 7I, attested in Akkadian, Aramaic, and
    Arabic,l appears in the Bible as 'oflA, "foreskin" (16 occurrences), 'drEl, "uncircum-
    cised" (32 occurrences), 'rI qal, "leave uncircumcised," and l niphal, "show oneself
    uncircumcised" (l occurrence each). tn I S. 18:25,27;2 S.3:14, 'orlflrefetstothe
    whole uncircumcised member.2
    Ezk.32:.27 is textually problematic; the reading m€'6ldm has been suggested on the
    basis of the LXX.3 Also dubious is Hab. 2:16, where some scholars read r'l niphal,
    "stagger," with Q and LXX.a
    The LXX translates 'orb with akrobystta (aleatharsia in Lev. 19:23). It translates
    the phrase 'orlal l"palftem with sklErolwrdia in Jer 4:4 and Dt. 10:16, and uses ape-
    rttmetos or aperildthartos inl*v. 19:23 and26:4l.In Ezk. 32:27 rtrcads ap6 ai6nos.
    The phrase 'orlal Scpdlayirz is translated as dlogos (Ex. 6:12) ot ischndphdnos (Ex.
    6:30).ForTqalitusesperikathartzdQ*v.19:23),fortheniphal, seiomai(Hab.2:16).

    II. Usage.
    l. Ethnic ldentity. Possession of a foreskin is understood as the mirror image of cir-
    cumcision. From the end of the patriarchal period on, it is a mark of ethnic difference,
    barring connubium (Gen. 34:14; cf. Jgs. l4:3). Various groups are referred to as
    uncircumcised: Shechemites (Gen. 34), Philistines, Babylonians (Isa. 52:l;Hab.2:16
    MT). During [srael's conflicts with the Philistines, "uncircumcised" became a term of
    opprobrium for the enemy (1 S. 14:6; l7:26,36;31:4 = I Ch. 10:4; 2 S. l:20). The two
    hundred members with foreskins that David brought Saul proved that he had been vic-
    torious two hundred times in battle with the Philistines. The assignment Saul had given
    him, intended to result in his death, he carried out successfully (1 S. 18:25,27;2 S.
    3:14).

    'dral. K. Albrecht, 'Orlah (Vorhaut). Giessener Mischnah, UlO (1916); O. Eissfeldt'


    "schwerterschlagene bei Hesekiel," Studies in OT Pruphecy. FS T. H. Robinson (1950), 73-81;
    R. Gradwoht, "Der 'Hiigel der Vorhiiute' (Josua V 3): W 26 (1976) Bs'q; H. J. Hermisson,
    Sprache und Ritus im altisraelitischen Kult. WMANT 19 (1965); F. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde
    (1879), esp. 94-96; A. Lods, "'La mort des incirconcis,"' CRAIBL (1943) 271-83; K. L.
    Schmidt, ' &rpo0uor(a," TDM 1,225-26; -+ )1D mfrl.
    I. HAL,II, 885.
    2. HAL,II, 886.
    3. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), in loc.; 8IIS, in loc.
    4. BHS;but cf. W Rudolph, Miclu-Nahum-Habakuk-tuphania. KAT XllU3 (1975),221,
    who retains the MT.

    !
    l1u,'aral

    2. Relationship with God. Ezekiel, Deutero-Isaiah, and P identify uncircumcision


    with cultic impurity (Ezk. 44:7 ,9; Isa. 52:1; Ex. 12:48). possession of a foreskin is a
    sign of breaking the covenant (Gen. 17; Lev. l2:3;Ezk.44:7).It was obviously not
    rare for spiritual pride to be rampant among the "circumcised." Boasting of the sign
    of the covenant, even members of the priesthood forgot that it is also possible to
    break the covenant by severing fellowship with God through disobedience and im-
    penitence. Such people are circumcised in the flesh, but their hearts are still
    uncircumcised.S "Circumcise your hearts!" was Jeremiah's call to repentance
    taken up also in other texts -
    shortly before the catastrophe of 587 r.c.E. descended
    -
    on Jerusalem and Judah (Lev.26:41; Dt. l0:16; Jer. 4:4;9:24-25;Ezk. 44:7,9). Jeru-
    salem's obdurate resistance to God was due to uncircumcised ears, as Jeremiah
    called the people's unwillingness to repent (Jer. 6:10). The notion of ears incapable
    of hearing God's word helps us understand the statement put by p in the mouth of
    Moses, to the effect that Pharaoh will not listen to him because his lips are
    uncircumcised (8x.6:12,30). This idiom is not intended to mean simply that Moses
    is not possessed of rhetorical skills. He rather confesses humbly that he does not feel
    equipped to carry out God's commission.
    The inglorious end with which Ezekiel threatens the Phoenicians (Ezk.28:10) and
    Egyptians (31:18; 32:17-32) is manifested in rheir lying in death with rhe uncir-
    cumcised and those slain by the sword; they have a special place in the netherworld,
    where they must share the fate of Israel's other enemies Assyria, Elam, Meshech
    and rubal (cilicia and Phrygia), Edom, the princes of the -north, and the Sidonians
    who wait to receive them. Here speaks an Israelite who applies to foreign nations the -
    image of a knacker's yard where the uncircumcised among his own people, who have
    broken their ties with the people and with God, and those slain by the sword (i.e., exe-
    cuted) are hastily buried. Their end and their burial are ignominious; they are damned
    to ignominy for eternity.

    3. Izv. 19:23-25. The usage found in Lev. 19:23-25 (p) is unique. This text directs
    that during the first three years after a tree is planted, its fruit must be treated "like fore-
    skins" (v. 23), i.e., the fruit must not be eaten; in the fourth year it is treated as a second
    tithe (-+ awg 'eier), i.e., the owner has to sell the fruit to himself and spend the pro-
    ceeds on a feast during a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Only then is the fruit available for
    regular consumption. The point of comparison is probably that the fruit is left in place
    as a foreskin is left in place; just as the uncircumcised are excluded from the cult, so
    the fruit is excluded from consumption. The rabbis collected most of the detailed regu-
    lations in tractate 'orlah of the Mishnah, the Tosephta, and the Jerusalem Talmud.

    III. Dead Sea Scrolls. Usage in the Dead Sea Scrolls is similar to rhat.in the Bible.
    The uncircumcised, the unclean, and the violent are lumped together in leH 6:20. Ac-
    cording to 1QH 18:20, "a word was revealed" to one whose eru was uncircumcised. In

    5. -+ VII,433.
    d)\'dram 361

    IQS 5:5 we read of circumcising the foreskin of impulse. Hab. 2:16 (where the text
    reads r7l) is interpreted by lQpHab I l:13 as a reference to the wicked priest, who has
    not circumciqed the foreskin of his heart. For discussion of 4Q184, + VIl, 437.
    Mayer

    d19 'aram; Et:1"19 'arum:. ilD'19


    ?:l
    'ormd

    I. Etymology. II. I. Usage; 2. Synonyms and Antonyms. III. l. Nonwisdom Contexts;


    2. Proverbs; 3. Job. IV. LXX. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology. Apart from Hebrew, the verb 'aramis found only in Syriac and Jew-
    ish Aramaic.l Unique to Hebrew are the derived qdlfrlform'arfim, tsed as an adjective
    expressing a state,2 and the subst. brnl.

    ll. l. Usage. Except for I S. 23:22 md Ps. 83:4(Eng. v. 3), the verb'aram is found
    only in wisdom literature (Prov. l5:5; 19:25; Job 5:13). The adj.'drAm is more com-
    mon (l l times), used once in Genesis and l0 times in wisdom literature (twice in Job, 8
    times in Proverbs). The subst. 'ormi occurs twice outside wisdom literature (Ex.2l:14;
    Josh. 9: 14) and 3 times in Proverbs. The verb 'aramll and its derivatives can therefore
    be considered wisdom terminology.

    2. Synonyms and Antonym.s. Prov. l5:5 contrasts the -+ )ttX 'Vil with one whose
    conduct is described as'iiram. Additional semantic evidence can be found in Prov.
    19:25, which \ses'aram in parallel with btn da'a1 and in contrast with peli ya'rim; as
    sugggsted by Prov. 1:4, the -+ lllD peli is to be pnderstoo{ as "the untutored youth who
    colnes to learn from the wisdom teacher."3 tn Job 5:13, however, the verb 'dram, de-
    scribing the wise, has negative connotations; the same is true in Ps. 83:4(3), where the
    subject is Yahweh's enemies.
    This variation, which allows 'dram to have both negative and positive connotations,

    'dram. O. Bauernfeind, "ncvoupy{o, navoOpyoq," TDNT, V,722-27; \,I. Dahood, "Hebrew-


    Ugaritic Lexicography Vll: Bibl 60 (1969) 337-56, esp. 354-55; Iv!. Gdrg, "Die 'Stinde'
    Salomos,"BN 16 (1981) 42-59,esp.50-53; K. R. Joines, "The $erpent inpen3l'ZAW 87 (1975)
    l-l l, esp. 4-8; F. Niitscher, Zur theologischen Terminologie der Qumran-Texte. BBB l0 (1956),
    6l; G. von Rad, Wisdom in Israel (Eng. trans. 1972); B. Renz, "Die kluge Schlangel' BZ 24
    (1938/39) 236-41; O. H. Steck, Die Paradieserziihlung. BS, 60 (1970) = his Wahrnehmungen
    Gottes im AT. ThB 70 (1982), 9-116, esp. 56, 88-91; T. C. Vriezen, Onderzoek naar de Paradijs-
    voorstelling bij de oude Semietische volken (1937).
    l. See Brockelmann, lzxSyr 549;l*vy, WTM, IIl,700-701; Beyer,664.
    2. GK, $84am.
    3. W. McKane, Pruverbs. OTL (1970),525.

    \-
    d19'dram

    can also be noted in the usage of the adj. 'arhm, as is shown by its synonyms and an-
    tonyms. As synonyms we find bakam and niptdl (Job 5:12-13); as antonyms, k'stl
    (Prov. L2:23; 13:16; 14:8), 'cwtl (12:16), and pelt ( l4:15,18; 22:3 = 27:12).In the case
    of k"sil and pe1i, we zue dealing with wisdom vocabulary, since peli appears outside
    ProverbsonlyinEzk.45:20;Ps. 19:8(7); l16:6;119:130;andof theT0occurrencesof
    k's?l, only 3 appear in Psalms, while the rest are distributed throughout Proverbs and
    Ecclesiastes.4 With regard to the usage of 'arfim, we must distinguish between its nega-
    tive connotations in Job 5:12 and l5:15 ("crafty") and its positive connotations in Prov-
    erbs, where we find no synonyms but only negatively colored antonyms, indicating that
    'drfim should be understood as "prudent."
    The synonyms and antonyms associated with the subst. 'ormd suggest connotations
    comparable to those of the adj. 'drfrm. The parallel terms da'a! fim'zimmi (Prov. I :4),
    da'al mezimmdt (8:12), and l€! (8:5) indicate that in Proverbs, like 'drfrm, 'ormd has
    positive connotations; it has negative connotations, however, outside Proverbs (Ex.
    2l:14:Josh. 9:4). At the same time, too much weight should not be put on the positive
    connotations of 'ormi in Proverbs; like mezimmd, 'ormA always stands on the border-
    line of the pejorative, in part because the educational process was concerned more with
    the expansion of intellectual ability than with morality. "It did not educate men to
    change the existing world into something better, but to make their way successfully in
    the world as it was."S

    lll. l. Nonwisdom Contexrs. The earliest occurrence of a derivative of 'dram is in


    the Covenant Code (Ex. 2l:14), in the context of regulations governing asylum. If a ho-
    micide is committed with'orm6, the perpetrator loses the right of altar asylum (v. 14b).
    Here 'ormA may be understood as "malice aforethought."
    The occurrence of 'arfim in Gen. 3:1 belongs to J's special material, since he en-
    riched the pre-J primal history by adding the motif of the serpent.6 The description in
    2:25 of the man and his wife as naked (-+ d119 'drdm) likewise goes back to J, who
    uses a wordplay involving 'drilm and the description of the serpent as'drfim. With ref-
    erence to the serpent, it should be noted that, like all the other beasts of the field, it was
    made by God and is therefore one of God's creatures.
    In the light of the anti-Solomonic bias of J's primal history, the serpent can be inter-
    preted as a figured evolved from the Egyptian goddess Renenutet.T The serpent is set
    apart from the other beasts of the field and appears as a creature endowed with the
    power of speech, who has an interest in providing the man and his wife with the special
    nourishment that comes through the knowledge of wisdom. The serpent was given this
    special status for the purpose of criticizing the notion that the serpent deity, as a symbol

    4. H.-J. Hermisson, Studien zur israelitischen Spruchweisheit. WMANT 28 (1968), 76;


    T. Donald, W 13 (1963)287,291.
    5. McKane, Proverbs, 165.
    6. P. Weimar, IJntersuchungen zur Redaktionsgeschichte des Pentateuch. BZAW 146 (1977),
    155; L. Ruppert, BZ 15 (1971) 195-96.
    7. See W. von Soden, WO 7 (1973174) 228-4O; Gorg,42-59, esp. 53.
    d.19'dram

    associated with the provision of divine wisdom, could be reconciled and made inter-
    changeable with the tutelary deity of Israelite tradition. The serpent thus becomes the
    symbol of wisdom without Yahweh.8
    This analysis also explains the negative connotations associated with the use of
    'drfrm in Gen. 3:l for the crafty cunning of the serpent. It is impossible to determine
    whether J is borrowing here a traditional appraisal of the serpent,e choosing the serpent
    because its "treacherous, dangerous behavior makes it the archenemy of Palestinian
    peasants, and as such it was ready to hand in 3:15."10 The serpent's intelligence is re-
    lated to "its ability to produce venom (and antithetically its power to heal) or its ability
    to shed its skin."ll To this extent, the connotations of 'drfrm when describing the ser-
    pent in Gen. 3: I are not purely negative, a point also made by its ability to speak and its
    awareness of the tree of knowledge.l2 By choosing the ambiguous term 'drfim to de-
    scribe the serpent, J calls attention to the dubious nature of the serpent's intelligence,
    which contrasts with the knowledge of good and evil.
    In the Deuteronomistic History the verb 'Aram occlurs in I S. 23:22 and the subst.
    'ormdin Josh. 9:4. The text of I S. 23:22belongs to the story of David's rise, which lit-
    erary criticism assigns to the early monarchy. Saul describes David as 'drdm ya'rim
    hfi'. As in Gen. 3:1,'drAmfdrqminthis context is to be understood primarily as "crafty,
    cunning," with negative overtones; at the same time, however, a connotation of "pru-
    dent" in the sense of worldly wisdom should not be ruled out.
    Comparison of these earliest occurrences of the root 'aramreveals that they are sim-
    ilar with respect to their primarily negative and only inchoately positive connotations;
    on the basis of this observation, Mendenhall believes that the :use of 'arfim in Gen. 3:l
    stands at the end of a semantic evolution and represents a rejection of the "intelligence"
    claimed by wisdo6.l3
    We may compare another, probably earlier occurrence of 'ormi in Josh. 9:4, where
    it describes an action analogous to the capture of Jericho.la The context of ch. 9 shows
    that the Gibeonites duped Joshua and the Israelites; 'ormA may therefore be interpreted
    as "trickery" or "craftiness,"
    The latest occurrence of 'dram II hiphil is in Ps. 83:4(3), which describes the actions
    of Yahweh's enemies against his people: 'al- 'amm"!i ya'afimfi s6!. Here the term sdEl
    should be understood as "secret discussion" craftily devised, the "deceitful plans of
    one's enemies."15

    8. Giirg, 53; --> uinl nahat.


    9. Joines, 4-8.
    10. Steck, 89.
    11. C. Westermarn,Genesis l-ll (Eng. trans. 1984),239.
    12. Renz, 236; W. H. Schmidt, Die Schiipfungsgeschichte der Priesterschrift. WMANT 17
    (31973),21t-12.
    13. G. Mendenhall, "The Shady Side of Wisdom," Light unto My Path. FS J. M. Myers
    (1974), 319-34, here 328.
    14. J. A. Soggin, Joshua. OTL(Eng. trans. 1972), l13.
    15. Quotations, respectively, from M. Sebg, TLOT, 11,794; H.-J. Fabry, -+ X, 176.

    !
    O7V'dram

    2. Proverbs. All three derivatives of the root 'aram Il are found in the book of
    Proverbs. Prov. 15:5 uses'dram to characterize a person who heeds admonition (-+
    n)' ykfu) and thus acts prudently. The context is discipline in the education of chil-
    dren by their parents. Prov. l9:25 takes up the theme of 1:4a, which deals with an un-
    tutored youth who is to study with a wisdom teacher and thus become prudent
    ('dram). The context of both 15:5 and 19:25 therefore has to do with education. In
    the background stands a concept of education that identifies with attention to admo-
    nitions (15:5) and acceptance of punishment administered by scoffers (19:25). In
    Proverbs the term 'drfim is paradigmatic of the prudent person, just as bdkdm typifies
    the wise. The prudent conceal their knowledge, unlike fools, who broadcast their
    folly (12:23). They also ignore insults, whereas fools express their anger directly
    (L2:l$1.r0 The wisdom of the wise assures their way,l7 in contrast to the folly of
    fools, which misleads (14:8). The prudent do everything intelligently; fools display
    their folly (13:16). The prudent consider their steps;r8 fools believe everything
    (14:15). The prudent are crowned with knowledge;fools are adorned with their folly
    (14:18). The prudent see danger coming and hide;te fools go on and suffer for it
    (22:3 = 27:12).
    If we ask what are the typical characteristics of the 'drfim in these passages, they
    consist in discretion, gaution, circumspection, and prudence. The'drfrm personifies the
    way of life inculcated by the book of Proverbs.2o This is also apparent in the attributes
    of hoftmA (14:8)and da'a!(12:23;13:16; l4:8)ascribedtothe'drtrm. Thesubst. bnar?
    denotes what the peltis required to learn (l:4; 8:5). In 8:12 personified Wisdom de-
    scribes herself as the neighbor of 'ormi. According to Lang, idf;antt is used here with
    an adverbial accusative (as in Isa.33:5; Ps. 37:3;135:21); he translates: "I live in clev-
    erness," i.e., "I know cleverness."2l According to BHE the text should be emended to
    i'f;entt, "prudence is my neighbor." The MT is usually retained and translated "I am the
    neighbor of prudencs."22
    When we look for a more precise definition of 'ormh in the context of the terminol-
    ogy of Prov. l:l-5, we may note with von Rad that "a comprehensive term, for which
    there is no longer any handy word, can be constructed here for the reader by the fact
    that, to a certain extent, into this prologue a number of known terms have been inserted
    so that by this cumulation the desired extension of the conceptual range is achieved."23
    The individual terms chosen are in fact differentiated; but they are not conceptually
    distinct, since they also overlap.2a

    16. So BIIS.
    17. See BfIS.
    18. See BIIS.
    19. See BIIS.
    20. Von Rad, 85.
    21. B. Lang, Frau Weisheit (1975), 86 n. 85.
    22. O. Ploger, Spriiche Salomos. BK XVII (1984), 85.
    23. Von Rad, l3; cf.27,53-54.
    24. rbid., 13.
    d]{aram

    In Prov. 8:5,12,'ormA appears in the context of personified Wisdom, who addresses


    the simple and foolish with the imperative to understand (btn) 'ormd afi le!. Here the
    term lE! must be understood as "acumen" or "prudence," so that 'ormd mlust be inter-
    preted along the same lines as "(practical) intelligence."2s In v. 12 personified Wisdom
    describes herself as the neighbor of 'ormi (see above), which takes on a special accent
    here by virtue of appearing in parallel with conduct typified by enlightened discretion
    (v. l2b).
    One additional occurrence of 'ormA in Prov. 14:24 is questionable, even though the
    LXX reads panortrgos, its usual translation of 'ormA (see IV below). The contextual
    theme of riches and poverty in vv.20-24 nevertheless gives priority to the MT.26

    3. Job. The yerb 'aram II occurs in Job 5: 13 in the first discourse of Eliphaz, where
    it refers to the wise whom God takes in their own craftiness.
    There are also two occulrences of the term 'drfim, both in discourses of Eliphaz. In
    his first exhortation (5:8-16), he speaks of the providence of God, who frustrates the
    devices of the 'arfimim (v. I 2). In the second response of Eliphaz to Job, he accuses Job
    of having chosen the language of the'"rimtm (15:5). In both passages the'arfrmtm are
    stereotypes, as in Proverbs; but in the context of the crisis of wisdom that is the theme
    of Job, they appear only in a negative light as the cunning and crafty.
    In the Hebrew text of Sirach, we find once more the verb 'dram with positive conno-
    tations used in parallel with the verb hdftam (Sir. 6:32).

    IV. LXX. The LXX usually translates 'drfim with panortrgos and 'ormt with
    panourg[a (17 times). In Nu. 24:22 the LXX misread'd.-md as 'ormd (panourgia); it
    made a similar error in Prov. 14:24.27 There is, however, a semantic shift in the LXX:
    while panortrgos can also have negative connotations ("wily, malicious"), the 'dram
    derivatives in Proverbs are positive ("intelligent, prudent"). Since the LXX version of
    Proverbs uses the derivatives of panourg- with particular frequency, their meaning
    shifts in a positive direction.28
    In two passages 'drfrm (Gen. 3: I ) and 'ormd (Job 5: I 3) are translated by phrdnimos
    and phrdndsis, respectively, both with negative overtones. In Job l5:5 the LXX has
    dynastds, which conveys a more positive sense than 7n22.

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls use'ormd primarily with the positive
    connotations it acquired in Provbrbs. In the context of wisdom terminology, CD 2:4
    says that 'orma and da'a! serve God, a statement that may be compared to the personi-
    fication of both terms in Prov. l:4. New in the scrolls is the construct phrase 'orma!
    da'a1QQS 10:25), which refers to intelligent knowledge. Also in contrast to OT usage,

    25.+ VII, 419-23. See Pl<iger, Br( XVII, 88.


    26. McKane, Proverbs, 465-66; Pldgea BKXVII, 174; contra 8IlS and B. Gemser, Spriiche
    Salomos. HAT Ul6 (21963), 66-67; et al.
    27. Bauernfeind, T24 n. 13.
    28. Bauernfeind,724.

    L-
    1.19 'arep

    'orrnA cur appear as nomen rectum in a construct phrase: m"zimmal'orm6, "intelligent


    thought" (lQS 11:6). These intelligent thoughts of God are concealed from human-
    kind; only the eye of the devout sees them.2e
    The list of the paths of light in the world (lQS 4:2-7) includes 'orma!kbl (1. 6), to be
    understood as prudence in all things. Analogously, the list of characteristics of the sons
    of darkness (1QS 4:9-11) includes 'orma! r6a', "wicked cunning." According to lQH
    l:35, 'ormd is to be increased by the wise and imparted to the simple (lQH 2:9).
    lQpHab 7:14 mentions the'ormfr of God, which refers to the mysteries of his pru-
    dence, in which he has preordained all ages.
    Niehr

    29. Ndtscher,61.

    l)il 'oop;17\ 'arap

    I. Etymology. II. Noun: l. Meaning and Occunences; 2. Related Words; 3. LXX. [I. Idioms:
    l. Flight; 2. Apostasy; 3. Triumph; 4. Obstinacy. IV. Verb: l. Meaning, Lexical Field;
    2. Firstlings; 3. Homicide; 4. Isa. 66:3; 5. Hos. l0:2. V. Sirach, Dead Sea Scrolls.

    '6rep. D. C. Benjamin, Deuterunomy and City Ufe (1983), 198-210; G. Brin, "The Firstling
    of Unclean Animals," JQR 68 (1977n$ l-15; C. M. Carmichael, 'A Common Element in Five
    Supposedly Disparate Lawsl' W 29 (1979) 129-42; H. Christ, Blunergiessen im AT (1977), esp.
    86-91; B. Couroyer, "'Avoir la nuque raide', ne pas incliner I'oreille," nB 88 (1981) 216-25i
    H. J. Elhorst, "Eine verkannte Zauberhandlung (Dtn 2l,l-9): 7AW 39 (1921) 58-67; C. H.
    Gordon, 'An Accadian Parallel to Deut. 2l,ltr.i &t 33 (1936) l-6; S. H. Hooke, "The Theory
    and Practice of Substitution:' W 2 (1952) 2-17; B. Janowski, Siihne als Heilsgeschehen.
    WMANT 55 (1982); A. Jirku, "Drei Fiille von Haftpflicht im altorientalischen Paliistina-Syrien
    und Deuteronomium cap.2ll' 7AW 79 (1967) 359-60; S. E. Loewenstamm, "'eglah 'arfipahi'
    EMiqrYI,TT-79;H. McKeating,'"The Development of the Law on Homicide in Ancient Israel,"
    W 25 (1975) 46-68; R. P. Merendino, Das deutercnornische Gesetz. BBB 3l (1969), esp. 234-
    43; E. Meru, Die Blutrache bei den Israeliten (1916), 48-55; J. Milgrom, "'Egla 'Arufah,"
    EncJud, Y[,475-77; R. Patai, "The 'Egla'arufa or the Expiation of the Polluted Land (Dt 2l,l-
    9): JQR 30 (1939) 59-69; R. Press, "Das Ordal im alten Israel," Z{W5l (1933) l2l-40,227-50;
    A. Roifer, "The Breaking of the Heifer's Neckl' Tbrbiz 3l (1961162) ll9-43; M. Tsevat, "The
    Canaanite God Sehh," w 4 (1954) 41-49, esp. 46-47; A. C. Welch, "Remarks on the Article of
    H. J. Elhorst in ZAW l92li 7AW 42 (1924) 163-64; R. Westbrook, "Irx talionis and Exodus
    21,22-25i RB 93 (1986) 52-69;2.7*vit,'"lhe ?g/a Ritual of Deuteronomy 2l:l-9|' JBL 95
    (1976) 377-9O.
    1*'$'arep

    I. Etymology. Heb. '6rep, "neck," is related to Arab. 'urfah, "maneJ' and Syr. 'urpd',
    "cockscomb."l Otherwise in Aramaic and Syriac "neck" is qc/al@') or ;awwii'r. Aram.
    'urpin (pl.) is found only once, as a gloss on qc$dlin.2 Akkadian luses kiiddu (cf. Eth.
    kCsdA.The verb 'drap is probably a denominative from '6rep;3 it was formerlyl
    tered as an independent root, related to Arab. $arafa, "cut up." On a third root ? "r-+
    )D-tg -rapel.

    II. Noun.
    l. Meaning and Occurrences.Tltenoun'Arep occurs 33 times in the OT. The mean-
    ing "back of the neck" is clear from statements like "They have turned thetr 'drep to
    me, and not their faces" (Jer.2:27).

    2. Related Words. The noun $awwd'n "neck," is similar in meaning but is used dif-
    ferently. A yoke is placed onthe ;awwd'r not the '6rep; a necklace is likewise placed
    on the sawwa'r; cf. "falling on someone's neck" with sawwa'r (Gen. 33:4; 45:14;
    46:29).
    The noun gdrdn, "throat," denotes the part of the body used for speaking (Isa. 58: l;
    Ps. 115:7; 149:6) or swallowing (Ps. 5:10[Eng. v. 9]; ler.2:25, thirst); but occasionally
    it also means "neck," where a chain is placed (Ezk. 16: I 1). The garg"r61 is also the
    place for a necklace (Prov. l:9; 3:3,22:6:21).

    3. DX. The LXX uses a variety of translations: 8 times n6tos, "back"; l0 times
    trdch€los, "neck" (also used for sawwd'tr garg'rOg and gdrdn in the sense of "neck").
    The expression qcl€h '6reps i" translated by skldrotnichdlos (5 times + B.ov. 29:1,
    where the LXX reads rniqqcl€h 'arep, and Sir. 16: I l).

    III. Idioms. Many stereotyped expressions use 'drep.

    l. Flight. The syntagm pdnA 'Arep, "turn the back (of the neck)," describes flight
    from the enemy, e.g., "The Israelites will turn their backs to their enemies" (Josh. 7:12;
    cf. v. 8 with hApal). The idiom also uses the hiphil, e.9., Jer. 48:39 with reference to
    Moab (cf. 49:24, hipn"fi l.dntts, "tntrned to flee"). It also uses ndlan: Yahweh will make
    (wcndlattt) the enemies turn their backs to Israel (Ex. 23:27; cf. 2 S. 22:41 = Ps.
    18:41[40]).

    2. Apostasy. Metaphorically, pAnt 'orep denotes apostasy: the inhabitants of Judah


    "turned their backs to me and not their faces" (Jer. 2:27; 32:33 + "and would not listen
    and accept correction"); nilan is also used: "Our ancestors have been unfaithful . . .

    l. LexSyr 549.
    2. Jastow, 1122.
    3. HAI.II, 887.
    4. KBL2,'t38.
    5. See Itr.4 below.
    119'orep

    and have turned away (sbb) their faces from the dwelling of Yahweh and turned their
    backs (wayyitfnfi 'drep)" (2 Ch.29:6). Conversely, in Jer. 18:17 Yahweh threatens:
    "With my back and not with my face will I look at them ('er'dm)" (LXX, Vulg., and
    Syr. read 'ar'Em, "I will show them my back").

    3. Triumph. A hand on the neck of the enemy (Gen. 49:8) signifies victory. Job com-
    plains that God has seized him ('dhaz)by the neck and dashed him to pieces (Job 16:12).

    4. Obstinacy. Expressions like qciEh-'drep, "stiff-necked," express obstinacy and


    stubbornness. The following variants are found:
    a. The expression qeieh:drep, "stiff-necked," occurs 6 times, always with'am; all oc-
    currences are in Exodus and Deuteronomy, with reference to the golden calf. In this con-
    text Israel is called "a stiff-necked people" (Ex.32:9;33:3,5;34:9; Dt. 9:6,13). The word
    q'^ii, "hardness," in Dt. 9:27 is probably elliptical for q"it'6rep, i.e., "stubbornness." Cf.
    also the division of the expression in Isa. 48:4: "Because I knew that you are obstinate
    lqdieh, 'hard'1, and your neck ('drep) has iron sinews, and your forehead is of brass."
    b. The expression'6rep qdieh appears only in Moses'farewell discourse (Dt.3l).
    V. 27 reads: "For I know well your recalcitrance (meri) and stubbornness ['hard, stiff
    neck'l." These words, like the whole discourse in vv. 24-29, clearly refer to the episode
    of the golden calf (cf. also mamrtm in v. 27 with Dt. 9:7,241-e
    c. The syntagm hiqi6'6rep denotes apostasy and disobedience: "they stiffened their
    necks" (Jer. 7 :26; l7:23; 19:15; Neh. 9: l6- 17,29). Occasionally we find expansions such
    as "like the necks of the fathers" (2K. 17:14) or parallels such as "they walked in the
    stubbornness of their evil hearts" (Jer. 7:24) or "they did not incline their ears" (Jer. 7 :26;'
    17:23), "they did not listen" (Jer.7:26; 17:23;cf.19:15; + "to my commandments," Neh.
    9:16,29). The expression is also used of individuals: Z,edek'tah "stiffened his neck and
    hardened ( rnl piel) his heart against turning to Yahweh" (2 Ch.36:13). It also appears as
    an exhortation: "Do not stiffen your necks" (Dt. l0:16; 2 Ch. 30:8; cf. Ps. 95:8, 'al-taqifi
    l"babkcm). Dt. l0:16 offers a further parallel: "Circumcise the foreskin of your heart."
    According to most commentators, the expression "stiff-necked" is based on the no-
    tion of a recalcitrant, stubborn animal. Some think of an animal being ridden, others of
    oxen balking at the yoke.7 This interpretation, however, cannot be accepted: in such sit-
    uations, an animal is more likely to jerk its neck than to stiffen it. Linguistically, it
    should be noted that the expression is never used of animals; furthermore, a yoke is not
    placed onthe'orep but on the pawwa'r Closer examination shows that the combination
    qih + 'Arep stands in contrast to "incline one's ear," "listen," and the like (e.9., Zec.
    7:11; Neh. 9:29; ler. 17:23; 19:15). Stiffening one's neck therefore means refusal to in-
    cline one's ear (2 K. 19:16; Ps. 45:11[l0]; Dnl. 9:18; etc.).8

    6. M. Zipor, "The Impact of the Golden Calf Story in Moses' Sermons in the Book of Deuter-
    ononry," FS M. Goldstein (1987).
    7. See Couroyer.
    8. Ibid., 223-25.9. See I above.
    llir brep

    IV. Verb.
    l. Meaning, l,exicql Field-The denominativee verb'drap occurs 6 times (Ex. 13:13;
    34:20;Dt.2l:4,6i Isa. 66:3; Hos. l0:2). It is debated whether the verb means "cut off
    the head" or "break the neck." Both interpretations are represented in early exegesis.
    For example, Mish. Sota 9.5 interprets it as "sever with a knife," and the LXX trans-
    lates it inDt.2l:4,6 with neurolcopein, "sever the sinew"; the other Greek versions also
    use compounds of kapetn. On the other hand, in Isa. 66:3 the LXX has ho apoktdnnon,
    "whoever kills" (also Symmachus in Ex. 13:13); Syr. uses q"!al, "l<tll" (except in Dt.
    2l:4,6, where it has neftas = idba!).
    The lexical field includes malaq, "wring off (the head)" (only in Lev. 1:15 and 5:8,
    with reference to sacrifice of a bird), and + VnUi idhat (78 occurrences in the OT),
    which denotes both ritual and nonritual slaughter and is interpreted traditionally as slit-
    ting the throat. According to 7,evit, mnlaq is used for sacrifice on the altar, idhat for
    slaughter beside the altar.l0 It is also possible that the terms are used for different sacri-
    ficial animals.ll

    2. Firstlings. According to Ex. 13:13 and34:20, every firstbom(peler) donkey must


    be redeemedl2 with a sheep; if the owner is unwilling to redeem it, its neck must be
    broken 1'arap). PdoesnotmentionthealternativeinNu. l8:15;cf.Lev.27:27
    -here,
    however, the subject is redemption of nonsacrificial animals in general.l3 Whether the
    alternative replaces what had originally been a sacrifice remains uncertain. Since re-
    demption is preferred, however, the alternative is more likely to be a sanction for the
    possibility that the owner does not want to redeem the firstling, but to keep it.

    3. Homicide. Dt.2l:l-9 provides an atonement ceremony for cases of homicide by


    person or persons unknown. To make atonement, a heifer ('egld) is to be killed by rp in
    an uncultivated wadi.la The question is whether 'arap means "cut the throat" or "break
    the neck"; in other words, whether the rite is bloody or unbloody.ls The ritual is unique in
    the OT. Ugaritic texts show that the community is held responsible for such a homicide;
    in these cases, however, the point at issue is reparations, which is not the case in Dt. 21.t0
    Many scholars see in DL 2lil-9 a modification of an ancient ritual. According to
    Merz, the blood of the heifer is intended to deceive the soul of the victim into believing
    that is the blood of the murderer. According to Steuernagel, the punishment of the mur-
    derer is inflicted vicariously on the calf.lT Bertholet and Duhm consider the heifer a

    10. P. 384.
    11. Haran, cited by 7nvit,384 n. 39.
    12. -+ ilTD paQA. Othersreadwa'araf,td, "you shall value it" (cf. Lev. 27:27), following LXX
    8x.34:20 timin d4seis (13:13 lytr6seis); see A. Kahana, Biblia Hebraica (Kiev, l9l3) ad loc.
    13. See Brin,2 rr. 4.
    14. -+ "tD) kipper; -+ll:'J nahal.
    15. Carmichael, 133.
    16. RS 17, 230; 17, 158; 20, 22. See Roifer, 122-26.
    17. Das Deuteronomium. HKAT U3 (1900), 1, 78.

    L.
    1J9'orcp

    sacrifice to the spirit of the victim.18 Elhorst thinks the rite was originally a sacrifice to
    chthonic gods.te Von Rad thinks in terms of "a magical procedure for getting rid of sin"
    and compares the procedure to the scapegoat ritual (as do medieval Jewish exegetes).2O
    According to Elhorst, the elders' washing of their hands over the slain animal is a mag-
    ical act to transfer the guilt of the community to the animal.2l Others connect the slay-
    ing of the calf with the elders' oath; may the same befall us if we do not speak the
    truth.22 According to Roifer, the pollution of the land, which is God's heritage (v. 1),
    must be transferred to an uninhabited locale; this transfer is accomplished by the sym-
    bolic repetition of the murder in a new locale. A magical pre-Israelite apokopaic ritual
    became a Yahwistic sacrifice of atonement. Later, under the influence of Deuterono-
    mistic ideas, breaking the animal's neck replaced the sacrifice. Carmichael thinks the
    ceremony has a didactic purpose.23

    4. Isa. 66:3. Isa. 66:3 contains a series of seven (or eight?) participial clauses ar-
    ranged in pairs. One can translate: "Whoever slaughters an ox is like one who kills a
    man; whoever sacrifices a lamb, like one who breaks a dog's 1ssl6" a condemnation
    of legitimate sacrifice. Another possible translation -
    "\{[ssygr slaughters an ox at
    -
    the same time kills a man; whoever sacrifices a sheep at the same time breaks a dog's
    1ssl5" would represent a polemic against syncretism.2a
    -
    5. Hos. I0:2.ln Hos. 10:2 we find a metaphorical usage: "He will break down ('rp)
    their altars and destroy (y'Iddeil their pillars." The statement may be ironic: as in a
    cultic act, the altars will "have their necks broken."25 Zorell reads yisrap, "he will burn
    up"; Nyberg derives 'drap from Arab. Sarafa, "cut off."26

    V. Sirach, Dead Sea Scrolls. tn Sir. 16:11 we find the expression maqleh'Orep:
    anyone who is stiff-necked shall not go unpunished.
    The OT expression qly wrp appears several times in the Dead Sea Scrolls: "stiff-
    ness of neck and hardness (kibb@) of heart" in a catalog of vices (lQS 4:11); ,,who-
    ever circumcises the foreskin of his attitude and his stiff neck" as a description of con-
    version (lQS 5:5); "whoever answers his neighbor with stiffness of neck" (lQS 6:26);
    wrwl.t wrp q,flhl (lQH fr.l2:4).

    18. Bertholet, Deuterunomium. KHC V (1899), 64-65; B. Duhm, Dre biisen Geister im AT
    (t9u),21.
    19. Pp. 6l-62.
    20. Deuteronomy. OTL (Eng. trans. 1966), 136.
    21. Contra 7*vit,386.
    22. Janowski, 165; but cf. Roifer, 122 n. 11.
    23. Carmichael, 129tr. For still other interpretations see Christ, 86-89; Janowski, 163-68.
    24. westermann, Isaiah 4046. orL (Eng. trans. 1969),413-14, citing a possible dog sacri-
    fice in Carthage; cf. Justin Epitome 19.l.l0; R. N. Whybray, Isaiah 4046. NCBC (1975), Z8l-
    82.
    25. Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974), 174.
    26.Znrell, LexHebAram,630; H. S. Nyberg, Srudren zum Hoseabuche (1935),72. See I above.
    l21q -nEet 371

    "Lay your hand on the neck of your enemies," say lQM 12: I I and 19:3; in lQM 9:2
    we find the expression whsbw 'wrpm lused as a term for flight.
    The verb appears only in 1lQT 63:1-8, quoting Dl2l:l-9.
    Zipor

    )pltt 'ardpet

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences. III. Early Versions and Postbiblical Literature.

    I. Etymology. Outside the OT, the noun 'ardpel occurs in Ugar. {rpl alongwith'rpt,
    "cloud";t in Sam. 'arp€\, in Syr. 'arpeld', in Jewish Ararn. 'arptld', and in Mand.
    'arpild.z In all these languages and dialects it suggests something like "thick clouds,
    darkness."
    The etymological derivation of the word is disputed. Some have analyzed the
    quadriliteral as a combination of 'rp, "drop," and'pl, "be dark, be eerie," or as a dimin-
    utive of 'rp or'Lrtpd + the diminutive suf. -/.3 Others have suggested a noun formed
    with the ending -al (with /a/ reduced to lel).t RuZidka derives the word from Arab.
    (amala, a by-form of (amana; a secondary shift of lml to lpU produced Safala, with
    the meaning "cover."5 Contact dissimilation led in turn to a regressive interchange be-
    tween /ph/ and hl. Others, too, have often proposed an Arabic etymology.6 Loader
    thinks that 'ardpel derives from a t@t'rp, related to'rb, "be shadowy"; 'arapel means
    something like "cloudy shade," and the denominative verb 'rp, "drop," derives from
    this noun.7 Another theory is that of Vollers, who "with assurance" analyzes 'ardpel
    as a compound with '€l, "Godl'roughly similar to "Homeric Oeioq."8 He also notes
    Assyr. lrpu, cited by other scholars as erpu, erpetu, urpu, or urpatu, which means

    ',rdpel. A. van den Born, "Zum Tempelweihspruch (l Kg viii lzt.): OTS 14 (1965) 235-44;
    M. Fraenkel, "Bemerkungen zum hebriiischen Wortschatz:' HUCA 6l (1960) 55-101, esp. 80-
    8l; M. Giirg, "Die Gattung des sogenannten Tempelweihspruchs (1 Kg 8,12f.)," UF 6 (1974) 55-
    63; J. A. Loader, "The Concept of Darkness in the Hebrew Root'rbtrpl' De fructu ois sui. FS
    A. van Selms (1971),99-lO7; P. Reymond, L'eau, sa vie, et sa signification dans l'AT SW 6
    (1958), l3-14,3s-41.
    l. For the former see KTU l.l07, t8l,9, tl2l, 19; for the latter, 1.2, IY 8, 29; etc.
    2. MdD,38.
    3. GesTh, lO72; cf. also L. Koehler, TZ 2 (1946) 72.
    4. Stade, khrbuch der hebriiischen Grarnmatik (1879), $299; cf. Bl,e, $6li; Kd,nig,
    lzhrgebiiude, II, $60, 9; Meyer, II, 40.
    5. R. RuZidka, Konsonantische Dissimilation in den semitischen Sprachen (1909), 105, 135-
    36.
    6.E.g., lzxSyr 549, from Safara, "cover"; see also KBLz,738; IIAL, II,888.
    7.W.101-2.
    8. K. Vollers, 7A 17 (1903) 310-ll.

    L.
    )111 -rapel

    "cloud."e Dahood rejects the derivation from the root 'rp, on the grounds that Ugaritic
    clearly distinguishes ?r, "clouds," from {rpl, "dark cloud."l0 The description of Baal
    as rkb 'rpt, which occurs 14 times in the Ugaritic texts, has a better parallel in Ps.
    68:5(Eng. v. 4), which refers to Elohim as r6ftd! bd-rd!67 although this parallel, too,
    has been challenged.lt But even though there is an etymological distinction between
    the Ugaritic words 'rpr and {rpl, now and then the view is expressed that'rpt, too, can
    refer to "dark rain clouds."l2 Nevertheless, almost all scholars translate '"rdpel as
    "thick darkness," "dark clouds," or the like, notwithstanding its disputed etymology.13

    II. Occurrences. Our noun occurs 15 times: Ex.2O:21; Dt. 4: I l;5:22(19);2 5.22:lO
    (par. Ps. 18:10[9]); I K. 8:12 (par. 2 Ch.6:l); Isa. 60:2iJer.l3:161'Ezk.34:12;Joel2:2;
    Zeph. l:15; Ps. 97:2; Job 22:13; 38:9; also Sir. 45:5. Only in Ex. 20:21; Dt. 5:22; I K.
    8:12 (par. 2 Ch. 6:l) does it have the article. Isa. 5:30, a difficult passage, has the form
    '"fip"yhA.ro Forms of the verb'drap occur twice (Dt.32i2;33:28).In the lexical f,reld and
    the immediate context we often find -+ 1)9 'dndn, "clouds" (Dt. 4:I l;5:22;Ezk.34:12;
    Joel2:2;Zeph.l:15;Ps.97:2; Job 38:9; 86 occurrences in the OT); -+ 1U)n hdiek,"dark-
    ness" (Dt. 4: I l; Isa. 60:2; Joel 2:2; Zrph. l:15; 82 occurrences in the OT); and 'opCld,
    "darkness" (Ioel2:2andZnph. l:15;only l0occurrencesintheOT). Inthebroadercon-
    text we again find 'dndn (Ex. l9:9,16:24:15-16,18; I K. 8:10-l l;2 Ch.5:13-14); h1ieft
    (Dt.5:23;25.22:12; Ps. l8:12[l]; Isa.58:10;59:9); and'apdld (Isa. 58:10;59:9), but
    also such words as --> )9 'db('dbtm), "cloud" (Ex. l9:9; 2 5.22:12; Ps. l8:12[11]); ->
    nlD)I salmawe!, "darkness" (Jer. l3:16); and ?,i, "fire" (Dt. 5:22;Ps.97:3).
    The term 'ardpel, "dark clouds, thick darkness," has on the one hand baneful conno-
    tations; on the other, it promises life and salvation.ls The word has its setting in the-
    ophany accounts.r6 The cloud enshrouds the deity (Ex.20:21;Dt. 5:22; I K. 8:12) or
    accompanies the deity ("thick darkness under God's feetl' 2 S. 22:lO = Ps. I 8: 10[9] ; or
    "all around God," Ps. 97:2).
    In the Pentateuch 'arapel appears only in the Sinai,/Horeb theophany. According to
    Ex.20:21(E), the people stood trembling in the distance while the "priestly" Moses
    approached the'arapel (with article) in which God was enveiled on the mountain.lT In
    E's view Yahweh has his dwelling place in the 'ardpel on the mountain (see also Ex.

    9. GesB,62O;M. Noth, Konige. BKIWI (1968), 182; H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans.
    l99l),223; cf. also CAD,[y,219 (erepu) arrd302 (erpetu); AHw,1,243 (erpetufm/, "cloud"), in
    turn cites 'ardpel.
    10. M. Dahood, Bibl 50 (1969) 356; see also Giirg, 57; P. J. van Zijl, Baal: A Study of Texts in
    Connexion with Baal in the Ugaritic Epics. AOAT lO (1972),331, and n. 7.
    11. Cf. A. S. Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts (1952),61; G. del Olmo Lete, Mitos y
    Leyendas de Canaan (1981), 605.
    l2.E.g.,J.C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern inthe Ugaitic Myth of Ba'lu. AOAT 16 (1971),98.
    13. 8.g., W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (1968),201: "storm clouds."
    14. See Wildberger, Isaiah l-12,223.
    15. Noth, BK lxll, 182; HAL,II, 888.
    16. Reymond, 13-14; S. Terrien, The Elusive Presence (1978), 194; Gamberoni, --r IY 31.
    17. G. Beer, Exodus. HATU3 (1939), 105.
    lq,"rq -rapet 3'13

    19:3 and Sir. 45:5, which alludes to the same event). In the proclamation of the Ten
    Commandments in Dt. 5, we read that on the mountain Yahweh uttered the words out
    of "the fne" (hd'ci), "the cloud" (he'dndn), and "the thick darkness" (hd'ardpdl)
    (v. 22). Here we find a combination comparable to Dt. 4: I 1, which speaks of "a moun-
    tain blazing up to the very heavens,"l8 "darkness" (hdieP, "cloud" ('dndn), and "thick
    darkness" ('ardpel). These elements are commonly described as manifestations of
    Yahweh's original nature as a storm god;le possibly, howeveq "fire," "cloud," and
    "darkness" were added at a later date as a gloss on the word'"rdpel.
    The autonomy of this word is apparent above all in I K. 8:12 (- 2 Ch.6:l), in Solo-
    mon's prayer at the dedication of the temple. The origin of this passage is obscure. The
    LXX not only includes (following v. 53) an expansion of the prayer but also cites a
    source: hdlion egn1risen en ouran( bjrios . . . ouk idort hafit€ g4graptai en bibliQ tds
    fidds?; ever since Wellhausen, almost all exegetes have emended this to read: "The sun
    in the heavens did Yahweh create, but he wished to dwell in darkness, and said: Build
    me a house, a house of my dwelling place, that I may dwell there forever behold, it
    is written in the Book of the Upright" (seper hayydidr for seper fta.i.iir - "Book of
    Songs").20 Van den Born instead derives egn6risen from hOQ?a', which he views as a
    comrption of an original hdid: "Yahweh placed . . ."; his translation differs at other
    points as well: "He instructed it to dwell outside the dark: I have built you a house as a
    habitation, a place to dwell month by monl[."2t
    It is clear that these words are an ancient hymn that has been incorporated here.
    With sovereign authority, Yahweh appoints the sun its place in the firmament of
    heaven;zz he himself, however, dwells in "the deep darkness" (with article); Albright
    erroneously interprets the second colon as a question: "Doth he desire to tent in the
    storm clouds?"23 This reading is consonant with the separate chamber in the temple,
    the deltr (NRSV "inner sanctuary"), which is in total darkness, having no windows.24
    The nature of the d"ltr also chimes with "heavenly" reality: the name of Yahweh
    Yahweh himself dwells within the temple. Yahweh's dwelling in the '"rdpel may
    -
    -
    also suggest his manifestation as a mountain god and a rain-bringing storm god, who
    stands in contrast to the astral deities.2s
    This passage thus brings together two previously separate elements: the deity's
    dwelling in the thick darkness ("a term for the deus absconditus")26 and in the temple.

    18. On this use of the accusative see GK, $l l8q.


    19. E.g., Steuemagel, Das Deuteronomium. HKATU3 (21923),66.
    20. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs und der historischen Biicher des ATs
    (41963),269;but see also A. Rahlfs, Septuaginta-Studien,lll (1911),262;H. St. J. Thackeray,
    The Septuagint and Jewish Worship (21923),76-79; l. A. Montgomery and H. S. Gehman,
    Kings. ICC (1951), 189-92; D. W. Gooding, Textus 7 (1969) 2l-25.
    21.Pp.237-38.
    22. G. Hentschel, I Kdnige. NEB (1984),56.
    23. Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan,2Ol.
    24. K. Miihlenbink, Der Tempel Salomos. BWANT 59 (1932), 132, 137f.
    25. Noth, BK lXJl, 182; Wiirthwein, Die Biicher der Kdnige. ATD llll
    (21985), 88-89.
    26. Von Rad, IDN4 II, 382.

    \-
    374 7111 -rapel

    The temple and its furnishings (1 K. 7: the pillars Jachin and Boaz, the molten sea,
    the wheeled cauldrons) exhibit the influence of Jebusite and Phoenician ideas. What
    had previously been a Canaanite sanctuary along with its cult, rituals, and myths was
    now in the view of a later writer occupied as his own sanctuary by Yahweh, who
    -
    had not lived in a house since the day - he brought Israel up from Egypt (2 S. 7:6). Previ-
    ously, of course, he had moved about with a tent as his dwelling'place; but his true,
    original dwelling place was the 'arapel ("a constant phenomenon").27
    This notion is confirmed by 2 S. 22:lO (= Ps. 18:10[9]), in the context of a rela-
    tively ancient theophany (or perhaps better epiphany) description (vv. 8-15).28 This
    epiphany is introduced by an earthquake accompanied by smoke, a devouring fire,
    and flames. The deity rides on a cherub,2e flying on the wings of the wind, having
    come down from the heavens, which have "bowed down." During this descent, the
    'orapel was under the deity's feet. Thus the'ordpel indicates the actual appearance of
    God; it is described and paraphrased in terms such as: a canopy of darkness, dark
    water and thick concealing clouds, and hail, lightning, and thunder in which is heard
    "the Most High, his voice" (vv. l2-15). The'ardpel is both manifestation and repre-
    sentation of the hidden God. Of course it is impossible to ignore in this hymn "the al-
    lusions of this description to the Sinai theophany" (Ex. 19),30 but they do not define
    the special character of the'ardpel. In consequence,'ariipel is associated not with the
    (Sinai) theophany (or epiphany) but with the (veiled) manifestation of God wherever
    he appears or reveals his presence.
    We encounter the same idea in Ps.97:2, which celebrates God's kingship in a the-
    ophany (or epiphany) description recalling Ps. 18. Now, however, the "thick darkness"
    is not only under God's feet but "all around him." As accompanying phenomena, the
    psalm again mentions earthquake, fire, lightning, an6 thunder. In other religions
    epopteia ("vision of the deity") often constitutes the solemn high point of the cult;
    here, by contrast, Yahweh manifests himself "as one who is veiled."3l Despite this con-
    cealment, however, righteousness and justice are the foundations of his throne.
    Job 22:13, too, appeals to God's hiddenness: the final discourse of Eliphaz quotes
    Job as asking, "What does God know? Can he judge through the deep darkness?" The
    following verse states that thick clouds enwrap him. Here 'ardpel appears as a massive
    wall behind which God has concealed himself. In contrast toPs.97:2, the cause of hu-
    man justice seems unable to penetrate to God's presence. In Job 38:9 'ardpel sewes
    metaphorically as a "swaddling band" (hapax legomenon) for the sea, in parallel with
    the clouds, which are the sea's "garment." Here'ardpel represents a barrage against the
    power of the sea and a sign of God's power.
    In the prophetic books 'ardpel is primarily a phenomenon accompanying the "day of
    Yahweh," which is described as a day of darkness (hdief;), gloom ('apeW), clouds

    27. Yan den Born, 236.


    28. Kraus, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 260-61.
    29. -->)1'1D kcrfrp.
    30. Kraus, Psalms 1-59,260.
    31. A. Weiser, Psalms. OTL(Eng. trans. 1962),632.
    )21Y -rapel 375

    ('dndn), and finally '"rdpel (Ioel2:2; Z,eph. l:15). ln Zeph. l:14- 15 these descriptions
    of the "day of Yahweh" are preceded by others such as "day of wrath" and "day of dis-
    tress and anguish." Here we see that the word and concept 'arapel has ceased to func-
    tion as a unique and independent element in the manifestation and representation of the
    hidden God in epiphany or theophany, having become allied with other phenomena as-
    sociated with God's power.
    Ezk. 34:12 speaks of a "day of clouds and thick darkness," although here too the
    idea of a "day of Yahweh" hovers in the background.32 We are possibly dealing with fa-
    miliar vocabulary associated with eschatology in popular usage.33 In Jer. 13:6 a
    verse of unusual beauty even for Jeremiah3a
    -
    we again see clearly the outlines of a
    -
    baneful "day of Yahweh." This threat of judgment calls on the people to give glory to
    Yahweh before he brings darkness; they are looking for light, but God sends impene-
    trable gloom (palmdwefi and makes it'ardpel.
    In a description of Zion's future glory, finally, Isa. 60:2 contrasts disaster for the na-
    tions with salvation for Israel: darkness &AfeU will cover the earth and'ardpel the
    peoples, whereas for Zion, Yahweh himself will arise and manifest his glory. Although
    the notion that God vouchsafes his own people "light" (i.e., himself) also appears else-
    where in the OT (e.g., Ex. 10:23),rs only here is it expressed in this unique way, sug-
    gestive of a theophany.

    III. Early Versions and Postbiblical Literature. The LXX translates 'ardpel9
    times with gndphos (Ex. 2O:21;2 S. 22:10 par. Ps. 18:10[9]; 1 K. 8:12 par. 2 Ch. 6: l;
    Isa. 60:2; Ezk.34:12;Ps.97:2; lob 22:13; also Sir. 45:5), 3 times with homtchl€ (Joel
    2:2;Zeph. l:15; Job 38:9), twice withthjella (Dt.4:lL;5:22), and only once with
    skitos (Jer. 13:16; 115 occurrences in the OT). The wordthlella occurs also in Ex.
    10:22, again alongside skitos gn6phos, so that many have voiced the suspicion that in
    this verse ',rdpel should be added to the MT, after the pattern of Dt. 4:l I and 5:22. (In
    the NT the word occurs only once, in Heb. 12:18, which reflects Ex.l9:12,L6,18; Dt.
    4: 1 l.) The other words are less common in the LXX than sk6tos: gn6phos occurs 28

    times, homichl€ only 10 (cf. also 2 Pet. 2:17). The translation of the Vulg. is also not
    uniform. Most often (12 times) we find caligo (Ex. 20:21; Dt. 4:1 l; 5:22; 2 S. 22:10
    par. Ps. 18:10[9]; Isa.60:2; Jer. 13:6; Ezk.34:12;Ps.97:2;lob22:13;38:9:2 Ch.6:l),
    twice turbo (Joel2:2; Zeph. 1:15), and once nebula (1 K. 8:12); nubes is used in Sir.
    45:5. Noteworthy is the difference in translation between I K. 8:12 and its parallel
    2 Ch. 6:1. As noted above, Sir. 45:5 is a parallel to Ex. 20i21.
    The word has not yet been found in the Dead Sea Scrolls, but it does appear in rab-
    binic literature.36
    Mulder

    32. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983),216.


    33. Van den Born, Ezechiel. BOTXI(1954),2O3.
    34. B. Duhm, Das Buch leremia. KHC Xl (1901), 123.
    35. Whybrag Isaiah 4046. NCBC (1975),230.
    36. See the lexicons of Levy and Jastrow, s.v.

    L
    376 f){ 'dras

    Y7\ 'ar"t; ?I{ 'aris; ;lTlYD ma'4rd;6; fl']{ ?r0'r

    I. l.
    Etymology, Meaning; 2. Occurrences, Translations. II. l. Verb; 2. Nouns. IIL Later
    Usage. IV. Theological Significance.

    l. l. Etymology, Meaning. The etymology of Heb. 'arasis unclear. On the one hand,
    we may consider lJgar. 'r4, "the terrible one," an epithet of the god 'Athtar, and possi-
    bly Arab. 'arisa, "be aroused" (with s instead of e); on the other hand, we may consider
    Arab. 'arada, "thrust forward"; Jewish Aram. 'ora', Syr. 'Era', "encounter" (but cf. Syr.
    'r,s, "thrust," with s/), and Egyp. Aran. l'rqh, "toward." With respect to its original
    meaning, the Hebrew formative root belongs to the semantic field of "fear," not "be
    Stfong."l

    2. Occurrences, Translations. With the exception of the ancient hymn fragment Ps.
    89:6-19(Eng. vv. 5-20), in which the root appears in v. 8(7), derivatives of this root ap-
    pear only in later documents, beginning with Isaiah: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Job,
    Psalms; then in Deuteronomy and a Deuteronomistic section of Joshua.
    The extraordinary variety the LXX exhibits in translating the root can be summa-
    rized in three categories: (1) "feaf'Qthobein, ptoein, tardssein, etc.); (2) "be mighty,
    exalted" (andretos, dyndstes, krataios, etc.); (3) "act unjustly" (adikein, katadynas'
    theilein, loim6s, etc.). The Vulg. distinguishes only the first twoi metuere, expavere,
    formidare, etc., vs. robustus, fortis, praevalere, potentiam ostendere, etc. - although
    tyrannus (Job 15:20) andviolentus (Job 27:13) suggest the wickedness of the powerful.

    ll.l. Verb. Verbal forms occur in the qal (11 times), hiphil (3 times), and niphal
    (once). The semantic bipolarity of the qal and hiphil is striking: intransitively and pas-
    sively, forms of both stems mean "feel fear"; transitively and actively, they mean "en-
    gender fear in someone." With respect to the qal, a possible explanation might be that it
    still denotes the originally undifferentiated concept of a sudden jump, which can be
    both the cause and the result of fear (cf. the ambiguity of the Eng. word "terror")' The
    reason for the bipolarity in the hiphil is that it functions either as a causative ([sa. 8:13,
    ma'orts, "who inspires fear") or as a declarative (possibly as a denominative from
    'dfis)z (8:12, ta'Lrtsfr, "you acknowledge to be fear-inducing," i.e', "you fear").
    The Deuteronomistic exhortations to lsrael to be feadess in battle against enemy
    peoples (Dt.l:29;7:21;20:3;31:6; Josh. l:9) use the verb in the qal together with
    forms of the more common roots yr', ltU, and bpZ "fear" The rhetorical peculiarity of
    our words lies in the emphasis it lends to a statement by virtue of its lower frequency.

    1. Contra P. Jotion, Mdlanges de la Facultd Orientale. . . d Beyrouth 5 (1910), 443-45, and


    rabbinic scholars (see III below). ri
    2. See II.2 below.
    ?JY 'aras 377

    On the basis of its etymology and use elsewhere, we can recognize its specific seman-
    tic nuance as denoting faintheartedness manifested in a physical response: "start,
    shrink back."
    In his oath of purgation (Job 31:34), Job avows that he has never shrunk back
    ('e'er6;) from the multitude; elsewhere (13:25) he complains that his enemy wants to
    startle (tu'ards) him like a windblown leaf. In Ps. l0:18 the meaning of the form la'arog
    can be either active or passive: "so that no man on earth may strike terror any more," or
    "so that no man on earth need fear."3
    The qal is used in an active sense in describing the day of Yahweh (lsa.2:19,21):
    Yahweh rises to terify (la'ard,.s) the earth. Here terror is correlated with the appearance
    in majesty of the lord of the universe. As a result of such usage sovereign power
    strikes terror the dominant notion "be powerful, rule" became-associated with the
    word. A taunt- song challenges Babylon to inspire terror (ta'arast) once more with its
    enchantments and sorceries (Isa. 47:12).
    Isa. 8:12-13 capitalizes rhetorically on the bipolarity of the hiphil forms: "Do not
    fear" (ld'1a'aytsit) what the people fear, God says, for it is Yahweh who "instills fear in
    yol" (ma'artscf;cm). lsa. 29:23 bonows the language of this oracle, using ya'arisil in
    parallel with yaqdtifr, "sanctify" a usage that paves the way for a spiritualization of
    -
    the notion of "fear of God" (Ps. 89:8 [7]).
    In the niphal the verb is used in parallel with nbrd', "awesome": Yahweh "is feared"
    (na'ard;) in the council of the holy ones (Ps. 89:8[7]).

    2. Nouns. The noun Tris is a qalltl form (with compensatory lengthening), i.e., an
    intensive form expressing an amplification of the root concept. It means primarily
    someone terrifying, hence powerful and intimidating, a tyrant. It denotes the victorious
    warrior, whom none can despoil of his booty (lsa.49:25, par. to gibb64 "mighty"; also
    inv.24a).The'drtstm are foreign nations, advancing to pillage and slay (Ezk.28:7 arrd
    3l:12 par. to zartm, "strangers"; 32:12 pat to gibbbrtm; 30: I I ). The prophet here calls
    the Babylonian armies waging war against Tlre and Egypt'tuis? giyim, "the most ter-
    rible of the nations." In Isa. 29:5 'dfi;tm (par. to zdfim llQlss, zad.im, "insolent"l) re-
    fers to the enemies besetting Jerusalem.
    In Isa. 25:3,5, the identity of the 'tuisim in this apocalyptic hymn is impossible to
    determine. For the semantic content of the word, the synonyms (zdfim [or zddtmTs in
    vv. 2 and 4i'am-'az "ruthless nation," in v. 3) and antonyms (dal, "poor," and'ePydn,
    "needy," in v. 4) are significant. In a similar context (29:20), we find the synonyms /ds,
    "scoffer," and i6q"8A 'dwen, "ev7ldoers," and ttre antonyms'anawim, "meek," 'elybnA
    'd{dm, "the neediest" (v. 19), and saddiq, "one in the right" (v. 2l).
    Someone who feels threatened within his own community calls his powerful perse-

    3. For the former see NRSV; similarly LXX; Vulg. iuxta Hebraeos,' Rashi; Kraus, Psalms l-
    59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 190. For the latter, Ibn Ezra; B. Duhm, Die Psalmen. KHC Xly (21922),
    33; et al.
    4. BHS.
    5. See BIIS.
    378 119, 'aras

    c;utors'Artstm (ler. 15:21, par. to rdim, "wicked"; Job 6:23,par. to pd4 "enemy"); they
    rise up against him and seek his life (Ps. 54:5[3]; 86:14, par. to zafim or z€dim).6
    Finally, the human tendency to view one's opponents as morally inferior leads to the
    identification of 'tuis with rdld'in transpersonal reflections on human destiny (Ps.
    37:35; Job 15:20; 27:13).
    The word ma'ard;6 (Isa. 10:33) is generally understood in the sense of "violence,"
    although it may be the name of an implement.T Whether 'drfis (Job 30:6) is connected
    with our root remains disputed (possibly: Arab. 'r/, "gully"); if so, the text can be
    Eanslated "[n the dreadful wadis. . . ."

    III. Later Usage. In the Dead Sea Scrolls the verb appea$ only in texts that repli
    cate Deuteronomy (lQM l0:4; 15:8). 1\e'dr?;tm are identified with the "wicked" and
    "scoffers" (lQH 2:10-11), and finally with the "unbelievers who violate the covenant"
    (lQpHab 2:6) and the "fellowship of Belial" (lQH 2:21).
    Rabbinic linguistic tradition posits two basic meanings: "break to pieces" and "be
    stxong."8 In addition, however, it explains and uses the hiphil in the sense of "praise,"
    i.e., "confess God's power."e Note the translations of [sa. 29:23 in the Targ. (ydmrfrn
    taqqtp ) and Vulg. (praedicabunt).t0

    IV. Theological Stgnif,cance. The 'drt;im may gain riches (Prov. l1:16; Job 27:16)
    and strike root like a succulent green tree (Ps. 37:35),1t but they will not endure (Ps.
    37:36; Job 15:20). Their children will starve or perish; their riches will devolve upon
    thejust and innocent (Job27:14-17). For the power ofan individual to tyrannize over
    others involves a blasphemous arrogance (Job l5:20,25) that Yahweh will lay low (Isa.
    I 3: 1 I ). Yahweh alone can redeem from the grasp of an 'drt; (ler. 15:2L), since Yahweh
    stands beside his prot6gd like a "dread warrior" (Jer. 20: 1 l; in this phrase ?r?g refers to
    gibbdr and not directly to Yahweh).l2Israel must not fear hostile powers (Dt. 20:3; Isa.
    8:12), since Yahweh is with Israel. lnstead, lsrael is to fear the power of Yahweh (Isa.
    8: l3), for whoever confesses Yahweh's sovereign power will recognize Yahweh's holi-
    ness'
    Kedar-Kopfstein

    6. See BIIS.
    7. Rashi.
    8. Ibn JanFh, Sefer ha-shorashim (ed. Bacher) (1896), 387; D. Kimchi, Sefer ha-shorashim
    (1847),280.
    9. Pirqe d'Rabbi Eliezer IV, etc.
    10. Cf. Kimchi in loc.
    11. On the text see BI|.S.
    12. Contra GesB, 619.
    lD.1!. 'ereS 379

    'ere{; ilPD mi!fi; 9-1Yl ya$Aa'

    I. Beds in the Ancient Near East and Israel. II. Differentiation and Etymology. III. Hebrew
    OT and Sirach: 1. Sleeping Beds; 2. Sickbed and Bier; 3. Luxury Beds; 4. Adultery and
    Prostitution; 5.25. 17:28. IV. l. Dead Sea Scrolls;2.LY\X.

    I. Beds in the Ancient Near East and Israel. Cuneiform texts distinguish various
    types of "beds."l Gods had their beds in temples.2 Names are given for individual parts
    of bedsteads, accessories, and decorations.3 In the ancient Near East a bed was a piece
    of luxury furniture. Its basic form was a rectangular frame, with cords and transverse
    braces supporting several cushions, as fragments from Ai, Khirbet el-Meshash, and
    Tell en-Nasbeh illustrate. The Assyrian bed with curved head (in the shape of a
    demon)a is attested from the 8th through the 5th century; such beds were presumably
    exported to Palestine and copied there, as clay models from Beer-sheba and Ashdod
    show, as well as a stele from Memphis.s Mittmann argues for a distinctive basic type
    used in the Syro-Palestinian region.6 The model clay bed from tomb 1002 at Lachish
    exhibits two supports of different shape (a distinctive basic form?). The six-foot bronze
    bed from Tell el-Farah South dates from the Persian period.z
    Beds served for sleeping or reclining, as divans or sofas for sitting during feasts and
    orgies (with arms supported by the head and foot), as sickbeds, for love and sex. They
    were also objects of magic.8
    Only kings and wealthy individuals had beds of ivory (Am. 3:12; 6:4), dining
    couches of gold and silver (Est. 1:6), divans, and lounges. The pieces in question were
    probably beds ornamented with ivory or silver and gold. Ordinary individuals slept on

    'ereS. D. Barth6lemn Critique textuelle de l'AT l. OBO 50/l (1982); H. Gese, "Kleine
    Beitrege zum Verstiindnis des Amosbuches," W 12 (1962) 417-38; M. G0rg, "Die 'Siinfte
    Salomos'nach HL 3,9t.: BN 18 (1982) 15-25;C. D. Isbell, Corpus of the Aramaic Incantation
    Bowls. SBLDS 17 (1975); R. Kilian, "Die Totenerweckungen Elias und Elisas
    Motivwanderung?" BZ l0 (1966), 44-56; C. l*vin, Der Sturz der Kdnigin Atalja. SBS - eine
    105
    (1982); H. G. May, 'A Supplementary Note on the Ivory Inlays from Samaria," PEQ 65 (1933)
    88-89; S. Mittmann, 'Amos 3, 12-15 und das Bett der Samarier," ZDPV 92 (1976) 149-67
    W. Rudolph, "Schwierige Amosstellen," Wort und Geschichte. FS K. Elliger AOAT 18 (1973),
    157-62, esp. 157-58; A. Salonen, Die Miibel des Alten Mesopotamien nach sumerisch-
    akkadischen Quellen. AnAcScFen 127 (1963), esp. lO7-73; A. Schmitt, "Die Totenerweckung in
    2 Kdn 4,8-37l' BZ 19 (1975) l-25; H. Weippert, 'Mdbel," 8RL2,228-32.
    l. Salonen, ll0-21.
    2. Clay models, ibid., 16-19.
    3. Ibid., 146-73.
    4. K24l l, il, 19; Mittmann, 155-56.
    5.8RL2,229-30.
    6. Pp. l6ltr
    7. 8RL2,229-30.
    8. Isbell, text 66.3 (p. la6).

    \-
    b 'erei
    -"ty,

    the ground on spreads or rugs, covered with a cloak (Jgs. 4: l8; Ex. 22:26-27). In Meso-
    potamia people slept on matting and straw.
    A bed was a rectangular wood frame with four legs, about three feet wide and six
    feet long, strung with cords that supported a mat or mattress.e It included a panel at the
    foot and a semicircular headboard. The bed was covered with a sheet and pillows or
    cushions, over which a spread (massdld II) was laid. One probably climbed onto ('dh
    'al)abed withthehelpof afootstool(Gen.49:4, miiknb;2K. l:4,6,16,miuA;Ps.
    132:3, 'ere$; cf. Ugar. l'rih y'l.ro

    II. Differentiation and Etymology. Biblical Hebrew uses five terms for sleeping
    furniture; they cannot be differentiated because, in addition to being used in parallel-
    ism, they enter into many syntagmatic forms.
    The most common word, miil<a!. occurs 46 times plus 6 times in the Aramaic sec-
    tions of Daniel. It denotes sleeping accommodations, usually in the form of a mat or
    mattress on which the sleeper lies. The term can also refer to a bier (2 Ch. 16: 14) or
    tomb (Isa. 57:2; Ezk. 32:25).
    The word mittd, "couch, bed," occurs 29 times in the Hebrew OT plus Sir. 48:6; it
    refers to a bed with a wooden frame. It can also refer to a litter (l S. 19:15) or bier (2 S.
    3:31). One Ugaritic text attests to a word pair 'rs paL mtt (cf. I S. 28:231.tt The etymol-
    ogy mittd < *mintA, "place where one stretches out" = "couch" (cf. Ger. Liege),|z is
    analogous to Gk. kltn€ < kltnein.
    There are I I occurrences of 'eref, "bed, couch, divan, sofa," the common Semitic
    term. The root appears in Akk. eriu, "bedl'r3 urlu, "bedroom," and mar(a)iu, "divan,
    couch." Ugar. 7,i (10 occurrences) refers to the bridal bed, and the bed as the locus of
    conception and birth.la In one text a sick man is told to take his bed (and walk); the
    word pair bt par.'r.i is used, as in Ps. 132:3 and Cant. 1:16-17.15
    Within the Aramaic language group, the root occurs in Samaritan, Christian-
    Palestinian, Syriac, and Mandaic. Alongside Jewish Aram. 'arsa', "bed, bier," we also
    frnd'"fisi, "crib, cradle," with frame and trestle. The meaning appears to have undergone
    further development in South Semitic: Arab. 'arifuri, "throne," and'arti, "trellis"; Eth.
    'ani, "bower, tent." Heb. 'erei is feminine (like the Syriac and Mandaic cognates), as the
    pl.'arl61dm (Am. 6:4) shows. A masc. 'rghis attested in 4Q184 5. Usually 'ere.f denotes
    a more luxurious bed with frame, cushions, and the like. Ps. 6:7(Eng. v. 6) and Am. 6:4
    tse'erel and mittd in parallel. As an etymology it is reasonable to postulate a verb ii
    "lie, rest," or (more likely) a connection with Arab. ?,i, "erect a trellis, roof over."
    The noun ydsfra', "couch, bed," occurs 5 times in the OT plus Sir. 3l:19 (= 34:19);

    9. AuS, VII, 187-88.


    10. KTU 1.17, t, 38.
    tt. KTU r.t4,t,29-30.
    12. -r i'lDl nAfi; W. Rudolph, Joel-Amos-Obadjah-Jona. KAT XIIU2 (1971), 159.
    13. AHw, 1,246b: Salonen, ll0, 123ff.; Mittmann, 158, 161.
    14. For the former see KTU 1.17, I, 38; for the latter, 1.17, Il, 41-42.
    15. KTU 1.14, II, 43ff. = lY,2lff.
    V -'t{erei 38r

    4l:22;47:20; it derives from y=s', "spread out a couch" (Isa. 58:5; Ps. 139:8; cf. Arab.
    and OSA wd), as does the noun form ma;;d'(Isa. 28:20).

    III. Hebrew OT and Sirach.


    l. Sleeping Beds.In Ps. 6:7(6) mittd and'eref in parallel refer to the psalmist's bed
    for the night. David's refusal to climb onto his bed ('erei ydsia) expresses his indefati-
    gable search for a dwelling place for Yahweh. Job complains about sleepless nights on
    his couch that pursue him like a persecution mania (Job 7:13); the same therne reap-
    pears in Job 17:13 $A;fia').
    Prcv.26:14 chastises thelazy person who turns over in bed without getting up, who
    is like a door turning on its hinges while otherwise staying in place. Sir. 3l(34):19
    warns gluttons and drunks against soiling the bed.
    A wealthy Shunammite woman provided a sumptuous room for Elisha in a walled up-
    per chamber, with a bed, table, chair, and lamp (2K.4:10); guests would ordinarily spend
    the night on the roof on straw or in a tent. A desperate mother laid her child suffering
    from sunstroke on Elisha's bed (2 K. 4:21,32).In I K. 17:19 (posrDtr), Elijah lays the
    son of a Zarephathite widow on his own bed to perform a magical healing ritual.

    2. Sickbed and Bier A bed is often a sickbed. In I K. I Elijah's oracle of judgment


    against Ahaziah is repeated three times (vv.4,6,16): he will never leave the sickbed
    (miUA), for he must die. In the story of David's flight in I S. 19, Saul gives orders to ex-
    ecute David on his sickbed (v. 15); Michal, however, covers David's flight by placing
    the teraphim in his bed (v. 13). Only after following the urging of his entourage and the
    medium at Endor does Saul sit on her bed (l S. 28:23) and eat his last meal.r6 In the
    context of an individual hymn of thanksgiving, Ps. 4l:.4(3) promises that Yahweh will
    sustain the righteous on their sickbed and heal their infirmities.
    The dying Jacob sits on the head of his mittd (Gen. 47:3 I J), then sits up to bless his
    grandsons (48:2 E); finally, he draws his feet up into his bed and dies (Gen. 49:33).
    When death occurs, the bed (or just the bedding?) serves as a bier, as in the state fu-
    neral for Abner at Hebron (2 S. 3:31). Dt. 3:l I calls the huge tomb of Og, the king of
    Bashan, at Rabbah of the Ammonites an 'ereS barzel, "iron sarcophagus."

    3. Luxury Beds. Kings and wealthy individuals in the northern and southern king-
    doms lay on beds of ivory @ifi6! i€n) in winter and summer palaces, indulging them-
    selves with sofas for dining or lounging (Am. 6:4), a new form of "high civilization"
    (cf. Akk. i$erei iinni in the tribute inventory of Ben Hadad II to Adadnirari III); they
    lay at table, surfeiting with wealth and luxury. T\e mdidl in Am. 3:12 attacks the high
    society of the northern kingdom, who sit on the corner or foot of the couch (mitA) and
    recline on the head (or cushion?) of the bed ('ereg.tt Sir. 48:6 associates this prophetic

    16. See IV.2 below.


    17. On "corner" or "foot" -+ ilND pe'd. For text-critical discussion see H. W. Wolff, Joel and
    Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), 196tr.; Mittmann, 155-56.

    \-
    lD 'eref
    -19_

    criticism of kings and aristocrats with Elijah. Even the bed of Pharaoh offered no pro-
    tection against the plague of frogs (Ex.7:28 J). Ahab lay down on his bed or divan with
    his face to the wall, angered because Naboth refused to sell his vineyard (1 K. 21:4).
    The king's palace had a ha/ar hammittdg a bedroom or a closet for bedding (2K. ll:2
    = 2 Ch.22:ll). In it Jehosheba hid her nephew Joash from Athaliah for six years (or
    else this room was where the princes were executed).I8
    Ishbaal was murdered and beheaded while lying on his couch in his bedchamber
    (2 S, 4:7); similarly, conspirators killed King Joash on his bed, after he had been se-
    verely wounded during the Aramean invasion (2 Ch.24:25).
    The court narrative of Ahasuerus's banquet in the palace garden at Susa proudly
    mentions couches of gold and silver (Est. l:6). On the miy16 where Esther is reclining,
    Haman begs for his life
    - an act the king interprets as an assault and punishes with ex-
    ecution (Est. 7:8). In Cant. 3:7 miyl6 refers to the palanquin or litter of Solomon, a pro-
    cessional device used to carry in the bride. le The lovers in Cant. I : I 6 speak rapturously
    of their couch with green coverlets in a palace of cedar and juniper.

    4. Adultery and Prostiturion. Beds are mentioned in texts dealing with adultery
    and prostitution. In the Blessing of Jacob, Gen. 49:4 (alluded to in I Ch. 5: l) attacks
    Reuben, the son of Leah, for sleeping with Jacob's concubine Bilhah (miikdp par.
    ydsfra). Prov. 7:16 warns against the perfumed bed ('ere{) of a prostitute, possibly a
    worshiper of Astarte. Ezk.23:40-41 (secondary) describes the preparations of the
    apostate prostitutes Oholah and Oholibah: they send for men, bathe, paint their eyes,
    deck themselves with ornaments, arrange their couch, set their table with incense
    and oil.
    Sir. 4l:22 declares the bed gA;fra') of a servant girl taboo; 47:20 blames Solomon's
    polygamy for the division of the kingdom (ydsfra'par. milknfl.

    5. 2 S. 17:28. Textually problematic is 2 S. 17:28. The supplies brought by David's


    faithful vassals following Absalom's putsch include vessels, food, and ff[rD nU]ll,
    "sleeping gear"; the LXX corrects 'ri, > 'Srt, "ten"i the MT has only milkib.2o

    lY. l. Dead A syntagm yc;fr'A 'arii occurs in IQH 9:4, in the context of
    Sea Scrolls.
    a lament (not entirely certain because of a gap in the text). In the long psalm IQS 10,
    the psalmist expresses his desire to extol God always, even when lying in bed (1. 14,
    miikap ydsfra).
    In 4Q184 we have a polemic against prostitution, the way to "the eternal fire" (1. 7);
    there is no place for it among those "who gird themselves with light" (1. 8). The prosti-
    tute's bed is referred to in ll. 5-6 by the terms 'rS, y;w', and mikb.

    18. An interpretation proposed most recently by E. Wiirthwein, Die Bilcher der Kcinige. ATD
    XV2 (1984), in loc.
    19. Gorg,20.
    20. Barth6lemy,282tr.
    )bY 'efel) 383

    2. LXX. The LXX translates mittd (24 times) and 'ereS (9 times) with klinE, "bed,lit-
    ter." In Am. 6:4 stromnii, "carpet, cover," translates 'erei; Am.3:12 reads hierets (origi-
    nally a transcription?).
    In I S. 28:23 mittA is translated diphros, "palanquin"; the translator interpreted the
    bed as Saul's (royal) palanquin, which had been brought along. In Gen.47:31and Am.
    3:12, the LXX reads mittd as matteh, "staff, tribe."
    The LXX usually translates yd;fra' and miil<np with koitd, "couch, marriage bed,"
    once with strdmn6; Sir. 47:20 paraphrases with spdrma to make inoffensive a text felt
    to be obscene. In Am. 3:12 Aquila uses knibbatos for'eref.
    Angerstorfer

    )VY.'eseU

    L 1. Semantics; 2. Semitic; 3. OT Occurrences; 4. LXX. II. OT Usage: 1. Fertility; 2. Food;


    3. Destruction; 4. Transience.

    L l. Semantics. The noun'€Se! is a collective term for all grassesl and plants that
    sprout (pAraft, Ps. 92:8[Eng. v. 7]; ;dmal4 Gen. 2:5) in the rainy season but wither
    OAbef, Ps. 102:12[l]; cf. v. 5ta]) in summer. Other terms reflect their bright green
    color (+ lar yereq) or luxuriant growth (+ NUI de{e'). We therefore find the apposi-
    tions dele' 'e{e! (Gen. l:ll,l2) and yereq '€Seb (Gen. 1:30; 9:3) (cf . yereq de{e' inPs.
    37:2) and parallelisms with dele' (Dt. 32:2) and with yereq dele' (2 K. 19:26 = lsa.
    37:27).8x.9:25 uses ?-,fe| collectively for low vegetation in contrast to b, "trees," or
    woody plants (cf. also Ex. 10:15).

    2. Semitic. The noun appears in most Semitic languages, with some variation of the
    sibilant: Ah,k. ilbabtu, "grass or the like"; Biblical Aram.'i$d'; Jewish Aram.'i$/sbd';
    Syr.'dsbd'; Palmyr. b[y]'(abs. pl.).2 Arab. 'u.fb means "fresh, green, juicy, soft, or ten-
    der herbs or herbage"; secondarily it means "pasturg."3 For OSA 'Sbn (sg.?) and'lbt
    (pl.?), Biella gives the meaning "fodder" or "offspring (?)"; for the latter, Beeston of-
    fers "pastureland."4
    No verbal root 'fD is attested in Hebrew or the various Aramaic dialects, and so the
    lexeme in Semitic is unlikely to be deverbative. Delitzsch proposed deriving it from

    'eSe!. A. E. Riithy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile (1942),29-37.

    l. -r ']tlll hasir.
    2.OnAkkadian seeAHw,l,393a; R.C.Thompson,ADictiornryof AssyrianBotany (1949),
    15ff. On Palmyrene see DNSI, II, 890; C/S, II, 3913;lI,123.
    3. Lane, U5,2050; Wehr, 614.
    4. Biella, 386; Beeston,2l.

    L
    )VY.'efieb

    Akk. eiEbu, "sprout," but the verbal meanings of Akk. elEbu (D), "plant (a park) with
    many plants," and Arab. 'aiiba, "be grassy, grass-covered," are clearly denominative.s

    3. OT Occunences.The lexeme occurs 33 times in the OT, primarily in poetic texts;


    except for the unique fem. pl. form'if'b6! in Prov. 27:5, it is always a collective singu-
    lar. Only once does it occur with a suffix: 'elbdm,lsa. 42:15. Biblical Aram. ifbd'oc-
    curs 4 times in the book of Daniel (4:22,29,30[25,32,331;5:21).

    4.lXX. The LXX translates 'eie! 25 times with ch6rtos, in Exodus (5 times) and
    Znc. l0:l with botdn€, and once each with chortdsmata (Dt. 11:15), chldrdn (Dt.
    29:22), dgrdstis (Mic. 5:6), chl6d (Ps. lM:14), ard pambdtanon (Job 5:25).

    II. OT Usage.
    l. Fertility. Since 'die!refers specifically to plants dependent on rain, their growth
    and death are totally contingent on precipitation. Until there was rain on the earth, ac-
    cording to the creation account ofJ, no "herb ofthe freld" ('dSe! halfiddeh) could grow
    (Gen. 2:5). The opening of the Song of Moses (Dt. 32:2) compares the invigorating ef-
    fect of wisdom teaching to the refreshing drops of rain that promote the growth of grass
    and young plants. A similar metaphor most likely lies behind Mic. 5:6 (probably
    postexilic), where the dew and showers that moisten the grass symbolize the blessing
    vouchsafed to the nations by Yahweh through lsrael. According to Prov. 19:12, the fa-
    vor a king shows his subjects is like dew on the grass. The luxuriant growth of plants
    during the rainy season symbolizes fertility and vitality. According to Ps.72:16 (a
    royal psalm), people blossom Oapi;fr) like the grass in spring under the rule of the ideal
    sovereign.6 (Instead of the textually difficult mir the correct reading may be 'myr[w],
    reversing the order of the initial consonants: "may [his] sheaves blossom" like the
    grass of the field; the comparison would then refer to abundance of grain mentioned
    previously in this verse.)7 Job 5:25 also uses 'ESe! as a symbol of fertility: Eliphaz says
    that the offspring of those who submit to God's discipline are like the grass of the field.
    Ps. 92:8(7) (a hymn tending toward a 'Judgment doxology") says of the wicked and
    evildoers that, though they sprout and flourish like grass, they are ultimately doomed to
    destruction.

    2. Food. The OT also uses 'ESeb inthe sense of food for human beings and animals.
    A distinction must be made between cultivated plants (primarily grain) and wild plants,
    or between crops grown from seed and pasturage.
    In P's creation account (Gen. 1:29-30),'Eieb is a blessing provided by God. In J's
    story of Eden, however, it is lent negative overtones by the curse pronounced by
    Yahweh. By means of 3:18b, an interpolator has emphasized the agricultural labor re-

    5. Cf. F. Delitzsch, Prclegomena eines neuen hebriiisch-aramiiischen Wiirterbuch zum AT


    (1886), 87; AHw,1,253b; Wehr, 614.
    6. Subject "people" supplied; cf. NRSV. See also AuS,1,333.
    7. BHS and Kraus, Psalms 64150 (Eng. trans. 1989),76.
    )Vl'ateb

    quired to cultivate the plants of the field ('eieb haiiadeft), an inferior diet imposed as a
    punishment in place of the delicious fruit provided by the trees in the garden of Eden
    (2:16; cf . the different usage in 2:5, where it contrasts with Siah haifla{eh). According
    to P's creation account, humans and animals were totally vegetarian from the begin-
    ning, an expression of their peaceful way of life, which will return at the eschaton (Isa.
    ll:6-7; 65:25; Hos. 2:20[18]). When P allots food to humans, the use of the
    paronomastic attribute zdrea' zera' to qualify 'd$ep in Gen. l:29 probably refers not to
    propagation by seed but to the nutritional value of the seeds produced by grasses and
    other plants (grains and legumes). All these plants, which the earth brings forth in
    abundance (the connotation of 'efie!) at God's command, are available for human use,
    whereas in the case of the animals P emphasizes green plants $tereq 'eie!, l:30). Only
    after the deluge does P permit the eating of meat (9:3), as a concession to sin; but again
    all "green plants" (yereq'dSe!; oddly here; cf. their allotment to animals in 1:30) are
    designated as human food.
    In Ps. 104, a creation psalm, v. 14 calls attention to the fact that God causes the grass
    (ha;tr) to grow for the cattle and '€fe! *for people to cultivate"; cultivated plants
    grown from seed in contrast to wild plants, especially as the mention of lehem im-
    mediately afterward shows grain. -
    Only Yahweh, the creator- and ruler of the forces of nature, can send rain at the right
    time; it is therefore ultimately Yahweh who gives human beings their bread and the
    field its vegetation (Z,ec. lO:l).lf ldhem should be emended here to leftem,a then the
    words 'e-fe! baSfidSeh that follow refer by contrast to animal food. This prepositional
    phrase appears with the same meaning in Dt. I l:15, a similar context, where as food
    for livestock (lib"hemekn) it contrasts with the grain, wine, and oil that v. 14 names as
    the basic human foods.
    Pejorative overtones of 'Eiep as "animal fodder" may be the point of Ps. 106:20 (an
    historical psalm): Israel is accused of exchanging the glory of God for the image of an
    ox (.i6r; used only here with reference to the golden calfl that eats grass. The lexeme
    also has this connotation in Dnl. 4:22,29,30(25,32,33);5:21: to punish his pride, King
    Nebuchadnezzar is driven from human society and is made to eat "grass like oxen"
    (Aram. 'iSbd' kc!6fin); this bestial way of life is intended to express his profound hu-
    miliation.
    The pl. 'iSS'bAL which occurs only in Prov.27:25, probably refers to the wild medic-
    inal herbs and other useful plants gathered on the mountains in the spring (or wild
    plants used as cattle fodder).e

    3. Destruction. Hail and locusts were feared plagues that could damage or even de-
    stroy vital agricultural crops. In the seventh plague of Egypt (a combination of J and
    P), hail strikes down "all the plants of the field" (lcol-'eieb haiSd/eh, as in Gen. 2:5 Ul;
    cf. Gen.3:18b; Ex. 10:l5b), distinguished iav.25 from the "trees of the field" (?-s

    8. AHS; K. Elliger, Das Buch der zwiilf kleinen Propheten. ATD 25 (61967), 154.
    9. AuS,1,326,335.
    JIDY 'efieb

    haifiA-deh).In the next plague, what the hail left standing falls victim to locusts, which
    devour "every plant in the land" (kol-'eie! hd'dre;, Ex. l0:l2,l5a; the genitive con-
    struction is divergent, as are the contrasting leol-pert hd'Es and kol-yereq ba'e; in
    v. 15a,b). Ps. 105:35 looks back on this plague; here too 'ESe! appears with 'eres, this
    timewithapreposition. InAmos'svisionof aplagueof locusts (Am,1:l-2),too,these
    voracious insects destroy the late sowing (leqel), the green of the land ('efu! hA'dre;).
    No less catastrophic was drought, when there was no rain (Jer. 14:4) and "all the
    green of the field" withered (12:4; probably the correct reading [cf. Gen. 2:5], with
    LXX pds ho ch6rtos nrt agroi rather than MT 'efle! kol-haiSdQeh), so that the wild an-
    imals languished for lack of grass ('6n-'dfu!, Jer. 14:6).
    Deutero-Isaiah's prophecy of deliverance and return from Babylon (Isa. 42:14-17)
    illustrates Yahweh's unexpected intervention, which stands the situation on its head, by
    describing him as laying waste mountains and hills and drying up "all their herbage"
    (v. 15), an image of the fate awaiting the still strong and vigorous enemies of Israel. Is-
    rael, too, is threatened with radical devastation of the land if it transgresses the cove-
    nant: the curse in Dt.29:22(23) speaks of sulfur and salt covering the land so that it
    cannot support any vegetation (lcol-'€ieb; LXX pdn chldr6n).

    4. Transience. In the natural course of events, however, the greenery that sprouts so
    luxuriantly in the spring withers and perishes in the heat and drought of summer, sym-
    bolizing the mortality of transient human beings. The same symbolism is found with
    +'1!311 hd;tr and r f'I ,rig (Ps. 37:2;90:5-6; 103:15-16; Isa.40:6,8;51:12; Job
    l4:2).
    In Ps. 102:5(4) the psalmist, seriously ill, feels like grass "stricken" (hfrkhd; cf.Ps.
    12l:6;Isa. 49:lO; Jon. 4:8) by the sun and withered (wayyilai; possibly a gloss) an
    -
    image that reappears in v. 12(11), which laments the transience of life. The inhabitants
    of the cities destroyed by Sennacherib are likened in their prostrate impotence (2 K.
    19:26 =lsa.37:27) to the plants of the field, the tender vegetation, and the grass on the
    housetops, brought to a violent end by the east wind (reading qdym with lQIs" for MT
    qdmd), which blows with scorching heat in April and May.to
    Maiberger

    l0.AuS, U2,323-26.
    :,.vv'asa 387

    ;19Y 'asd;;tV\D ma-seh

    I. 1. Etymology;2. Homonymous Roots;3. Occurrences. IL QaI: l. Make;2. Idols; 3. Create;


    4. Produce; 5. God as Subject; 6. Abstract Objects; 7. Do Good and Evil; 8. Carry Out; 9. Act;
    10. With /'; ll.Yahweh's Acts in History; 12. Locutions. III. Niphal. lY. ma'aieh: l. Work;
    2. Deed. V. 1. LXX; 2. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l.l. Etymology. Ugar. 3y appears to have the same double meaning as Heb. ?.fd.'
    "do, make." Occurrences include: grl d'iy lnh, "he drives away whoever wants to do
    something to him"; l 'i bt bqrb hlkh, "constraction worker in his palace" i2 id 'iy, "culti-
    vated field";3 yn'iy, "prepared wine"4 (cf. I S. 25:8; another interpretation is "pressed
    wine," reflecting Middle Heb. 3lr, "press"; see I.2.a below).
    In Phoenician the root appears to occur only in personal names.s In the Mesha in-
    scription, however, there are 5 occurrences, all with the meaning "make": a bdmA, a
    cistern, a wall, a cistern, a road.6 The Lachish Letters also contain several occurrences,
    as do the letters from Arad.7 In Old South Arabic a verb 'sy (with s, not O is found with
    the meaning "make, build, acquire, buy, offer (sacrifice)."8 Aramaic uses ?4 Akkadian
    epElu.

    2. Homonymous Roots. a. A verb 'dSAII, "squeeze, press," is used in Ezk. 23:3,8,21


    (piel; obj.: breasts). It is found also in Middle Hebrew (g€y mc'uSleh, "forced bill of di-
    vorce") and Jewish Aramaic (pael = "squeeze, knead"). Some scholars connect this
    root with Ugar. yn 3y, "pressed wine" (but see I.1 above). Dahood registers the pual
    'uffAfi in Ps. 139:15 here: "I was pinched off" but derivation from'dSA I ("I was

    'A$. H. J. Boecker, Redeformen des Rechtslebens im AT. WMANT 14 1z197Dr' D. Edelman,


    "Saul's Rescue of Jabesh-Gilead (l Sam ll,l-ll)," 7AW96 (1984) 195-209; D. R. Hillers,
    Treaty-Curses and the OT Prophets. BietOr l6 (1964); M. R. Lrhmann, "Biblical Oaths]' ZAW
    8l (1969) 74-92, esp.80-82; H. D. heuss, Verspottung fremder Religionen im AT. BWANT 12
    (1971); G. von Rad, "Das Werk Jahwes," Studia Biblica et Semitica. FS T. C. Viezen (1966),
    290-98; M. Reisel, "The Relation Between the Creative Function of the Verbs N']f
    -'1I' -
    ;liry in Is 43,7 and 45,7l' Verkcnningen in een stoorngebied (1975),65-79; W. Schottroff, Der
    althebrdische Fluchspruch. WMANT30 (1969); E. Sjiiberg, "Neuschtiptung in den Toten-Meer-
    Rollen," Sf 9 (1955) 13l-36; idem, "Wiedergeburt und Neusch0pfung im paliistinischen
    Judentum," Sf 4 ( 1950) 44-85; J. Vollmer, '"ilbV 'Sh to make, dol' TLOT, ll, 944-51 .
    l. KTU 1.17,1,29,47;lI,19. Cf. L. Delekat, UF 4 (1972) 23; M. Dijkstra and J. C. de Moor,
    UF 7 (1975) 176-77; but IYU$ no. 2109: "disturb," Akk. e.la.
    2. KTU 1.4,y, 14,30,37;WUS, no.2l13. KTUreads'/btinstead of ',YDt.
    3. KTU 4.282,7, 10, 14; cf. Dijkstra and de Moor, UF 7 (1975) 177.
    4. KTU 1.17, VI,8.
    5. Benz, 385.
    6. KAr, 181.3, 9, 23, 24, 26.
    T.ForLachishseeKA/194.3;196.9,11;197.8; l98.l.ForArad,KAI,l.8;5.6:21.3;40.15.
    8. Biella, 374-75.
    nvYara

    made"; pual as pass. of the qal) is equally possible.e The Arabic verb gJy, "press," ap-
    pears not to exist.lo
    b. The verb 'did III is associated with Arab. (aiiya, "cover, veil." Driver finds it in
    Ezk.l7:17 ("Pharaoh with his mighty army and great company will not protect him in
    war"), but derivation from 'did I is nevertheless possible ("treat punitively").1 I In Prov.
    13:16 kol-'arfim ya'"ieh b'Qa'al might be translated "the clever conceal their knowl-
    edge" (cf. 12:23,'dQdm'arhm kdseh dd'at),l2 but "act with knowledge" (cf. NRSV "do
    all things with intelligence") is equally possible. This root might also occur in Isa.
    59:6a (la'yilknssA bemq'aflAhem), 13 but v.6b supports the usual meaning "work."
    Reider finds a ma'"ieh meaning "cloud" in Ps. 104:13.1a
    c. Some texts where the verb might mean "turn toward" are listed by FIAZ under
    'diAIV (cf. Arab. ?.ia- with the same meaning).ts This root is suggested in the follow-
    ing texts. In I S. 14:32 the meaning would be "the troops turned to the spoil" (or read
    wayya'at [from 'yI], "rushed at"; Reider suggests Arab. sa'a, "run";.t6 In 1 K. 20:40
    "your servant turned this way and that" makes sense,lT but "was busy here and there"
    remains possible. Ruth 2: 19 can easily be translated, "Where have you been working?"
    Driver suggests, "If he turns to the north, I cannot see him" in Job 23:9 (cf. NRSY "I
    turn to the right . . ."); another interpretation is, "[If I go] to the north, I do not see his
    works."l8 Driver also cites Isa. 5:4, where the usual meaning "yield" is preferable, as
    well as Prov. 6:32, where "commit, do" makes good sense.lg

    3. Occurrences. Etymological uncertainty makes it impossible to state the number


    of occurrences precisely. IIAL lists 2,527 occunences of the qal and 99 of the niphal;
    there is one possible occurrence of the pual (see I.2.a above). According to HAL, the
    noun ma'aieh, "work," occurs 220 times.zo

    II. Qal. Like Gk. poiein andLat.facere,'diA combines the two meanings "do" and
    "make." Both meanings appear in a wide range of finer nuances. Here we can point out
    only some of the most important.

    9. M. Dahood, Psalms III: l0l-150. AB 17 A (1970),294.


    10. cited by HAL, II, 890, 892. Ct. Lane, I, 2261-62.
    ll. G. R. Driver, Bibl 35 (1954) 153. Cf. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),
    357.
    12.l.Eitan, A Contribution to Biblical l*xicography (1924),57-58; Driver, W 4 (1954) 243.
    13.I. Eitan, HUCA l2ll3 (1937138) 83.
    14.W4(1954)284.
    15. Kopf, W9 (t959)270.
    16. HUCA 24 (1952t53\ 8s.
    17. Cf . J. Ban, Comparative Philology and the Tbxt of the Of 0968),246.
    18. See, respectively, G. R. Driver, "Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets," FS T. H. Robin-
    soz (1950),54; EU.
    19. Driver, "Difhcult Words," 54. Cf. Kopf, 270.
    20. HAL,II, 616; Vollmer (TLOT,11,945) lists 235.
    rw'dfi
    l. Make. There are numerous instances of the meaning "make." God makes gar-
    ments for Adam and Eve after the fall (Gen. 3:21); people make implements of war
    (1 S. 8:12); Noah makes the ark (Gen. 6:14-16; 8:6); Abraham "makes" (i.e., builds) an
    altar (13:4; cf. 35:1,3; 8x.20:24-25) and asks Sarah to make cakes (Gen. 18:6); Jacob
    and Laban make a heap of stones (gal, 3l:46); Jacob makes booths for his cattle
    (33:17). The Israelites are to make a miqddi for Yahweh (Ex. 25:8); the text goes on to
    state in detail how the tabernacle and all its appurtenances are to be made (vv. 10ff.)
    and then describes the actual construction (Ex. 36-39). A potter makes a vessel (Jer.
    18:3-4) here 'a-,fd becomes a catchword: just as the potter "makes" his vessel as
    -
    seems good to him, so Yahweh can "do with" ('dSA 1", v.6) his people. Jonah makes a
    booth (Jon. 4:5); Zechaiah makes a golden crown for the high priest Joshua (Zec.
    6: I I ); the bridegroom makes golden chains for the bride (Cant. 1:l I ); Solomon makes
    a palanquin (Cant.3:9-10); Haman makes a gallows (Est.5:14; cf.7:9). A garden is
    "made" (planted, Am. 9:14); books are "made" (written, EccL l2:12).zt A b"r€ki
    'aiuyh is an artificial pool (Neh. 3:16). People "hold" a feast (miiteh, Gen. l9:3; 21:8;
    26:30;29:22;40:20:' Jgs. 14:10; 2 5.3:20; I K. 3:15; Isa. 25:6 lYahweh's messianic
    banquetl; Job I :4; Est. I :3,5; 2: l8; only or;,ce nalan, Ezn 3:7). A sacrifice is "prepared"
    (l K. 18:23,25); in an extended sense, 'd,fd comes to mean "offer" (like AY,k. niqA
    epeiuzz): itisusedwith'6M(l-ev.9:7,22; Nu.6:16;29:2;Dt.12:27;Igs.l3:16; I K.
    8:64; 2 K. 5 : I 7; 10:24-25; Ezk. 43:27 ; 45:17 ; 46:2,12; Ezr. 3:4-5; 2 Ch. 7 :7 ; elsewhere
    he'"Id, hiqri!, idbai,minl.t6(Nu.6:17;28:31; I K.8:64; Ezk.45:17;46:15), and
    'iSSdrOn, "tithe" ("offer," Nu. 28:2I).

    2. Idols. Especially significant in this respect are texts that speak of making idols.
    The Decalogue forbids making a pesel or a temttnA to worship (Ex. 2O:4; Dt. 5:8, with
    textual variants). Dt. 4: l5-16 grounds this prohibition in the fact that the people saw no
    form at Horeb (here the expression is pesel fmfina1 kol-sdmel). The OT nevertheless
    includes several accounts that describe the making of such images by the Israelites.
    Shortly after the establishment of the covenant, the Israelites made the golden calf
    ('€gel mass€Sk, Ex. 32:4,8; cf. v. 35). Jgs. 17:4-5 describes how Micah has a silver-
    smith make idols (pesel fimass€ki); v. 5 speaks of his making an ephod and terdpim as
    well. In 18:24 Micah accuses the Danites: "You have taken the gods that I made." The
    choice of words characterizes the "gods" as the work of human hands.23 The prophet
    Ahijah censures Jeroboam for making "other gods" (referring to the bull images at
    Bethel and Dan); these are further described as "cast images" (massdftd), "provoking
    me [God] to anger (/<'s hiphil)" (l K. l4:9). By his action the king has "done evil"
    (h€ra' la4fbt) and scorned Yahweh. Similar is 2 K. 17:29: "Every nation [settled in Sa-
    marial made gods of its own." Amos speaks of k6kab 'ebhAf,em (an astral deity?) and
    "your images (selem), which you made for yourselves" (Am. 5:26). Hosea grieves that

    21. See P. A. H. de Boer, A Tribute to A. Vddbus (1977), 85-88.


    22. AHw, l,225b,5e.
    23. Preuss, 65.
    ilvYdia

    the people of the northern kingdom have made '";abbim of silver and gold (Hos. 8:4),
    as well as a cast image (massefrn) of silver and 'osabblm, which are nothing but the
    work of artisans (ma'"iEh l.taraitm). All these instances involve an element of arbitrary
    self-assertion. Hab. 2:18 asks sarcastically: "How can an idol maker trust in what has
    been made, though they are only idols ("ltlim) that cannot speak?" In similar contexts,
    Ezekiel uses the word;elem: "From their beautiful ornaments they made abominable
    images (;alm€ !6'ab6!dm), their detestable things (iiqqfr,g)" (Ezk. 7:201' cf. also 16:17:
    using God's gifts to make idols is outrageous).
    That these idols are nothing more than the work of human hands is underlined by
    the numerous texts that call them (with some variation) ma'oSeh ydSayim (Isa. 2:8:
    "They bow down [hiltafiawd] to the work of their hands, which their own fingers have
    made l'dfd)"; cf. also Jer. 1:16; Mic. 5:12). In Hezekiah's prayer in Isa. 37:14-20, the
    king says that the kings of Assyria have destroyed the gods of the nations, "though they
    were no gods, but the work of human hands, wood and stone" (v. 19). Especially im-
    pressive is the criticism in Jer. l0: "Their idolza is but wood, a tree cut from the forest,
    worked with an ax by the hands of an artisan" (v. 3); "they are beaten silver . . . and
    gold, . . . the work of the artisan (l.tArAl) and the goldsmith (;drdp), . . . the product of
    skilled workers (hal<nmim)" (v. 9); "they are worthless (helel), a work of delusion
    (ma'aSEhta'tuim)" (v. 15;cf.5I:I8).TWoverysimilarpassagesinthePsalms(I15:3-8
    and 135:6,15-18) expand on this idea: Yahweh can "do" whatever he pleases, whereas
    idols ('";abbim) are only silver and gold, the work of human hands (l l5:4; 135:15);
    they cannot speak, see, hear, smell, or move. "Those who make them('dfthem) arelike
    them" (ll5:8; 135:18).

    3. Create. "Making" takes on theological significance when Yahweh is the agent.


    Most of these texts refer to the creation of the world. In all periods, in fact, 'A^fd was the
    commonest verb for "create"; it was not supplanted by the use of bdrd'in the P sections
    of Gen. 1-5, Deutero-Isaiah, and Trito-Isaiah. P's creation account uses Z,fd 8 times,
    bdrd'only 5. Whether a subtle theological distinction is involved or the text is a revi-
    sion of an original 'ai6 accowt may remain an open question.25 It is noteworthy that
    God says "Let us makc humankind" (Gen. l:26) but then creates them (1:27: 3 times
    bdrd). Thus 3 of the 6 occurrences of bara' refer to the creation of humankind; a fourth
    appears in the combination bdrd' lav361(2:3). Gen. 6:6 has 'aiA, bul v. 7 bdrd'.
    Deutero-Isaiah equates ya tatr bArA', and 'did (Isa. 45:l).20 God makes the earth and the
    heavens (Gen.2:4 Ul;contrast l:l [P]; also 2 K. 19:15 par.Isa. 37:16, when Hezekiah
    invokes God in his prayer, and in Jeremiah's prayer after purchasing a field Uer.
    32:l7l). God will also make a new heaven and a new earth (Isa. 66:22; contrast 64:17
    with bdrd).
    In the Psalms we find the formulaic divine epithet'dfieh idmayim wA'Are{: I 15: 15

    24. On the text see the comms.


    25. + X'1) bara'.
    26. See Reisel.
    lw'dsa 391

    (with the commentary in v. 16 that the heavens are Yahweh's heaven, whereas the earth
    he has given to human beings); l2l.,2 (the mighty helper); 124:8 ("our help"); 134:3
    (bestower of blessings from Zion); 146:6 (expanded: ". . . the sea, and all that is in
    them"; helper). Gen. 14:19 preserves an earlier formula: qOnEh ldmayim wd'dres.21
    Deutero-Isaiah includes the universal statement: "I am Yahweh, maker of all things"
    (Isa. M:24). Expanding on these words,45:7 says: "Former OA;er) of light and creator
    @6re') of darkness, maker ('aSeh) of weal and creator (bdre') of woe" i11 ss111, "l 31n
    -
    Yahweh, doer of all these things ('d.fEh kol-'eUeh): Wildberger rightly calls this verse
    "the most radical renunciation of dualism known to the Bible."28 Individually, Yahweh
    made the stars (Ps. 104:19; 136:7-9), the sea (Ps.95:5), the sea and the dry land (Jon.
    l:9), as well as humankind (Isa. l7:7: "people will regard their Maker"; Job 4:17: "Can
    a man be pure before his Maker?") or the earth with its people and animals (Jet 27:5:
    "By my great power . . . and I give it to whomever I please"). God made the poor, and
    those who oppress the poor insult their Maker (Prov. l4:31; l7:5). God made the rich
    and the poor, and therefore they live side by side (Prov. 22:2). lob 4L:25(33) appears to
    say that the crocodile was "made without fear" ("wholly inrepid").2e Job twice calls
    God "my maker" (32:22,'diEn?; 35:10,'dflay; cf. also 'aS€hfr inlsa.27:l l). PNs such
    as'aldh'dl, %!ayd@), and'el'dfid bear witness to the same notion of creation.3o

    4. Produce. More generally, 'dfid can mean "produce, yield": fruit trees yield fruit
    (Gen. l:ll-12 Jer. l2:2; l7:8; Ps. 107:37; Hos.9:16), vines yield grapes (Isa.5:2),
    fields yield food (Hab. 3: 17 fail to do so; cf . qemal.t in Hos.
    - or rather in this case they
    8:7); cows and sheep produce milk (Isa. 'l:22).Trees put forth branches (Job l4:9; Ezk.
    17:8,23); the prosperous wicked put on fat (Job 15:27).Isa. 19:15 is difhcult: the im-
    port of the verse clearly is that Egypt will be able to accomplish nothing (lit. "no work"
    [ma'"Seh]).
    With an abstract object, 'did often has the meaning "perform": wonders (m6p€7 Ex.
    I 10), signs ('6l, Ex. 4: 17,30; Nu. 14: I 1,22), signs and wonders (Dt. 34: 1 I ; elsewhere
    1:
    often with nalan or,fim), "signs and deeds" ('0!0! . . . rna'afieh, Dt. l1:3).
    When the object is + )tn l.tayil, the meaning of 'dSA is determined by the meaning
    of hayil in the passage in question. tn military contexts 'dfid l.tayil means "do great
    deeds," i.e., win a victory (Nu. 24:18; I S. 14:48). Ps. 60:14(12) says: "With God we
    shall do great deeds; it is he who treads down our foes"; according to Ps. I18:16, the
    right hand of Yahweh is exalted and effects lryil.
    lt is equally clear, on the other hand, that Dt. 8:17-18 deals with the acquisition of
    wealth, which comes not though one's own efforts but with God's help. Ezk. 28:4 says
    that Tlre amassed great wealth. Ruth 4: I I is ambiguous .Here'dSA ltayil parallels qdrd'
    l€m.T\e former can mean "acquire wealth" (RSV "prosper"), the latter either "gain re-
    spect" (RSV "be renowned") or "bestow a name." Labuschagne interprets ltayil as "po'

    27. -s itll qand.


    28. Beitriige zur alttestamcntliche Theologie. FS W Zimmcrli (1977),524.
    29. G. Hdlscher, Das Buch Hiob. HAT Ul7 (1937), in loc.
    30. Noth, IPN,l72.
    l'Wy'dSA

    tency, fertility" (NRSV "produce children"); this fits the context, which speaks of nu-
    merous descendants, but is linguistically improbable despite Job 2l:7 and Joel 2:22.3r
    The reference is possibly to the power that having a large family bestows.32 Prov. 3l:29
    is also not entirely clear; it is usually translated, "Daughters (= women) have done ex-
    cellently," but the reference may be to acquiring wealth.
    We find 'did in the sense of "acquire" with l<nbdd, "wealth" (Gen. 3 I : 1), nepei, "liv-
    ing beings," i.e., people, slaves (Gen. 12:5), male and female singers (Eccl. 2:8), chari-
    ots and horsemen (1 K. l:5), miqneh weqinyan, "cattle and goods" (Ezk. 38:12), and
    pe'ulla1 ief;e4 "reward" (Prov. I 1:18, what one gains through wickedness or righteous-
    ness).
    Wealth makes itself wings and flies away (Prov. 23:5); God draws a laugh from Sa-
    rah (scl.tdq, with an allusion to yishdq; Gen. 2l:6); Israel brings its present fate (zd'!)
    upon itself by its apostasy (Jer. 2:L7; cf. 4:18, 'elleh). "Make a name for oneself'
    means "become famous" (Gen. l1:4; Isa. 63:12;ler.32:20; Dnl.9:15; Neh.9:10;even
    of God: Isa. 63:14).
    In addition, 'a.fd means "celebrate" or "observe" a festival or ritual": pesah (Ex.
    l2:48; Nu. 9:2,4-6,10,13-14; Dt. 16:l; Josh. S:LO;2K.23:21;Ezr.6:19;2 Ch. 30:1-
    2,5;35:1,16-17), hag (8x.34:22; Dt. l6:10; I K. 8:65; 12:32-33;Ezr.3:4;6:22;Neh.
    8:18; 2 Ch. 7:8-9; 3O:13,21;35:17), the sabbath (Ex. 3l:16; Dt. 5:15). One keeps a vow
    (Jer. 44:25), observes a time of mourning ('Ebel, Gen. 50: 10; Ezk. 24:L7; mispE/, Jer.
    6:26: Mic. 1:8;.rr

    5. God as Subject. Frequently 'aidrefers to something God brings to pass in his


    governance of the world. His doing is characterized by abstract objects describing the
    nature of his actions. He does great things (9"86161: Ps. 71:19 ("Who is like you?");
    106:21(in Egypt) cf. higdtl la*i61, Joel2:20;Ps.126:2-3. He does wonders
    or nipld'61:8x.3:20;- Isa. 25:1; Ps.72:18;77:15(14);78:4,12;86:10; 98:1; 105:5Qtele'
    (cf.
    also Dt. ll:3-4: "signs and deeds";.:+ The usual verb with -r ID'ID mbpElis ndlan, but
    in Ex. l1:10 and Dt. 34: ll, at Yahweh's command, Moses performs ('diA) wonders.
    God does nbrd'61(Isa. 64:2[3]). God works ;e/dq61: Ps. 103:6 in this context, prob-
    -
    ably "victories." Ezekiel in particular speaks of Yahweh as executing iepdltm,'Judg-
    ments": Ezk. 5:10,15l' ll:9;25:ll:'28:22,26;30:14,19; cf. also Ex. 12:12:' Nu. 33:4. Is-
    rael's enemies execute God's judgment: Ezk. 16:41; 2 Ch. 24:24. Yahweh also
    executes vengeance (ndqdm, neqamd): Jgs. ll:36; Ezk.25:17 (here together with
    ndlan, as in v. 14; cf.'aidbinqdmi in v. l5); Mic.5:14(15); Ps. 149:7 (along with
    t6kCb6!, "punishments"). He can make a full end &Ald): Isa. 10:23; Jer. 30:l l; 46:28
    (tothenations,butnottolsrael);Ezk. ll:13;Nah.1:8-9;Zeph.1:18;herefrainsocca-
    sionally: Jer. 4:27;5:18. Here the emphasis is on the object that defines the nature of
    Yahweh's act.

    31. C. Labuschagne, T.AW 79 (1967) 364-67.


    32. Cf. Parker, JBL95 (1976) 23 n. l.
    33. See II.l above on sacrifice.
    34. -+ x)o p/'.
    I've,'ara 393

    6. Abstract Objects. As objects we also find nouns that denote a kind of behavior.
    Thus ?.fd ;"dQqd frmiipdt describes Abraham's manner of lifc (Gen. l8:19, par. "keep
    the way of Yahweh"). The statement that David executed or administered miipd!
    fu"ddqA (2 S. 8:15 par. I Ch. l8: 14) probably refers to the king's obligation to maintain
    order.35 Reigning as king, Yahweh too execiites "righieousness and justice" in Jacob
    (Ps. 99:4).
    The expressi on 'dld heseQ 'im, "exercise hese/ in dealing with," appears frequently.
    When used of humans, it usually refers to social loyalty, mercy, and kindness. The mu-
    tuality of the relationship is often stressed: to do heseQ is to render service in return or
    to perform an act of gratitude (Gen.2l:231' Josh.2:12,14; Jgs. l:24;8:35; I S. 15:6;
    25.2:5-6; lK.2:7; Ruth l:8; cf.Znc.7:9l+ rah"rntml;Ps.109:16). On the other hand,
    God shows hese/to those who love him (Ex.20:6; Dt.5:10; I K. 3:6 fpar. idmarl;Jer.
    32:18). God also shows fueseQ to his anointed (Ps. l8:51[50]). Other verbs used with
    fueseiarena;ar(8x.34:7),idmar(Dl7:9,12),zdkar(Ps.25:6;98:3; cf. Ps. 109:16, /d'
    zdf;ar 'a(61 beseA, and rdQap (Prov. 2l:21).
    It is also possible to do hdnEp, i.e., act wickedly (Isa. 32:6), or hdmds, i.e., act vio-
    lently (Isa. 53:9). "Commit an outrage (nebdld)" refers to a socially destructive or god-
    less act (Gen. 34:7: Dt. 22:21; Josh. 7: l5; Jgs. 19:23-24; 20:6 [+ zimmi]; 2 S. 13:12;
    Jet 29:23; Job 42:8).

    7. Do Good and Evil. An action performed can be characterized as "good/evil in the


    eyes of Yahweh" in other words, as something Yahweh perceives as good or evil,
    something that
    -
    pleases or displeases him. Instances of doing something "good" in the
    eyes of Yahweh are rather rare (Dt. 6:18; 2 Ch. 14: I ); much commoner is the expres-
    sion "do whatever is good in one's own eyes," i.e., "do as one pleases" (Gen. 16:6; Jgs.
    L9:24; I S. l:23; etc.). But the expression "do evil in the eyes of Yahweh" is quite fre-
    quent (Nu. 32:13; Dt. 4:25;9:18; 17:2; 3l:29; Jgs. 2:11; 3:7,12; 4:l; 6:l; l0:6; l3:1;
    I S. 15:19; etc., in the Dr History; lsa.65:12;66:4; Ps. 51:6[a]).
    Simple 'dSA tdb @r t6bd) usually means "do good," i.e., act rightly: "Depart from
    evil, and do good" (Ps. 34:15[14];37:27); "Trust in Yahweh, and do good" (Ps. 37:3);
    "There is no one on earth so righteous as to do [only] good and never sin (bdld')" (Eccl.
    7:20 here "doing good" is associated with sdq and contrasted with "sinning" [or
    -
    "making a mistake"l). The ne$ated expression alpears in Ezk. 18:18: "do what is not
    good"; cf. also "do what is good and right (ydidr)" (Dt.l2:28;2Ch.3l:20). According
    to Hillers, 'dSA fibA in 2 S. 2:6 is comparable to Atk. nbilta epd*t, "conclude a com-
    pact of friendshipr.":6 David hopes to replace Saul as the feudal overlord of Jabesh-
    Silead.:z
    Similarly, 'dfd ra' means "do evil," i.e., act wrongly: "You say, 'All who do evil are
    good in the eyes of Yahweh"' (Mal.2:17); "The face of Yahweh is against those who

    35. H. H. Schmid, Gerechtiglecit als Weltordnung. BHT 40 (1968), 85.


    36. D. Hillers, BASOR 176 (1964) 46-47.
    37. Cf. D. Edelman, 7AW 96 (1984) 2O2.
    I

    iryq'dsa

    do evil" (Ps. 34:17[16]); "Fools do not know how to keep from doing evil" (Eccl.
    4:17[5:l]); "The desire to do evil grows in the human heart, for a sinner (bote') can do
    evil a hundred times and still live a long life" (Eccl. 8:11-12). Perhaps these idioms im-
    ply the notion that people effect or "make" good or evil. The expression 'dSA rd'd can
    refer to a specific act of wickedness: "How could I [Joseph] do this great wickedness
    and sin against God?" (Gen. 39:9; cf. Jer. 26:19); "My people have committed two
    evils" (Jer. 2:13); "You have done all this evil" (1 S. 12:20). Nu. 24:13 uses "do good or
    bad" in the sense of "do anything at all."
    In Eccl. 3:12'afid 16| most likely means "make (for oneself) something good [or:
    happiness]," i.e., "enjoy oneself." Gk. eu pnittein, often cited as a parallel, is not en-
    tirely comparable.38

    8. Carry Out. The verb 'di6 can refer to the carrying out of a command. The direc-
    tives concerning construction of the tabernacle use the command we'aiftd, "you shall
    make" (Ex. 25:1 1,13,l7- l8; also w"'dffi,25:8,l0; '"i€h, 25:19,4Oi ta'oSeh; and ta'oifi);
    the carrying out of the directives is then itself described with forms of 'dSd (wayya'ai,
    Ex. 36:8; 39:1,6; etc.; or 'diA, 36:11,14,22i etc.). Here, of course, something is always
    "made." Elsewhere, however, the execution formula wayya'ai or wayya'"Sfi (an means
    simply "do" (Gen. 29:28; 42:20,25; 45:21;F,x.7:20;8:13[17]; l4:4; 16:17; 17:6; Nu.
    5:4; 8:3,20; lsa. 2O:2; Jer. 38:12); also with Yahweh as subject (Ex. 8:9,20[13,24]).
    Gen.6:22 is more expansive: "Noah did this; he did all that God commanded him" (cf.
    Gen. 7:5; 2l:l;50:12; Ex. 7:6,10; 12:50; l9:8; 39:43:40:16; Lev. 8:4-5; 9:6; 16:34;
    Nu. l:54; 17:26[9];20:27;23:26;32:31; Dt. 34:9). In this context Ex. l9:8 and24:7 are
    theologically significant: "Everything that Yahweh has spoken we will do, and we will
    be obedient"; similar is Dt. 5:27: "Speak, we will listen and do it." These words express
    the people's readiness to accept the covenant and fulfill its obligations. Jeremiah refers
    to this obligation when he says: "Listen to my voice, and do all that I command you; so
    shall you be my people" (Jer. ll:4; cf. v. 6: "Hear the words of this covenant and do
    them"; and v. 8: ". . . the words of this covenant, which I commanded them to do, but
    they did not"). Additional instances of "doing what was commanded" are Jer. 32:23;
    35:10,18; 40:3; 5O:21 Ezk.9:ll l2:7;24:18; Ruth 3:6.
    In Joel 2: I I a vast army carries out Yahweh's dabar i.e., his orders or will. Accord-
    ing to Ps. 103:20-21, angels carry out the ddPdr and the rd;6n (will) of God. At the
    same time, Yahweh himself watches over his word to perform it (Jer. 1:12). In Mic. 2:1
    people devise plans and carry them out.
    Similar are texts in which 'dfid is made concrete by such objects as l.tdq, mi;wd,
    mitpdl, tOrA, and piqqfiQtm (ct. Ah.k. amdta epEiu).3e To "do" the ordinances, the com-
    mandments, the statutes, the torah is to fulfill them, to translate them into action.
    We find 'did with miipdfrm in Lev. l8:4; Ezk. 5:7; ll:12; L8:17;20:11,13,24; with

    38. Cf. R. Braun, Kohelet und die friihhellenistischen Popularphilosophie. BZAW 130 (1973),
    53-54.
    39. AHw,1.225b.
    rvl'dia

    l.tuqq61/huqqtminl*v. 18:30; 25:18; Ezk.2o:ll,l3. In combination with iarnanl "ob-


    serve," we find 'Ai6 with milpd[tm in Lev. 19:37; 20:22; 25:18; Ezk. ll:20; l8:9;
    20:19,21;36:27;withbuqq6! in [rv. 19:37;20:8,22;Ezk.37:24.N All these texts are in
    the Holiness Code or Ezekiel. Numerous texts in Deuteronomy also present various com-
    binations: 4:6; 5:l; 6:1,3,24;7:ll-12; 8:l; ll:22,32; l3:l(I2:32); 16:12:. 17:19; l9:9;
    23:24(23);24:8;26:16;28:1,13,15; 29:28(29);30:8; 32:46. We find ZiA with mi;w6/
    mi;w6! as object in [rv. 26:14-15 (cf.4:13,22,27;5:17); Nu. l5:22,40;ar Dt. 6:25; l5:5;
    27:10;28:1,15;30:8 (but 23 times with idrnar in Deuteronomy); Ps. l19:166; Neh.
    10:30(29); I Ch.28:7;2Ch.14:3(4) (and 30:12 with reference to the king's command);
    we find itwithfirA in Nu. 5:30; Josh.22:5;2Ch.14:3(4) (common elsewhere withnd;ar
    and other verbs); with piqqfijttn in Ps. 103:18 and in a very unusual construction in Ps.
    111:8 (pass. ptcp.: "performed with faithfulness and uprightness").

    9. Acr. Doing can also be qualified by a wide range of other objects, notably sin: ftl'
    (Nu. 5:6-7; Isa. 3l:7; Ezk. 18:21), peta'(Ezk.18:22,28),'dwelfawli @ev. 19:15,35;
    Dt.25:16;Ezk.3:20; l8:24,26;7*ph.3:5,13; Ps. 37: l; cf. Ps. 119:3, pd'al),'dwen (lsa.
    32:6; cf. Prov. 30:20, pd'al; also p6'ab 'dwen), rii'A/reia' (Ezk. 18:27; Mal.
    3:15,19[4:l]; Prov. l6:12), leqer(Jer.6:13;8:10; Prov. llilS),td'dbA(Lev.18:27,29-
    30: 20:13; Jer. 6:15; 8:12; 32:35; 44:4,22; Ezk. 8:6,9,13,17:' 16:47,50-51; l8:12-13;
    22:ll;33:26,29),'aleq (Jet 22:17), r"mtyd (Ps. 52:4t21; 101:7), zimmh./m'zimmA $er.
    I I :15 ; 23:20; 30:24: Hos. 6:9;
    P s. 37 :7 ; Prov. 1 0: 23).

    Positively appraised objects are remarkably rare: '"me1 (Ezk. l8:9), "mfind (Prov.
    12:22).
    To this category belong in a sense the expression'dfid idl6m, "make peace" (Isa.
    27:5;cf. Alr,k. saltma epElu) and its opposite 'dfidrnilltdmd, "wage war" (Gen. l4:2;Dt.
    20:12,20; Josh. 1l:18; I K.12:21; Prov. 20:18; 24:6; I Ch. 5:10,19; 22:8; often with
    'dra! as well), although the meaning here is close to "bring about, create." In such
    cases the primary emphasis is on the qualifying object; for more detailed analysis the
    reader should therefore consult the entries for the words in question.

    lO. With ll f
    The expression 'dSA means "make into, cause to become." God will
    make Abraham a great nation (Gen. l2:2; cf . Nu. 14: l2). The idol maker makes wood
    into a god (lsa.44:17; cf. v. 19) or gold and silver into an image of Baal (Hos. 2:10[8]).
    The secretary Jonathan's house was made into a prison, i.e., equipped as a prison (Jer.
    37:15). Jer. 8:8 declares that "the false pen of the scribe" has made the law a lie. The
    verb can also have this meaning without /'.' Jeroboam made men from among all the
    people priests (l
    K. 12:31); God makes the winds messengers (Ps. 104:4). But Ps.
    135:7; Jer. l0:13; 5l:16 should probably be translated: "He makes lightnings for the
    rain" (so NRSV).

    40. See Elliger, lzviticus. HATV4 (1966), 237 n.7.


    41. Noth, Nuzbers. OTL(Eng. trans. 1968), I 14: "one of the very latest sections of the Penta-
    teuch."
    l.wy'asa

    In other cases Zid /'means "do something to someone." Here ?.fd covers a wide
    range of nuances. In Isaiah's Song of the Vineyard, the friend (= God) says: "What
    more could I have done for my vineyard than I have done?" (Isa. 5:4), and continues: "I
    will tell you what I will do to my vineyard" (v. 5). Cf. Est. 6:6: "What shall be done for
    lhere: bl the man?" (how is he to be treated?). "What have you done to us?" Abraham
    asks Abimelech (Gen. 20:9). The Israelites reproachfully ask Moses the same question,
    referring to his bringing them out of Egypt (Ex. 14:11). "Do not do anything to him,"
    says Yahweh to Abraham, when Abraham is on the point of sacrificing Isaac (Gen.
    22:12; cf .Dt.22:26: "You shall do nothing to the young woman"). Jacob is to take ref-
    uge with Laban until Esau forgets "what you have done to him" (Gen.27:45). The Isra-
    elites must not forget what Amalek did to them (Dl25il7: cf. I S. 15:2). "Yahweh is
    with me, I do not fear what can mortals do to me?" asks the psalmist (Ps. 118:6; cf.
    -
    56:5,1214,111). Or: "If you sin, what have you done to God?" (Job 35:6).
    An element of reciprocity is often expressed, e.g., 'As he has done, so shall it be
    done to him" (Lev. 24:19; cf . Dt. 19: 19: "Then you shall do to him just as he meant to
    do to his brother"). Ob. 15 addresses Edom: 'As you have done, it shall be done to
    you." Prov. 24:29 cautions against private vengeance: "Do not say, 'I will do to him as
    he has done to me."' Here too belongs the oath formula kdh ya'"ieh nldhtm lt wekdh
    ydstp. .. . "So may God do to me and more, if . . ." (2 S. 3:35; see IL12 below).
    Somewhat comparable is the construction with 'im or 'e!. The expression'd(d l6b
    'im, "deal well with," means to treat as a friend (Jgs. 9:16; I S. 24: 19[18]; 2 S. 2:6; Ps.
    l19:65). Conversely, 'did rd'A irz means "treat badly, do harm to" (Jgs. l5:3). Here
    again we find the element of reciprocity, especially in Gen. 26:29: "You will do us no
    harm, just as we have not touched (ndga') you and have done to you nothing but good"
    (cf. also Jgs. ll:27).

    ll. Yahweh's Acts in History. Sometimes, especially in exilic and postexilic litera-
    ttre,'add refers to Yahweh's governance of history and intervention in human affairs;
    in these cases it is constructed absolutely or with z6'1 or 'Elleh as its object. "Yahweh
    does nothing without revealing his secret through the prophets," we read in the Amos
    tradition (Am. 3:7 [Dtr]; cf. v. 6, where ?.fd means "inflict [a disaster]"). In Am. 9:12,
    too, it is Yahweh who "does this," i.e., brings the event to pass. Isa. 28:21 (probably
    secondary)42 speaks of Yahweh's "strange deed," here expressed by figura etymo-
    logica:'dSA ma'aieh (pat'apa/ -bodil. What Yahweh plans to do is unique, totally
    unexpected. Isa. 33:13 (Dtr) uses "what I have done" in parallel with "my might." In
    Isaiah's oracle to Sennacherib (37:22-32), Yahweh asserts that since long ago
    @erdhbq) and from days of old he has planned (yd;ar) to destroy the cities of the As-
    syrian king (v. 26). God thus predetermines the course of events, a notion especially
    central to Deutero-Isaiah (see below).
    In Jeremiah we find the question: "Why (taha! meh) has Yahweh done all these
    things to us?" (5:19; cf. 30:15); the answer is: on account ofthe people's apostasy. Jer-

    42. O. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39. OTL(Eng. trans. 1974),250.


    lYq'.dta

    emiah prays: 'Although our iniquities testify against us, act [on our behalf: intervene,
    helpl for your name's sake" (14:7). When Nebuchadnezzar attacks, Jeremiah says:
    "Perhaps Yahweh will act with ('eil us according to his wonders and will make him
    withdraw from us" (21:.2). Or, more generally: "Thus says Yahweh, who does ('aSA) ft,
    Yahweh, who shapes (yd;ar) it and establishes it" (33:2; NRSY following the LXX,
    supplies "the earth" as obj.).43 The use of several verbs associated with creation with
    reference to historical events comes to the fore in Deutero-Isaiah.a
    Ezekiel emphasizes that Yahweh both speaks his word and "does" it, i.e., fulfills it,
    brings it to pass (12:25; L7:24;22:14;36:36;37:14). And what he does, he does not
    without cause (14:23). "I have dealt with you as you have done, you who have despised
    the oath, breaking the covenant" (16:59). Further, what he does, he does not for Israel's
    sake but for the sake of his holy name (36:22).
    Yahweh does great things (higdtl la'a{6!), resulting in fecund abundance (Joel2:20-
    2l; cf.'dfid 9"/6160.
    Deutero-Isaiah is convinced that Yahweh is at work everywhere. Israel's immi-
    nent deliverance will convince the world that the hand of Yahweh has "done" (ac-
    complished) it and that the Holy One of Israel has "created" (bdra') it (Isa. 4l:20).
    Yahweh is on the point of "doing" (effecting) a new thing, the deliverance of his
    people (43:19). The whole natural world is to rejoice because he has acted, i.e., he
    has redeemed his people and glorified himself in them (44:23). No idol has done
    this (48:5); Yahweh has done it for his own sake (48: I I ). He does (fulfills) his pur-
    pose (l.tdpe;, 46:10); cf. 48:14, where Yahweh's chosen agent Cyrus fulfills his
    bepe;; and 55:ll, where Yahweh's word accomplishes what he purposes (''.ier
    l.tdpasti). The same idea also appears frequently elsewhere (Ps. ll5:3; 135:6, kal
    '"ier-l.tdp€;).
    The clause in Mal. 3:17,21 is ambiguous: "on the day when I act" or ". . . that I make
    [= bring about]." The former interpretation refers to Yahweh's action in history, the lat-
    ter to the day he establishes to intervene; cf. Ps. 118:24: "This is the day that Yahweh
    has made" or ". . . on which he has acted, intervened."
    Yahweh also acts in the lives of individuals. The thanksgiving hymn concluding Ps.
    22 ends by declaring that generations yet unborn will be told that Yahweh has done it,
    i.e., intervened to help the suffering worshiper (v. 32; cf .52: I I [9]). Ps. 37:5 urges trust
    in Yahweh, "for he will act." Conversely, in Ps. 39 the psalmist is silenced, knowing
    that Yahweh has done it, i.e., brought about the distress (v. l0[9]). Job, too, knows that
    God's hand "has done all this" (12:9) or does the verb refer to the act of creation?
    -
    Or, with reference to the wicked: "Who declares their way to their face, who repays
    them for what they have done?" (2L:31), i.e., who can call them to account? "What he
    desires, that he does" (23:13).

    43. Contra Rudolph, HAT Ul2, in loc.: "who effects what comes to pass."
    44.T.M. Ludwig, "The Traditions of the Establishing of the Earth in Deutero-Isuahl' JBL92
    (1973) 345-57, esp. 355-56.
    ilvY'dfi

    12. Locutions. Among established locutions, one of the most common is the accusa-
    tion formula mah-u6!'dftg or meh'dfi1d, "What have you done?"45 It is an accusa-
    tory question that precedes the legal process proper. With minor variations, it appears
    in Gen. 12:18;26:10;29:25; Ex. 14:11; Jgs. 8:l; l5:ll:25.12:21; Neh.2:19; l3:17
    (cf. also Gen.2O:9;42:28; Nu. 23:11) and as a more or less attenuated expression in
    Ex. 14:5; Jgs. 2:2; Jon. l:10. It also appears in Gen. 3:13 in the story of the fall, where
    God's question to Adam still preserves something of the forensic character of the locu-
    tion.
    The counterpart in the mouth of the accused is the appeasement formula "What
    have I done?"46 Examples are Nu. 22:28 (Balaan's donkey); I S. 13:l l;20:l;26:18;
    29:8; and (somewhat differently) Jer. 8:6, where Jeremiah chastises the people because
    no one says meh Zffti. When a third party intervenes on behalf of the accused, the for-
    mula appears in the 3rd person singular: I S. 20:32; cf. also 2 5.24:.17 = I Ch.21:17,
    where David confesses that he has sinned but "what have the people done?" Mic.
    6:3 places this question, ostensibly a defense, - in God's mouth as an accusation.
    In Josh. 7:2O,in response to the admonition "Tell us clearly (haqgeil what you have
    done," the statement "Thus and so \dza! w"kizdA I did" appears as an admission of
    guilt. Also forensic are the verdict and sentence in 2 S. l2:5: "The man who has done
    this is a child of death," i.e., deserves to die. Here too belongs the oath of purgation in
    Ps.7:4-5(3-4): "If I have done this . . . let the enemy pursue and overtake me" (cf. the
    oath formula discussed above.
    Totally different in character is the question mdh'e"Seh, "What can/should I do?"
    (also pl.). It appears with varying nuances in Gen. 27:37;30:30;31:43; Jgs. l3:8; I S.
    5:8;6:2; lO:2;2 S. 2l:3; 2 K. 4:2. Especially interesting is Ex. l7:4, where Moses asks
    in desperation, "What shall I do with this people?"; cf. Hos. 6:4, where God asks,
    "What shall I do with you, O Ephraim?"
    The oath formula kAhya'atieh li 4l6himwcftdhydsip.. . "So may God do to me, and
    ,
    more, if . . : (2 S. 3:35; cf. I S. l4:M;20:13; 2 S. 3:9; I K. 2:23; l9:2;20:lO 2 K.
    6:31; similarly I S. 3:17), invokes divine intervention against the swearer if the oath is
    not kept. The formula presumably begins "Thus . . ." because its pronunciation was ac-
    companied by some kind of symbolic action.aT
    The Deuteronomistic framework of the books of Kings uses the formula "The rest
    of the acts (yeler diprA) of PN and all that he did are written in . . ." (l K. 14:291'
    l5:7,23,311' etc.).

    III. Niphal. The occurrences of the niphal bring nothing fundamentally new: they
    are passive forms covering the same semantic field as the qal. The heavens were
    "made" (i.e., created) by the word of God (Ps. 33:6); the seven-branched lampstand
    was "made" (8x.25:31), as was an altar (Ezk. 43:18). Jer. 3:16 should probably be in-

    45. Boecker, 26-31.


    46. rbid., 3l-34.
    47. Hillers; Schottroff, 16l; Lehmann, 80-82; G. Giesen, Die Wurzel ib', "schwiiren." BBB
    56 (1981), 14344.
    ;tYl'dsa

    terpreted along the same lines: a new ark of the covenant shall never again be made.as
    Food is prepared (Ex. 12:16; Neh. 5:18), an offering is prepared or offered (I*v.2:7-
    8,11; 6:14[21]), Passover is observed or celebrated (2K.23:22-23 par 2 Ch. 35:18-19;
    cf. Purim in Est. 9:28).
    Commandmefis (mi;wa) are obeyed or fulfilled (l-ev.4:2,13,22,27i 5:17), a sen-
    tence (pilgdm) against an evil deed is (not) executed (Eccl. 8:11), counsel is (not) fol-
    lowed (2 S. 17:23). A deed is done (Gen. 20:9), fi'elA is "done" or committed (Dt.
    13:15[14]; l7:4;Ezk.9:4). Work (meld'kt) is performed (Ex. 12:16; 31:15; 35:2;L,ev.
    7:24; ll:32; 13:51; but cf. Ezk. l5:5: "nothing could be made of it"). Especially fre-
    quent in Ecclesiastes are locutions like "what is done" and "the works that are done un-
    der the sun," describing the bustle of human activity.
    Of particular interest is the locution "This is not done in our country" (ld'-yd'dfeh
    ftEn bimqdmdnfi, Gen. 29:26), i.e., that is not the practice among us. "Works (ma'oitm)
    that ought not to be done" (Gen. 2O:9) arc forbidden or improper acts. The statement
    "Such a thing is not done in Israel" (2 S. 13: 12) illustrates a knowledge of the unique-
    ness of Israel's legal system.ae The concept of retribution appears in Ob. 15: 'As you
    [Edom] have done, it shall be done to you"; in Ezk. l2:ll Ezek,rel is the example: 'As I
    have done, so shall it be done to them" (here'd:{d /" means "do something to"). Other
    instances are Ex. 2:4; Nu. l5:11; I S. 1l:7.

    lY, ma'o6eh. The noun ma'aieh, like the verb, has a double meaning: on the one
    hand, "something made, work," on the other, "deed."

    l. Work. The jewels to which the thighs of the bride are likened are called "the work
    of a master hand" (Cant. 7:2). A pastry is ma'oSeh '6peh (Gen. 40:17; cf. I Ch. 9:3 I ). A
    garment can be a "work" of goat hair (Nu. 3l:20; cf . also Ex. 24:10;26:1,3L,36; etc.).
    The "precious children of Zion" are likened to the work of a potter in their degradation
    (Lam.4:2). The author of Ps. 45 calls the poem his "work" (v. 2tll). lsa.29:16 sounds
    almost proverbial: "Shall the thing made say of its maker ('aflehfr),'He did not make
    me?"' (par. to "pot" and "potter"). The wicked make garments but cannot cover them-
    selves with what they make (Isa. 59:6a) thsn, however, the meaning changes: "Their
    -
    works are works of iniquity (ma'aiA 'dwen)";here ma',ieh clearly means "deed."
    Idols are very often called "the work of human hands" or "the work of an artisan"
    (Dt.4:28;27:15;2 K. 19:18; Isa.4l:29; Jer. 10:3,9,15;51:18; Hos. 13:2; Ps. 115:4;
    135: 15; 2 Ch. 32:19), language that represents idols as being powerless.so That people
    should not bow down (hiltal.tdwd) to the work of their hands is stressed frequently (Isa.
    2:8; Jer. 1:16; Mic. 5:12tl3l). Similar is the description of altars as "works of their
    hands" in Isa. 17:8. In Ezk. 6:6, too, the context indicates that "your works," which are
    to be wiped out, are connected with idolatry.

    48. Contra H. Cazelles, Uf 18 (1968) 157-58: it will no longer be used.


    49. F. Horst, Gottes Recht. ThB 12 (1961),253.
    50. Preuss, 65, 129, 173.
    i1v9 'dia

    Not entirely clear is the statement that the Israelites provoked (hibis) God "through
    the work of their hands" (Dl 3l:29; 2 K. 22:17; Jer. 25:6-7; 32:30: M:8; 2 Ch. 34:25).
    Since the context speaks of idolatry, the expression probably refers to idols; but the
    possibility exists that it refers to their deeds in general. Also ambiguous is Jer. 48:7,
    which says that Moab trusted in its own ma'"itm and treasures; either ma'adeh means
    "what has been acquired, wealth," or it should be emended to md'usayif;, "your for-
    tresses," with the LXX.
    Just as ?.fd means "bring forth" in general, so ma'oieh means "produce, fruits."
    Thus Ex. 23:16 speaks of the "firstfruits of the field." Isa. 32:17 uses ma'"Seh and
    -bdd.A in parallel: both refer to the fruits of righteousness, namely peace and security.
    Hab. 3:17 speaks of the produce of the olive tree, and Isa. 65:22 of the "produce of the
    hands of the elect."
    Here too belong certain passages in which ma'oieh means something like "pattern"
    (Nu. 8:4; I K.7:28-33; 2 K. 16:10) or "design" (l K. 7:8,17,19,22).
    Everything created is God's "work." The heavens are the work of God's fingers (Ps.
    8:4[3]), human beings the work of God's hands (v. 7[6]). The heavens are the work of
    God's hands; they will perish, but God will endure (102:26-27125-26D. God rejoices in
    these works (lM:31) and the heavens proclaim them (19:2[]). The earth is satisfied with
    the fruit of God's work (1(X:13; the text is uncertain: the parallelism suggests rain). All
    God's works are called on to praise God (103:22). According to Isa. 60:21; 64:7(8), the
    people are the work of God's hands. When Ps. 145:9-10 says that divine compassion is
    over all God's works, the context indicates that this refers to the faithful (similarly Ps.
    138:8). Job 14:15 calls a mortal the work of God's hands. According to Prov. 16:l l, even
    "the weights in the bag" are God's work: "honest balances" are divinely ordained.

    2. Deed. a. General. When ma'aieft refers to deeds or actions, the reference is occa-
    sionally to conduct as such and its manner. For example, Israel is warned not to do as
    the Egyptians and Canaanites do and follow their huqq61(Lev. l8:3); they are also told:
    "You shall not worship their [the nations'] gods or follow their practices," i.e., imitate
    their conduct (Ex. 23:24; some exegetes interpret ma'odeh as referring to idols, but this
    idea would hardly be expressed with /<1. See also Ps. 106:35: "They learned from their
    [the nations'] practices"; Mic. 6: l6: "You have followed . . . all the works of the house
    of Ahab and lived according to their counsels (m6'";6!)"; I S. 8:8: "the deeds that they
    have done since I brought them up out of Egypt"; also Jer. 7:13;2Ch.l7:4. Ezk. 16:30
    accuses Israel: "You did all these things like the deeds of a whore (k"ma'"f€h 'iii6-
    z6nd))'
    Some references are to continuing action: Hezekiah prospered (s/lr hiphil) in every
    work that he undertook (2 Ch. 3l:21:'32:30; cf . Ps. 1:3 with Zfd). Yahweh will make
    Egypt stagger "in all its doings" (bekol-ma'aSEhfi), and so for Egypt there will be no fu-
    ture (ld'-yihyeh . . . ma'"ieft, "nothing will be done") (Isa. 19:14-15). God saw what the
    Ninevites did, how they turned from their evil ways (Jon. 3:10).
    At other times the word denotes an isolated act: "You have done a deed that ought
    not to be done" (Gen. 20:9); "His [David's] deeds have been of good service to you
    [Saul]"; "He told him all that the man of God had done" (l K. 13: I l); "What deed is
    1W9'ASA 401

    this that you have done?" (Gen. 44:15). According to Job 33:17, God can turn a person
    aside from an evil deed.
    God observes the deeds of mortals (Ps. 33: l5), knows their works and their thoughts
    (Isa. 66:18), and will never forget any of their deeds (Am. 8:7). People become unclean
    through their acts (Ps. 106:39). God repays (ilm piel) all according to their work (Ps.
    62:13112l; cf. Lam. 3:64); the psalmist prays that God will repay the wicked according
    to their work (Ps. 28:4). Ct. also Neh. 6:14: "Remember them according to these things
    that they did."
    Another meaning of ma'oieh is "work, labor." "Six days you shall do your work"
    (Ex. 23:12;' cf . 20:9 with 'd\a{ and 'diA m"h'frh). A y6m ma'o(eh is a working day
    (Ezk.46:l). A man returns from his work in the field (Jgs. l9:16; cf. Ex. 5:4,13; I Ch.
    23:28). Noah will relieve his father from his work (Gen. 5:29; par. 'i;;d!6n). We read
    frequently that God will bless his people "in the work of their hands" (Dt.2:7; 14:29;
    l5:10; l6:15; 24:19;30:9; cf. Ps. 90:17; Job 1:10; negated: Eccl. 5:5[6]); this refers to
    both the work itself and its fruits. The noun can also mean "occupation" (Gen. 46:33;
    47:3) or "business" (l S. 25:2).
    In Prov. 16:3 ma'aieh means activity in general: "Commit (gdl) your work to Yah-
    weh, and your plans will be established." This meaning is especially common in Eccle-
    siastes: "I saw all the deeds that are done under the sun" (1:14; cf. 4:3;8:9); "I carried
    out great works" (2:4: built houses, planted vineyards, etc.); "I considered all my do-
    ing" (2:l l). There is a proper time for every matter (hepes) and activity (3:17). People
    can enjoy their work (3:22).In Sheol there is no work or thought or knowledge or wis-
    dom (9:10).
    b. God's Governance of History. Several poetic texts (esp. in laments) describe
    God's governance of history as his "work" (pd'al): Dl 32:4; Ps. 44:2(l);64:10(9);
    90:16; 95:9; lll:3; Job 36:24.s1 On occasion, pd'al appears in conjunction with
    ma'olal and'altld (Ps.77:12-l3tl l-l2l) or with ma'"Seh (92:5; 143:5). This terminol-
    ogy refers primarily to God's gaving acts, especially in connection with the exodus.
    The Deuteronomistic History uses ma'aieh for this concept. We read, for example, that
    Israel "served" Yahweh until the death of Joshua, during the lifetime of the generation
    that had "known all the work that Yahweh did for Israel" (Josh. 24:31; Jgs. 2:7); then
    came a generation "that did not know the work Yahweh had done for Israel" (Jgs.
    2:10). Ex. 34:10 (a Dtr interpolation) and Dt. l1:7 also speak of seeing the works of
    Yahweh. This refers to the saving acts of God, as inPs.77:12-13(l l-12), which, how-
    ever, uses different terminology.
    In Isaiah, howeveq this terminology refers to what Yahweh is doing in the present or
    will do in the future: "They do not regard the deeds (pd'al) of Yahweh, or see the work
    of his hands" (Isa. 5:12). Those so attacked reply with scorn: "Let Yahweh speed his
    work, that we may see it" (v. l9). Another time the prophet proclaims that Yahweh will
    rise up'1o do his deed and to work his work (-bAdA)" (28:21).sz And soon he will fin-

    51. See von Rad.


    52. -r X, 383.
    TVY.dia

    ish all his work on Mt.Zion (10:12). According to Wildberger, Isaiah is influenced
    here by the creation terminology of cultic language; according to von Rad, he is influ-
    enced by passages that speak of God's acts in history (Ps. M:2Ul:64:10[9];90:16;
    95:9; etc.;.s: Kaiser believes all these passages are late.sa We may note that p6'al re-
    places ma'oSeft in this sense in Hab. 1:5; 3:2;lsa.45:11. Btfima'aSeh appears again in a
    late addition to the book of Jeremiah, Jer. 5l : l0: "Let us declare the work of our God"
    to the fall of Babylon.
    - Inreferring
    other (late) texts, ma'oieh denotes the working of divine providence in creation,
    God's "silent governance of fortunes."Ss Ps. 145:4,10 speak of God's works of creation,
    using mn'ofeft; then v. 17 declares: "Yahweh is just in all his ways, faithful in all his do-
    ings." Here ma'ofieh refers to God's activity in general, especially in human lives. The
    same is true in Sir. 38:8, which says that the pharmacist makes medicines "so that God's
    works will not cease." According to Job 37:7, in the rainy season God "seals" human
    hands (i.e., makes activity cease), "that all may know his work" (cf. also Sir. 17:8).
    For Qohelet, the concept of "God's work" takes on fundamental significance.
    "[God] has made everything suitable for its time . . . yet human beings cannot find out
    the work that God has done from the beginning to the end" (Eccl. 3:11). "I saw all the
    work of God, that no one can find out the work that is done under the sun" (8:17; cf.
    7:13; 11:5). God's governance is hidden from human eyes; it is unsearchable. This is
    the fundamental problem posed by Qohelet.

    Y.1. lXX.In the majority of cases, the LXX translates 'dSA with poiefn and ma'aSeh
    with Crgon. Other translations of the verb include gtgnesthai (for the niphal, but also
    for the qal), ergdzesthai, prdssein, chrdn/chnisthai, synteletn, pldssein, hetoimdTein,
    lutaslrcudzein, and even hamartdnein; for the noun we find poiZma, poidsis, and
    ergasta. A few other translations also appear.

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls have little new to offer. The Temple
    Scroll in particular, with over one hundred occurrences of'aSA and (only!) three of
    ma'ofleh, remains entirely within the framework of OT usage.
    "To do truth/faithfulness ('emel, righteousness, and justice" summarizes the ethical
    ideal of the Qumran community (lQS 1:5; 5:3-4;8:2). One can also speak of "fulfilling
    God's ordinances (ltuqq?m)" (lQS l:7; 5:20; cf. 5:22) and "doing what he has com-
    manded" (lQS l:16). The members of the community are'6iA hatdrdh (lQpHab 7:11;
    8:l; l2:4). The Damascus Document uses the expression "do according to the exact in-
    terpretation of the Torah ftlerfii hattdrA)" (CD 4:8; 6:14). We also find expressions
    such as "do what is good" (lQS 1:2), "do ltese{' (of God: IQH 16:8-9 lpu. bnnl; CD
    20:21, following Ex. 20:6), "do evil" (lQS 1:7), "do r"mty6" (lQS 7:5), "do what one
    considers ight $aidr b"'Andyw)" (CD 3:6; 8:7; 19:19;' cf. Dt. l2:8). Other combina-

    53. H. Wildberger, "Jesaja's Verstiindnis der Geschichte l' Congress Volume, Bonn 1962. SW
    9 (1963), 94ff.; von Rad, 294.
    54. O. Kaiser, Isaiah l-12. OTL (Eng. trans. 21983), in loc.; idem, Isaiah 13-j9, inloc.
    55. Von Rad,296.
    -,l.wy'asa

    tions already found in the OT are 'dtid g"!firA (lQM 16:1), 'dSA fuayil (lQM 6:6;
    ll:5,7; l2:ll: l9:3), 'did n"qdmi (CD 8:11), 'did mcld'f;i (CD 10:14), atd 'dSA
    i"paytm (1QS 8:11; lQH l5:19).
    Theologically significant but not entirely clear is the expression 'ai61b'ddiA OQS
    4:25), which refers to what comes after the "visitation" (p'quddd), apparently a new cre-
    ation. In lQH 13:11-12 the same notion is expressed by the words liQr6'l.ta]aifi(an allu-
    sion to Isa. 43:19; 48:6).so It is also significant that God "made" Belial (1QM l3:l l).
    Ilpical of Qumran is the statement "without him [God] nothing was done/takes
    place"(IQS Il:I1; lQH l:8,20; l0:9)-inotherwords,nothingtakesplacethatisnot
    predestined by God.
    On the whole, the meaning of ma'afieh also remains unchanged, although the mean-
    ing "act, deed" (both human and divine) predominates. In IQM 5:4-14, where the
    weaponsof thesonsoflightaredescribed,thereare l0occurrencesof "workof anarti-
    san" or the like. Those to whom God's wonders are told (lQH l:33; 3:23) and to whom
    God shows besed Ql:30) are termed "his work." God's righteousness was revealed
    "before all his works" (14:16); he executes judgment "before all his works" (15:20)
    and "provides fot'' (klkl) all his works (9:36). He rules over "all the work," i.e., all cre-
    ation (1QH 10:8), and knows the inclination(yd;er) of every creature (lQH 7:13) or
    does this refer to "deeds?" -
    God's deeds are great (lQM l0:8; cf. IQH l0:l I with pele) and wondrous (lQH
    7:32;ll:4);theyaredonewithmight(lQS l:21; lQH4:32).Thereisfrequentmention
    of "the deeds of your trutt/faithfulness ("me!)" (lQS l:19; IQH 1:30; l0:17; IQM
    l3:1,2,9; 14:12).
    God knew all the deeds of his works before creating them (lQH l:7)
    continuation: " . . . without you nothing is done" (see above) - note the
    and established a norn
    for their deeds (1:9). -
    At the beginning of the Damascus Document, the listeners are called on to under-
    stand (btn) God's actions (l:l). God in turn understands the actions of mortals (l:10;
    cf. Ps. 33: l5). Human deeds are grounded in God's predestination ( IQS 3:25;4:16).To
    God belong all works of righteousness (lQH l:26-27; cf. 4:31); human deeds are
    r"miyd (l:27; cf .4: 17) and are carried out in folly (lQH 4:8,17), unlike the deeds of
    God (4:20). Human deeds are further characterized by such attributes as re.ia'(lQS
    2:5),peia'(3:22),rcmtyd (4:23; lQH l:27;4:17),'dwelfawli (lQS 8:18; lQH 16:11),
    hd.ieft (lQS 2::l; IQM l5:9), 'ep'eh (lQH 3:17), and niddA (lQS 5:19; CD 2:l). But
    God acts "for the sake of his mercy and not according to our [wicked] deeds" (lQM
    11:4); God'Judges their deeds in his truth and mercy" (lQH 6:9; cf. l8:13). Those
    who enter into the covenant, accordingly, are to be examined as to their understanding
    and their deeds (lQS 5:21,23,24); this examination is to be repeated continually (lQS
    6:14,17 ,18:' cf .3:14; CD 13: I l). In such contexts the Damascus Document uses the ex-
    pression bhwp'ma'"iayw, "when his deeds are revealed."
    Ringgren

    56. H. Ringgren,The Faithof Qumran (1963), l@-65; Sjiiberg.


    404 1VYeier

    'lpll 'eier; aD:9 Tr; tP[P ma'oi€r

    I. Number. II. Tithe: l. Egypt; 2. Mesopotamia; 3. South Arabia; 4. Ugarit. III. 1 . Early Israel;
    2. Gen. 14'.20; 3. Deuteronomy; 4. P and Later. IV. Outside the OT: l. Rabbinic Literature;
    2. Dead Sea Scrolls; 3. LXX. V. Summary.

    I. Number. The word for "ten" is common Semitic. Heb.'eier fem.'aiere1, '"idrA,
    occur 56, 68, and 50 times, respectively; the forms 'didn fem. 'eirEh, appear only in
    compounds for the numbers ll-19 (211 and 135 times, respectively). There are 3 15 oc-
    currences of 'eirim, "twenty," and 8 of 'aiereT "group of ten." Derivatives are 'dSbr
    "set of ten" (days, strings) (17 occurrences)l'aitrt, "tenth" (20 occurrences as an ordi-
    nal, 8 as a fraction); and 'i{idrbn, "tenth [fraction]" (31 occurrences). Whether ma'oSer
    "tithe," and its associated verb 'aiar (2 occurrences in the qal, 3 in the piel, 2 in the
    hiphil) are connected with the word for "ten" is presently disputed, but highly likely
    (see II.4 below).

    II. Tithe.
    l. Egypt. A stele found at Naukratis in Egypt, dating from the first year of
    Nectanebo I (380 s.c.r.), decrees that the temple of Neith of Sais is to receive a tithe of

    'e.fer N. Airoldi, "La cosiddetta 'decima' israelitica antica," Bibl 55 (1974) 179-210; J. M.
    Baumgarten, "The First and Second Tithes in the Temple Scroll," Biblical and Related Studies.
    FS S. Iwry (1985), 5-15; idem, "On the Non-Literal Use of ma'dS€r/dekatd: JBL 103 (1984)
    245-51; W. Boochs, Finanzverwaltung im Ahertum (1985); W. Bunte, Maaserot/Maaser Scheni.
    Die MischnaUT-B (1962): H. Cazelles, "La dime isra6lite et les textes de Ras Shamral' W I
    (1951) 131-34; F. Criisemann,"DerT,ehnte in der israelitischen Kdnigszeiti WUD l8 (1985) 2l-
    47; M. A. Dandamajew, "Das Tempelzehnte in Babylonien wiihrend des 6.-4. Jh. v.u.Z.l'
    Beitrrige zur Alten Geschichte und derem Nachleben. FS F. Altheim (1969), 82-90 = Vestnik
    drevnej isotrii 92 (1965) 14-34: O. Eissfeldt, Erstlinge und Zehnten im AT. BWANT 22 (1917);
    idem, "Zum Zehnten bei den Babyloniern," Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte
    und Sprachwissenheit. BZAW 33 (1918), 163-74 = KlS, I, 13'22; G. Giovinazzo, "Le decime
    (eiru) nella Mesopotamia neo-babilonese e achemenide" (diss., Naples, 1985); H. H. Guthrie,
    "Tithe," IDB, lV,654-55; M. Haran, ''lp!|D," EMiqrY,2O4-12; F. Horst, Das Privilegrecht
    Jahwes. FRIA.NT 45 (1930),5l-56 = ThB 12 (1961),73-79;M. S. Jaffee, "Mishnah's Law of
    Tithes" (diss., Brown, 1980); H. Jagersma, "The Tithes in the OT," OTS 2l (1981) 116-28;
    M. Lichtheim, "The Naucratis Stela," Studies in Honor of G. Hughes. SAOC 39 (1976), 139-46;
    E. Lipiriski, "Banquet en I'honneur de Baal," UF 2 (1970) 75-88; J. Pedersen, ILC, lll-[Y,307-
    13; E. Salonen, Uber den Zehnten im Alten Mesopotamien. StOr 4314 (1972); W. Schmidt and
    A. Erler, "Zehntenl'RGG3, VI, 1877-80; E. Schiirer, History of the Jewish People in the Age of
    lesus Christ, rev. G. Vermes et al., il (Eng. trans. 1979),257-74; R. de Vaux,Anclsr,l,2O0-2Ol;
    II, 380-82, 403-5; M. del Verme, "Le decime del Fariseo orante," Vetera Christianorum 2l
    (1984) 253-83; cf. idem, RivB 32 (1984) 273-314; M. Weinfeld, "The Change in the Conception
    of Religion in Deuteronomy|' Tarbiz 3l (1961) l-17; idem, "The Covenant of Grant in the OT
    and in the Ancient Near East," JAOS 90 (1970) 184-203; A. Wendel, Das Opfer in der
    altisraelitischen Religion (1927); M. Wischnitzer, "Tithe," EncJud, XV (1971), 1156-62.
    aq{e:tur

    the port's turnover and of the goods produced.l On the so-called Famine Stele, from the
    Ptolemaic period, the duty on goods in transit via Elephantine is set at l0 percent.2

    2. Mesopotamia. ln Mesopotamia tithes contributed to temples are attested in the


    Sumerian, Old Babylonian, and Late Babylonian periods (zag-10, eirEtum, eiru, re-
    spectively). The tithes were contributed by various occupational groups, private indi-
    viduals, and towns, as well as by the kings. They could consist of gold and silveq agri-
    cultural produce, or articles made by artisans. Secular imposts are attested at the Old
    Assyrian trading colonies in Cappadocia: the merchants had to give l0 percent of their
    wares to the local ruler. Salonen believes this represents an ancient temple practice,
    which gradually led to acceptance of a tenth as the appropriate amount of the impost.

    3. South Arabra. Pliny the Elder reports that in South Arabia the priests levied a tithe
    as acontribution due their god.s Inscriptions speak of statuettes dedicated as tithes (3r)
    or paid for from tithes. One text speaks of a cultic meal ('lm) paid for out of tithes.a

    4. Ugarit. In Ugaritic texts the verb 3r occurs particularly in three contexts: twice it
    is followed by iqy, "drink," and once in a text where dbh dbh, "slaughter an animal" (or
    "offer a sacrifice[?]"; cf. Prov. 9:2) and 3r 'irr occur together.s This 'ir has been con-
    nected with Eth. 'aiara, "hold a banquet," and'difir "banquet"; Cazelles translates it
    "drink offering."6 The expression 3r 'Jrl appears also in another text in a context that
    speaks of offering sacrifices to repel an enemy attack; here it must denote some sort of
    cultic act.7

    lll. I . Early Israel. ln the OT (except for Lev. 27:32), ma'aier has no explicit con-
    nection with "ten." Eissfeldt treats tithes simply as a subcategory of firstfruits.s Guthrie
    undertakes to arrange the texts in chronological order and thinks that the earliest in-
    stances are of North Israelite origin. The only examples (Gen.28:22; Am. 4:4), how-
    ever, have to do with Bethel, which was located on the ever-shifting boundary. Both oc-
    currences, moreover, are probably associated with the literature of the South (Gen.
    28:22: JE; Am. 4:4: Judahite redactor).

    2. Gen. 14:20. A noteworthy early instance, from the time of David,e is the ma'af€r
    Abraham gave Melchizedek (Gen. 14:20) not in the North, but in the region of Jeru-
    -

    l. LexAg, IV 360-61; Lichtheim.


    2. l-exlig, 1,6.
    3. Natural History 12.63.
    4. For sources see Biella, 387.
    5. For the former see KTU 1.3,1,9;1.17,IV 30-31. For the latter, 1.16, I,40.
    6. LexLingAth, 967. But cf. Lipiriski, 79.
    7. KTU 1.119,32-33.
    8. --r I1rl2N'1 ra'J[.
    9. Westermann, Genesis 12-36 (Eng. trans. 1985), 192.
    :'49_'eler

    salem or further to the southeast.lo Abraham's "tithe" is usually understood not as trib-.
    ute but as a spontaneous gift from his "revenue," i.e., his booty.
    Closer examination reveals the nature of this gift to be very complex. The king of
    Sodom and his defeated allies were grateful to Abraham for rescuing them and went to
    meet him (in the Valley of Shaveh, possibly Kidron, or at any rate a valley accessible
    from both Shalem and Sodom). Their gratitude finds expression in the double blessing
    pronounced by Melchizedek, once blessing El Elyon, once blessing Abraham in the
    name of El Elyon. Abraham's spontaneous reaction is to deliver a tithe of all his booty
    (which belonged to him, not to the five kings) into the hands of Melchizedek either
    -
    for him personally or for the god he worshiped. This booty included prisoners from the
    army of Chedorlaomer and his allies (as v. 2l shows). Although Abraham's tithe was
    given to El Elyon, the king of Sodom feels obliged to intervene and define how the
    tithe is to be treated: "Give me the nepei [i.e., the human spoils], but take the goods for
    yourself' (v.2L). Abraham rejects this proposal; he wishes to keep none ofthe goods
    except the necessary provisions for his men. What is left for El Elyon may have been a
    tenth of the total. According to Airoldi, this passage reflects the establishment of a cov-
    enant, accompanied by a meal.ll
    A tithe is also mentioned in Gen. 28:22; I S. 8:15; Am.4:4.In the first passage, Ja-
    cob promises at Bethel to give a tithe ( .fr piel) of everything God gives him. There are
    no further details. The second passage appears in the context of the "Law of the King"
    in I S. 8. Samuel says that the king will take a tithe ( fr qal) of the fields and vineyards
    and give it to his officers and courtiers. This text is clearly talking about a kind of tax;
    possibly it is aimed at preventing abuse of the right to tax. The Amos passage speaks of
    sacrifices and "tithes on the third day." Here the tithe appears to be comparable to an
    offering. Here too Airoldi interprets ma'afiEr as a sacrificial meal.l2

    3. Deuteronomy.The Covenant Code speaks only of firstfruits (Ex. 22:28-29, b"kdr;


    23:19, rE'{t1, bikkfir) of grain, wine, flocks, and herds; not until Deuteronomy do we
    find detailed regulations concerning tithes (12:6-7,11-12,17-18; 14:22-29;26:12-15).
    A North Israelite origin of these verse is hardly ascertainable.l3
    According to 14:22, "a11 the yield of the seed that grows on the earth" is to be tithed
    ( ir piel); in consequence of cultic centralization , "the ma'oiEr of grain, wine, and oil,"
    as well as "the firstlings of herds and flocks," is to be eaten in the presence of Yahweh
    at the chosen place (v. 23; it is not clear whether the firstlings constitute part of the
    tithe). The ma'oidr is not a gift to the temple or an individual, but a joyful meal in
    thanksgiving to God for a good harvest.la Although v. 23 contains the typical
    Deuteronomic requirement that the meal be eaten at the single place chosen by God,

    10. R. Tournay, RB 67 (1960) 24-25.


    11. Pp. 193-94.
    12. Pp. 187ff.
    I 3. Contra Guthrie, see N. Lohfink , Bibl M (1963) 492; E. Nielsen, I-aw, History, and Tradi-
    tion (1983),77-89.
    14. Airoldi, 195ff.
    '1Vg 'eSer

    this requirement is mitigated by the recognition that the central sanctuary can be too far
    away to permit observance of the harvest festival. In this case the ma'aier can be sold;
    but the income must be set aside to provide a festive meal at the sacred place at a later
    date. This would be possible during one of the pilgrimage festivals, but the concern
    with too great a distance seems to imply the possibility of a substitute site located
    closer; v. 27 suggests that the celebration can also be held at home, since the Levites
    "resident in your towns" must not be neglected. (On the evidence of Dt. l2il7, Wendel
    concludes that the tithe cannot be consumed in one's hometown; but v. 2l makes clear
    that flesh may be eaten in one's hometown if the chosen place is too far away.) The
    mention of the Levites in 14: 17 appears to be a later addition, and vv. 28-29 include the
    Levites among the needy, with gdrim, orphans, and widows, for whom every third year
    "the full ma'ofier" (not a second ma'"Ser) is to be withheld (cf. also 26:12-15).

    4. P qnd later Later the tithe becomes an obligatory contribution to support the
    priests and the temple. In the texts mentioned, it appears that the Levites received each
    year only a portion of the tithes and every third year a portion of tithes for the needy,
    while according to Dt. 18:4 the priests received the firstfruits and certain portions of
    the offerings (v. 3).
    Eissfeldt's chief concern is to counter the view of Wellhausen and others that, in the
    process of reshaping the tradition (P and the Chronicler), the priesthood gradually in-
    creased its share. He stresses that no essential change took place in the period from J to
    Chronicles. Weinfeld assumes a totally contrary evolution: what had previously been
    sacral, Deuteronomy made the prerogative of the owner.l5 In similar fashion, Horst
    characterizes the festive meal as the consequence of a secularizing tendency.l6
    Eissfeldt also rejects the identification of firstfruits with tithes.lT According to Dt.
    14:28;26:10,12; l8:4;2K.4:42, firstfruits and tithes appear at least in part to have the
    same function. It should be noted that tithes are not always collected from the goods of
    the owner, but only when they come into the owner's possession for the first time: they
    are firstfruits. Naturally the owner does not know at the outset what the income will be
    (including the yield of the land: l*v.27:30, etc.); an estimate is therefore necessary.
    In Nu. 18:21 we meet for the first time the statement that God has given to the Le-
    vites for a possession "the whole tithe in Israel." The statement appears surprisingly af-
    ter a long discussion (vv. 1l-19) of the firstfruits (re'iifi, which the Aaronic priests are
    to receive as compensation for the risk they incur in dealing with holy things.18 These
    firstfruits include not only "the best of the oil and the wine and the grain" (v. l2),
    which Dt. 14:23 reserves for the celebration of the donor, but also the firstborn of cows,
    sheep, and goats (v. 17) and even of humans (of course redeemed by monetary pay-
    ment, v. 15). This situation, which provides so lavishly for the priests, cannot be the
    original context of vv. 2l-24, which allot the whole tithe to the Levites, especially since

    15. "Change," 31.


    16. Gottes Recht. ThB 12 (1961),78.
    17. Erstlinge, l57.
    18. Noth, Numbers. OTL(Eng. trans. 1968), 133ff
    1V! 'eSer

    v. 26 adds that the Levites must contribute a tithe of their tithe as a tcrfimd for Yahweh, l

    which probably means that it devolves upon the priests.


    Lev.2t:30-33 prescribes that "all tithes, . . . the seed from the ground and the fruit
    from the tree," belong to Yahweh; in cases of necessity, these tithes may be redeemed
    for 120 percent of their value. "This redemption has nothing to do with the optional
    temporary conversion of tithes of produce into cash provided for in Dt. l4:24ff1'te In
    the case of tithes of animals (note: "every tenth one"), v. 32 forbids redemption; v. 27,
    however, permits it for unclean animals not suitable for sacrifice.
    Lev.27:32-33 came into being as a kind of codicil after animal tithes were included
    among the firstfruits assigned to the priests. This is also presupposed in 2 Ch.3l:5-12,
    whereas Mal. 3:8 still mentions animal tithes (assuming that the unfit sacrifices in 1:8
    are not the same thing); only the normal tithes of produce are mentioned in Neh.
    10:37(36); l2:M; 13:5,12, although 12:44 designates these tithes as support for "Le-
    vites and priests" (more precisely in 10:39[38]: for the Levites, and a tenth of the tithes
    for the priests).

    IV. Outside the OT.


    l. Rabbinic Literature. Rabbinic literature2o distinguishes firstfruits not only from
    the "first" tithe (Nu. 18,21-32) and the priestly t"rfrmd in l8:11-12, but also from the
    two other t"rfrm61and the "tithe of the tithe" ( l8:26), also distinguishing the latter from
    the "second" (or "third," according to TargJ I on Dt. 26:14, where the tithe for the
    needy is rhe "second") tithe intended for the meal of the tither (Dt. l4:22;Lev.27:3).

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. The Temple Scroll from Qumran uses ma'o$€r with the mean-
    ing "a tenth" (58:5: "a tenth of the people"; 58:13: of the spoils of war, a tenth belongs
    to the king, a thousandth to the priests, and a hundredth to the Levites). The regulations
    governing tithes differ in part from those in the rabbinic system. In 37:10 we read of
    places prepared for the offerings, firstfruits, and tithes (not further specified) of the
    priests. The Levites are accorded tithes of corn, wine, and fresh oil in 60:6; in a paren-
    thetical clause, 60:9 speaks of a tithe of (wild) honey otherwise the context deals en-
    tirely with offerings of bagged game, one in a
    -
    hundred or one in fifty. l lQT 60 deals
    with what the rabbis call the "first tithe"; l lQT 43 deals with the "second tithe" (Dt.
    l4:22ff.;26:12-13), but without using the word ma'aSer.
    Apart from this specialized usage, the number ten plays an important role at
    Qumran. The milfuamA hterature in particular uses a decimal system to divide the com-
    munity (lQM 2:13-16;4:3-5,17). This organization is also maintained in "times of
    peace" (lQS 2:22; lQSa 1: 15; 2:l; CD l3:l-2). The neophyte is required to study the
    "ordinances ofthe covenatt" (fuuqqA habb"ril) for ten years. After ten years, whoever
    transgresses the ordinances of the community is excluded without probation (lQS
    7:22).The ancient Jewish minyan is called to mind when a judicial panel of ten is ap-

    19. Elliger, Leviticus. HAT U4 (1966),392.


    20. st.-B., M2, 650ff., 668tr
    lYYatan

    pointed for the community and when the presence of at least one priest is required
    when ten men of the community council are together (1QS 6:3; cf. l. 6 and lQSa2:22).

    3. lXX. With few exceptions, the LXX translates all forms derived from this root
    with ddlratos and its compounds. The noun ma'af€r is representedby epiddkaros (18
    times) and ddkatos (13 times), as well as ddkas, ekphfrion, and aparchd (once each).

    V. Summary. The chronological sequence of the tithing laws is hard to determine,


    because laws dating from various periods were preserved by the tradition even when
    they were no longer observed. Haran, who dates P (Nu. 18:21) before Deuteronomy,
    may have rectified the order (although he has to ignore the royal tithe); but Cazelles's
    contention that ma'aS€r has nothing to do with "ten" creates diffrculties (cf. Airoldi,
    who interprets the Dtn passages as referring to a "prepared meal"). Taking into account
    the Mesopotamian data (see I.2 above) and the biblical texts, we must keep the follow-
    ing points in mind: ( I ) every human group must set aside a certain portion of private in-
    comes for common concerns; (2) the temple cult is a concern that had to be financed by
    such contributions; (3) spontaneous (or honorific) contributions like the Gk. leitourgia
    (the banquet inDt. 14:23?) might have sufficed initially, but legal regulation gradually
    became necessary; (4) the number "ten" has no sacral character (unlike seven or forty),
    but is prominent when one counts on one's fingers, and a tenth is roughly what an indi-
    vidual can afford; but the tenth was calculated only approximately and over the course
    of time came to be considered a tax in the general sense;21 (5) as many social and eco-
    nomic concerns became secularized, tithes were reserved for cultic and priestly pur-
    poses and the term lost its association with a fixed percentage.
    North

    21. Baumgarten, JBL t03 (1984) 245-51.

    lP\'ata"

    I. Etymology. II. OT Usage: l. Ex. 19:18; 2. Gen. 15:17; 3. Relationship to qeldre!; 4.


    "Columns of Smoke." III. L Dead Sea Scrolls; 2.LX)f.

    'didn. A. Demsky, 'A Note on 'Smoked Wine,"' Tel Aviv Journal 6 (1979) 163; G. F. Hasel,
    "The Meaning of the Animal Rite in Genesis 15: JSOT 19 (1981) 6l-78; J. Jeremias,
    Theophanie. WMANT l0 (1965); O. Kaiser, "Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung von Gene-
    sis 15," 7AW 7O (1958) 107-26 = Von der Gegenwartsbedeutung des AIs (1984), lO7-26;E. C.
    Kingsbury "The Theophany Tbpos and the Mountain of God," JBL 86 (1967) 205-lO; J. Licht,
    410 t$\'aran

    I. Etymology. The root 3z with the meaning "smoke" (verb and noun) appears in
    Pun. m'in, "cremation urn"; Arab. 'alanq means "rise" (of smoke). Probably related is
    the pael tnn (<'tn), "smoke," found in many Aramaic dialects. The root 3n is not found
    in Akkadian or Ugaritic; instead we find Akk. qaldru and Ugar. qtr with the double
    meaning "smoke" (i.e., emit smoke) (G stem) and "cure by smoking" (D stem).I

    I O|f Usage.
    l. Ex. 19: 18.In the OT 'dldn is especially strikingas a phenomenon accompanying
    the Sinai theophany (Ex. 19:18): "Mount Sinai was wrapped in smoke. . . . The smoke
    went up like the smoke of a kiln, and the whole mountain shook violently." Surprisingly,
    this phenomenon is described elsewhere (58 times in theophanic contexts) as -+ lllt
    'iindn, "clond"; nothing is said of smoke in connection with the pillar of cloud and fue
    that accompanied the people (Ex. l3:21;but cf. Isa. 4:5 in an eschatological context). The
    smoke in Ex. 19:18 has often been taken to suggest a volcanic eruption, but the closest
    volcano active in historical times is near Tadra Hala al-Badr, southeast of Elat. Now since
    the OT occasionally identifies Midian with Sinai (8x.2:15-14: 19; Nu. 25:15;Hab. 3:7),2
    one might seek to locate Sinai there. But the attempts to identify this volcano with the site
    of the theophany must be considered failures.3 There is a consensus, however, that the
    text describes the theophany in the colors of a volcanic eruption.
    Ps. 104:32 alludes to the smoking mountain of Ex. 19: l8: "He looks on the earth and it
    trembles, he touches the mountains and they smoke." Ps. 144:5 prays for a repetition of
    the evenl "Bow your heavens and come down, touch the mountains so that they smoke."

    2. Gen. 15:17. Gen.15:17 tells how "a smoking fire pot and a flaming torchflappt/:
    better 'flare']" passed between the pieces of the sacrifice. The text "recalls unmistak-
    ably the Sinai volcano."4 Because Yahweh makes a covenant with Abraham immedi-
    ately afterward, it is reasonable to suppose that the flaming fire represents Yahweh's
    presence. This presence, as the context implies, is numinous; but it is not terrifying, as
    in Ex. 19:18.s
    The Sinai event may also find an echo in the smoke from God's nostrils in Ps.
    18:9(Eng. v. 8) (= 2 5.22:9), accompanied by fire, darkness, hail, and thunder; but the
    context here speaks of a manifestation of divine anger (v. 8[7]). The same is true in Dt.
    29:19(20) and Ps. 74:1: God's anger is kindled (lit. "smokes") against apostates and his

    "Die Offenbarung Gottes beim Aufenthalt am Berg Sinai," Srudres in the Bible and the Ancient
    Near East. FS S. E laewenstamm (1977),251-67; H. Torczyner (T[r-Sinai), "Zur Bedeutung
    von Akzent und Vokal im Semitischenl'7-DMG 64 (1910) 269-311, esp.270.
    t. -+ i.01 qln
    2. Cf. Ptolemy Geography 6.7.2; see R. North, II{VO-A 32 0979) 66-67;E. A.Kna$,ZDMG
    r3s (1985) l6-21.
    3. W. Phythian-Adams, PEQ 62 (1930) 135-49, 192-2O9i G. Hort, "Musil, Madian and the
    Mountain of the Law," FS G. Silchcr (1955), 8l-93.
    4. O. Procksch, Genesis. KAT | 1t19241, 1*.
    5. On Gen. 15 in general see Kaiser and Hasel; also G. J. Wenham,,ISOI22 (1982) 134-37.
    t?Y'asaz 4tl

    people. Ps. 80:5(4) says elliptically that God "smokes" (i.e., is angry) while his people
    pray. According to Isa. 65:5, those who worship idols are "like smoke in my nostrils,
    an ever-burning fire" probably meaning that they provoke God's anger (on this locu-
    -
    tion see also Jer. l7:4; Dt. 32:22).

    3. Relationship to qeprel. The noun 'dldn never appears in parallel with q"ydret6
    Isa. 6:4 (the temple filled with smoke) could be a possible exception, but may be influ- -
    enced by the theophany motif. The smoke of incense and sacrifice is "a pleasing
    odor,"7 whereas ?.idn expresses rather something unpleasant. Smoke comes out of the
    crocodile's nostrils (Job 4l:12[20]). According to Prov. 10:26, a lazy servant is "like
    vinegar to the teeth and smoke to the eyes."
    Smoke is also a symbol of transitoriness and evanescence: the wicked will "vanish
    like smoke" (Hos. 13:3; Ps.37:20 [reading k"'alan with 4QpPs 371;68:3121). In Ps.
    102:4(3) the psalmist laments that his days have passed away like smoke. A similar im-
    age is present in Isa. 51:6: even if heaven and earth vanish like smoke and wear out like
    a garment, God's salvation and deliverance will be forever. In Isa. 34: l0 the smoke that
    symbolizes the destruction of Edom goes up forever "[1 is clear enough that [the au-
    -
    thorl thought of the end of Edom in a similar way to the destruction of Sodom and Go-
    morrah."8 According to Isa. 9:17(18), "the wickedness [of the people] burned like a fire
    . . . and kindled the thickets . . . so that they swirled upward in a column sf srnsftg"
    in other words, their wickedness provoked the devastating anger of Yahweh. In Isa. -
    l4:31 smoke from the north attests to the devastation wrought by the advancing foe. In
    Nah. 2:14(13) the chariots go up in smoke. Quite concretely, according to Josh. 8:20-
    21, the inhabitants of Ai see the smoke of their burned city rising to the sky. In Jgs.
    20:38,40, the Benjaminites erroneously interpret the smoke rising from Gibeah, burned
    by the Ephraimites, as a smoke signal.

    4. "Columns of Smolce." What Cant. 3:6 means by ttm*61'Aidn, "columns of smoke,"


    is unclear; the context suggests incense burning around the "litter of Solomon." In Joel
    3:3 "blood, fire, and columns of smoke" are signs announcing the day of Yahweh.s

    lll l . Dead Sea Scrolls. The Dead Sea Scrolls remain within the framework of OT us-
    age. The power of the enemy is dispersed like smoke (lQM 15:10); evil will disappear
    like smoke and vanish forever (1Q27 tr.1, l:6). The reading of IQH 9:5 is uncertain.

    2. IXX. The LXX translates ?Jdz almost exclusively with lapn6s; we occasionally
    find atmis (Hos. l3:3) and the verbal kapnizesthai. The verb is translated with
    lrapnizesthai (3 times) or orgizesthai (twice); in Dt. 29:19 we find ekkauthdsetai (orgd).
    North

    6. -s 19p qtr.
    7. --r l1lllrJ ntltbal.t.
    8. O. Kaiser, Isaiah li-39. OTL(Eng. trans. 1974),358.
    9. -; d'f y6m.
    PVYataq

    PgY 'diaq; l?]l. 'aieq; l$e- 'oieq; lBliYoiqd; fCI\ 'di6q; d'llty '"ifiqtm;
    nii2glfD ma'"iaqq61

    I. Root, Derivatives: l. Differentiation; 2. Forms; 3. Distribution; 4. Semantic Domain;


    5. Ancient Near East;6. Translations. II. Meanings and Settings: 1. Active;2. Stative. III.
    Semantic and Social Development. IV. Theological Implications. V. Later Influence.

    I. Root, Derivatives. IIAL distinguishes three different roots: Y4, "quarrel" (only
    Ger.26:20);'.i4 I, "oppress"; and ',iq II, "be strong" (only Job 40:23; possibly related
    to bzqt). Because 'Sq and '.i4 II are so rare and because the differentiation of dentals and
    sibilants is often nothing more than a question of dialect (as in Jgs. 12:5),2 we shall
    deal primarily with the root 'iq I of HAL.
    Guttural, sibilant, and plosive constitute a phonetic matrix that probably expresses
    aggression by its very nature.3 Similar phonetic combinations are: idd, "deal violently
    with"; iht, "slaughter"; il.tq, "rub away"i.iftt piel, "destroy"; Jmd hithpael, "destroy";
    .is'piel, "cleave."

    2. Forms. Verbal and substantival forms are represented about equally in the OT.
    The verb appears 27 times in active lexemes, always in the qal; in 19 of these cases the
    verb has a personal object, in 4 a material or abstract object, and in 4 no object. The
    hithpael of ',fq, "quarrel" (Gen. 26:20), is easy to associate semantically with the qal of
    ',iq. As Jer. 2l:12 shows, the hapax legomenon 'didq in Jer. 22:3 is a normally formed
    active agent noun, contrasting with all the lexemes expressing a state, result, or situa-
    tion. With these latter we can associate the fully intransitive hdn ya'aidq nahar "Be-
    hold, the river is rising" (Job 40:23) (or: "is oppressed"? [cf. NRSV "is turbulent"]; fol-
    lowing the LXX, Fohrer emends to yiipa', "flows abundantly").4 Naturally the qal
    passive participle, which occurs 8 times, and the pual participle (Isa. 23:12), as well as
    the great majority of the nouns, are stative in orientation: '6ieq, "oppression" (15

    'diaq. W.B. Bizzel, The Social Teachings of the Jewish Prophets (1916); L.Epsztein, Social
    Justice in the Ancient Near East and the People of the Bible (Eng. trans. 1986); E. Haag et al.,
    eds., Gewalt und Gewaltlosigkeit im AT. QD 96 (1983); T. Hanks, God So lnved the Third World
    (1983); P. Jotion, "Verbe pg{ 'retenir' (le bien d'autrui), secondairement'oppimer,"' Bibl 3
    (1922) 445-47; Y. I. Kim, "The Vocabulary of Oppression in the OT" (diss., Drew, 1981);
    J. Milgrom, "The Missing Thief in l*v 5,20ff.1' RIDA 22 (1975) 7l-85; J. Miranda, Commu-
    nism in the Bible (Eng. trans. 1982); J. D. Pleins, "Biblical Ethics and the Poor" (diss., Univ. of
    Michigan, 1986); J. Pons, L'oppression dans l'AT (1981);E.Tamez, The Bible of the Oppressed
    (Eng. trans. 1982); L. Wallis, Sociological Study of the Bible (41922).

    l. But see F. Hesse, -+ IY 301.


    2. Bl^e, 191 n. l.
    3. P. P. Saydon, Bibl 36 (1955) 294.
    4. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XYI (1963),523.
    lVYasaq 413

    times); 'oiqi @ily Isa. 38:14 IMT 'dicqdl);s 'oifiqtm (3 times) and ma'aiaqq61(twice),
    both abstract plurals: "oppression, extortion." The PN 'eieq (l Ch. 8:39: a descendant
    of Saul) might derive from 'Jq.6 Thus we find a total of 28 "active" words alongside 32
    "stative" words.

    3. Distribution. The distribution of these lexemes in the OT is noteworthy. No trace of


    the root appears in the historical books ofany era, i.e., Genesis, Exodus, Joshua, Judges,
    Kings, Chronicles (except I Ch. 16:21 [= Ps. 105:14] and a personal name of uncertain
    derivation in I Ch. 8:39; see above), Ezra, and Nehemiah. The two occunences in the
    booksof Samuel(l S. 12:3,4)arevirnrallylostinthetotalof 55chapters. Inotherwords,
    narrative literature does not use this root. By contrast, it occurs 9 times in Psalms, 7 times
    each in Isaiah, Ezekiel, and the Minor Prophets, 6 times in Jeremiah, and 5 times each in
    Proverbs and Ecclesiastes. Thus these books contain 46 ofthe 60 occurrences. Other oc-
    currences are 4 in Leviticus and 3 each in Deuteronomy and Job. The data suggest two
    conclusions: (1) ',iq appears primarily in cultic and didactic texts; the prophetic and legal
    passages must be examined to see how they relate to this observation; (2) attempts to date
    the texts using ',i4 generally bring us to the postexilic period.

    4. Semantic Domain. The root '.iq and its derivatives always denote negatively con-
    strued actions and states. Many of these actions are forbidden (e.g., Lev. 19:13; Dt.
    24:4) or characterized as reprehensible (e.g., Lev. 5:2l,23lBng. 6:2,41) and injurious to
    the person affected (e.g., Dt. 28:29,33). Frequently 'Jq conduct or its result appears in
    lists of detestable acts (e.9., Ezk. l8:10-18;22:23-31) and feared afflictions (e.g., Ps.
    146:7-9). Thus '.i4 belongs to the semantic domain associated with threats to life and
    well-being. Our word group denotes circumstances inimical to life.

    5. Ancient Near East. Outside the OT, the root is attested primarily in the Aramaic
    dialects. Its earliest occurences, with the meaning "act with violence," are probably in
    the Nerab inscription (par. to nds haphel, "carry off') and in Sefire III.7 Isolated occur-
    rences, with the meaning "oppress," appear in the Aramaic Qumran fragments, Jewish
    and Christian Aramaic documents from Palestine, and Syriac and Mandaic texts.s In
    Egyptian, '.iq may be an Aramaic loanword.e Arab.'aiiqa, "love passionately," is possi-
    bly related.t0 It is unlikely that Akk. 'eiqu, "mighty, massive," has anything to do with
    'iq.tt

    5. On the omission of the metheg and other emendation, see H. Wildberger, lesaja 28-39. BK
    W3 (1982), 1444;8. Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia. HKATlllll (1892),281, reads the qal impv. of
    'J4, "make an effort."
    6. Contra HAL, 11,897; Noth (/PN, no. I120) claims that the theory that it represents a sigh
    lamenting oppression is "untenable"; PNU, 29l "strong."
    7. KAl226.8;224.20, respectively. See R. Degen, Altaramiiische Grammatik (1969),68,79.
    8. See Beyer, 272; Brockelmann, lzxSyr; 552; MdD, 4lb.
    9. WbAS, 1,230.
    10. Wehr,614.
    ll. AHw, I,257.
    4t4 ?VYataq

    6. Translations. The LXX often renders 'Jq and its derivatives with words from the
    stem (a)dik-: adike[n appears 15 times (even in Gen. 26:20, possibly representing
    ya'aidqfi'd16), plus apadikein inDt.24:14. Nominal forms are represented 8 times by
    ddibs, adikia, or adik€ma. This Greek lexical field is associated with the legal realm:
    "injustics."r2 In second place stand Greek equivalents on the stem dyn-: (kata)
    dynasteilein and dynastia, "ruIe," are represented I I times. This word family is associ-
    ated with the political realm. The forms syl<ophantein, syl<ophdnt€s, ard sylcophantia
    also appear 1l times representing words in the 'Jq group. They refer to false accusa-
    tion, oppression, and extortion, terms from the realm of ethics.l3 Other translations are
    unique: big dgein, "act violently" (lsa.42:4); aitta, "gailt" (Prov. 28: l7); apostr€phein,
    "divert (funds)" (Dt.24:14 A; Mal. 3:5); diarpdzein, "loot" (Mic.2:2); ekpidzein, "ex-
    tort" (Ezk. 22:29); thlibein, thlipsis, "oppression" (Ezk. 18:18). In general the empha-
    sis is on "injustice" and "violence." More specific meanings such as "car4/ off" "loot,"
    or "slander" appear only rarely. The Vulg. prefers opprimere and its derivatives.

    II. Meanings and Settings.


    l. Active. The active verbal forms make the strongest impression in their variety and
    specificity; from them derive the nouns.
    a. Civil l,aw. ln Lev. 19:lL-L4, a series of prohibitions, '.iq must have a meaning
    equivalent to the other forbidden acts. V. I I mentions gnb, "steall' kl.ti, "deal falsely,"
    and lqr "lie," side by side. V. 12 is a priestly and ethical expansion (misuse of God's
    name). V. 13 shifting to the singular'- now adds three further prohibitions: /d'-
    1a'aidq
    -
    'etre'aka wcl6' ligzbl la'-1alin. . . ,' -) 7tl gazal means "steal," while /in
    pe'ullal idftir refers to illegally withholding a laborer's wages (cf. Dt.24:14-15; absent
    from the Covenant Code). Then '.iq means "exploit, extort": delaying payment (Dt.
    24:15) is a form of economic exploitation. Elsewhere, too, '.iq appears in the context of
    economic transgressions against individuals: I S. 12:3-4 (+ np) ldqatt),Am. 4:l (r.1os,
    "crush"; cf. I S. 12:3-4:Dt.28:33: Hos.5:ll), Ezk. 22:29 (+)17 gazal; cf. Lev.
    5:2316:4); 19: 13; Jer. 2l:12lcompletely synonymousl; 22:3; Mic. 2:2; Ps.62:l I [10];
    Eccl. 5:7[8]),Mic.2:2 (-r 'IDn fumd, gzl, n.f'[taking real property]). Proverbial litera-
    ture also uses socioeconomic vocabulary when discussing 34 (Prov. 14:31; 22:16;
    28:3; Eccl. 4:l; cf. Hos. l2:8[7]). And who are the exploiters of the weak? Well-to-do
    Israelites! This is clear in the proverbial texts (in Prov. 28:3, should ra.f be emended to
    rdid'with LXX?;;tl it is stated trenchantly in Mic. 2:l-10 ("personnel belonging to the
    military occupation and royal administration") and Ezk.22:23-29 (princes, priests, of-
    ficials, prophets).ls Often the active participle suffices to identify the agent: Jer.2l:12;
    Am.'4:l; Mal. 3:5; Ps.72:4; ll9:l2l; Prov. l4:31; 22:16; Eccl. 4:1.
    b. Cultic Community. Now the charge of exploitation and extortion is not simply a

    12. G. Schrenk, TDNT, l, 149-63.


    13. C. H. Hunzinger, TDN|'Vll,759.
    14. See O. Pltiger, Spriiche Salomos. AKXVII (1984), 331,333; he retains the MT.
    15. See, respectively, H. W. Wolff, Micah(Eng. trans. 1990),75; W. Zimmerli,Ezekiel 1.
    Herm (Eng. trans. 1979), 465ff.
    TVYataq 415

    matter of civil law. Such intimidation of a neighbor falls within the competence of the
    cultic community. The root 'Jq is grounded in the ethos of this community, not in the
    earlier norms of clan life (cf. gnb, r;lt, n'p).The rules in context refer to the cultic com-
    munity (Lev.19:12;ler.7:6; Ezk. 18:5-18;22:6-12). The use of i4 in the sacrificial to-
    rah (Lev. 5:20-26) confirms its cultic associations. The "neighbor" to be protected
    (Lev. 19:11-13) is any memberof the community. The "people" (Ezk. 18:18) is Israel,
    as constituted in the local congregation and in the temple community (Jer.7:l-11). In
    admonitions against exploiting fellow believers (cf. Lev. 25:25, "a brother in diffi-
    culty"), 'iq can always be used in a more general sense ("oppress, wrong") in contrast
    to "doing good" (Ezk. 18:18; Mic. 2:L;Z,ec.7:9-10). Economic abuse of a neighbor
    then becomes (in times of crisis? under the pressure of foreign rule and internal class
    conflicts?;to an example of inhumane and godless conduct in general (Ps. 72:4;
    ll9:l2l-122; 'dlEq, "malefactor"). Because on the national level economic exploita-
    tion affects large numbers and because it is the hallmark of all foreign rule, '.iq can also
    be applied to the nation and the land (Ps. 105:14 = I Ch. 16:21; Isa. 52:3-5).
    2. Stative. a. Participle. The state of the 'dlfrq, who suffers 'd.leq, arouses concern,
    pity, a desire to help. No one gloats over the lot of the 'alfiqtm. The voices heard in the
    OT are those of the oppressed. As a rule, the qal passive (and pual) participle denotes
    an exploited group. In the curses inspired by the experiences of the 6th century (Dt.
    28:15-68), we find predictions of a typically parenetic mixture of corporal and polit-
    ico-economic punishment. The word 'd!ilq (in combination with gdzfil or rdgfis)
    frames a passage describing violent treatment and exploitation at the hands of foreign-
    ers (vv. 29-34; why was the word not used in Lamentations?). The word has similar po-
    litical overtones in Jer. 50:33 (vocabulary of captivity); Hos. 5:11 (MT, varying from
    LXX; the earliest occurrence of 'difrq?); Ps. 103:6 (promise of "vindication and jus-
    tice"); Eccl.4:I ("tears ofthe oppressed" as a symbol ofaffliction). The catalog ofthe
    wretched in Ps. 146:7-9, beginning with'dlfrqtm, reads like a timeless picture of afflic-
    tion. The only individual, "spiritualized" usage is found in Prov. 28:17: "Someone bur-
    dened with bloodguilt" (semantic bedrock? more likely figurative usage). The ques-
    -
    tion is whether the three other occurrences of '"ffrqim (Am. 3:9; Job 35:9; Eccl. 4:la),
    generally understood as an abstract, might not also be interpreted personally.lT In Eccl.
    4:lathe expression hd'aifrqim'aier na'aiim, ". . . that are practiced," appears to suggest
    impersonal usage.
    b. Noun. The noun b.ieq oscillates between concrete and abstract meaning. In Lev.
    5:23(6:4) and Eccl. 7:7, '6ieq is palpably concrete (see also the proverbs cited in Ex.
    23:8 and Dt. 16:17). Eccl. 5:7 and Jer. 22:17 illustrate the same usage. In the case of
    bdtah b"'6ieq (Jer. 30: 1 2; Ps. 62: I I ), there is room for doubt whether the locution re-
    fers to ill-gotten gains or an "exploitative attitude." The expression dibber'6ieq (Isa.
    59: 13; Ps. 73:8) admits only the latter interpretation. The practice of exploitation or its

    16. H. G. Kippenberg, Religion und Klassenbildung im antilcen Judiia (1978).


    17. For Amos see H. W. Wolff, loel and Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), l9O; for Job see
    G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XVI (1963), 472,with emendation.
    416 ?eiYasaq

    mechanism is the subject of Jer. 6:6 and Isa. 54:14 (cf . Am. 3:6, "disaster in a city"; Jer.
    6:7; Ps. 55:10-12[9-11]). In they'sura etymologicainEzk.l8:18 and 22:29,18 the noun
    merges with the verb; "making gain b"'Aieq" refers to the attitude of the exploiter.
    Finally, Ps. 1 19:134 shows the word used in a very general sense, "the evil people do
    me" (cf. vv.29,37,39,115,128,133,153,163; the word rd'd, "evlll'does not occur in
    this psalm). The context of the abstract noun ma'aiaqq61@rov. 28:16) is textudly
    problematic.

    III. Semantic and Social Development. Although the scanty extent of the evidence
    makes it impossible to write a history of the term, a few stages of semantic develop-
    ment can be identified. (a) In Israelite society, characterized by division of labor and
    marked class distinctions (beginning with the late monarchy? lJer. 2l:12;22:3,171;
    earlier? [Hos. 5: I l; 12:8(7); Am. 4: 1 ; Mic. 2:2)), economic exploitation of the weak
    was forbidden. (b) The proponents of this ideal of social justice were prophetic and
    priestly circles. The locus of admonition and indictment was primarily liturgical.
    (c) Words belonging to the '.iq group, together with + )tl gazal, + ii'!, ydnd, + i1l9
    'dndh, and others, play a role in admonitions addressed to the community. In such con-
    texts '.i4 refers to the various economic mechanisms and circumstances, as well as the
    corresponding attitudes of the economically powerful, that threaten the lives lived by
    the poor. (d) Particular times ofcrisis (exile, natural catastrophes, extortion by foreign
    rulers) made such exploitation notorious within the early Jewish community as the
    worst kind of disaster and affliction. The social history of the Jewish communities is
    discussed elsewhere.le

    IV. Theological Implications. It is theologically significant that in the ancient Near


    East and especially in Israel the economically weak individual enjoyed divine protec-
    tion. Here age-old clan traditions of the solidarity linking the tutelary deity with his
    people and the ideal of the king who cares like a father for his people, which evolved
    from these traditions, combined fruitfully with experiences of affliction and oppression
    specific to Israel.
    In Ps. 146:7-9 the "righteous" whom Yahweh loves (v. 8c) stand in the midst of un-
    derprivileged groups, and are therefore poor themselves (antonym: the "wicked"
    fr"idiml in v. 9c). The "exploited" ('oirtqim) stand thematically at the head of the list;
    they shall receive justice (miipAil. They are followed by the hungry prisoners, the
    blind, and those who are bowed down (vv. 7-8); the traditional "strangers, orphans, and
    widows" come after the "righteous." Yahweh cares for them all in specific ways, but
    justice (v. 7a) is the general promise to marginal groups. The king (Ps. 72:l-4) and
    each individual Israelite (Lev. 19:13; Prov. l4:31; etc.) have a religious obligation to
    protect those who are socially disadvantaged. In ancient Israel the setting in which a
    sense of this obligation was inculcated was worship (Ezk. l8;22;Z,ec.7;Ps. 146; etc.).

    18. GK, $117p, q.


    19. -+ i'll9 II'anA L
    lQYatar 417

    V. Later Influence. The 34 word group did not play a significant role in the post-
    OT period: in the LXX it was leveled to adikcin, etc.; in the Dead Sea Scrolls, Apocry-
    pha, Pseudepigrapha, and NT, it is scantily attested and has no specifically economic
    overtones. It has nevertheless influenced the theology of poverty in both Judaism and
    Christianity.2o This influence is manifested especially in the exegetical work emanat-
    ing from the countries of the Third World.2l
    Gerstenberger

    20. -, ;'l:Y II 'dnh ll.


    21. Hanks, Tamez, etc.

    lpY 'dtar;\,Q{dtir; llViit 'aier

    I. Root; Distribution. IL l. Forms and Occurrences;2. Parallel Words and Phrases. III.
    General Usage: l. Verb; 2. Adjective;3. Noun. IV. Theological Aspects. V. Dead Sea Scrolls and
    LXX.

    'dlar H. A. Brongers, "Rijkdom en armoede in Israel," NedTT 29 (1975) 20-35; H. Btickers,


    Die biblische Lchre vom Eigentum (1947); T. Donald, "The Semantic Field of Rich and Poor in
    the Wisdom Literature of Hebrew and Accadianl' OrAnt 3 (1964) 27-41; H. Donner, "Die
    soziale Botschaft der Propheten im Lichte der Gesellschaftordnung in Israel," OrAnt 2 (1963)
    229-45; J. W. Gaspar, "Social Ideas in the Wisdom Literature of the OT' (diss., Catholic Univer-
    sity of America, 1947); R. Gordis, "The Social Background of Wisdom Literature," HUCA 18
    (1943144)77-118; J. Gray, "Feudalism in Ugarit und Israel: 7AW U (1952) 49-55; F. Hauck and
    E. Bammel, "ntroXdq," TDM Y1,888-94; F. Hauck and W. Kasch, "ntroOroe," TDNT, V(,323-
    25; F. Horst, "Das Eigentum nach dem ATl' Gottes Recht. ThB 12 (1961) 203-21; J. Kelly, "The
    Biblical Meaning of Poverty and Riches," TBT 33 (1967) 2282-91; K. Koch, "Die Entstehung
    der sozialen Kritik bei den hofeten," Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971),
    236-57; H.-J. Kraus, "Die prophetische Botschaft gegen das soziale Unrecht Israels," EvT 15
    (1955) 295-307 = his Biblisch-theologische Aufsdtze (1972), l2O-33; A. Kuschke, "Arm und
    reich im N: 7AW 57 (1939) 3l-57; J. A. Lucal, "God and Justice," TBT 32 (1967) 2221-28;
    M. Lurje, Studien zur Geschichte der wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Verhiilnisse im israelitisch-
    jildischen Reiche. BZAW 45 (1927); E. Marmorstein, '"The Origins of Agricultural Feudalism in
    the Holy Landl' PEQ 85 (1953) lll-17; P. A. Munch, "Das Problem des Reichtums in den Ps
    37.49.73:7AW 55(1937) 3646; N. Peterc,Die soziale Fiirsorge imAT(1936); G. vonRad, Wis-
    dom in Israel (Eng. trans. 1972), 74-96;M. Schwantes, Das Recht der Armen. BBET 4 (1977);
    F. Selter, "Besitz, ntro0roq," Theologisches Begrffiexikon zum M I 0967), 101-4; U. Skladny,
    Die tiltesten Spruchsammlungen in Israel (1962); W. Thiel, Die soziale Entwicklung Israels in
    vorstaatlicher Tzit (198O); H. E. von Waldow, "Social Responsibility and Social Structure in
    Early Israel," CBQ 32 (1970) 182-2M; G. Wanke, "Zu Grundlagen und Absicht prophetischer
    Sozialkritik," KzD 18 (1972)2-17;H. W. Wolff, "Herren und Knechte," TI:Z8| (1972) 129-39.
    418 1ui9 'dlar

    I. Root; Distribution. The root iir (or iir I; a root iir II may appear in Ps.
    65:10[Eng. v. 9]l) is found in Southwest Semitic (e.g., Arab. 'aiara, "be abundant")
    and above all in Northwest Semitic. Apart from the OT and later Hebrew, the root
    verb and substantives
    -
    is attested in Aramaic ('trttyr) and Syriac (irr with several de-
    -
    rivatives); reference may also be made to Mandaic.2 The general sense of the root ap-
    pears to be that something (or some state) is present in unusual abundance.

    ll.
    l. Forms and Occunences. The 3r word family is represented in the OT by a
    verb and especially by two nouns. The verb iir appears 17 times: twice in the qal (Hos.
    12:9[8]; Job 15:29), 14 times in the hiphil (including Ps. 65:10[9],3 as well as Ps.
    49:17116l andZr,c. 11:5,4 where qal forms may be intendeds), and once in the hithpael
    (Prov. 13:7). The occurrences ofthe verb are distributed as follows: once in the Penta-
    teuch (Gen. 14:23), twice in the Deuteronomistic History (1 S. 2:7; 17:25),4 times in
    the Prophets, and 7 times in wisdom literature (6 in Proverbs plus Job 15:-29), or 8 if Ps.
    49:17(16) (besides 65:10[9]) is included. There is one occurrence in apocalyptic litera-
    ture (Dnl. 11:2).
    The adj. Z.fir often used as a noun,6 appears 23 times (including Isa. 53:9; see be-
    low); Prov. l0:15a and l8:1la are identical (cf. also l9:1a with 28:6a). It appears 8
    times as subject, once (Eccl. 10:20) as object. Its occurrences are distributed as fol-
    lows: once in the Pentateuch (Ex. 30:15),3 times in the Deuteronomistic History (2 S.
    l2:1,2,4),3 times in the Prophets (Isa. 53:9; Jer. 9:221231; Mic. 6:12), l3 times in wis-
    dom literature (9 in Proverbs and 3 in Ecclesiastes, plus Job 2'7:19)), or 14 if Ps.
    49:3(2) is included (besides Ps. 45:13[12]). It also appears in Ruth 3:10.
    The noun 'd.fer with its 37 occurrences (12 as subj. and I I as obj.) is the commonest
    word based on the root iir Its occurrences in 2 Ch. 1 : I 1- l 2 and 9:22 parallel those in
    I K. 3:11,13 and 10:23, albeit with minor changes. These occurences are distributed

    Isa. 53:9ap. W. F. Albright, "The High Place in Ancient Palestine," Volume du Congris,
    Strasbourg 1956. SW 4 (1956),242-58, esp. 244-46; B. Barrick, "The Funerary Character of
    'High Places'in Palestine," Y725 (1975) 565-95, esp.580-85; G. R. Driver, "Isa.52:13-53:12:
    The Servant of the Lord," In Memoriam P Kahle. BZAW 103 (1968), 90-105, esp. 95; K. Elliger,
    "Nochmals Textkritisches zu Jes 53," FzB 2 (1972) 137-44, esp. l4l-43; K. F. Euler, Die
    Verkiindigung vom leidenden Gottesknecht aus Jes 53 in der griechischen Bibel. BWANTIYII4
    (1934),73-75;H. S. Nyberg, "Smlirtornas man," SE4 7 0942) 5-82, esp.56-58; H. W. Wolff,
    Jesaja 53 im Urchristentum (1952), esp.41,77.
    Additional bibliography: -+ I'lrf N 'ebyAn;)l ail 1\l h6n; a)I' hdszr; af' ydqar; ;11y 'dnA.
    l. See HAI. II, 898, citing Ugaritic.
    [rvy, WTM, s.v. For Aramaic see DNSI, II, 898; Beyer, 666;
    2. For later Hebrew see Jastrow;
    also E. Kautzsch, Die Aramiiismen (1902), 109. For Mandaic see MdD,43b, 188a, 347a. See
    also Bk, $6lna; and the inscription from Khirbet el-Qom, no. 3, discussed by K. Jaro5, BN 19
    (1982) 3t-4O.
    3. See I above.
    4. See below.
    5. JM, $$54c,63c.
    6. Blz, $6lnq.
    lQy'atar 419

    as follows: once in the Pentateuch (Gen. 31:16),4 times in the Deuteronomistic His-
    tory,8 times in the Chronicler's History twice in the Prophets (Jer.9:22123]; 17:ll),
    and 15 times in wisdom literature (9 in Proverbs and 6 in Ecclesiastes), or 18 if the
    Psalms are included (49:7161;52:9Ul; ll2:3).It also occurs once in apocalyptic litera-
    ture (Dnl. 11:2) and in Est. 5:11.
    Reviewing the overall distribution of the word family, with a total of 77 occurrences
    (not including 'didr in I K. 22:49, which should probably be read 'aiA),7 we note its
    relatively wide literary distribution and especially the clear preponderance of its occur-
    rences in wisdom literature, 35 in all (including Ps. 49:38[37]).
    The most disputed text is [sa. 53:9, where many scholars (esp. of an earlier era) have
    considered the expressionw"el:61i7 1o be comrpt. The form in lQlsa is noteworthy: a
    pl.'aiifim (probably original; cf. also LXX and Targ.) has been changed to a singular
    (Mt).8 The anomalous form'lp{Nl in Zec. 11:5, which exhibits a wealth of variants in
    the earliest textual tradition, might even suggest the noun 'dltr.s lt is usually read and
    understood as wd'a'itr (K).to

    2. Parallel Words and Phrases. The word family belongs to a relatively rich lexical
    field, within which it has a series of synonyms or parallel words as well as antonyms,
    occurring in more or less fixed phrases.
    In parallel with the qal of the verb, "be(come) rich," we frnd mdsa' '6n, "gain
    wealth" (Hos. 12:9[8]), and qfrm l.tayil, "wealth endures" (Job l5:29). In parallel with
    the hiphil, "enrich," we find gd/al, "be(come) great" (Jer.5:27b: cf . ldmEn, "grow fat,"
    in v. 28a); hifbta', "satisfy" (Ezk. 27:33); and yirbehtt k"bdd bA16, "the glory of his
    [viz., the rich man's] house increases" (Ps. 49:17[16]). As an antonym we actually find
    only a single verb: + Ul"l n2J, "be poor" (hov. l0:4; I 5.2:7, where the hiphil ptcp. of
    yr,f is generally emended to mdril fhiphil ptcp.];tz and Prov. 13:7, where the hithpael of
    3r is contrasted with the hithpalel of rfit, "pretend to be poor"). A substantival an-
    tonym, il mabsdr "man of want," appears in Prov. 2l:17. Twice the verb uses 'd.ier
    "wealth," as cognate object (l S.17:25; Dnl. 1l:2).
    The adj. 'ditri "richl'often used as a noun, has mostly antonyms, primarily vari-
    ous terms for "poor": 'epybn (Ps. 49:3[2]), daUcldl (Ex. 30:15; Prov. l0:15 [pl.];
    22:16;28:ll; Ruth 3:10), rdl/rd'l (2 S. l2:1,3; Prov. 14:20; 18:23;22:2,7;28:6).
    ln Prov. lO:15 rdl, "poverty," appears as an antonym of hdn, "wealth, possessions."
    Other antonyms are: 'Abed, "laborer" (Eccl. 5:ll[2]); ydicptm, "inhabitants"
    (Mic. 6:12); sef;el, "folly" (or sdf;dl, "fool"r3) (Eccl. 10:6). In the problematic text

    7. See BIIS.
    8. See III below.
    9. M. Sebo, Sacharja 9-14. WMANT 34 (1969),73-74.
    10. See BIIS,' also W. Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja l-9-Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KATXIIU4
    (1976),2O2; HAI. II, 897.
    ll. H.-J. Kraus, Psalms 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988),480, reads yarb€h (hiphil).
    12. HAI.1,442.
    13. -i ho st/,. M. s8;bs, TL)T lll, 1270.
    -.!

    :,uiy 'diar

    Isa. 53:9, the parallel word is reiAim, "wicked";t+ in Eccl. 10:20 it is meleft,
    "king."
    Unlike the adj. 'ditr the noun b.ier "wealth," appears in several combinations in
    which the parallel word lends '6ier a positive characterization. This is true especially
    of kabbd, "glory, splendor." This noun can be combined with'oier simply by means of
    w","andl' eitherinadyad('dierwef,fr!6/,Prov.3:16;8:l8a[whilev. l8bpresentsas
    parallels h6n'dlEq fr;"ddqA, "enduring wealth and righteousness";1s cf. Ps. ll2:37;
    I Ch. 29:12; 2 Ch. 17 :5; l8:l; 32:27) or in a triad includin g l.rayyim, "life" (Prov. 22:4)
    or n"f,dsim, "possessions" (Eccl. 6:2lcf . the dyad in 5:18(19): 'oier fineftastml; 2 Ch.
    l:ll,l2). It appears also in the construct phrase ke!6/ 'oir6, "the splendor of his
    riches," i.e., "his immense riches" (Est. 5:11; cf. l:4). This last locution expresses im-
    mensity of wealth, a notion conveyed elsewhere by rd!, "abundance" (Ps. 49:7[6]),
    laro!, "in abundance" (2 Ch. l7:5; 18:1; 32:27), or gd/6l, "great" (l S. 17:25; Dnl.
    1l:2). Other synonyms or terms used in positive parallelism arc: hokmd, "wisdom"
    (l K. 10:23; cf. Prov. 14:24); hayil, "iches" (Ps. 49:716D; kesep/zdhd!, "silver/gold"
    (Prov.22:l); yeqar tip'ere!, "majestic splendor" (Est. l:4). Antonyms are relatively
    few: 'iwwele1, "folly" (Prov. l4:24bi'oiram in v.24a need not be emended);t6 rAi,
    "poverty" (30:8; cf. ra-i, "poor," in 13:8).

    III. General Usage. Our examination of the larger lexical field has cast some light
    on the general usage of the verb and the nouns derived from the root '5r17 This usage
    covers a wide range of senses, from positive to neutral to sharply negative descriptions
    and assessments of wealth. Of particular importance are wisdom usage (where all the
    occurrences of verb and the adj. 'ditr as well as most occurrences of the noun '6ier ap-
    pear in the earlier Solomon collections) and prophetic usage. Both are theologically
    significant, albeit in different ways.ls

    l. Verb. In the case of the verb, it is clear first of all that being or becoming rich can
    be viewed as an aspect of human life that is simply assumed (Gen. 14:21-23; Ezk.
    27:33; DnL ll:2) or represented as a desirable goal (1 S. 17:25). It is something over
    which the individual has control, something that represents a challenge (Prov. 10:4).
    Second, however, it is equally clear that being or becoming rich is subject even more
    often to limits and restrictions imposed, if not otherwise, at least by death (Ps.
    49:17-18|6-171). But wealth can - also be squandered by a foolish lifestyle (Prov.
    2l:17). Positively, wisdom instruction associates wealth with honest labor, wisdom,
    and righteousness (10:4; 23:4;28:20); as a result, the act-consequence doctrine can
    conclude that the riches of the wicked/ungodly (rdid') cannot endure or can ascribe

    14. See III below.


    15. B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos. HATUI6 (21963),44.
    16. O. Pl6ger, Spriiche Salomos. BK XVII (1984), 166-67, 174, conta BHK and BI1S. See
    sBb4, TLOT I, 57-58.
    17. See II.2 above.
    18. See IV below.
    lVYdtar 421

    wealth to God's intervention (1 S. 2:7) and blessing (Prov. 10:22).le Against this back-
    ground, any association ofriches with unrighteousness (and godlessness) becomes in-
    creasingly disquieting, leading to the problem of theodicy and the social criticism
    voiced by the prophets in their oracles of judgment (Ier 5:17; Hos. 12:[8]; also Ezk.
    27:33;Zec.11:5, as well as Ps.49).20

    2. Adjective. The conclusions reached by examining the use of the verb are largely
    confirmed by the use of the adj./subst. 'ditr except that the many antonyms2l tend to
    present a sharper contrast between the rich and the poor. We hnd a naive acceptance of
    the existence of rich and poor, coupled with a certain perceptible concern for the poor
    (Ex. 30:15; 2 S. l2:1,2,4; Ps. 49:3[2]; Wov.22:2,7; Ruth 3:10). Other passages, how-
    ever, paint a negative picture of wealth, expressing not only its impermanence (Job
    27:19) but also its inadequacy and injustice (Eccl. 5:ll[12]; Prov. 18:23;22:16;
    28:.6,11); this picture is painted in even darker tones by the prophets (Mic. 6:12; Jer.
    9:22). The wealthy scoundrel becomes a kind of stock frgure,zz a development that
    could argue for keeping we'e!-'ditr in Isa. 53:9b as a collectively understood parallel to
    'e!-reiaim in v.9a.23

    3. Noun. As already emphasized,24 the noun 'd.ier "wealth," appears in a series of


    locutions that lend it a positive character, especially with reference to kings (see the
    texts in I Kings, I and 2 Chronicles, Esthet and Daniel). In this context the signifi-
    cance of wisdom deserves special mention, because it leads to wealth (Prov. 3:16; 8:18;
    14:24; but contrast Eccl. 9:1 l). The same is true of "humility" ('andwd) and "fear of
    Yahweh" (yir'a!yhwh) as well as "righteousness" (;"flaqd, Prov. 22:4;Ps. 112:3); this
    association leads once more to the act-consequence doctrine,2s which, however, is
    relativized by Ecclesiastes (4:8; 5:12-13[3-14]). Wealth is also relativized when it is
    called less important than a good name (Prov. 22:l; cf . LXX) and when the text warns
    against trusting (bap\ in riches (Prov. 1l:28; Ps. 52:9Ul). Jeremiah is even more
    caustic in his threat of judgment on those who amass wealth unjustly (Jer. 17: I l). Prov.
    30:8 is remarkably evenhanded in its attitude toward wealth and poverty, and Qohelet
    can speak of riches positively as a gift of God (Eccl. 5:18[9); 6:2).

    IV. Theological Aspects. The theological profile of what the OT has to say about
    wealth is complex, including its use of the 'ir word group. Above all, the OT treatment
    of wealth goes hand in hand with its treatment of poverty and the poor. There are many
    intersecting lines of approach, especially since voices representing many different mi-

    19. K. Koch, ZTK 52 (1955) 2tr.; von Rad, 124ff. See IV below.
    20. See the bibliog. at the beginning of this article.
    21. See II.2 above.
    22. Skladny, lgtt., 39tr., 62tr.
    23. Nyberg, Barrick, contra BI/S and to some extent Elliger.
    24. See II.2 above.
    25. See III.I above.
    1u)! 'alar

    lieus are heard. But the various theological aspects may be summarized under the fol-
    lowing points:
    l. Wealth is simply presupposed and accepted as a fact of human life; it is some-
    thing positive and desirable.
    2. Wealth is viewed as the consequence of human activity, depending in the first in-
    stance on the industry and sagacity of the individual and made the individual's respon-
    sibility.
    3. But wealth cannot simply be an individual concern; it is equally a concern of the
    community in the context of changing economic and social circumstances. For it is not
    irrelevant how wealth is acquired or how it is managed, because it must not offend
    against "justice" and "righteousness." The question of wealth becomes an ethical ques-
    tion of gradually increasing importance, both in wisdom teaching and in prophetic
    preaching.26
    4. The question of wealth is not simply an ethical question; in the Hebrew "synthetic
    view of life," it is often a religious question, and we note an increasing tendency to
    ground the phenomenon and problem of wealth on a religious foundation. This ten-
    dency finds classical expression in the Song of Hannah: "Yahweh makes poor and
    makes rich; he brings low, he also exalts" (l S. 2:7). It is developed more pointedly in
    Prov. 10, where v. 4 says that "the hand of the diligent makes rich," then v. 15 praises
    the advantage of wealth as the "fortress" of the rich, and finally v. 22 propounds a radi-
    cal theological correction: "The blessing of Yahweh makes rich, and [one's own] toil
    adds nothing to it."27
    5. Especially among the sages, the intersection of God's blessing and God's righ-
    teousness with the unrighteousness and godlessness of the rich raises the problem of
    theodicy; it also leads to extensive social criticism in the indictment and judgment dis-
    courses of several prophets.
    In short, the .fr word group paints a rather conflicted picture of wealth and what it
    means to be rich, including from a theological perspective.

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls and LXX. This word family does not appear in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls, although the question of rich and poor had to be important for the self-
    understanding of the Qumran community, since their theology was shaped in a major
    way by an awareness of human need.28
    The treatment of the 3r words in the LXX is remarkably uniform: of the 77 occur-
    rences of the word family in the MT, 76 arc translated by plorttos, which also repre-
    sents several of the synonyms listed previously.2e
    Seb0

    26. See III above.


    27. Pl6ger, l2O-21.
    28. --+1,41; also F. M. Cross lr.,The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical
    Studies (1958); M. Hengel, Propefi and Riches in the Ear$ Church (Eng. trans. 1974); idem,
    ludaism and Hellenism,2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1974); -+ !1:! (ID 'Anri (II), VI.l.
    29. See TDNT,Yl,323.
    ninuY Strt 423

    nln[ry 'ttrt ('altarefl; *nl4PY *'altere!; nt09y 'altdrd!;


    'alfrdli ".lJlt?y

    I. Etymology. ll.'1/ltr: l. Ebla, Mari; 2. Babylonia; 3. Ugarit; 4. Deir'A116; 5. South Arabia.


    lll. 'tr/itrt: 1. Ugarit; 2. Egypt;3. Phoenicia. IV. OT: l. Singular; 2. Plural. Y. *'altere1. Yl.
    Toponyms: 1. Ending; 2. Og; 3. Identification.

    I. Etymology. Most scholars derive Hebrew forms with the consonants 3rr as well
    as the DNs 't/itr(t) from the Sem. root V$i "be rich" (Arab. Salara, "be covered with
    rich vegetation";'ar{'aluti "irigated land"; Heb. 3r I, "become ich":'6ier "wealth";

    'altdre!. W. F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (1968), I 15-17, 197-212 M.-T.
    Barrelet, "Les d6esses arm6es et ail6es," Syr 32 (1955) 22O-60; idem, "Deux d6esses syro-
    phdniciennes sur un bronze du Louvre," Syr 35 (1958) 27-44; A. Cooper, nse III (1981), 358,
    403-6; E. Cumont,'Astarte," PI4{ II (1896),1776-78; M. Delcor,'Astart6 et Ia f6condit6 des
    troupeaux en Deut. 7, 13 et parallEles," UF 6 (1974) 7-14; idem, "De I'Astart6 canan6enne des
    textes bibliques i I'Aphrodite de Gaza," FolOr 2l (1980) 83-92; idem, "k hieros gamos
    d'Astart€," RSF 2 (1974) 63-76; O. Eissfeldt, 'Astarte," RGG, | (31957), 661; G. Fohrer,
    'Astarte," BHHW I 0962), 142-43; T. S. Frymer, 'Ashtoreth," EncJud, III (1971), 738-39;
    H. Gese in H. Gese, M. Hiifner, and K. Rudolph, Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der
    Mandiier RdM l0l2 (1970), 62-63, l5l-52, 16l-64; J. Gray, 'Ashtaroth, Ashtoreth," /DB, I
    (1962),254-55,255-56;idem,The Legacy of Canaan. Sl4l"S 121965;, 169ff.; E. Gubel,'An Es-
    say on the Axe-Bearing Astarte and Her Role in a Phoenician 'Triad,'" RSF 8 (1980) l-17;
    W. Helck, Betrachtungen zur gmssen Gbttin und den ihr verbundenen Gottheiten (1971); idem,
    Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jt. v. Chn (21971),456-60; J. Henninger,
    "Zum Problem der Venussterngottheit bei den Semiten," Anthropos 7l (1976) 129-68;
    W. Herrmann, 'A5tart," MIO 15 (1969) 6-55; idem, "'1trt-fi,;" WO 7 (1973174) 135-36;
    T. Klauser, 'Astarte," RAC, | (1950), 806-10; J. Leclant, 'Astart6 i cheval d'aprBs les
    repr6sentations Egyptiennes," .Syr 37 (1960) l-67; idem and R. Stadelmann, 'Astarte";
    'Astartepapyrusl' lz*\5, I fl975),499-509,509-11; F. Lpkkegaard, 'A Plea for El, the Bull, and
    Other Ugaritic Miscellaniesl' Studia Orientalia J. Pedersen (1953), 219-35; M. J. Mulder,
    Kanaiinitische Goden in het OT (1965), 43-51; A. L. Perlman, 'Asherah and Astarte in the OT
    and Ugaritic Literatures" (diss., Berkeley, 1978); J. Plessis, Etudes sur les textes concernant
    Iltar-Astartd (1921);M. H. Pope, "'A$ar"; ''A!tart,'A5tart, Astarte," WbMyth,I (1965),249-50,
    25O-52; G. Ryckmans, "'A!tar-I5tar: nom sum6rien o[ s6mitique," FS H. von lYissmann (1962),
    186-92; R. Stadelmann, Syrisch-pakistinensische Gottheiten in Agypten (1967),96-110; J. G.
    Taylor, "The Song of Deborah and Tlvo Canaanite Goddesses," JSOT 23 (1982) 99-108;
    M. Weippert, "Uber den asiatischen Hintergrund der Gbttin Asiti,"' Or 44 (1975) 12-21;
    U. Winter, Frau und Gdttin. OBO 53 (1983), 544-51.
    On VI: F.-M. Abel, Giographie de la Palestine, ll 1t19671, 255; W. Bor€e, Die alten
    Ortsnamen Paliistinas (21968), 46-49; S. Cohen, 'Ashteroth-Karnaml' IDB, 1 (1962),255;
    K. Elligea 'Astaroth," BHHW, | (1962), 142; K. Galling, 'Astaroth," BRLI, 4l-42; cf. BRLz,
    I1lff.; D. Kellermann, "'A5tar6t 'A5tardt Qarnayim ZDPV 97 (1981) 45-61
    (with bibliog.); W Schatz, Genesis- 14. EH - Qarnayim,"
    23, Theologie 2 (1972), 169-70; M. Wiist,
    Untersuchungen zu den siedlungsgeographischen Texten des ATs, l. Ostjordanland (1975),48-
    55.
    424 ntnul, 3rr,

    'ditr "ich"; Aram. 'tr, "wealth"l). To explain '/it4t), a form with an infixed ltl and
    metathesis of ltl and lllmust be postulated.2 It is also surprising that the DN 'tr/itr(t) ap-
    pears primarily in languages (Ugaritic, Phoenician, Aramaic, old South Arabic,
    Ethiopic) in which the verbal root 3r is not attested. OSA 'uh4 which ilAL still cites
    under 'ir is no longer registered as an independent root by Beeston and Biella; the l!/
    instead of l'l in the supposed Arabic cognate (alara is also a problem. If, however, Z
    itr(t) is a secondary feminine form related to Mesopotamian E5tarflstar,3 we may ask
    with Ryckmans whether the word is a Semitic form at all; if it is, it would have to be
    treated as a quadriliteral derived from a root with an unknown basic meaning.

    ll.'!/itr. The grammatically masculine form of the divine name, '1/itr; is found in
    Eblaite, Akkadian, Ugaritic, and old South Arabic, as well as in the Moabite com-
    pound Jrr kmi.q k appears also as a theophorous element in old Mariotic, old Akka-
    dian, Amorite, Ugaritic, and Phoenician-Punic.s In the form 'tr it may appear in
    Amorite; it clearly appears in Aramaic (Sefire, Sth century B.c.E.:'trsmk Luristan:
    'trmsrn) and Palmyrene.6

    l. Ebla, Mari. AtBbladai-tdr appears also in the specified formsdai-ttir sa-zaxki,


    'A5tar of the administrative center," anddai-tdr ti-inki.7 old Akkadian and some old
    Babylonian personal names use dai-tdr as a theophorous element along with dei4-tdr;
    the latter form is also familiar outside the realm of onomastics. Immediately before aJ-
    tdr = dinanna(MuS), the "Ebla vocabulary" contains an entry di/ii-tdr:td = dEN.TE.r
    whether this reflects a form *l'altaratl, as claimed by Archi, remains to be seen.e on
    the feminine cf . dei4-tdr bi-el+i-iu, "E5tar his Lady," in the later inscription of Ibbil-
    Lim.lo
    If the predicate in the old Mariotic PN ei4+dr-dam-qd reflects a 3rd person masc.
    stative in l-al, "E5tar is good," E5tar would be a masculine god here.lt whether the
    name of one of the deities to whom archaic temples in Mari were dedicated is really to

    1. Ahiqar 207, etc.


    2. Perlman, 104, et al.
    3. Herrmann, 'A5tart,'l 46.
    4. KAr t8t.t7.
    5. For Amorite see APNM, l7l-72; I. J. Gelb, computer-Aided Analysis of Amorite. AS 2l
    (1980),97-98. For Ugaritic, PNU, ll3-14. For Phoenician-punic, Benz, 385-86.
    6. For Amorite see APNM, 173. For Sefire see KAI 222A.1,3, 14. For Luristan, J. c. L. Gib-
    son, 7ss1, III, 57-58. cf. also G. Garbini, "'Atar dio aramaico?" Rso 35 (1960) 25-28; p. Grelot,
    Documents aramiens d'Egypte (197 2), 466. For Palmyrene, pNp I, 46-47, lOB.
    7. H.-P. Miiller, ZDPV 96 (1980) 14-15.
    8. G. Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui della biblioteca L. 2769. Materiali epigrafici di Ebla
    rY (1982),290.
    9. A. Archi, AAAS 29130 (1979180) t67-171, esp. 168b.
    10. G. Pettinato, AAAS 20 (1970) 73-76, esp.75.
    11. See R. Jestin, M 46 (1952) 196, no. 44;t. J. Gelb, flA 50 (1956) l0; H. Limet, Syr 52
    (t97s) 49.
    nrno,'irr, 425

    be read dESa-DAR-ra-ar, a feminine form of E5tar, as Dossin claims, cannot be dis-


    cussed here.l2

    2. Babylonia. Bott6ro deduces a masc. ei4+ir from Old Akkadian personal names
    (cf. also ei4ldr-la-ba, "E5tar is a lion" [contrast the fem. in si-la-ba-ar], etc.).13 The
    conservative nature of family religion probably allows us to conclude that previously a
    masc. E5tar played the more important role; cf. also the PN l-nin-la-Dc, "Innin is a
    lion."l4 That I5tar a goddess of love and war should bear a name that is grammatically
    masculine is best explained by the theory that originally this deity was androgynous;
    this theory may also account for her cruel aspects and the aggressive nature of her vi-
    tality.ts
    Mediated by the Old Assyrians, the cult of I5tar came to Asia Minor,16 where I5tar
    became associated with Hurrian deities.lT I5tar of Nineveh could even be summoned
    from Sidon, one of her cultic centers, to the Hittite kingdom, with the hope that she
    would intervene there.l8 At Emar, too, the names A5tar and E5tar are now attested, as
    well as A5tartu and ideographic forms of the name.le
    Having become an appellative, iitartu means "the goddess" in the combination i/u
    and iitaru, usually with a pronominal suffrx, denoting the personal gods of a family.2o
    The pl. ilfi u iitardtil becomes a meristic collective term for "gods." From the pl. form
    iitardtfr with its feminine ending may derive Neo-Bab. iitartu, "(personal) goddess."2t

    3. (Jgarit. The role played by '1trat Ugarit is minor. In the Baal myth, he is to oc-
    cupy Baal's throne while Baal is in the underworld; but his inadequacy even physically
    is quite clear: his characterization as r4, "formidable," is atavistic and ironic.22 In the
    PN '1trum the otherwise masculine god is also "mother."23
    Egyp. 'd-s+ti-ra is discussed in III.2 below. The combination Aram. 'atar (<'attar <
    'a1tar) + 'afiA (< bzat) results in Aram. 'tr't', the name of the Hellenistic goddess
    Atargatis, the Dea Syria of Lucian.za

    12. Dossin, in A. Parrot et al., Les temples d'lshtarat et de Ninni-hza. Mission archi-
    ologique de Mari 3 (1967), 3O7, 329-30. See the critical comments of W. von Soden, OIZ 64
    (1969) 565; and M. Krebernik, 7A74 (1984) 165.
    13. J. Bott6ro, Le antiche divinitd semitiche (1958), 40-42. Ct. J. J. M. Roberts, The Earliest
    Semitic Pantheon (1972),37-39, l0l-2 n.290.
    14. MAD,III 12t973r,
    y
    Wilcke and U. Seidel, RlA,, (1976-80),74-89.
    15. On IStar see now C.'UO.
    16. See H. Hirsch, Untersuchungen lur altassyrischen Religion. BA|O l3ll4 (21972), 17,20,
    25-26.
    17. E. von Schuler, WbMyth, I, 179-80.
    18. Weippert,20, citing KBoll,9,i,4;11,36, ro. 14.
    19. Private communication from W. von Soden.
    20. CAD, VII,273-74, s.v. iitanu 2.
    21. CAD, Yll,27l, s.v. iftartu.
    22. KTU 1.6,T, Mff.
    23. PNU 46; see II.5 below.
    24. KAI 239.3. See W. Riillig, WbMyth 1,244-45.
    n"lnt , irr,

    4. Deir'Alld.In the Canaanite-Aramaic inscription from Tell Deir'Alld on the up-


    per Jordan (8th/7th century r.c.r.), I, 14(16) (in the context of a description of well-
    being) reads qqn igr w'itti "the qqn plant (?) of .igr and 'Jr/zs The juxtaposition of the
    DNs .Igr and 3/r corresponds on the one hand to that of the Ugaritic DNs i '1tr i igr in a
    list of sacrifices and on the other to the appellative nomina regentia in the Heb. phrase
    lcgar-'aldpeylfr wc'aiterd! sdhekn in Dt. 7: l3; 28:4,18,51.26 Caquot and Lemaire pro-
    pole such an appellative sense for igr w'itr: "the increase of your cattle and sheep";27
    but in Dt. 7:13, etc., icgar and*'aitere! are disambiguated semantically by nomina
    recta, which do not appear at Deir'A116.

    5. South Arabia.The presumably great importance of Jrr in the ancient Semitic pan-
    theon is still reflected in the role played by '!tr(m) or ir[ associated with the planet Ve-
    nus, in the religion of ancient South Arabia (but cf. also 'm'1tr; if the fem. divine name
    means "Mother [is] Altar";za Ugar.'1tr'um is discussed in II.3 above).

    Except for the questionable di/ii-tdr:td from Ebla and dESa-DAR-ra-at


    tll.'llitrt.
    from Mari (see II.l above), the fem. DN '/.irr, appears only in Northwest Semitic,
    namely Ugaritic, Phoenician-Punic, and Hebrew; Canaanite Astarte was known in
    Egypt since Amenhotep II (l5th century n.c.e.). Outside Egypt, '!/itrt appears as a
    theophorous element in personal names primarily in Phoenician and Punic; forms of
    these names later passed into Greek and Latin.2e

    l. Ugarit.In Ugaritic rituals and lists of deities, '1trt plays a relatively important
    role; in the syllabic list of deities RS 20.24, 24,10 dlSs.DApis-tar to the en-
    "o.."5ponds
    try [']ltrt in KTU 1.47 , 25.In the myth of Baal, however, Astarte takes a back seat to
    'n r, Baal's "sister." The comparison of the beauty (n'm par. tsm) of flry, courted by Krt,

    to that of hr and Astarte may reflect their erotic and sexual function.3l In another text32
    'ltrt $wdftl,'Astarte the hun[tress]," plays a martial role, bringing to mind Krr's invo-
    cation of her in his curse against his son Ysb33 and the role of the horse as an attribute
    of Astarte and 'nt.34 Thus if Astarte, like I5tar and 'nt - and in contrast to the more
    motherly '!rt, the consort of the high god El is a goddess of both love and war
    -
    (Herrmann's emphasis on the latter role probably being too one-sided), she embodies

    25. H.-P. Miilter, 7AW 94 (1982) 217-18,229-30.


    26. Ct. KTU 1.148, 30-31; and V below
    27. Deir'Alla L 14; A. Caquot and A. Lemaire, Syr 54 (1977) 2Ol.
    28. On lrr see M. Hdfner, WbMyth l, 497-501, 547'48; idem, RdM l0l2, 268-72, 276-77,
    283,290-91. Or.'m'1tr see CIH 544.2, and possibly Nami 19.5.
    29. |*clant, l,en\g, 1, 501 ; Benz, 386-87.
    30. lJgaritica V (1968), 45.
    31. KTU Lt4,rIJ,4l-42.
    32. KTU 1.92,2; Hermann, T-16.
    33. KTU 1.16, VI,55-57 (cf. 1.2, I,8; also 40).
    34. KTU 1.86,6; or 1.2,y(,27-3O, see Herrmann,16-17.
    nln!,Y Jrrt

    opposing expressions of vitality: the joy and terror of life spring from the same source.
    Neither lists of deities3s nor myths associate '!tr and'!trt in arry way.
    In Krl's curse mentioned above, ugat'grt is referred to as.im b'l: the parallel in the
    Phoenician inscription of Eshmunazar has long been recognized.r6 With reference to
    'ltrt br37 = di.irarGSs.DAR) fuur-ri from (?)Suksu (Tell SEkEs) near Ugarit,38 compare
    now Phoen. l'itrt hr on a bronze statuette in the Seville Archaeological Museum repre-
    senting a seated naked goddess, 'Astarte of the cave," or the widely attested "Hurrian"
    or "Syrian" I5tar, now Northwest Semitic Astarte.3e The term 'ltrt id,'Astarte of the
    field,"a0 = diitar-{Ari ma-mi-ta4t now has a parallel in b'l id, "Baal of the fie1d,"42 2n6
    possibly also in Phoen. ldti qdl as an epithet of Eshmun.a3 This usage makes untenable
    the theory that the attribute reflects the notion that goddesses become id ilm, "the field
    of EUthe gods," through sexual intercourse.4 'Astarte the hun[tress]"45 comes bmdbr
    "from the steppe" (cf. Cant. 3:6), not from the field; the two should probably not be
    identified.ao

    2. Egypt. In her Egyptian guise, the goddess never loses her erotic and sexual aspect,
    even in the Astarte papyrus.a7 In Egypt, too, Astarte appears as a mounted female war-
    rior and charioteer; her identification with Sekhmet, the lion-headed goddess of war,
    may have played a role. A mounted goddess on the rock relief east of the temple of
    Seti I bears the caption 'd-Si-td;+e a naked 'd-td-ya [ ] fu-[k]a-ii,4e mounted and shoot-
    ing at a Nubian, appears on stele 1308 suppl. of the Turin Museum (l8th Dynasty),
    identified by Helck with Ugar. aISg.OeR [ur-ri (see I above).so Therefore aISr.Oen
    fiur-ri can probably be connected with 'd-Si-td-ya ftfi-nrt, the "Hurrian" or "syrian
    Asiti" in the votive inscription of the ptS-'nh (probably a temple official at Memphis),

    35. With reference to Ugaritica V, III 9, ro. 8-9 (p. 584), see now KTll L148, 30-31.
    36. KAI 14.t8.
    37. KTU 1.43, t.
    38. RS 18.01, 3,6 (PRU,IY 230); RS 16.173, 9' (PRu, III, l7l); cf. RS 17.410, 7' (pRU,Vt,
    35).
    39. For the former see M. Diehich et al., uF 7 (1975) 526-27. For the latter, see, among oth-
    ers, F. M. Cross, I/IR 64 (1971) 189-95; Herrmann, "'!trt-b,;" 135-36; J. Teixidor, HTR 68
    (1975) 197-98; ISS1, III (1982), no. 16,3-4.
    40. KTU 1.91, 10; 1.148, l8;4.182,55,58.
    41. RS 17.352, 12; 17.367,2' (PRU,lV, 122, 124).
    42. KTU 4.183, I, 1.
    43. KAr 14.t7.
    44. KTU 1.23, 13,28.
    45. KTU 1.92,2.
    46. Contra Herrmann,'A5tart," l9-20.
    47. On the role of Astarte in Egypt, see RIRG, 55-57; Sradelmann; Leclant; Helck; and
    Herrmann, 'A5tart." On the Astarte papyrus see A. Gardiner, FS ,E L. Grffith (1932),74-85;
    R.Stadelmann,I**AS,I(1975),509-ll;onaHittiteparallelseeA.H. Sayci,nl lg(1933)56-
    59.
    48. Helck's transliteration.
    49. But cf. lzxAg, I,507 n.71.
    50. Helck, Beziehungen,458. Cf. Weippert, 14-17.
    ninu,'irr,

    and above all with 'd-s-td-ra ftd-ru, the "Hurrian" or "Syrian Astara" with the epithet
    "Lady of the Heavens, Lady of the Two Lands," on a stele in Copenhagen, both dating
    from the period of Amenhotep III. An Astarte with an Egyptian tiara and spear appears
    on a Late Bronze seal from Bethel;st Gubel describes a 7th-century scarab in the
    Hamburgisches Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe with an enthroned, clothed Astarte
    (?) bearing an il( over her shoulder.s2

    3, Phoenicia. The earliest Phoenician mention of Astarte is the Strr hr on the bronze
    statuette in Seville (see III.I above). Astarte was the object of particular devotion at
    Sidon, where King Tabnit and his father (late 6th century n.c.e.) bore the primary title
    "priest of Astarte" and only secondarily "king of the Sidonians."s3 Josephus describes
    Ittoba'al as priest of Astarte.sa The funerary inscription of Eshmunazar (early 5th cen-
    tury) calls his mother "priestess of Astarte," followed by "queen"; both built temples,
    including a temple for ['!tr]t and for (a different?) 'ttn lm b7.55 In the temple of
    Eshmun at Sidon, a votive inscription was found reading l'ttrt l'dny l'!mn, "for Astarte
    [and] for [the donor's] Lord E5mun."56 Also illustrative of the Sidonian cult of Astarte,
    besides a Phoenician seal from the 7th century,57 are 1 K. 11:5,33;2 K.23:13 (Jgs.
    10:6); and Lucian De Dea Syria 4. Evidence for the worship of Astarte at Tlre in-
    cludes: the Akkadian treaty of Esarhaddon (680-669) with Baal of Tlre, in which the
    curse on whoever breaks the treaty mentions das-tar-tfi,58 clearly a warlike figure and
    apparently identical with di.i-rcr,'se the Phoenician "throne of Astarte" inscription from
    Tlre (2nd century);60 another Phoenician inscription, dating from 222, probably from
    Umm al-'Awamrd, near Tyre ("for Astarte in the sanctuary of the deity of bmn"}ot u
    Greek inscription from Tlre mentioning the goddess Ampov6q together with Herakles
    (= Melqart);62 three texts in Josephus;63 and Philo of Byblos.s Additional Phoenician
    and Punic texts mentioning Astarte are listed elsewhere.65 On Rhodes a certain b'lmlk
    refers to himself as mqm 'lm mtrlt 'itrty, "he who arouses/exalts the deity, the bride-
    groom (?) of Ampov6n (?)."66 In a Punic inscription from Pyrgi (500 s.c.n.), the tem-

    51. ANEP, no. 468.


    52. Inventory no. 1964.324.
    53. KAI13.1-2.
    54. Against Apion l.l8 $123.
    55. KAI,14.14-15,16, 18; see III.I above.
    56. P. Magnanini, Le iscrizioni fenicie dell'oriente (1973), 12.
    57. N. Avigad, IEJ 16 (1966) 247-51; Weippert, 13.
    58. IV 18.
    59. R. Borger, Die Inschrifien Asarhaddons. BAfO 9 (1956), 107-9, esp. 109.
    60. KAI17.1.
    61. KAI19.4.
    62. R. Dussaud, RI/R 63 (1911) 331-39.
    63. Ant. 8.5.3 $146; CAp. l.l8 $l 18 ("Heracles and Astarte") and $123.
    64. Cited by Eusebius Praep. evang. 1.10, 31.
    65. Magnanini, Iscrizioni, 234; M. G. Guzzo Amadasi, It iscrizioni fenicie e puniche delle
    cononie in occidente (1967), 19-95.
    66. KAr 44.2.
    n'lnPI 3rr,

    poral phrase bym qbr 'lm refers to "the day of the god's burial," but k 'ri bdy,,.because
    Astarte required it of me," does not suggest a sacral marriage of the king with
    Astarte.6T
    The caption on a relief in the Winchester College collection identifies the goddess
    qdl, often represented standing on a lion, with Astarte and 'Anat.68 Therefore the pN
    'bdlb(')t on the spear point from al-Kha{r near Bethlehem (l2th-llth century) may
    also refer to Astarte; cf. the ugaritic PN 'bdlblt and the toponym ba! rba'6! in Josh.
    19:6 (L5:32).6e As is well known, both E5tar (see [.1 above) and I5tar were pictured as
    lions or depicted mounted on lions.7o
    The double deity mlk'ltr "King(-god) and Astarte" (or: 'Astarte is king") is men-
    tioned frequently at Umm al-'AwEmid near Tlre in the 3rd and 2nd centuries s.c.n. and
    appears also in Carthage, Leptis Magna (Lybia), and Cadiz (Spain).zt Other textsT2
    identify this deity as'l ltmn, "the god of Hammon,"73 and therefore possibly the prede-
    cessor of Baal Hammon, worshiped in Sam'a1,74 Malta,Ts Carthage, and throughout Af-
    rica. It is possible that Lrmn can be identified with Umm al-'Awdmid (cf . hamman in
    Josh. l9:28;.zo

    IV. OT. Apart from I S. 31:10, the OT texts that mention Astirte all appear in
    Deuteronomistic polemic; these texts (and cD 5:4, which echoes the Dtr language)
    convey virtually no specific information about the religious notions associated with the
    divine names.

    l. Singular The sg. *'altart > *'aiterel (MT 'aitdrel uses the vocalization of b6ie1)
    appears only in I K. I l:5,33; 2 K. 23:13 (LXX and Josephus: AstdrtE).In I S. 3l:10
    most exegetes read bfi'alterelfor bQ'aitdr6! (LXX els td Astarteion is not specific).77
    The phrase bAt'cbhAhem in I Ch. 10:10a expresses detached repugnance.
    If the "house of Astarte" into which I s. 31 : 10a says the Philistines put Saul's armor
    after he was slain was located at Beth-shan, as v. 10b suggests, the deity is the
    Egyptianized, warlike Astarte, possibly represented on a stele in Egyptian style from
    Beth-shan dating from the 13th century B.c.E.: a slim, clothed goddess with a tall coni-

    67. See, respectively, ll. 8-9, 6. Contra Delcor, "Hieros gamos," 2; cf . TSSI,lll, 145-47, l1l-
    59, esp. 154, with additional bibliog.
    68. I. E. S. Edwards,.INES 14 (1955) 49-51, pl. 3; cf. ANEP, nos. 471, 474; cf .470,472,473.
    69. See KAI2I; KTU 4.63,III, 38.
    70. With reference to !rr; possibly cf. also t61 n XfU 1.24,30.
    I
    71. KAI 71.2; masc.: l'dn in l. and lbdm in ll. 213.
    72. CIS,I, 8, l: etc.
    73. Ct. KAt 19.4.
    74. KA|24.16.
    75. KAr 6t.3-4.
    76. But see also H.-P. Miiller, Rechts- un.d Winschaftsurkunden: Historisch-chronologische
    Texte. TUAT U6 (1985), 640.
    77. On the form, see Josephus Anl. 6.14.8 5374; for a different approach see O. Eissfeldt, K/E
    11,276 n. l; cf. H. J. Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT yllVl (1973), 522.
    ninuY'Jrr,

    cal atef crown and horns.78 Ashkelon, whose temple of ourani€ Aphrodtt€ Herodotus
    calls the earliest sanctuary of the goddess,Te is too far from the battlefield "on Mount
    Gilboa" (1 S. 31:1,8; cf. 2 S. l:21);alocation different from that given in v. 10b would
    have been stated explicitly in v. 10a. Antipathy toward Saul (1 Ch. l0:13ff.) and a
    knowledge of Philistine religion motivate the Chronicler to have Saul's head brought
    "into the temple of Dagon" (l Ch. 10:l0b) instead of having his body brought to Beth-
    shan, as described in 1 S. 3l:10b, especially since 1 Ch. l0:9 = I S. 3l:9 draws atten-
    tion to the fate of Saul's head. The effect is to heighten the edifying horror of the scene.
    According to I K. ll:5 (Dtr[N?]), Solomon, led astray by his foreign wives, wor-
    shiped Astarte of the Sidonians and Milcom of the Ammonites; in an oracle of disaster
    spoken by Ahijah the Shilonite, v. 33a (DtrlN2?l) repeats the charge, adding Chemosh
    of Moab from v. 7. The MT of v. 7 says that Solomon built a high place for Chemosh
    and "Milcom" (reading frl"milkdm for filcmdlel, on the basis of kai tg basilei autdn in
    v. 5 LXX, kai tO melchom or the like of the Lucianic recension, and vv. 5 and 33 of
    MT); v. 6 LXX says that he built a high place for Astarte as well.
    The use of 'dz in v. 7 led Noth to see here an "official statement concerning the
    building program of the king"; instead of liqqus he therefore reads '"lahim
    - reflecting
    vv. 5a and 33 MT and eiddlE in v. 5 LXX instead of bdeljgmati in v. 6 (cf. v. 33).80 The
    statement of location in v. 7ap, absent from v. 5 LXX, is a secondary addition based on
    the more precise information in 2 K. 23:13.8r The pre-Deuteronomistic text of v.7aab
    thus records an example of the syncretistic religious politics that Solomon practiced for
    the non-Israelite elements of his domain not, as the Deuteronomists would have it,
    -
    for his wives. It was the Deuteronomists who added 'altdrel '"bhi ;iddntrn/n before
    Chemosh and Milcom in vv. 5 and 33; the LXX followed them in v. 33 (cf. v. 6), using
    for Astarte bdellgmati = (le)iiqqu; from v. Taab cj. (vv. 5a,33) instead of eiddlois =
    (f)'clahC. Therefore we have no information concerning any role played by Astarte in
    Solomon's religious politics.
    In 2 K. 23:13 the Deuteronomists (N?) return to all three deities, again with Astarte
    in first place, in describing Josiah's defilement of the high places, which he locates 'al-
    p'nA yerfildl€m (cf. Znc. l4:4) 'aier mtmin l"har-hammiibi Gor MT hammaifitl),82
    "opposite Jerusalem, south of the Mount of Olives"; Wiirthwein disputes (probably
    rightly) the historicity of this location for the time of Josiah.8i
    In short, I K. 1 l:5,33 and 2 K. 23:13 bear witness only to the important role played
    by Astarte in the exilic period, possibly on the Mount of Olives. The LXX's use of
    bddlygma for Astarte shows the same antipathy toward the goddess displayed by bA1
    'cbhAhem in I Ch. 10:10a.

    78. WbMyth, I, "Syrien," fig. 7. But cf. Stoebe.


    79. History 1.105.
    80. M. Noth, Kanige. BK lx/l (1968), 246; cf . E. Wiirthwein, 1 Kdnige. ATD llll (21985),
    134.
    81. Wtirthwein, l3l, contra Noth, 241.
    82. See BHS, HAI. II, 899.
    83. Die Bilcher der Kbnige. ATD lll2 (1984), 460.
    n.tn!2t 'Jtrt 431

    2. Plural. The pl. 'altarilrepresents the wholesale condemnation of foreign gods by


    the Deuteronomists. Especially the meristic combination functionally comparable
    to the Akk. pl. ilil u iitardtil -
    of habb"altm and ha'aitdr^lin Jgs. 10:6; I s. 7:4 (LXX
    Astardth in both verses);- 10:12, plus the substantially similar tabba'al (sg.l)
    wcld'oifird! in Jgs. 2:13 (LXX Astdrtai) and the isolated 'irn (pl.) in cD 5:4, refers to
    the totality of the detested idols. The Deuteronomists restrict the plural to the period of
    the judges, a usage apparently continued by cD 5:4. That the expression 'e1-habbc'dltm
    we'e1'hd'aler61in Jgs. 3:7 (cf.2 ch.33:3) accomplishes the same purpose shows how
    little the identity of the individual goddess mattered to the Deuteronomists. Similarly,
    the LXX uses AstdrtE for '"iera in 2 ch. l5:16 and As tdrtai for hd'aiEfim in 24: l g. see
    below for discussion of I S. 7:3 and 12:10.
    The Deuteronomistic descriptions of Israel's idolatry stand in the interest of a
    theodicy in the light of Yahweh's judgments; they establish the calculability of his ac-
    tions. From the beginning, the Israelites worshiped "Baal and the Astartes" (Jgs. 2: 13
    Dtr[H?]); throughout the period of the judges they continued to do what was evil in
    -
    the eyes of Yahweh (10:6). Here the Deuteronomists seize the opportunity to anticipate
    the association of foreign gods with Sidon, Moab, and Ammon in I K. I l:33 and 2 K.
    23:13, rounding out the list withwc'e1- 4l6hA 'ardm at the beginning and wc,Zl,cldhA
    peliltim at the end. But at the end of the period of the judges, when Samuel admonished
    them to put away the foreign gods (on this locution cf. Gen. 35:2; Josh. 24:23; Jgs.
    l0:16), the Israelites put away "the Baals and the Astartes" (l S. 7:3-4 DtrtN?l).
    -
    This action paved the way, by divine providence, for deliverance from the Philistine
    danger. In v. 3 the phrase wc('e1-)hfr'aitar67 "and (especially) the Astartes," after ,.the
    foreign gods" sounds like an afterthought; it is probably a late Deuteronomistic or
    post-Deuteronomistic addition, obviously reflecting a contemporary concern. In the
    same vein I s. 12:10 (Dtr[H + N?]), looking back over the period of the judges, recalls
    that, when the Israelites lamented that they had worshiped "the Baals and Astartes" (cf.
    Jgs. l0:10), this confession motivated Yahweh to intervene against the enemies of Is-
    rael
    - successfully, as experience proved in the time of the judges (v. ll); the
    Deuteronomists expect this confession to result in similar intervention in the exilic
    present.
    In I S. 7:3 and 12:10, the LXX has td dlsE and kat tois dlsesin instead of
    w'('efhd'aitdrd1. In both texts it may have read w't-h'irwt: in Dt. l2:3 l<ai td dls€ aut6n
    represents wa'aiErahem. [n contrast to 2 ch. l5:16 and 24:18 (see above), we have here
    a confusion resulting from lack of interest in the distinction between the goddesses (cf.
    the toponym As€rdth for 'aitdr6l in I ch. 6:56[61] Lxx), whose mutual assimilation
    was well advanced.
    Again, a decision whether the "queen of heaven" of Jer. 7:18 44:17-19,25 was
    Astarte or some other female deity was of no interest to the Deuteronomist, who at
    least edited the passages. Since in a syncretistic milieu similar or identical notions
    can be associated with related gods bearing different names, the question has little
    religio-historical meaning. lmmediately before and during the exilic period, besides
    the Canaanite Astarte and the Egyptianized Astarte, I5tar, who is called larrat
    fumma, "queen of heaven," in a Babylonian list of gods, may have contributed to the
    I
    432 n.lnuy Jrr,

    picture of the goddess, who may also have been a counterpart to the b'l imm/n, "Baal
    of heaven," so popular in Syria during the lst millennium s.c.E,.84 The same is true of
    the ouran{€ Aphrodttd of Ashkelon mentioned by Herodotus.85 According to
    Hermopolis Papyrus 4: I (ca. 500 s.c.e.), a mlkt imyn, "queen of heaven," had a tem-
    ple along with the god Beth-El near the Jewish military colony at Syene;86 it must
    also remain an open question whether this goddess is specifically identical with
    Astarte.

    Y. *'aitere1. The appellative *'aiterelappears in the phrase 'aifr61 sdneSd, "issue/


    increase of your flock" (almost certainly not "fertility of your flock")87 (Dt. 7:13;
    28:4, 18,5 I ), each time in parallel with .fegar 'aldpeyftfr, "offspring of your cattle." Ac-
    cording to Delcor, this usage represents a demythologization of the two divine names
    found in the combination 't/itr and Jgr88 Behind x'ait"r6! so'n stands the role of
    Astarte as the "Lady of the Animals," more precisely the "Shepherdess of Goats"; the
    picture of a goddess on an ivory tablet from a tomb in Minet al-Bei{a offers a visual
    representation.8e In the appellatives *'aitere! and iege4 this analysis claims, divine
    names have become terms for the gifts bestowed by the deities. A meaning "dams" for
    'aiterel is harder to defend, since the parallel ieger is hard to interpret as either a syn-
    onym or an antonym.m Whether the Jgr of Deir 'AUa I, 14 is a goddess is still un
    clear.er Ugar. .igr (mud1sz and Heb. ieger in the (pleonastic?) expression peler ieger
    bchdmd, "firstlings of the offspring of cattle," in Ex. 13:12 (and.iga "young cattle
    (breeding)," in Sir.40:19) do not denote brood animals. The correspondence of the
    fem. *'aiterel in Dt. 7: 13 and elsewhere to the masc. .ieger make direct derivation from
    a root 'Jr problematic, quite apart from other arguments against such an etymology (see
    I above).
    In Dt. 7: I 3 and 28:4, the gifts of Astarte and ,igr are so clearly among the conse-
    quences of Yahweh's blessing that in the present form of the texts any echo of the ear-
    lier deities appears to have been lost. In case of disobedience, a curse will strike the
    womb, the ground, and the offspring of the cattle (28:18); according v. 51a0, Yahweh
    will make all i"gar-'"ldpey(d w"'ait"rd1 sd'nef;fr, "the fruit of your livestock" (cf. vv.
    4,18) and "the fruit of your ground" the spoil of the Neo-Babylonians.

    VI. Toponyms. The toponyms 'aitdr6l and (b")'eit"rA Qosh.2l:27) bear witness to
    the importance of the Astarte cult.

    84. On Astarte see Gese, l9l-92; for I5tar see Anum, IY l7l.
    85. History 1.105; see IV.l above.
    86. rSSl, II, 137-38.
    87.E. Kdnig, Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Wiirterbuch zum AT (1910), s.v.
    88.Delcor, 'Astart6," 14:. KTU 1.148, 30-31; now also Deir'Alla I, 14; see II.4 above.
    89. ANEP, 464; cf.465.
    9O. Cf. GesTh, 1083; cf. KBLz, 745: HAL, II, 899.
    91. Miiller, 7Aw 94 (1982\ 230 n. 106.
    92. KTU 1.5, m, 16-17.
    n"lnoy 'irr,

    1. Ending._The fem. pl.'aitar@of the MT contrasts on the one hand with the masc. sg.
    of Eb. al+d*ie: 1cf. also ai+dr-LUtF and ai-tti-LtJMkie4), on the orher above all with
    the fem. sg. of '-s-1ra- lr-tum (in an Egyptian execration text from the l8th century),e5 'c-
    s-td-r-tu (Thutmose III, Amenhotep III, list of place names from the temple of Amarah in
    the Sudan),e6 \ruai-tar-te/ti,e7 uruas-tar-tu (in a bas-relief of Tiglath-pileser III from
    Nimrud),ea @c)'eiterd (Josh.21:27; gentilic 'aifrdyt in I Ch. 27:14),w'Jrr (lQapGen
    2l :28), and Modern Arabic te ll'aitara. The correctness of MT I - 611 may nevertheless be
    supported by the LXX equivalent (uniformly A stardth except Aser6th in I Ch. 6:56) and
    the fact that the ending in the corresponding form'and!61is additional to the morpheme
    for the feminine singular. In the case of balP!d'61(see III.3 above; Josh. 19:6; butBaith-
    labathin Lxx A) andbat'%61Qosh.15:59), if a localizing function is served by l-61/ as
    well as by the alternative be- inbe'eiterd, it is doubly realized.l00 More likely b"'eitcrdis a
    contraction of *bd'si1evfi,tot used as a stabilized adverbial. Since MT /-61l appears also
    in toponyms that do not derive from the names of goddesses, we cannot draw general
    conclusions concerning its function. The retention of feminine divine names in the plural
    in toponyms may show that observant use of a plural of majesty was better preserved in
    the toponymic tradition than in the OT narrative tradition, especially since a true numeri-
    cal plural is unlikely in a genuine toponym: only one local instantiation of the goddess is
    worshiped in a given place. But why does none of the extrabiblical texts preserve a plural
    of majesty? The frequent occurrence of the pl. 'aifir6! in Deuteronomistic material sug-
    gests the possibility that singular toponyms were distorted by the Deuteronomists or un-
    der Deuteronomistic influence, as a way of denouncing the despised polytheism with ref-
    erence to the particular deity in question (cf. also b,'al61in Josh. 15:24 and I K. 4:16 t?l
    alongside ba'"16 and the Dtr replacement of 'ebhA with iiqqus in I K. I I :7). The same
    antipathy later ( ?) may have occasioned the change of * bfi 'aiterel b be! 'aitdr6! in I s .
    3l:10 (see IV.l above).

    2. Og. ln an addition to an eadier formula in Josh. 9'10,102 the Deuteronomist refers


    to 'aitdr6! as the dwelling place of King og of Bashan, where the Egyptian and Akka-
    dian transcriptions as well as Ugar.'ttrtfuro3 can be localized for other reasons.lM Josh.
    l2:4; 13:12,31 add 'edrei (= der'a) as a second royal city of Og, using the information

    93. G. Pettinato, AfO 25 (1974177) 7.


    94. F. Pomponio, UF 15 (1983) 155.
    95. Helck, Beziehungen, 55.
    96. Ibid., 129; Kellermann,54.
    97. EA 197:10;256:21.
    98. B. Meissner, ZDPV 39 (1916) 261-63.
    99. Kellermann,43-49.
    100. Contra Bor6e.
    101. Abel, 263l' BHK.
    102. Wrist,48 n. 170.
    to3. KTU 1.100,41.
    104. Kellermann, 53-56; also M. Astour, JNES 27 (1968) 32; idem, RSp II (1975), 313-14;
    M. Tsevat, UF ll (1979) 759-78.
    n_'e!

    in Nu. 21:33 and Dt 3:1 (cf. v. 10) to accommodate the text to the MT of Dt. 1:4. Ac-
    cording to Josh. 12:6, Moses gave the land east of the Jordan, formerly possessed by
    Sihon of Heshbon and Og, to the half-tribe of Manasseh; further details appear in Josh.
    2l:27 and I Ch. 6:56, where (be)'eitcrd and'aitdr6l respectively appear after g6ldn
    babbdfdn. Dt. 3: I1,13 associate Og and Bashan with the r?dim; Josh. 12:4 and 13:12
    do the same with Og and'aitar61. Therefore Gen. 14:5 transfers Chedorlaomer's vic-
    tory over the rcpdim to *'aitar67t05 which this late text calls 'ait'r61 qarnayim (cf.
    lQapGen 2l:28-29,'itr'dqrnyn), either because the author pictured Astarte as having
    a pair of horns (cf. Philo of Byblos, who describes Astarte as having the head of a
    bull)r06 or because Am. 6:13 suggested that qarnayim was the name of another town
    (modern Sheib Sa'ad; cf. I Mc. 5:26,43-44;2Mc.12:21,26;Bab. Sukka2a; also Jub.
    29:10, where qardniiim,'aslards, and other towns are listed together) or region,l0T
    which he chose to connect with *'altar6!.

    3. Identification. Most scholars identify the'altdr6! of Dt. 1:4; Josh. 9:10; 12:4;
    13:12,31; 1 Ch. 11:4 (= [bc]'eltcrd in Josh. 2l:27) with Tell Ashtarah; Tell Ashari has
    also been suggested.loE Since the mention of 'ait"rA1 qaraayim in Gen. l4:5 is due
    solely to conflation, identifying it as a separate location (GTTOT: Tell'Ashtarah) is not
    indicated, although Eusebius knows two towns with this name.lD
    H.-P. Miiller

    105. See more recently C. Westermann, Genesis 12-36 (Eng. trans. 1985), 196.
    106. Cited by Eusebius Praeparatio evangelica 1.10.31.
    107. On the Assyrian province of qarnini, see E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des
    assyrischen Reiches (1920), 62-63.
    lO8. GTTOT $302, p. 124; $355, p.214.
    lO9. Onornasticon 6.4ff.; l2:11ff. See GTTOT, $355, p. 214; Kellermann, 56-61.

    hY z:; il\y 'atta

    I. Extrabiblical Texts. IL Etymology. III. OT Occurrences. IV. Philology: 1. Meaning; 2. With


    Prepositions; 3. Construct Phrases; 4. Other Constructions; 5. Plural; 6. 'atti. V. Theological
    Usage: l. The Hebrew Concept of Time; 2. Creation; 3. History. VI. LXX. VIL Hebrew Sirach
    and Dead Sea Scrolls.

    ?1. K. Aartun, Die Partikeln des Ugaritischen,l. AOAT2lll (1974), esp. l3-14; I.Barr, Bibli-
    calWords for Time. SBT ll33 1z1969f idem, The Semantics of Biblical Language (1961), esp.
    46-88; T. Boman, Hebrew Thought Compared with Greek (Eng. trans. repr. 1970); S. G. F.
    Brandon, History, Time and Deity (1965); idem, Time and Mankind (1951); H. A. Brongers,
    n9_'e! 435

    I. Extrabiblical Texts. The common OT noun ?l means "time" a specific time, a


    -
    span of time, or time in general (see [V below). [t is attested with certainty only in He-
    brew, Phoenician, and Punic.l A connection with Akk. inu/ittu (enu/ettu), "time," is of-
    ten assumed but remains highly questionable.2

    "Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch des adverbialenw"'attd im AI," W 15 (1965)289-99;E. Brunner,


    Etemal Hope (Eng. trans. 1954), 42-58;J. L. Crenshaw, '"The Eternal Gospel (Eccl. 3:ll)," Es-
    says in OT Ethics. FS J. P Hyatt (1974),23-55; O. Cullmann, Christ and Ttme (Eng. trans.
    21962): G. Delling, "rarp6q," TDNT,Ill, 455-64: idem, "1p6voq: TDNT,IX, 581-93; G. R.
    Driver, "Isaianic Problems," FS W. Eilers (1967),43-57;G. Ebeling, "Time and Word,l' Future of
    our Religious Past. FS R. Bultmann (Eng. trans. l97l),247-66; w. Eichrodt, "Heilserfahrung
    und Zeitverstiindnis im ATi fZ n 0956) 103-25; J. A. Emerton, "Some Linguistic and Histori-
    cal Problems in Isaiah Ylll.23:'Jss 14 (1969) l5l-75, esp. 156-62; M. Filipiak, "Kairologia w
    Ekl 3,1-15," RocznikiTeologiczno-Kanoniczne20ll (1973) 83-93; J. Finegan, HandbookofBib-
    lical Chronology (1964); K. Galling, "Das Rhtsel derZeit im Urteil Kohelets (Koh3,l-15)i ZTK
    58 (1961) l-15; idem, "Stand und Aufgabe der Kohelet-Forschung," TRu 6 (1934) 355-73;
    E. Jenni, *nU 'd timel' TLOT, II, 951-61; idem, "Time," IDB, tY, 642-49; idem, ..Zur
    verwendung von'attd'jetzt' im Ar," TZ28 (1972) 5-12; A. Lacocque, "La conception h6braique
    du temps," BCPE 36 (1984) 47-58; I. Lande, Formelhafie Wendungen der Umgangssprache im
    AT (1949), esp. 46-52; A. Laurentin, "we'attah Kai nun; formule caract6ristique des textes
    juridiques et liturgiques (i propos de Jean 17,5):- Bibl 45 (t964) 168-97, 412-32: J. A. Loader,
    Polar Structures in the Book of Qohelet. BZAW 152 (1979), esp. 29-35; idem, "Qohelet 3,2-8, a
    'Sonnet' in the OT," 7AW 8l (1969) 240-42; O. Loretz, *kl ltyh jetzt ums Jahr' Gen
    - 'wieesp.
    18,10," Bibl 43 (1962) 75-78; idem, Qohelet und der alte Orient (1964), 186-88, 251-54;
    D. Lys, "Par le temps qui court," ETR 48 (1973) 299-316; J. Marsh, The Fulness of Time (1952);
    idem, "Time, Season," in A. Richardson, ed., A Theological word Book of the Bible (1950), 258-
    67; J. Muilenburg, "The Biblical View of Time," HTR 54 (1961) 225-71; H.-p. Miiller, ..Notizen
    zu althebriiischen Inschriften,l" uF 2 (1970) 229-42, esp. 234-35 n. 62; idem, IJrspriinge und
    strukturen alttestamentlicher Eschatologie. BZAW 109 (1969); J. M. Rodriguez ochoa, "Estudio
    de la dimensi6n temporal en Prov., Job y Qoh.," EstBib 22 (1963) 33-67; C. von Orelli, Die
    hebriiischen Synonyma der kit und Ewigkcit genetisch und sprachvergleichend dargestellt
    (1871); E. Ono, 'AltAgyptische Zeitvorstellungen und Zgirbe9iffe:' Die Welt als Geschichte 14
    (1954) 135-48; M. Perani, "La concezione del tempo nell'Al," Sacra Doctrina 23 (1978) 193-
    242; idem, "Relievi sulla terminologia temporale nel libro di giobbe," Henoch 5 (1983) l-20;
    G. Pidoux, 'A propos de la notion biblique du remps," RTP 2 (1952) 120-25; H. D. preuss,
    Jahweglaube und zukunftserwartung. BWANT 87 (1968); G. von Rad, wsdom in Israel (Eng.
    trans. 1972), esp. 138-43; C. H. Ratschow, 'Anmerkungen zur theologischen Auffassung des
    Zeitproblems," ZTK 5l (1954) 360-87; J. Schreiner, "Das Ende der Tage," BiLe 5 (1964) 180-94;
    M. Sekine, "Erwlgungen zur hebriiischen Zeitauffassungl' Congress Volume, Bonn 1962. SW 9
    (1963), 66-82; J. van Seters, In Search of History (1983); W. von Soden, J. Bergman, and
    M. SebO, '!it y6m," TDOT, Vl,7-32 (bibliog.: 7-8); C. Stiihlin, "vDv (dprr)," TDM IV, tl}6-
    23; P. Tachau, "Einst" und "Jetzt" imNT. FRI,AIV? 105 (1972); S. Talmon, "The Calendar
    Reckoning of the Sect from the Judean Desert l' ScrHier 4 (21965) 162-99; W. Vollborn, Studien
    zumZeinersttindnis des ATs (1951); S. J. de Yies,Yesterday, Today andTbmorrow (1975);C.F.
    Whitley, Koheleth, His l-anguage and Thought. BZAW 148 (1979), esp. 30-33; J. R. Wilch, fime
    and Event (1969) (biblioe., 172-80); R. Yaron, 'Ka'eth haWoh and l<oh lel.tayl' W 12 (1962)
    500-501; F. Zimmermann, The Inner World of Qohelet (1973), esp. 44-49.
    l. DNSI, II, 896.
    2. AHw, 1,382b, 405-6; CAD, Ul, 153b, 3M-10; cf. Wilch, 155-60; Jenni, TLOT,1,952;
    HAL, \,899-900.
    -t
    N

    i
    i
    n9_'e!
    I
    I

    Heb. '81is rare in ancient texts apart from the Bible. Especially noteworthy is the I
    I
    noun l/ as an accusative expression of time in Lachish ostracon no. 6: yr'yhwh 't 'dny I

    h't hzh llm, "May Yahweh cause my lord to see weal at this time."3 In some cases, how- l
    l
    ever, the context suggests that the most natural course is to interpret l, as a defective
    l
    writing of 'axA, "now" (Ezk.23:43;Ps.74:6)-t CrossandFreedmanproposeapronun-
    ciation *'at(t) < *'ant by assimilation of the n,' cf. Ugar. h/, "now," and Biblical Aram.
    ke'ene7 "now" (Ezr. 4: 10- I l; 7:12).s This interpretation applies, for example, to w't,
    "and now," in preexilic texts from Murabba'4t, Lachish (ostracon no. 4), and Tell
    Arad.6 In particular, note the expression 't lgm, probably meaning "now on this very
    day, right now," in the Lachish ostraca,T where it appears in the blessing formula "May
    Yahweh cause my lord to hear good news" (y.im'yhwh't'dny im't ilm), used as a greet-
    ing.
    The noun ', occurs sporadically in Phoenician and Punic.8 A Phoenician text from
    Sidon reads ngzlt bl'4,, "I was snatched away before my time" (cf. Heb. b"la' 'et1.s ax,o
    Punic texts use 7 for precise dating: the first, from Carthage, speaks of "the time of lord
    'dnb'f'i the second, from Malta, reads "in the time of the lord of the elite cortpany."lo
    Finally, note a lst-century-c.E. Neo-Punic inscription from Leptis Magna, which is dif-
    ficult to interpret: ytn'l'bd bsp1 kl l.t't, "They authorized him to use (?) the tunic (?) at
    all times" (cf. the OT expression b"kol-'Et; see IV.l.a below).

    II. Etymology. Despite protracted and intensive investigation on many fronts, the
    etymology of the noun ?-t must be considered a mystery.ll I shall summarize the most
    important etymological theories put forward to date.
    Scholars who presuppose a triliteral root come to very different conclusions. Some
    suggest a root III w/y, such as 'dh l, "pass," or 'nh l, "answer, respond."l2 Others think
    of a root with a reduplicated second radical, 1413 but such a root is not attested in OT

    3. KAI 196.1; for discussion and alternative interpretations, see Miiller, "Notizen," 234-35
    n. 2; also DNS1, II, 896, where other occurrences are listed.
    4. See Mi.iller; L. A. Bange, A Study of the Use of Vowel-Lctters in Alphabetic Consonantal
    Writing (1971), 127l'F.M. Cross and D. N. Freedman, Early Hebrew Orthography. AOS 36
    (1952), s2-s3.
    5. UT, no.1888. See also DNSI, 1,526-28.
    6.ForMurabba'atsee DJD, II (1961),96,no. 17,1.2(8thcenturys.c.r.);forLachish, Ii{1
    194.2; for Arad, ISS/ (repr. 1973), 1,49-54.
    7. Miiller, "Notizen," 234-35; KAI 192.3;194.1; 195.2-3.
    8. DNS1, II, 896; KAI, lll,20; Karthago, Revue d'archdologie africaine 12 (1963164), 52;
    CMIBL (1968) 12; Tomback,259.
    9. KAI14.2-3. See IV.2.a.(3) below.
    10. For the first see CMIBL (1968) ll7, l. 2. For the second, M. G. Guzzo Amadasi, Iz
    iscrizioni fenicie e puniche delle colonie in occidente (1967),23, no.6,1.4.
    11. For surveys and discussions, see particularly Barr, Biblical Words, llo-34; Wilch, 155-
    60; also GesB, 628a; TLOT, ll, 951-52; HAL, ll, 899-900.
    12. For the former see, e.9., GesTh, 1083b, 990b-94b; for the latter, e.g., J. Levy, ChW, 572;
    F. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen hebriiisch-aramiiischen Wiinerbuch,s zuz AI(1886), I 15.
    13. E.g., P. Kahle, Der masoretische Text des ATs (21966), 68.
    n9-'e!

    Hebrew. Still others suggest a root I y, specifically y'd, "appoint."l4 In the light of Akk.
    'idtu, "agreement," a root 'dt has also been proposed.ls Akk. inu/ittu (enu/ettu), .,time,,,
    has suggested a root 'zf, which is attested in Aramaic.l6
    At the same time, others have considered the possibility of derivation from a
    biliteral root. Apart from occasional references to'(w)d I (cf. Arab. 'ada, "turn back";
    found in OT Hebrew only in the piel, polel, and hithpolel), 'n (+ afem. ending -r) has
    been the primary object of discussion.lT This approach connects Heb. 'd1and Aram.
    k'n/k'nt/kl, "now," with an Ugar. noun 'nr, ostensibly used adverbially to mean
    ttnow."l8
    Today one may observe a tendency to favor derivation from the root y'd, "appoint,"
    with the primary meaning of ?l being "appointed time" 7x'16, > *'itt > ?I). te 1g *t.
    "*-
    planation is correct, ?l is related etymologically to Heb. 'EQdl,"assembly,,, and m6'e8,
    "meeting place, assembly; agreed time, appointed time."2o

    III. or occurrences. The Heb. noun ?1, pl. 'ittim/'itto7 is normally feminine; the
    exceptions are questionable.2l There are296 occurences in the OT, concentrated in the
    following books (excluding Ezk. 23:43 K and Ps. 74:61(): Ecclesiastes,40 (31 in ch.
    3); Jeremiah, 36; Psalms,22; Deuteronomy and Ezekiel, l8 each; Daniel and 2 Chroni-
    cles, 16 each;2 Kings and Isaiah, I I each (8 in Isaiah l-39); Genesis, Judges, and Job,
    l0 each; I Chronicles, 9.
    TWo derivatives are found in the OT. The adj. 'itti, "opportune,', is a hapax
    legomenon found only in Lev. 16:21; the proposed emendation 'd1tj is not convinc-
    ing.22 11r" adv. 'atti occurs 433 times (including Ezk. 23:43 e and ps. 74:6 e), 272
    times in the expression we'attd.23 Its occurrences are notably concentrated in the narra-
    tive books: I Samuel, 46; Genesis, 40; 2 Samuel, 30; 2 Chronicles, 29; Jldges, 24;
    1 Kings, 23; 2 Kings, 22; Exodus, 20; Joshua, 19; Numbers, 15. They are less frequent
    in the prophetic and poetic books: Isaiah, 29l' Job, I 8; Jeremiah, 16; psalms, I 3; Hosea,
    l2; Ezekiel, 8.
    In all probability the masc. PN 'attay (only I Ch.2:35-36; l2:l2lEng. v. I ll; 2 Ch.

    14. E.g., von Orelli, 47.


    15. E.g., H. Bauer and P. Leander, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramtiischen (1927), S5lz.
    16. 8.g., Delitzsch, Wdrterbuch,34, 116.
    17. For derivation from the former see, e.g., Jastrow, 1128a; from the latter, Wilch, 158-60;
    Aartun, 14.
    18. DISO, 125; KBLz, 1086b; KTU 1. 19, III, 48, 55-56; IV, 6; cf. UT, no. 1888, and 102 n.3;
    but see WUS, no.2O65.
    19. BLe, $6lj; J. C. de Moor, The Seasonal Pattern in the (tgaritic Myth of Ba'lu. AOAT 16
    (1971), 149; E. Yogt, IzxLingAram, 85b; TLOT, 11,952; HAI. II, 900.
    20. -+ 19' yd'a/.
    21. Emerton, 159, citing Driver. See D. Michel, Grundlegung einer hebrriischen Syntax, I
    (1977), 58-s9.
    22. Contra Wilch, 138, et al. See BIz, g6lw,x.
    23. On formation and usage see VG, I,464ha; JM, $$32t 93g; K. Beyel Althebriiische
    Grammatik (1969), 55 HAL, ll,9Ol-2. See esp. Stiihlin; Lande; Laurentin; Brongers; Jenni,
    "Zur Verwendung."
    438 ny ?r

    11:20) is not connected etymologically with ?I.z+ 4tro highly dubious is the associa-
    tion of ?l with the noun '6n6, as "(time of; sexual intercourse" (Ex. 21:lQ).zs

    IV. Philology.
    l. Meaning. [t is immediately obvious that'e! in the OT always refers to time. This
    is made clear by its various contexts and its frequent use with prepositions ('ad, "wtill'
    and min, "since," temporal b", 1", and k", and occasionally 'el-; see IV.2.a-d below) and
    temporally functioning adjectives (e.g., qdr6!, "near" Usa. 13:221; rAltdq, "distant"
    lBzk. 12:27 pl.; see IV.5 belowl). By means of genitive modification and other con-
    structions (see IV.5 below), a specific time can be defined or appraised in the cycle of
    nature, in human life, or in history. The derived adj.'attd, "at this time," i.e., "now"
    (see IV.6 below), further clarifies the picture. But precise definition of this term for
    time remains diffrcult and can be approximated only by comparison with other tempo-
    ral expressions.
    Although occasionally 'e!carlparallel +d! ydm, "day" (e.g., Ezk.7:7,12; cf. also
    the expression "in those days and at that time" in Joel4:1[3:1]; Jer. 33:15; 50:4,20), in
    essence ?.1 is not a natural division of time; neither does it imply per se a special situa-
    tion in the course of history contrast, e.9., -) nrlnN 'al.tori1, "end," but also "time to
    come, future"; -) TI 'a!, -
    "eternity"; -+ EhY '6ldm, "longtime, age"; -+ D'Ii2 qe/em,
    "ancient time"; -) Y? qe* "end, lirnit," also "end time"; and -+ UN'l rd',f (and deriva-
    tives) in the sense of "beginning (of a certain time period)." Temporal terms of this na-
    ture appear also in many prepositional and adverbial constructions (along with words
    like 'dz, "then"). By itself, ?l does not denote a certain length of time neither an ex-
    -
    tended period (chiefly expressed by locutions withydrt/ydmtm; 'adfdd; '6ldm; -->\11
    ddr "cycle, lifetime, generation"; or lteleQ, "lifetime," but also "world") nor a brief
    "moment" (for which one finds, e.9., pe!a', + 9l'1 rega', or Biblical Aram. .ia-?). In it-
    self, ?f is no more defined temporally than -r dllD mdq6m is delimited spatially.
    Rather it is related semantically to the most general temporal terms of the OT, above all
    +'I91D mA'ed, "agreed time" or "festival (time)." We even find occasionally m6'€Q in
    parallel with'e! (e.g., Jer. 8:7; cf. also 2 K. 4:16,17;2 5.24:15),btt'C! does not share
    the cultic associations of m6'€/. There are also several less frequent temporal terms of
    a general nature, e.g., *'Apen, "(proper) time" (only Prov. 25:l l); 'eifrn, "(incipient)
    time" (only Prov. 20:20 Q; 7:9 cj.); zcman, "specific time, hour" (4 times in the Hebrew
    OT: Eccl. 3:l par. '€1;Est.9:27,31; Neh. 2:6; also Sir. 43:7 par. m6'efi; and Biblical
    Aram. zemdn (11 times) and'iddan, "(specific) time" (Dnl. 2:8,9,21;3,5,15;
    4:13,20,22,29116,23,25,321; 7 :12,25).
    Insofar as it is legitimate at all to speak of the basic meaning of a noun, for ?.1 one
    might propose in the first instance "(a definite point in) time ofTfor [something]."26 But
    it must be stressed that in a number of passages nothing is said explicitly concerning

    24. See IPN, l9l; PNPI, l08a; HAL,ll,9O3.


    25. -+ i'll9 I'dnd (I),111.8.
    26. Ct. TLOT It,952.
    nY_ 'e!

    any determination of the point in time or its relationship to something specific (for ex-
    amples see IV.4 below).

    2. With Prepositions. Like most of the temporal terms cited above, ?l is used most
    often in combination with a variety of prepositions. Such prepositional locutions, in
    part formulaic, normally function as temporal adverbs and serve to locate an event at a
    certain time or in a certain period.zz
    .a1
    a. Dl Comparison of the prepositions used with with those used with the two
    other most common terms for time in the OT shows that '6lam most often appears in
    combination with l'or by', whereas D'takes precedence in the case of both 'E!and,y6m.
    (1) In the case of be + 'e!, the most frequent usage is the formulaic pfuase bd'e1
    hahi', "at that time," with 68 occurrences: Deuteronomy, 15;2 Chronicles, 8; Judges
    and Jeremiah,T each;2 Kings,5; Joshua,4; I Kings, Isaiah, and Zephaniah,3 each;
    Genesis, I Chronicles, and Daniel, 2 each; and one each in Numbers, Joel, Amos, Mi-
    cah,Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther. We also find such expressions as bd'E7 "at the proper
    time" (Eccl. 10:17); bA'e! haud'!, "at this time" (Est. 4:14); pl.: bA'ifitm, "in (these)
    times" (Dnl. 1l:6); bd'itttm hdhEm, "in those times" (Dnl. I l:14;2 Ch. 15:5). Cf. also
    'elwith other prepositions:'aj hd'€!haht', "urrtil that time" (Dnl. 12:1; Neh. 6:l); rein-
    hd'C! haht', "from that time on" (Neh. l3:21).
    (2) The expression bA'e! haht', comparable especially to bayydm hahfi', "on that
    day," refers in most cases (52 times;zs to a time or period in the past. In the narrative
    sections of the Pentateuch, the Deuteronomistic History, and the Chronicler's His-
    tory, the expression is used with the consecutive imperfect as an introductory or a
    connective formula (e.g., waychi bA'e! haht', "and it happened at that time" [Gen.
    2l:22;38:1; 1 K. ll:291; wayyakkfr'e1-m6'd! bd'e! haht', "and ar that time they
    smote Moab" Ugs. 3:29; cf . Josh. 6:26; I l:10,21; Jgs. l2:6; 2l:14; I K. 8:65 (text?);
    2 Ch. l3:18; etc.l) or with the perfect as a defining or linking statement of time (e.g.,
    bA'e! haht' 'amar yhwh 'el-yehdiua', "at that time Yahweh said to Joshua" [Josh.
    5:21), but chiefly in annalistic style (e.g., bd'c! hahi'hah abty6, "at that time Abijah
    fell sick" I K. l4:l; cf.2 K. 16:6; 18:16;20:12:'24:lO;2Ch. 16:7;28:16; etc.]).
    Only exceptionally does the expression occur in retrospective nominal clauses (e.g.,
    Nu. 22:4; Jgs.4:4; l4:4).
    In the context of Deuteronomy, with its linear presentation of sacred history,zs 6o'U,
    haht'isusedtomarktheintervalbetweenthe"now" ('attd)or "today" (hayybm)of the
    speaker and specific events that took place in the earlier period of the history of God's
    people (e.g., 'And I [Moses] spoke to you at that time lbd'e! haht', the revelation at
    Horebl and said . . ." [Dt. l:9; also l:16,18; 2:34; 3:4,8,12,18,21,23; 4:14; 5:5; 9:20;
    l0: l,8l:o;. But the same formula can also appear in the promises and threats of the
    prophets, usually with the imperfect (e.g., 'At that time gifts will be brought" [Isa.

    27. See BDB, 773; TLOT, 11,953-57; HAL, 11,900-901.


    28. TLOT, II, 953.
    29.H.D. Preuss, Deuteronomium. EdF lU (1982), 185-90.
    30. Ibid., 62, 179-80,184, 196.
    I
    nr ?!

    l8:7; also such passages as Jer. 3:17;4:ll;8:l Q;31:1; Am.5:13 (gloss?);3t 7*ph.
    3:20 (v. 19 with act. ptcp.); also with 'azin3:47). Especially noteworthy is the double
    expression bayyamtm hdhem/-mA frbd'el hoht' (see above). The prophetic usage with a
    future-directed imperfect reappqrs in such texts as Dnl. 12:l (twice).
    (3) Quite different in nature is the expression b" + ?.9 + suffix (b"'in6, etc.). It occurs
    15 times, usually referring to a time set by nature (e.g., for rain or fruit) or the right mo-
    ment for something (rain: Lev. 26:4; Dt. ll:14; 28:12; Jer. 5:24; Bzk. 34:26; harvest:
    Hos. 2:11[9]; Job 5:26; fruit: Ps. l:3; food: Ps. lO4:27;145:15; day and night: Jer.
    33:20; constellations: Job 38:32; God's intervention: [sa. 6O:22; a word: Prov. l5:23;
    see V.2.a below).
    The negative form appears twice; bclo' 'e!, "not at the time of' menstruation (Lev'
    15:25); beld"itteSd, "not at your time," i.e., "before your time" (dying, EccL7:117.22111
    Job 22:16, again with reference to dying, many mss. read beld'?., (MT w"ld'-'€!). A
    Phoenician text has the analogous bl 'ty.tz There is a single occurrence of the positive
    *at the right time" (Eccl. 10:17).
    expression ba'e!,
    The generalizing expression bcbol-'€!, "at any time, at all times," occurs 15 times
    (Ex.18:22,26; Lev. 16:2; Ps. 10:5;34:2[];62:9181;106:3; ll9:20; Job 27:10; Prov.
    5:19;6:14;8:30; 17:17; Eccl. 9:8); cf . b"kol-'€!'o.ier (Est. 5:13);'im + kol + pl. (l Ch.
    29:30).In most cases this formula expresses a pedagogical generalization of wisdom
    instruction (e.g., "Let your garments always be white," Eccl. 9:8) or the cultic fervor of
    the worshiper (e.g., "My soul is consumed with longing for your ordinances at all
    times," Ps. 119:20; "[ will bless Yahweh at all times," Ps. 34:2[1]). Comparable to this
    expression is kl h't in a Neo-Punic text.34
    Finally, there are some 35 occurrences (15 in Jeremiah) of a construct phrase made
    up ofD" +'e!+ a noun, infinitive, or verbal clause. These phrases are used to define a
    particular time or period: with a noun, e.g., b"el qa,rir "in time of harvest" (Jer. 50: 16);
    cf. Jgs. 10:14; Isa. 33:2;49:8; Jer.2:27,28;8:12; 10:15; ll:12; 14:8;15:11 (twice);
    18:23;51:18; Ezk.2l:30,34(25,29);35:5 (twice); Z,ec.l0:l; Ps. 37:19,39); with an in-
    finitive construct, e.g., b"'e1 yafudm ha;;dh, "at the time when the flock is in heat"
    (Gen. 31:10); cf. Gen. 38:27;1 S. l8: 19; Jer. I l: 14; Z'eph.3:2O (text uncertaln:s;; with
    a verbal clause, e.g., b"'e!-p"eay'ttm, "at the time I punish them" (Jer. 6:15); cf. Job
    6:17 ; 2 Ch. 20:22; 24:ll; 29:27 (see IV.4, 5 below).
    b. /1 As in the case of 0", use of the prep. /'with ?l + a noun, infinitive, or verbal
    clause (20 instances in the sg.) defines the time or period of an action or event. The fol-
    lowing are examples: with a noun, l"'€1 'ere!, "in the evening" (Gen. 8:11; 24:11; Isa.
    17 14; Zec. l4:7; lc'd! ziqn6, "in the time of old age" (Ps. 71:9; cf. 1 K. ll:4; 5:23); cf .
    Ps. 21:10 (text?); Ruth 2:14; Eccl.9:12; I Ch.12:23(22);20:l; with an infrnitive,le'd1

    31. H. W. Wolff, Joel and Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), 249-50.
    32. H. W. Hertzberg, Der Prediger KAT XVIU4 (1963), 137, l4l.
    33. KAI 14.2-3,12 (cf. I above); see J. C. Greenfield, "Scripture and Inscriptiotl' Near East
    ern Studies in Honor of W. E Albright (1971),260.
    34. KAI 126.9 (see I above).
    35. See BIIS.
    nr ?1 44r

    b6'haiiemei, "atthetimeof sunset"(Josh. 10:27;2Ch. 18:34);cf.2S. II:I;Ps.32:6


    (text?); 1 Ch. 20: 1; with a verbal clause , lc'e! fimfrt raglam, "the time when their foot
    shall slip" (Dt. 32:35; see IV.4, 5 below).
    Occasionally, however, the prep. /e with ?1 serves to introduce an independent da-
    tive object, e.g.,l"'d!knzd'! "at such a time as this" (Est.4:14b); cf. Jer. 8:15; 14:19;
    Job 38:23; Dnl. 8:17.
    c. ft1 The prep. t" is used with ?l 22 times, with no clear difference in meaning be-
    tween be, 1", and /c'. There are 5 occurrences of the expression kd'dl, which is compara-
    ble to kayydm, "now" (Nu. 23:23; Jgs. l3:23; 2l:22 [possibly to be read kt 'atfi36lilsa.
    8:23[9: 1 ] [text?37]' Job 39: I 8); cf. also kcmi'E! (Ezk. 16.,57 ; possibly to be read kemi
    'attd[h]39). The expression is used 9 times in combination with mdbAf "tomorrow," 8
    of whichareintheformulakfl'e1nfiltAr "atthistimetomorrow"(Ex.9:18; I S.9:16;
    2O:12; I K. l9:2;20:6;2 K. 7:1,18; 10:6) and once in the synonymous mdhdr kd'd1
    hazzd'! (Josh. I l:6).
    The meaning of the expression kd'El ltayy,A (Gen. 18:10,14; 2 K. 4:16,17) is dis-
    puted. Departing from earlier explanations, Yaron cites the analogous Akkadian ex-
    pression ana bald1, "at this time next year."3g "The phrase occurs only in Gen.
    18:10,14; and 2 Kings 4:16,17 in the OT, each time in the same context; this is a cer-
    tain sign that the phrase, otherwise unknown, was passed on in this particular narra-
    tive of the birth of a child (it is there in Gen. 17:21, in the same context, but some-
    what altered)."40 It should be noted, finally, that the combination ke + 'e! + noun or
    infinitive also occurs: with a noun, Dnl. 9:21; with an infinitive, I S. 4:20 (text?);
    2 Ch.2l:19.
    d. Other Prepositions. I shall not go into further detail here about the other preposi-
    tions used with ?l; 'aQ,"until" (12 times: Josh.8:29; 25.24:15; Ezk.4:10,11; Mic.
    5:2131; Ps. 105:19; Dnl. ll:24,35i l2;1,4,9; Neh. 6: l); min, "since" (8: Isa. 48: l6; Ezk.
    4:10,11; Ps. 4:8[7]; Dnl. 12:11; Neh. 13:21; I Ch.9:25;2 Ch.25:27); and'el, "to"
    (once: I Ch. 9:25).

    3. Construct Phrases. When used as a nomen regens in a construct phrase, 'e! nor-
    mally denotes a specific time or period the nature of which is defined by fhe following
    noun, infinitive, or verbal clause. In most cases (65 times), the nomen rectum is a sub-
    stantive. Often the phrase denotes a time defined by the course of nature: 'e! &il'ereb,
    "evening time" (Gen. 8:ll;24:ll; Josh. 8:29;2 S. ll:2; lsa. 17:14;Zec. t4:7);'€1
    ;ohordyim, "noon" (Jer. 20:16); 'El malq6i, "season of the spring rain" (March-April,+t

    36. See BIIS.


    37. Driver, 43-49; Emerton, 156ff.; but cf. H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. 1991),
    384tr
    38. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979),333.
    39. -+ IY 343-44.
    40. C. Westermann,Genesis 12-36(Eng. trans. 1985),280; cf. also R. Kiimpel, Bausteine
    biblischer Theologie. FS G. J. Botterweck. BBB 50 (1977), 162.
    41. AuS, V2,302tr.
    nY-'e!

    Z,ec. lO:l); 'e1(haq)qd;tr "time of the grain harvest" (April-June;a2 Jer. 50: 16; 5l:33);
    'e! tcifrba! haiidnd, "time of the turn of the year" (l Ch. 20:1); 'Z! ziqnA, "time of old
    age"(Ps.7l:9;cf.I K. Il:4; 15:23);'€1niddd, "timeof menstruation"(Lev. 15:25);cf.
    also 71 ddd?m, "age for love" (Ezk. 16:8);'4 hazzdmtr "time of pruning (the grapes)"
    (meaning unclear; possibly "vintage time" or "time of singing") (Cant.2:12).
    But such phrases can also refer to times that are not inherent in the course of nature
    but are determined independently, either by human beings as a regular element of ev-
    eryday life (e.g., '€! hd'6bel, "mealtime," Ruth 2:14) or of cultic practice (e.g., 'e!
    minhal-'dre!. "time of the evening sacrifice," Dnl. 9:21), or by God for human weal or
    woe. Examples of the latter include: '€l marpdh/', "time of healing" (Jer. 8:15; 14:19);
    '€1 ldl6m, "time of peace" (Eccl. 3:8); 'e! rii;6n, "time of (God's) favor" (Isa. 49:8); cf.

    also'd!pdneyli, "time ofyour appearance/personal presence" (Ps.2l:10[9]); contrast


    'E! 'app"ki, "time of your anger" (Jer. 18:23); '€! ncqdmd, "time of (God's) vengeance"
    (Jer. 5l:6; cf. 46:10, "day of vengeance"); '€! pcquddd, "time of punishment" (Jer.
    8:12; 10:15; 46:21;50:27;51:18 [cf. 6:15; 49:8; 50:31]); '€!;drd, "time of trouble"
    (Isa. 33:2; Jer. l4:8; 15:l l; 30:7; Ps. 37:39; Dnl. 12:1; with suf.: Jgs. l0:14; Neh. 9:27
    [cf.2K.l9:3, etc.: ydm-;drd; Job 38:23: 'e!-$Ar; Jer. 15:11; Am. 5:13; Mic. 2:3; Ps.
    37 :19; EccL 9:12: 'd1 rd'A; with suf. : Jer. 2:27 ,28; l 1 : l 2l ); 'dl milhdrnd, "time of war"
    (Eccl.3:8); '€!q4, "time of the end" (Dnl. l1:35,40; 12:4,9; cf. also 8:17:'eyqes;
    8:19: rn6'd/ qei; 'E!'awOn q€;, "time of final punishment" (Ezk. 2l:30,34125,29);
    35:5); 'e! 'ar;6, "time of (udgment upon) his land" (Jer. 27:7); 'E! m6'Ed, "appointed
    time" (2 S. 24: 15); 'e! 'edam, "time of their calamity" (Ezk. 35:5); and 'E1 g6yim, "rime
    of the nations" (Ezk. 30:3; cf. 16.,57).
    In Ps. 3l:22(21) b*e! ma;6r "in the time of affliction," has been a commonly ac-
    cepted emendation ever since Wellhausen and Duhm (alternatively: bc'e1 mas6q, "in
    the time of tribulation"); but the MT is preferable: bcir mis6r "in a fortified city," fits
    easily into the context: bcs€1er pdneyf;i . . . b"sukkh, "in the shelter of your presence . . .
    in a booth" (v. 2l[20]).43 For'krel in Jer. 33:6, an unexplained hapax legomenon,
    Rudolph has proposed the plausible emendation '€1 rewal.t, "restoration."4
    Related to construct phrases comprising ?-, + a noun are the some 25 occurrences of
    'e! + an infinitive construct (most commonly b6'[5 times] or ydsd'[4 times]). Here too
    we are often dealing with the temporal fixation of a natural event, e.g., 'el b6'
    haiiemel, "at sunset" (Josh. 10:27; 2 Ch. l8:34); '€lyaltEmhassd'n, "the time when the
    flock is in heat" (Gen. 31:10);'e! b6', "the time of coming (of the turtledove?)" (Jer.
    8:7); 'et le/e7 "time of delivery" (Gen.38:27; Job 39:1); 'e! mfrL "time to die" (l S.
    4:20). But the reference can also be to a human activity: 'el ;e\ haiid'"!d1, "the time
    when women go out to draw water" (Gen. 24: I l); gdren 'e! hidrikd, "the time when a
    threshing floor is trodden" (Jer. 51:33); 'Q he'Asdp hammiqneh, "time for the animals
    to be gathered" (Gen. 29:7); other examples include I S. 18:19; 2 S. 11:l; 2K.5:26;

    42. AuS, III, 4-5.


    43. Contra H.-J. Kraus, Psalms l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 360. See BI1S.
    44. W. Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT Ulz (31968), 214; cf . BHS; HAL,II, 906.
    nl'e!

    I Ch. 2O:l;2 Ch.28:22. Finally, the time of a di-


    Isa. 48:16; Jer. I l: 14; Eccl. 3:4b,5a9;
    vine activity can be fixed: ?l qabbest 'e!kcm, "the time when I gather you [Israel]"
    (Z,eph. 3:20);'a! b6'-d"bdr6, "the time when his word comes (to pass)" (Ps. 105:19);
    see also Hag. l:2; Ps. 32:6; 2 Ch.2l:19. The construction'e! + infinitive construct with
    /" is discussed below (see IV.4).
    Some texts, primarily from the exilic or postexilic period, contain the combination
    'e! + a verbal clause. This construction may use either the perfect ('e1 pcqa/tiw, "the
    time when I punish him," Jer.49:8; also 6:15;50:31; Mic.5:2[3]; Ps.4:8[7];+s N61.
    12:ll;2Ch.20:22;29:27) orthe imperfed('e!fimfrt raglam, "the time when their foot
    shall slip," Dl32:35; also Nu. 23:23: Hos. l3:13; Job 6:17; 2 Ch.24:ll). Sometimes
    we find a relative clause: 'e!'aier idlat hd'djdm, "the time when one person exercises
    authority over another" (Eccl. 8:9); also 2 Ch.25:27 and Ps. 4:8(7).
    Only rarely does ?1 appear in a construct phrase with an active participle (e.g.,
    [b"]'e! mbltkek badddreft, "the time when he [Yahweh] led you [Israel] in the [right]
    way," Jer. 2:17; also Ezk. 27:34).

    4. Other Constructions. Several texts place more emphasis on ?.1 as an independent


    element of a clause. The actual constructions vary considerably.
    Some 30 times ?J is modified by a following infinitive construct with /', not rarely
    functioning attributively. Examples arei 'e! li/rdi 'e1-yhwh, "the (right) time to seek
    Yahweh" (Hos. 10: l2); 'e!-be! yhwh lehibbdndl, "the time to build Yahweh a temple"
    (Hag. l:2); cf. Hag. 1:4; Ps. 102:14; 119:126; Job 39:2; Eccl. 3:2-8a (23 times).
    Sometimes an independent ?l is the object of a preposition. With bc it denotes the
    right or best time to do something, e.g., bA'E! ydkelfr, "[your princes] feast at the proper
    time"(Eccl. 10:17).a0TheexpressionkA'elmeans"aboutthistime,""now"(Jgs. 13:23;
    2l:22; see further IV.2.c above). There are also isolated instances of related construc-
    tions using the preps. min and'a8 or 'el (me'e1 'aQ-'e1, "from time to time," Ezk.
    4:10,11; me'C!'el-'e!, "from one appointed time to the next," I Ch.9:25; [wc]'ad-'d!,
    "until the time [appointed by God]," Dnl. 1l:2473t
    Totally unique is the construction (wc)hd'dl g"iAmim in Ezr. 10:13, which to all ap-
    pearances means "it is the time of heavy rain."48 The language peculiar to Ecclesiastes
    occasionally treats ?l as an independent entity: ki-'€lwdpega'yiqreh'e!-kulldm, "time
    and change happen to them all" (9: I I ); the heart of the sage knows '€! fimiipdt, "time
    and judgment" (8:6; hendiadys? cf. LXX).4e Cf. also 'e! lekol-bepes-So "there is a time
    for every matter" (3:1,17).
    Finally, note that the coming of the time referred to by 'c! is generally expressed by
    the verb -+ N'll b6'(e.g.,lsa. 13:22; Jer.27:7;46:21:'49:8 [hiphil];50:27,31:'51:33;

    45. Not in Lisowsky, ll40a-42a.


    46. On b"'ittb see IV.2.a above.
    47. See IV.2.d above.
    48. GK, $l4ld; Brockelmann, S.vzr, $14b.
    49. -+ ylD pega'; -)glu)D miipat.
    50. --+ Y 100.
    ny.'e!

    Ezk. 7 :7 ,12; Hag. l:2), occasionally by -+ llII ndga'hiphrl, "arrive" (Cant. 2: 12). Note

    also that 'e! can appear as the object of verbs like hik /e, "reserve" (Job 38:23), + yJ!
    ydfla',"Yaow"(Job39:1,2;Eccl.8:5;9:12),+;flP qdwdpiel,"hopefor"(Jer.8:15;
    14:9), and -t'1D[, .im6 "observe."

    5. Plural. The pl. of ?1 is generally 'ittim (15 times), occasionally 'ittOt Q times; see
    IIIabove). The occurrences of the pl.'itttm are almost all in late texts. As a rule it is
    easy to determine the meaning from a parallel text using the singular. An exception is
    the expression rabb61 irim (Neh. 9:28), generally taken to mean "many times," ap-
    pearing in a liturgical context;sl it can be compared to such expressions as pe'amtm
    rabb61 (Eccl. 7:22, etc.).52 Cf. also Ararn. zeman, especially zimntn teldld bJtbmd',
    "three times a day" (Dnl. 6:11,14[10,13]).
    A clearly numerical plural occurs in some texts, especially in the expression l"'itttm
    mezummanim, "at appointed times" (Ezr. 10:14; Neh. 10:35; b"'ittim m'zummdn6g
    Neh. l3:31).Butthenumericalcharacterofthepluralisoftenattenuated,sothatthein-
    dividual points in time included in'itttm/-61are comprehended in a totality. Ezekiel
    prophesies leyamtm rabbtm file'itttm rcfu6q67 "for many years ahead and for distant
    times" (12:27); Job longs for God's 'itttm, "times (of judgment)," in parallel with
    ydmdyw, "his days" (24:l). There are 3 occurrences of itttm as a nomen rectum in a
    construct phrase: Isa. 33:6 speaks of 'emfrnaf itteykil, "the stability of your times"
    (text?);53 Dnl. 9:25 says that Jerusalem will be rebuilt frb';6q hd'itttm, "in oppression
    of times" (NRSV "in a troubled time"); Dnl. I l: 13 describes a situation Pq€s hd'itttm,
    "at the end of times." In the MT the pl. 'itt6l occurs twice as a nomen rectum: le'itt6!
    ba; ;dri @s. 9: 1 0[9] ; 1 0: l ) means "in times of drought";5a possibly, however, the read-
    ing of the LXX is correct: . . . hassar6, "in times of trouble." The expression bd'itt?m,
    "in the(se) times," occurs only in Dnl. 11:6; it is usually connected with v. 7, but this
    can hardly be correct.55
    In some cases an association (probably original) with astrologically determined
    times comes through clearly (cf .y'ryb'tu)t, "the moon marks the seasons," Sir.M 43:6):
    the sons of Issachar "have understanding of the times" (JOd"'e phd la'ilttm, 1 Ch.
    l2:33132D; the sages "know the times (determined by God)" OA|"'A hd'itttm, Est.
    l:13). This meaning explains the shift "to a more content-filled term"56 in the pl.:
    "times" = "fate, lot, destiny." This meaning is especially clear in Ps. 31:16(15): "My
    times ['ittd!dy,' = 'my lot'] are in your hand." In parallel with the mighty rule of David,
    I Ch. 29:30 speaks of "the events (hd'ittim) that befell (Ab"rfr) him and Israel and all
    the kingdoms of the earth." The same "saturation with content" can be seen, for exam-

    51. W. Rudolph, Esra und Nehemia. HAT A20 0949), 164; Barr, Biblical Words, 122-23;
    Jenni, TLOT I1,957; but cf. Ps. 3l:16(15) (see below).
    52. --> DID pa'am.
    53. See O. Kaiser, Isaiah I3-39. OTL (Eng. trans. 1974), 337,344.
    54. See HAL,lI,9Ol.
    55. Cf. BHS; NRSV; O. Pliiger, Das Buch Daniel. KAf XVIII (1965), 152, 155.
    56. Jenni, TLOT, ll. 957.
    n9- '0!

    ple, in Isa. 33:6; Ps. 9:10(9); 10:1. (Albright has proposed associating'itt6l with Akk.
    'anatu-ettu, ascribing to it the meaning "omens.";57 We may note that pre-Islamic po-
    etry uses Arab. dahr "time," similarly as a term for "fate": "time and its content."s8

    6,'auA, The adv. 'attd, "nowl' "nevertheless," "henceforth," etc., occurs 433 times in
    the OT.5e Although this adverb appears frequently in the OT narrative books (see III
    above), it is noteworthy that it is not normally found in the narrative sections but in con-
    versations and speeches (including letters), oracles, and prayers in other words, in di-
    - situation.6o Within a
    rect discourse. In these contexts, 'afiA serves to activate a speech
    passage of discourse, this activation usually affects an entire clause (the next rhetorical
    unit). This holds true for most of the272 occurences of w"attd: in some 220 cases, fol-
    lowing mention of circumstances that divert from the actual situation of the discourse,
    we'attd returns to this sifuation to introduce a reaction. This reaction may be a conse-
    quence ("so. . . now/therefore"), e.9.,'And Yahweh God said: The man has become like
    one of us, knowing good and evil; and now, lest he reach out his hand . . ." (Gen. 3i22).61
    More rarely the meaning may be adversative ("nevertheless"), e.9., Isa.64:7;Hag.2:4.02
    In some 40 texts simple 'ard (without w') is used similarly (e.9., I S. 9:6).
    It is relatively common, however, for'attd to function as a temporal adverb modify-
    ing a predicate. It can mark a contrast with what has gone before, e.5.,'aQ:q116, "until
    now";the temporal starting point may be named (Gen.46:34; Ex. 9:18; 2 S. l9:8b[7b];
    2 K. 8:6; Ezk. 4:14; Ruth 2:7) or not (Gen. 32:5[4]; Dl l2:9).It contrasts explicitly
    with(md)'dz, "then" (e.g., Josh. l4:ll;2 S. l5:34; Isa. l6:13-14;48:7; Hos. 2:9[7)) and
    appears in the formulaic expression 'afiA ydja\| "now I know" (Gen. 22:12;, Ex.
    18:ll; Jgs. 17:131' I K.17:241' Ps. 20:7[6]; cf.Z,e,c.9:8). In etymologies of names it
    means "henceforth" (Gen.26:22;29:32,34); negated it means "no longer" (Isa.29:22
    ltwice]; Gen. I l:6;26:29; etc.). Finally, in the context of an invective or lament, it con-
    trasts the present with the past ("formerly. . .but now": Isa. 1:21; l6:14;Ezk.19:131'
    26:18; Ps. 119:67; etc.). In this function, however, 'afiA can also contrast with the fu-
    ture, e.9., md'afiA, "from now on" (e.g., tsa. 48:6; 2 Ch. 16:9; Jer. 3:4); m€'afiA w"'ad-
    '6ldm, "now and forever" (8 times, e.g., Isa. 9:6; Mic. 4:7); in exhortations (Dt.32i39;
    Jgs. 9:38; I K. l9:4; etc.); in prophetic declarations of the imminent future (Isa. 33:10
    [3 times]; 43:19;49:19; Jer.4:12; 14:10; etc.); and in isolated occurrences in the histor-
    ical books (e.g., Ex. 5:5; 6:1; Jgs. 8:6,15). Finally, 'afiA can have this function even in

    57. See the comments of Barr, Biblical Words, 123; H.-J. Kraus, Psalms 1-59 (Eng. trans.
    1988), r95, 3e. c
    58. J. Pedersen, RHPR 10 (1930) 353-54; H. Ringgren, Studies inArabian Fatalism. UUA
    1955:2,30-43.
    59. See III above. On its use in the OT see esp. Lande,46-52; Laurentin, 168-95, 413-32;
    Brongers, 289-99; Jenni, "ZurVerwendung," 5-12; idem, TLOT,11,957-58; HAL,Il,90l-2; also
    Stiihlin, 1099 -lll7 ; Tachau, 2l-70.
    60. See Jenni, TLOT, II, 957-58; idem, "Zur Verwendung."
    61. On the other texts see Jenni, "Zur Verwendung," 8 n. 15 and 17.
    62. See Brongers,295.
    nY-'e!

    the bipolar contrast between past and future (e.g., introductory we'afiA in Deutero-
    Isaiah, "but now," Isa. 43:l; 44:l;49:J).dt

    V. Theological Usage. The theological foci of the OT use of '81arc in fact few and
    far between. In many individual texts the noun plays a role in the theology of creation,
    but a coherent theory of this role appears only in Ecclesiastes (see V.2a, b below). Its
    use in the theology of history is more varied, but only exceptionally does it constitute a
    real focus (see V.3.a-c below).

    L The Hebrew Concept of Time.T}:,e philological survey presented above (esp. IV.1)
    has shown that throughout the OT ?l always refers to time, even if sometimes in an at-
    tenuated sense. As one of the temporal terms of the OT, it is theologically comprehen-
    sible only in the overall context of the so-called Hebrew understanding of time.
    As is well known, the OT understanding of time has been a subject of lively discus-
    sion ever since von Orelli's pioneering study in l87l ; the most important contributions
    have been those of Pedersen, Delling, Vollborn, Marsh, Pidoux, Ratschow, Eichrodt,
    Boman, Muilenburg, Sekine, Barr, Wilch, and Jenni; see also such studies as those of
    Nilsson and Brandon.
    The primary focus of this discussion has been the tension observable in the OT be-
    tween the revelations of Yahweh that alter the course of history together with the associ-
    ated historical encounters with deliverance and judgment experienced by Israel on the
    one hand, and the notion of Yahweh as the eternal God, exalted above the world and its
    history, on the other. This tension has led or misled scholars to postulate for the OT
    - -
    a special conception of time, fundamentally opposed to ours. They have described the
    Western understanding of time as linear and chronological, while describing the OT con-
    ception as punctiliar, realistic, saturated, concentrated, psychological, etc. Nevertheless,
    Eichrodt in particular showed that the linear and chronological conception is by no means
    foreign to the OT.s Quite the contrary: throughout the OT we find a mode of thought in-
    formed by an awareness of the relationship between the present and the past or future.6s
    Recent scholarship is naturally also inclined to recognize the uniqueness of the OT
    understanding of time. It has become increasingly clear, however, that the appropriate
    way to examine and define this uniqueness is not through comparative (and often ten-
    dentiously etymological) word studies or analyses of grammatical structure (including
    speculations about different so-called tense systems), such as Boman's attempt to
    grasp the difference between the Hebrew and Greek ideas of time.66 Instead, the indi-

    63. Tachau, 34-41; ?or a complete list of texts, see Jenni, "Zur Verwendung," 10-12.
    64. Cf. already Brunner.
    65. This phenomenon is described by such later scholars as Jenni, "Time"; Barr, Biblical
    Words; and Wilch; it is also noted in OT theologies like those of W. Zimmerli, OT Theology in
    Outline (Eng.trans. 1978), l7-32;C.Westermann,Elementsof OTTheology (Eng.trans. 1982),
    esp. 9-15; W. H. Schmidt, Faith of the OT (Eng. trans. 1983), 1-4, 84-88; cf. also H. W. Wolff,
    Anthropology of the OT (Eng. trans. 1974),83-92.
    66. See esp. the criticisms of Barr, Semantics, 46-88.
    nY_ 'e!

    vidual terms referring to time must be studied primarily within the context of the texts
    and locutions in which they occur.67
    Naturally this holds true also for any study of the OT term ?1, which, despite its gen-
    eral nature, normally refers to "the appointed time for something," thus resembling in
    meaning such terms as Egyp. tr and nw and Gk. kairos.68 A survey of the relevant texts
    and locutions makes clear, however, that'C! per se does not denote time having a defin-
    able content or quality.6e The actual content or quality of the time in question can be de-
    termined only from the particular context.To Only contextual examination of the term'e!
    is in a position to reveal the specific character of the OT conception of the appointed or
    right time and its unique relationship to God, whom the faith of Israel believes to be pres-
    ent in creation and in the history of God's people and world.Tl In the OT texts the various
    times observed in the created order times of day, seasons, the hours of the daily round
    -
    as well as the present, past, and future in the history of God's revelation to Israel are set
    -forth as times appointed by God and bearing witness to God.

    2. Creation. a. Survey. As already noted (see IV above), a series of OT texts uses ?11
    as a term for times or periods in the diverse domains of Yahweh's created order.
    The changing times of day, such as evening (Gen. 8:11; 24:ll Josh. 8:9; 2 S. ll:2;
    Isa. 17:14; Zec. l4:7), noon (Jer. 20:16), and sunset (Josh. 10:27; 2 Ch. 18:34), are per-
    ceptible to humans; but the significant fact theologically is that the OT ascribes these
    times of day to the creative activity of the one God, Yahweh. He alone leads forth the
    constellations (mazzdr6!) "at their appointed time" (Job 38:32; cf . Ps. 148:6); because
    of his covenant with day and night, they come regularly "at their appointed time" (Jer.
    33:20). Because Yahweh brings about the times of day, they are appropriate as times
    for cultic functions e.9., the time of the evening sacrifice (Dnl. 9:21).
    -
    The constant recurrence of the seasons and their associated times in the cycle of na-
    ture are due to the hand of the creator e.9., the time of the turn of the year (l Ch.
    - rain (Z,ec. 1O:l), the time when migratory
    2O:1),tz of heavy rain (Ezr. l0: 13) and spring
    birds arrive (Jer. 8:7), when the flocks are in heat (Gen. 31:10), when goats give birth
    (Job 39:1), when grain and wine abound (Ps. 4:8[7]). Among other things, the recur-
    rent theme of Yahweh's sovereign authority over the life-giving rain "in its season" in
    promises of blessing underlines dependence on Yahweh (Lev.26:4; Dt. 1l:14; 28:12;
    Ezk.34:26; cf. Jer. 5:24). Israel's hymns extol Yahweh for giving all his earthly crea-
    tures their food "in due season" (Ps.lO4:27;145:15). The times of the year and of the

    67. For Egyptian see esp. Otto and the comments of Brunner, as well as E. Hornung,
    Geschichte als Fest (1966).
    68. See IV.l above. For the Egyptian see Otto, 136-39l' for the Greek, VI below.
    69. Contra such scholars as von Orelli, 63; Pedersen, ILC,l-11,487-91: Vollborn, 26; Marsh,
    Theological Word Book, 258; idem, Fulness, 28; Muilenburg,235-36; Ebeling, 253-54.
    70. As Wilch in particular has shown (e.g.,32-33, 102); for criticism, see Jenni, TLOT lI,
    956.
    71. See Schmidt, Faith of the OT, 53-88.
    72. -+ X,247-48.
    nL'e!

    day are appointed by God; they can be understood and managed only through insight
    into (God's) wisdom (cf. Est. l:13; I Ch. 12:33).
    But this brings us already into the realm of the various times associated with human
    life, for several of the times just mentioned, though independent of humanity, are critical
    for human life the time of birth (Er;cl.3:2), of love (Ezk. 16:8), of delivery (Gen.
    -
    38:27), of menstruation (L.ev. 15:25), of aging (Ps. 71:9; cf. I K. ll:4;15:23), and of
    death (l S. 4:20; Eccl.3:2). This is probably also implicit in the use of the phrase bcld' 'el
    for premature death cf. Akk. ina im ld {tmtilu, "on a day that was not his fate.'73
    -
    These times delimit human life, but behind them stands Yahweh. This implies that human
    beings encounter God at work in the determined and determining times of their own lives
    (cf. the Egyptian temporal terms that also suggest spatial proximity, esp. h5w and rk).t+
    Something similar also holds true for the times established by human beings in re-
    sponse to those inherent in nature, e.g., mealtime (Ruth 2:L4),the time when the ani-
    mals are gathered each day (Gen. 29:7) or women go out of the city to draw water
    (Gen.24:11), the time of the grain harvest (Jer. 50:16; 51:33; cf. Isa. 28:23-29; Job
    5:26), threshing (Jer. 51:33), or pruning grapes (Cant.2:12) in short, the right times
    for the various activities of human life (Eccl. 3:2-8; see v.2.b-below). what is theologi-
    cally significant is that these times of human activity, and thus the fate of all human be-
    ings, are in the hand of God (Pb. 3l:16[5]; see IV.5 above).
    Naturally this includes the notion of the right time for people to act (e.g., Prov.
    15:23) and for the events that befall them (Eccl. 3:8). These events are either times of
    God's favor (Isa. 49:8; Ps. 69:14[3]) and presence (Ps. 2l:10[9]) or times of misfor-
    tune, e.9., distress (Jgs. 10:14; Isa.33:2; Jer. l4:8; 15:ll;30:7; Ps.37:39; Dnl. l2:l;
    Neh. 9:27) or evil (Jer.2:27,28; ll:12;15:ll; Am. 5:13; Mic. 2:3; Ps. 37:19;E*cl.
    9: 12). Such times are divine punishment (Jer. 6:15l' 8:12; lo:15l' 46:21; 49:8; 5O:27 ,31:
    51:18), wrath (Jer. 18:23), and vengeance (Jer.5l:6).
    b. Ecclesiastes. A consistent view of time from the theological perspective of cre-
    ation, based on the term ?1, is found in the OT only in the book of Qohelet.zs Although
    Qohelet's intellectual world may include many elements reflective of Egyptian, Baby-
    lonian, and Greek wisdom, his overall conception is best understood on the basis of Is-
    raelite wisdom thought.zo
    In fundamental agreement with the thought of ancient Israel, Qohelet frequently empha-
    sizes that "everyhing happens at its proper time, which God determines."T7 He expresses
    this view in the introductory statement of his anaphorically formulated maial coaceming
    the right time: "For eveqrthing there is a season (zrman1, and a time for every lntatter (we'€1

    73. See IV.2.a.(3) above. For Egypt see S. Morenz, Egyptian Religion (Eng. trans. 1970), 76.
    74. Otto, 146-47.
    75. See, e.g., Galling, "Retsel"; Ochoa; l-oretz, Qohelet; F. Ellermeier, eohelet, Ul (1967),
    309-22; Loader; Wilch, I 17-28; von Rad, Wisdom, 138-43,228-37; Filipiak; Lys;Wolff,Anthrc-
    po lo gy, 89 -92; Zimmenmann; Crenshaw; Whitley.
    76. A. Lauha, Kohelet. BK XIX (1978), 13-14. For bibliog. see N. Lohfink, Kohelet. NEB
    (1980).
    77. Loretz, Qohelet, 182,200,253.
    n9_ 'e!

    lclal-ltepe;)" (3:1; also 3:17; see IV.4 above). Tlaremdidlthatfollows develops this thought
    in seven bicola each hemistich of which comprises two antithetically formulated observa-
    tions (w. 2-8) related in content (e.g.,vv.2,4,6,8). Qohelet also emphasizes that God, who
    is always at work in creation, "made ever5rthing suitable for its time" (v. 1l). This statement
    should not be understood simply as an echo ofthe P creation account;78 it represents a pro-
    found analysis of continuous divine activity. [n other contexts, too, Qohelet states that "ev-
    ery matter has [its] time and judgment* (l"lcol-l.tepe;yei'e1tuniipd1,8:6; cf. 7:17; 8:9; also
    Sir. l:23; 4:20,23: lO:4;20:1,6-7,19-20; etc.). The wise mind "knows the time and judg-
    ment" (?7 frmitpdyyeda', 8:5; cf. Est. 1:13; I Ch. 12:33).
    The new element in Qohelet's thought, critical of the earlier wisdom tradition al-
    though he does recognize in part the validity of that tradition
    -
    is that the mysteries of
    -
    God's appointed times are impenetrable not only to the swift, the strong, the intelli-
    gent, and the skillful, buf also to the wise (cf. 3:ll): "Bread is not to the wise, nor
    riches to the intelligent, nor favor to the skillful; but time and chance happen to them
    all (ki-'elwdpega'yiqreh'e!-kulldm) for humans do not know (ld-ydy'a) their times"
    -
    (9:11-12). The context prohibits the common interpretation that this refers exclusively
    to the hour of death;7e this ignorance is all-embracing, and can be compared, for exam-
    ple, to what Qohelet says about the meaningless suffering of the righteous. Zimmerli
    has therefore rightly stressed that Qohelet achieved insights incomparably more radical
    than the rest of Israelite wisdom: "No one can control the moment of his birth or of his
    death; in like fashion, recognition and therefore also mastery of the particular moment
    are totally outside the realm of human possibility."eo

    3. History. The whole spectrum of times appointed by Yahweh in his constant cre-
    ative activity are not limited to the realms of nature and everyday life. They can also be
    viewed from the perspective of a theology of history. The historical revelations of
    Yahweh to his people and his world, together with his appointed times of deliverance,
    disaster, and return, are associated with particular moments and periods.
    a. Present. Many OT texts describe the present as the right time for Yahweh to inter-
    vene or the people of God to repent. This present is often expressed simply by hayybm,
    "today" (esp. the 59 occurrences in Deuteronomy:5:1,3;8:19; ll:2,26,32; 15:15;
    26:15tr.; etc.);81 it is also expressed frequently by (wc)'attd, "(and) now" (e.g., Isa.
    43:l;44:l;49:5; see IV.6 above) and occasionally by '81.
    For example, Hosea addresses the people of God in the northern kingdom: "It is
    time to seek Yahweh" (10:12). Haggai is thinking of the present when he asks
    Zerubbabel and Joshua the high priest: "Has the time (now) come for you (ha'et ldkm

    78. As claimed by C. Forman, ,/SS 5 (1960) 256-63; cf. the counterargument of K. Galling,
    Der Prediger HAT Vl& (21969),95. --> X, 542.
    79.8.g., Jenni, TLOT,II, 959-60.
    80. OT Theology in Outline, 162.
    81. G. von Rad, OT Theology,2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1962-65), II, 99-106; J. M. Schmidt, EvT 30
    (1970), 169-200; de Vries, l&-87,337.
    n9- 'e!

    'attem) to live in your paneled houses, while this house [the temple] lies in ruins?"
    (1:4); the people, by contrast, are looking for this time in the future (v. 2).
    As one might expect, the OT uses ?1 to focus on the present in liturgical contexts, as
    in the prayer of an individual: "You [Yahweh] will rise up and have compassion on
    Zion, for it is time to favor it" (Ps. L02:l4U3l).In a similar vein, the great tOrd psalm
    says: "It is time to act for Yahweh" (119:126; cf. Est. 4:14).
    b. Past. It is primarily in the theologically importantformulabd'€lhaht', "atthattimel'
    that'e! refers to a time in the past. This formula appears 52 times in the OT (Deuteron-
    omy, narrative portions of the Pentateuch, the DtrHistory, and the Chronicler's History).
    c. Future. With respect to the future, it is noteworthy that ?l does not appear in any
    formulas comparable to the expression yOm yhwh, "day of Yahweh."82 Some preexilic
    and exilic texts, however, use ?! in combination with this notion, thus varying ydrn,
    "day," as the term for the time of judgment appointed by Yahweh. For example, a pre-
    diction of the conquest and destruction of Babylon declares: "Its time is close at hand,
    and its days will not be prolonged" (Isa. 13:22). Ezekiel speaks similarly of the coming
    end of the land of Israel, using the definite article: "The time is coming, the day is
    near" (7:7, repeated with a minor variation in v. l2; cf. also 2l:30,34125,291; and 30:3,
    which identifies the day of Yahweh with the "time of the nations"; see also Dt.32:35;
    Jer. 46:21; 50:27,31).
    The formulaic expression bA'e! hahf , "at that time," occasionally functions prospec-
    tively, especially in prophetic promises or threats (Isa. l8:7; Jer. 3:17;4: I 1; etc.; see
    IV.2.a above).
    Highly significant theologically is the use of '?1in the prophecies of judgment in the
    book of Jeremiah, for they picture the hour of prospective disaster as a time of God's
    active intervention: it is the time of Yahweh's "punishment," "wrath" (18:23), "ven-
    geance" (51:6), and "harvest" (51:33); cf. also "the time of his own land" (27:7).tt
    The phrase b"'€1 '&wdn q€;, "at the time of the guilt of the end," occurs 3 times in
    Ezekiel (21:30,34[25,29]; in 35:5 par. to be'q'Addm, "at the time of their calamity"). It
    is questionable whether this expression is used in an eschatological sense; the context
    suggests rather that it refers to "the date at which the sphere of perdition and guilt
    comes to fruition over the perpetrator in a final, fateful end."8a What is clear in any case
    is that this "time of the guilt of the end" is brought about solely by Yahweh's wrath.
    The expression'e! qe; in the book of Daniel (8:17; 11:35,40; 12:4,9; cf. Hab. 2:3)
    clearly aims to convey ajuxtaposition ofthe present and the eschatological future; for,
    although "the time of the final phase" refers primarily to the period of persecution by
    Antiochus IV Epiphanes, this period is also the time of tribulation that marks the open-
    ing phase of the eschaton;8s the expression frba'e! haht', "and at that time," probably re-

    82. +d1'y6m.
    -i'lPD pdqa!; on "wrath" + lN 'ap; on "vengeance" --r Epl ndqam.
    83. On "punishment"
    84. Cf. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979), in loc.: "in a time of final punish-
    ment" (also NRSV); K. Koch, -+ X, 557.
    85. L. F. Hartman and A. A. de Lella, Book of Daniel. AB 23 (1978), 231-32,300-304, 310-
    13.
    ny ?r 45t

    fers to the death of Antiochus.s6 But for Daniel, too, all these times of eschatological
    tribulation are hidden among the mysteries of God.
    Only exceptionally do prophetic predictions of salvation use the noun ?1, for exam-
    ple, in Deutero-Isaiah: "[n the time of favor I will answer you, on a day of salvation I
    will help you" (Isa. 49:8), where past and future coalesce; and in Trito-Isaiah: "I am
    Yahweh: in its time/at the right time I will accomplish it quickly" (60:22).In these texts
    the association of the temporal term'e! with Yahweh is explicit.

    VI. LXX. The LXX most frequently uses kairds to translate 'e! Q98 times + 26
    times in Sirach; see VII below); 24 times (+ 5 in Sirach) ituses hdra; other translations
    include hemdra (9 times), h€nika (4 times), and chr6nos, eukairta, nrtn, and dn (3 times
    each).87 This usage reflects the primary meaning of ?1.' "the appointed or right time for
    something"; by no means does it suggest that the LXX translators did not understand
    the real meaning of 'et.88The kair6s notion of the LXX, and thus the OT conception of
    ?J lives on in the NT.ae

    VII. Hebrew Sirach and Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Hebrew text of Sirach, the noun
    ?l occurs some 40 times; on the whole, its usage reflects that of the OT, especially wis-
    dom literature.eo Only the construction /lr without further qualification appears to be
    new (10:4; 39:30;48:10; cf. also 12:16). Even in these cases, however, we seem to be
    dealing with "the appointed or right time."el
    For the most part, the use of ?1 in the Dead Sea Scrolls also continues OT usage, as
    is clear from Wilch's discussion of some forty passages (to which should be added now
    such texts as llQT 33:2 [uncertain];45:6, as well as the adj. 'iltt lcitirrgLev.16:21);
    also4Q491 l-3,17:'8-l0,I, ll[pl.'tyml;496,3,4;508,2,2;512,1-6,2,51p1-'tyvn1.oz
    The Temple Scroll does not use (w")'att6, which does appear 6 times (some textually
    uncertain) in DJD, Yfi.
    Generally speaking, the use of 'E1in the Dead Sea Scrolls exhibits two opposing ten-
    dencies that go beyond OT usage: on the one hand, it is used in cultic rules and regula-
    tions, especially in calendrical texts such as CD l0: 14- l5 and I QH l2:7 -8;st on the other,
    it is used in generalizing statements, such as references to liturgical praise "at all times"
    (tbkwll brz, IQM 14:13; cf.4Q491 8-10, I, I l), divine revelations "from time to time"
    (:, bl IQS 8:15; lir bir, lQS 9:13; cf . the late OT texts Neh. 8: 18; I Ch. 12:231221:'2 Ch.
    24ll 30:21), or divine counsel "for time eternal" (l't wtm, tQSb 4:26; cf. 5:18).
    Kronholm

    86. rbid.,306.
    87. Wilch, 151-55.
    88. Contra Wilch; see the critical discussion by Jenni, TLOT, 11,956.
    89. Delling; also Cullmann and Finegan.
    90. See the analysis by Wilch, 138-43.
    91. Ibid., 143.
    92. rbid., 143-51.
    93. Talmon; Wilch, 143-45.
    452 1lhy'attild

    1IiiY'anad

    I. Occurrences. II. l. Etymology and Meaning; z.L)<X. III. OT: l. The Domestic Animal;
    2. Commerce; 3. Sacrifice; 4. Metaphorical Usage.

    I. Occurrcnces. The noun appears 29 times in the OI, always in the plural. In the
    Semitic languages other than Hebrew, the lexeme plays a role only in Akkadian and
    Arabic. The lexicons give the meaning of Akk. atildu, Old Assyr. etfidum or dildu, as
    "wild sheep, ram"; according to Landsberger, however, the meaning is "wild boar."l
    Atab. 'atild means "young he-goat."

    ll,l, Etymology and Meaning. The etymology of 'atthdis not entirely certain. Some
    lexicons postulate a root 'td II, without suggesting its meaning.2 Landsberger derives
    the lexeme from Id I, "be ready," considering it a nominal qig0l form analogous to
    bikkAr(tm), "firstfruits," or bikkfrr(d), "early fig," and lirnmhd, "beginner, disciple,"
    which denote a beginning stage.3 He relates the term 'attfrd to sexual maturity, under-
    standing it as referring to a ram intermediate in age between a kid (g"fii) and a mature
    ram ('ayil), i.e., between an animal capable of reproducing and a fully developed ani-
    mal, just as he believes that Akk. atudu denotes a male sheep or goat of a particular
    age. A similar basic meaning was already suggested by Gesenius, who cited Arab.
    'atad (or 'atld), which refers to "a horse 'ready' to run" and can also mean "strong."4
    Arab. 'atild denotes a goat more than a year old (possibly also a sheep).s
    In contrast to Akk. atildu, whichrefers primarily to a wild sheep, the OT word refers
    only to the male domestic goat not (as ^EIAI, states) a male sheep or ram (an interpre-
    -
    tation justified by the context only in Zec. l0:3a, a gloss that intemrpts the metaphor):
    'attfr{tm appear for the most part in a triad that includes rans ('dltm) and lambs (kdrtm,
    Dl32:14; Isa.34:6; Jer.5l:40; Ezk.27:21;39:18; or kcpditm, Nu.7:17-88; Isa. l:ll;
    with 'Abm alone, Ezk. 34: 17; Ps. 66: l5), where they represent the "flock," i.e., sheep
    and goats.
    The theory that'attfi! emphasizes a particular attribute, obvious sexual maturity (cf.
    Gen. 31:10,12), is suggested by the observation that Hebrew has three other synonyms
    for "male goat": fidir, "the hairy one," along with tcyiJ and ;Apta the root meanings of
    which are unknown. Since Isa. 14:9 and Jer. 50:8 imply that the'attfrdis the bellwether

    l. B. Landsberger, ,INES 24 (1965) 296 n. 40 ("wild boars of the mountain"); idem, WO 3


    (1966), 265 n. 5 ("Wildschwein"). Cf. AHw,I, 88b: "Wildschaf; Schafbock," Old Assyrian
    "Widder (der Herde)?"; CAD, Ul,521: "wild sheep [male], wild ram."
    2. GesB: "he-goat"; KBL2: "rarn and he-goat."
    3. B. Landsberger, Die Fauna im alten Mesopotamien (1934),97.
    4. GesTh, II, 1083-84.
    5. Cf. Lane, U5, 1945: "a yearling goat"; T. Ndldeke, Beitriige zur semitischen Sprach-
    wissenschafi ( I 904), 83.
    1111!'att^d 453

    of the flock (albeit also called tayii in Prov. 30:31), who leads it as its sturdiest mem-
    ber,'anfi/ probably denotes not just any male goat (like i"ir'iaim in Gen. 37:31), but
    a particularly robust and valuable animal (a breeding goat).

    2. IXX. The LXX usually uses trdgos, "he-goat," to translate 'attfrd (bvt also to
    translate tayil in Gen. 30:35; 32:l5lBng. v. 141; hov. 30:31; and;dptr in Dnl. 8:5,8,
    21); in Ps. 50:9 it uses the synonymous chtmarus (also used for fii'tr inI-ev. 4:24; 16:7 -
    8; 16:9-26 [9 times]; and for ;dpir in 2 Esd. = Ezr. 8:35; 2 Ch.29:21), and in Jer. 51:40
    = 28:40 Criphos, "young male goat." In Ezk. 27:2L andZec. l0:3, however, it uses the
    translation amn6s, "lamb," and in Prov.27:26 the synonymous ardn, It translates the
    sense of the metaphor 'afiAde'dreg in tsa. l4:9 with hoi drxantes tds gds, whereas in
    Jer. 50:8 = 27:8 it erroneously uses drdlantes.

    III. OT.
    1. The Domestic Anirnal. The domestic goat6 of Palestine (Capra hircus), which is
    descended from the Near Eastern bezoar goat (Capra aegagrus), is usually black
    (hence the comparison of the bride's hair to a flock of goats in Cant. 4:l and 6:5; cf.
    also 1 S. 19: l3). Animals with hair of a different color or displaying markings were the
    exception; the modest wage claimed by Jacob from Laban (Gen. 30:31-34) presup-
    poses that striped ('oeuddiml,t spotted (n"quddtm), and speckled (b'ruddtm) goats
    (31:10,12) were not exactly common (the LXX adds krioi, "rams," to trdgoi;30:35 re-
    fers to the speckled [NRSV "mottled"] goats as teydtim t"luim).
    These animals are probably the result of mutation or crossbreeding with other spe-
    cies of goats.8 The various Hebrew words for the he-goat may therefore refer to differ-
    ent breeds, although Feliks assigns them all to Capra hircus mambrica.e
    Even though the flesh of goats was not as fat as that of sheep,lo the'attflihad sfifr-
    cient fat: the Song of Moses (Dt. 32:14) lists it as a fat animal along with lambs and
    rams.

    2. Commerce. These animals were of substantial commercial importance. Many


    were imported from Arabia, which was a prime source of sheep and goats (Ezk.27:21;
    as tribute, 2 Ch. 17:11). According to Prov. 27:26, 'attfrQim provided the price of a
    field.

    3. Sacrifice. a. Sacrifice of Well-Being. Most often (18 times) the 'attttdis mentioned
    in sacrificial contexts, especially in the postexilic period (the atildu in Gilg. XI, 5 I was

    6. --> lY 'Ez.
    7. HAL, II, 873: "a twist in the tail."
    8. This subject and the domestication of the goat are discussed by B. Brentjes, Dle
    Haustierwerdung im Orient (1965),22-29; and G. Cansdale, Animals of Bible l,ands (1970),44-
    48.
    9. J. Feliks, The Animal World of the Bible (1962), 16.
    10. AzS, VI, 99.
    1lltt!'attAd

    probably also a sacrificial animalll). Cultic texts describe the ordinary he-goat as being
    used only for a sin offering. (Except in Gen. 37:31, where the LXX translates -feIr
    'iutm with 1riphos aig6n, although elsewhere it always uses chimaros ex aig6n for the
    sacrificial animal, the fiir is mentioned only in this context fLev. 4:23; 16:9-261, esp.
    in the expressions.f'1r 'izzimfl*v.4:23;9:3; 16:5;23:9; Nu. 7:16-87; 15:-24;28:15,30;
    29:5-25;Ezk. 43:22;45:231atd S"ir bata't [Lev. 9:15; 10:16; l6:15,27; Nu. 28:22;
    29:28-38; Ezk. 43:25; 2 Ch. 29:23], whereas the sapir [possibly a loanword from
    Ararn.;cpird'; cf.Ezr.6:l7l appears only twice, in postexilic texts [Ezr. 8:35;2 Ch.
    29:211; the tayii is never mentioned as a sin offering.) By contrast, the 'attfi/ was of-
    fered specifically as a sacrifice of well-being (RSV "peace offerings").
    Reflecting postexilic cultic theology, the account of the consecration of the altar at
    Sinai describes offerings of all kinds by the leaders of the twelve tribes of the Israelites
    on each of twelve days, including various animals for the different sacrifices to be of-
    fered on the altar: burnt offering, sin offering, and sacrifice of well-being kebah
    l
    hali"ldmim). Each sacrifice of well-being involved two oxen, five rams, five'attfi{tm,
    and five yearling lambs (Nu. 7:17-83), for a total of sixty 'attAiim (v. 88). According to
    Lev.3:l-17, the sacrifice of well-being (zebah i"lamim; P was the first to link the two
    wordsl2) was an ox or a male or female sheep or goat ('dz, the most general term). The
    animal's blood was sprinkled around the altar and its fat burned.
    b. Burnt Offering. Non-P texts (in part earlier than P) mention the'attfi/ along with
    bdqdr and sd'n (cattle, sheep, and other goats) only in the context of the burnt offering
    ('dld); no specific cultic schema is detectable in the listing and terminology of these
    sacrificial animals.l3
    In Ps. 66:15, for example, the psalmist promises to offer fatlings as a burnt offering
    of thanksgiving, along with rams, bulls, and 'attfi/im. Two fexts critical of the cult
    speak of the "blood of 'attfilim!' Isaiah bitterly criticizes a misconstrued, soulless sac-
    rificial itual (z"bdhtm and 'o16!), which is totally repugnant to Yahweh; he detests
    burnt offerings and the blood of bulls, lambs, and 'anfrQim ( I : I 1). Since the value of
    sacrifice resides in a proper attitude, in worship and adoration, not in feasting and ma-
    nipulating the deity, Ps. 50:7-15, a Levitical judgment discourse on the theme of the
    proper worship of God, points out that the whole world with all its animals belongs to
    Yahweh. He is not dependent on the bulls and'attfrflim of Israel (v. 9); contrary to a na-
    ive notion of sacrifice and God (cf. Dnl. 14:,6LXX = Bel 6), his life is not sustained by
    eating the flesh of bulls or drinking the blood of 'attfi/im (Ps. 50:13).

    4. Metaphorical Usage. a. Izader.The'attfi!that goes at the head of the flock as its


    leader serves as an image of the king going at the head of his people. Isa. l4:9 refers
    metaphorically to the rulers of the earth (LXX hoi drxantes tds gi4s) as'attfidtm. (The
    phrase kol-'anfrdA 'are; is defined more precisely by the following kdl maftA gbyim.

    11. W. von Soden, Z{ 53 (1959) 232.


    1 2. This sacrifice is discussed by R. Rendtorff, Studien zur Geschichte des Opfers in alten Is-

    rael. WMANT 24 (1967), 149-68, 237-38.


    13. Ibid., ll7-18.
    11lr!'attfrd

    The male goatl{dpir] in Dnl. 8:5,8,21 symbolizes Alexander the Great; Prov. 30:29-31
    speaks of a king striding before his people like a lion, a rooster, or a he-goat ltayiil.)
    The lead goat is the first to rush out when the corral is opened; the oracle against Baby-
    lon interpolated secondarily into the book of Jeremiah (50:l-51:58), which suutmons
    Israel to flee the destruction of the threatened city and leave the land of the Chaldeans
    (50:8), therefore uses the 'attfrd (LXX drd.kan!) as a model of quick and courageous ac-
    tion.
    The 'anfiQ can maintain his position and assert his authority only if he ruthlessly
    fights off his competitors; he therefore serves also as a prototype of brutality and op-
    pression. In Ezekiel's parable of the good shepherd, the 'attild and the ram in v. 17
    (possibly a glossla on the fat and sturdy sheep that push the weaker sheep away from
    food and water) therefore represent the wealthy leaders of Israel, who rob the weaker
    Israelites of their rights and property (cf. also Iudt. 25:33, where the Eoats leriphial
    symbolize the unjust). Zec. lO:3 employs the same image: Yahweh, the true shepherd,
    cares for his flock and punishes the'attfiltm, as the false shepherds (the brutal leaders
    of Israel) are called in a gloss.
    b. Sacrificial Feast. In the image of "Yahweh's day of sacriftce" (according to
    Gressmann, a prophetic inversion of the festal eschatological banquet),Is when the
    Lord will take vengeance on his foes, the 'attfrdtm and other sacrificial animals embody
    the enemies of God, doomed to destruction.
    For example, at the great sacrificial feast (zelalt ga46l) that Yahweh will celebrate
    to punish Gog (Ezk. 39:17-20; the motif predates Ezekielr6 lcf. Znph. l:81), the ene-
    mies from the north will be slaughtered like sacrificial animals oxen, bulls, rams,
    lambs, and'attfrdim
    -
    and all the birds (cf. Rev. 19:17-18) and wild animals (cf. Isa.
    -
    56:9; Jer. l2:9) are invited to the sacrificial meal. Isa. 34 (secondary, probably dating
    from the late exilic or early postexilic period)tz similarly compares the judgment on
    Edom to a colossal sacrificial feast (zebab . . . wcyelalt),' here too the multitude of sacri-
    ficial animals illustrating the enormous magnitude and monstrous frenzy of this bloody
    orgy must include the'attfiltm whose blood will drip from the sword of Yahweh (Isa.
    34:6; cf. Jer. 46:10). Probably from this source, the description of Babylon's punish-
    ment in the book of Jeremiah incorporated this image (albeit somewhat attenuated) in
    Jer.5l:34-39. (Its position following the concluding formula suggests that this element
    is secondary.) Yahweh will take vengeance on this city for the blood spilled in Jerusa-
    lem, as though leading lambs, rams, and 'attfidim to the slaughtsr (lilcbbaD (v.40;cf.
    also 50:27).
    Maiberger

    14. W. Eichrodt, Ezekiel. OTL (Eng. trans. 1970), 473 n. b.


    15. H. Gressmann, Der Ursprung der israelitisch-jiidischen Eschatologie (1905), l4l.
    16. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Henn (Eng. trans. 1983), 308-9.
    17. H. Wildberger, Jesaja 28-39. BKXI3 (1982),1341.
    456 pne \q

    lI19 tq; ?'l{a6q; ?'lY 'atttq; ?l{a@q; ?4y, 'dfiq


    I
    I. Etymology. II. OT: l. Verb;2. Adjectives. UI. LXX. I

    I
    I. Etymology. The basic meaning of the root'tq appears to be "move forward, ad-
    vance" (in space or time). The verb occurs in Ugaritic: "one, two days pass";l "31d
    they [the troops?] move on";2 somewhat obscure is the shaphel participle: "[a god-
    dess?] who causes to go past, who removes."3 The much-discussed words kklb bbtk
    I
    n'tq . . . ufiitk lntnflblq ltq probably also convey the sense of advancing or enduring:
    "like a dog in your house we shall grow old . . . or shall your sepulchre become a last-
    ing wailing (ntn)/weeping?"+ lt is unnecessary to postulate a root 'tq II, "speak loudly, 1

    howl."S The meaning "advance" is normal in other languages as well: AY'k. etdqu, I
    l
    "pass"; Arab. 'atuqa and'ataqa, "grow old"; Imperial Aram. 'tq, "old"; Syr. 'tq, "ad- ,t

    j
    vance," "grow old," "be impudent."6

    II. OT.
    l. Verb. The root '/q occurs 20 times in the MT (17 times in Hebrew, 3 in Aramaic).
    In the case of the verb, the basic meaning is often quite apparent, as in the two in-
    stances of the qal: Job 14:18,'A rock can moye from its place [e.g., on account of a
    landslidel," a theme that reappears in 18:4: "Should a rock move from its place . . . be-
    cause of you?"7 The hiphil expresses the same meaning: "the one [God] who removes
    mountains" (9:5); this meaning develops into "set out, move on" (elliptical for "move
    one's tent"8) (Gen. 12:8; 26:.22). Twice the verb is used figuratively: "Words have de-
    parted from them" (Job 32: l5); "The proverbs of Solomon that the officials of Heze-
    kiah copied [or: 'collected'; lit. 'moved from elsewhere, transferred']" (Prov. 25:l). Ps.
    6:8(Eng. v. 7) is obscure: 'dieiA . . . 'Ani'd!"qA; the meaning "swollen . . . is my eye,
    protruding" is more likely than "My eye is dimmed, . . . entirely \yorn out."e In Job 21:7
    the meaning "grow old" is generally assumed, e.g., "Why do the wicked live on, grow

    'tq. D. Pardee,'A Note on the Root 't4 in CTA 1612,5 (UT 125, KRT II)," UF 5 (1973)229-
    34; J. Sanmarttu, "Lexikographisches ztrlug.'tq (KTU l.16 l2-5, 15-19, 11 38-42): UF l0
    (1978) 4s3-s4.

    l. KTU 1.6,1, 5,26.


    2. KTU 2.36, t7.
    3. KTU 1.16, VI, t-2, t3.
    4. KTU 1.16, 1,2, 4 = l, 16, 18-19 = II, 38, 41. Trans. of Sanmart(n, 454; similarly Pardee,
    233; "to grow old . . . to pass on."
    5. Contra M. Dietrich and O. Lorez, UF 12 (1980) 190; B. Margalit, UF' l5 (1983) 103.
    6. See II.2 below.
    7. See I above.
    8. BDB, 801.
    9. For the former see HAL, 11,905, citing L. Delekat, W 14 (1964) 54; for the latter, H.-J.
    Kraus, Psalms 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 159.
    ln9 7q

    old ('dleqtt), and achieve superiority in power (gam gd!"rfr llayil)?"to Since here as
    elsewhere in Job (5:5; 15:29;20:.15,18; 3l:25) -
    hayil must mean "wealth, posses-
    sions," the second hemistich must be understood-as "when they grow old, their wealth
    increases," which sounds rather banal, or as "they live to a great age and their wealth
    increases," in which case the verb 'tq conveys a meaning that is not inherent and for
    which the OT has other means of expression (cf . 42:17:'And Job died, old and full of
    days"). More appropriate to the context is the meaning "advance," i.e., "achieve suc-
    cess," which is also suggested by the parallels cited by Fohrer: Jer. l2:l-2, "Why does
    the way of the wicked prosper? . . . You plant them, and they take root; they grow (hlk)
    and bring forth fruit"; and Ps. 73:.3tr., esp. v. 12, "Such are the wicked; always at ease,
    they increase their wealth (bayil)l'

    2. Adjectives. The adjectives occupy the same semantic domain as the verb. Both
    'dltq and 'dleq (one occurrence each) mean "displaced from the ordinary," i.e.,
    "fine," "abundant": "fine clothing" (Jer. 23:18), "abundant wealth (hbn)" (Prov.
    8: l8).
    The adj. 'att?q occurs twice. Isa. 28:9 uses it in a periphrastic expression for "young
    children": "those removed ('attiqA) from the breast." The text of I Ch. 4:22 is difficult:
    among the sons of Shelah are listed "Joash and Saraph, who worked for Moab and
    were 'inhabitants' of Irhem,l t wehaddclartm 'atttqid' Most exegetes translate the fi-
    nal two words as "and the matters/records are ancient";12 but it is also possible that this
    is a marginal gloss, "and the words have been moved," i.e., words have been omitted or
    transposed here.13
    There are four occurrences of the adj. 'd!Aq, "insolent" ("freed from traditions,
    emancipated"t4); it is used in cultic contexts to describe the language of the arrogant
    wicked (1 S. 2:3; Ps. 3l:19[18]; 75:6[5]; 94:4).ln Ezk. 35:13 a proposed emendation
    of MT wcha'tartem finds a denominative verb 'tq hiphil, "make insolent" (addressing
    Mt. Seir): "You have magnified (yourselves) with your mouths against me and have
    made your words impudent against me."ls
    Ar am.' atttq y bmir{y Omayy d' (Dnl. 7 9, 1 3,22), " ancient of days," expresses the eter-
    :

    nity of God. A parallel to this expression is found in the divine title rd'Csa mawa'dl,
    "head of days," in the Similitudes of Enoch (1 En. 46:1,2; 47:3; 55:l; 60:2;
    7l:10,12,13,14). The Ugaritic expression 'b lnm (in the phrase qri mlk b lnm),tans-
    lated "father of years," has also been cited as a parallel.l6 This interpretation is dis-
    puted, however; Pope translates it "father of the eldest" and views it as expressing the

    10. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KAT XVI (1963),335-36.


    I l. Translation following M. Dijkstra, W 25 (1975) 672.
    12. Including Dijkstra.
    13. W. Rudolph, Chrcnikbilcher HAT U2l (1955),36.
    14. HAL, II, 905.
    15. See W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983),227.
    16. +I, 245; F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (1973), 16. See KTU l.l,lll,
    24; l.2,III, 5; 1.3, Y 8; 1.4,lY,24;1.5, VI, 2: 1.6,1,36;1.17, VI,49.
    -.l

    458 !'ny'atur

    great age (and concomitant debility) of El.tz According to Gordon and Jirku, 'b inm
    means "father of [the Bod] Snm."te Aistleitner interprets inm as "the name of El's ex-
    alted heavenly dwelling place," translating qri mlk b inm as "the domain of the king
    and father, the inml'rg

    11I. LXX. Of the 20 occurrences of 'tq, the LXX translates 8 with theverb palaiofin;
    Prov. 25: I uses engniphein, and Job 18:4 uses lcatastdphein. T\e adi. 'attiq is repre-
    sented by apospdn and athoukietn, 'Afiqby adikia, anomia, and megalorrEmosinE. To
    date the root has not been found in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    Schmoldt

    17. -+ 1,6; M. Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts. SW 2 (1955)' 34-36.


    18. C. H. Gordon, ,INES 35 (1976) 261-62; A. Jirku, ZAW 82 (1970) 278-79. Both cite KTU
    1.1 14.
    19. WUS, no.3l2.

    t,f;\ 'apr;14Y 'aldr

    I. l. Distribution; 2. Etymology. II. Semantics: l. Niphal; 2. Qal and Hiphil; 3. Derivatives;


    4. Setting. III. Theology. IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    t attested in the OT (23 occurrences); it ap-


    l. Distribution. The root'tr is scantily
    pears primarily in Ex. 8-10, EzralChronicles, and Job. This root with the meaning "en-
    treat" has not been found elsewhere in the environs of Israel. Jewish tradition retains
    the ancient sense (Sir. 37:15;38:14). The more commonly used synonyms are + ))t
    pll, + +
    l9l zd'aq, N'lP qr', and )NU J7.-t
    The LXX uses (pros)efichesthai for the active stems (11 times; used 80 times forpll)
    and (eis/ep)al<ofiein (otherwise used primarily for irn 'zn, 'nhl, and 4.ib) for the niphal.
    "
    2. Etymology. Etymological association with Arab. 'atara, "sla\ghter, sacrifice,"
    and Ugar. Etr
    *kjll, slaughter, sacrifice, ask," is possible;l there is probably no connec-

    'dlar. R. Albertz, ''1f19 'dtar to pray, ' TLOT, ll, 961-62; D. R. Ap-Thomas, "Notes on Some
    Terms Relating to Prayer," fI 6 (1956) 225-41; W. Fuss, Die deuteronomistische Penta'
    teuchredaktion in Ex 3-17. BZAW 126 (1972); F. Hesse, "Die Fiirbitte im AT" (diss., Erlangen'
    l95l).
    1. For Arabic see J. Wellhausen, Resre arabischen Heidentums (21897), 142:' for Ugaritic'
    M. Dietrich, O.l-aretz, and J. Sanmart(n, UF 7 (1975) 138.
    '1119'dtar

    tion with Arab.'a1ara, "be fragrant" (cf. Ezk. 8:ll,'A1Ar; "fragrance"), or Arab.'a1ara,
    "lie" (possibly suggested by Prov. 27:6). By a similar process of semantic develop-
    ment, zbb t6Q6, "sacifrce of thanksgiving," resulted in tbQd, "prayer of thanksgiving."2
    But Heb. 7r no longer has any connection with "sacrifice" or "burn incense."

    II. Semantics.
    l. Niphal. The use of the niphal is striking: Yahweh "was (successfully) entreated"
    (wayyE'dler; always with /' commodi or auctoris?3 lGen.25:21;2 S.2l:14:24:25;
    -
    Ezr.8:23;2Ch.33:13; other niphal forms in Isa.19:22:1 Ch. 5:20; 2Ch.33:L9;possibly
    Prov.27:61). The niphal thus appears four times in the Chronicler's History (special ma-
    terial in liturgical contexts). As a rule, the qal of ?r is not used to describe the actual en-
    treaty, but rather bqi, z'q, blh, or pll.Tl'rc sequence Trniphal +,llz'in 2 Ch. 33:13 is
    unique: i/r precedes the hearing of the prayer. The liturgical prelude is described in w.
    l2-l3a (cf. Ezr. 8:21-23a)- In other words, 'rr niphal means that God, influenced by litur-
    gical prayer, alleviated Israel's affliction. The other niphal texts are similar. ln2 S.2l:14
    and24:25, the same language is used to describe God's concern for (over?) the land fol-
    lowing certain cultic acts. ln lsa. 19:22 the return of the Egyptians to Yahweh evokes
    Yahweh's pardon. In Gen. 25:21 Isaac's prayer (only here ?r qal) prompts the alleviation
    of Rebekah's affliction (is the qal here an artificial back-formation from the niphal?). As
    a rule, the theological schema of prayer (or worship) followed by Yahweh's intervention
    is represented by such verb pairs as z'q '(Neh. 9:27,28a) or qr'-'nhfii\im'(Ps.
    - Jm
    3:5[Eng. v. 4]; 17:6; 18:7[6]; 34:7161;55:17[6]; 57:3-412-31;91:15; I 19:146; 138:3).
    The use of rr niphal probably reflects the (regional?) usage of a few redactors.

    2. Qal and Hiphil. Except in Gen. 25:2l,active forms of lrrare never associated
    syntactically with the niphal. They refer to the act of entreaty, usually with the ad-
    dressee specified (always God; twice with /'and 8 times with 'el), and in appropriate
    cases the party or parties on whose behalf prayer is offered (b"'ad, Ex. 8:241281:
    Pndkab, Gen.25:21; /e, Ex. 8:5[9]) and concern expressed (Ex. 8:4[8]; 8:251291;9:28;
    10:17; Jgs. 13:8). The actual prayer is quoted in Jgs. l3:8; v. 9 describes God's re-
    sponse. In all these texts the ritual setting is discernible. Job 22:21-27 and 33:14-26
    contain elements of a ritual of penance and restitution.s The theme of God's favorable
    response belongs to the semantic field (.iz', Job 22:27; cf. Jgs. l3:8; r,sft, Job 33:26: cf .
    God's intervention in Ex. 8:26-27 130-3 I ] ; 1 0: I 8- I 9).
    Why is 1r chosen instead of one of its synonyms? Ex. 8-10, with 8 occurrences of
    ?4 provides the most ready answer. [n the second, fourth, seventh, eighth, and tenth
    plagues (a separate stratum of tradition? literary dramaturgy?6), the strict schema of

    2. -s lY,24.
    3. Brockelmann, Synt, gl07e; G(, gl2lf.
    4. For Dtn see Fuss, 39.
    5. K. Seybold, Das Gebet des Krankcn im AT. BWANT 99 (1973),82-98.
    6. B. S. Childs, Book of Exodus. OTL (1974), 133-3'l; contra M. Noth, History of
    Pentateuchal Traditions (Eng. trans. 197 2), 65 -7 1.
    1f;\'alar

    Pharaoh's hardness of heart is abandoned. Pharaoh entreats Moses to pray for him.
    The hiphil and qal of 1r are used for Pharaoh's entreaty and Moses' prayer (Ex. 8:4-
    518-91,24-26t28-301; 9:28; lO:17-18); for the latter, we also find z'q (Ex. 8:8[12])
    and prS kappayim (8x.9:29,33). Here '/r presumably refers to the liturgical prayer of
    the congregational leader (Moses' successor), which (as in the Passover ritual?) ends
    with a blessing (Ex. 12.32:.'And bring a blessing on me too"; source stratum
    uncertainT).

    3. Derivative.s. The noun 'AlAr occuirs only in Znph.3:10; it might mean "suppliant";
    in any case, the liturgical background is more than clear (v. 9).8 The noun 'alar "fra-
    grance of incense"(?), which appears only in Ezk. 8:11 (not in the LXX), and the
    toponym 'e1e4 "place of incense"(?)e (Josh. 15{2; l9:7), may derive from a root not
    otherwise attested in Hebrew (cf. Arab. 'a!ara).For na'tar61in Prov. 27:6,the meaning
    "deceptive" has been postulated. l0

    4. Setting. The tradition recorded in Ex. 1-15 can be envisaged only in the setting
    of a liturgical community. The plague narratives (Ex. 5-12) have an independent
    force, serving to strengthen the community (cf. 10:2). The wickedll pharaoh's heart
    is hardened, so that he cannot achieve knowledge of Yahweh and a "humble"l2 way
    of life. He breaks down in the face of demonstrations of God's power and resorts to
    the prayers of the community. It would not be surprising if the texts in Job, Samuel,
    and Genesis borrowed the active forms of lrr from the late plague cycle. The passive
    usage in Chronicles could be the product of theological reflection on the efficacy of
    intercession.

    III. Theology. Like -+ \)O ptt, lrr does not inherently mean "intercede for." It de-
    notes at a particular time and in a particular liturgical setting (the plague cycle)
    -
    prayer that can move God. Gen.Z1:2lreflects the synthesis: Yahweh is a God who
    -
    the
    answers prayers.

    IV. Dead Sea Scrolls. The only occurrence of lrr in the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q173
    1:4 [4QpPsb l27D is uncertain: the text may speak of the'trwt ("intercessions") of the
    Teacher of Righteousness'
    Gerstenberger

    7. Contra Fuss, 160-61.


    8. W Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-Zephanja. KAT XrrV3 (197 5), 29 t -92.
    9. HAL,II, 906.
    10. HAL, II, 905; cf. Arab. 'a1ara, "lid'
    ll. -r lltrl'l rd.ia'.
    12. -, ;1:Y ll'anA L
    i$7 pea 46t

    I. Root, Etymology. II. Occurrences: I . Side, Fd,ge. 2. Edges of a Field; 3. Boundary ; 4. Hair
    5. Dead Sea Scrolls and Sirach; 6. Mishnah; 7. LX]{.

    I. Root Etymology. Arootp'h with the basic meaning "split, cut off, cut up" is re-
    flected in Qat.fy, "divide, split," the Minaean causative sfy, "strike, destroy,"t and the
    Biblical Hebrew hapax legomenon hip'd, "cut in pieces" (Dt.32:26, text uncertain).2
    Figurative or resultative meaning is exhibited by Arab. fa'd, "seize, carry off (as
    booty)," which derives from the removal of precious metal and metal objects from
    walls and socles as booty. This root may also be present in Arab. fi'at, "group, class,
    military unit," also attested in Ethiopic and Amharic.
    Von Soden, however, interprets Akk. pdtu, "edge," and pfitu, "front," as feminine
    forms of the monoconsonantal root pfr, "mouth."3 Besides the Aramaic languages
    (Jewish Aram. pdld', Syr. pa'fi), pE'd with the meaning "side, edge," appears in
    Ugaritic as p't/pit; four of its occurrences are in the phrase p't mdbr "edges of the
    desert."4 Several texts are obscure, including ptt 'dm in an incantation, which is more
    likely to mean "forehead of the man" than "corner."s Like Akk. pdtu and putu, the re-
    lated lexemes Heb. pE'A and *pd7 "front," have influenced each other mutually, as the
    textual apparatus associated with individual biblical texts illustrates. Dhorme defines
    the basic meaning as "side, direction, focal point";6 probably two homophonous roots
    have coalesced.

    II. Occurrcnces. The notn pE'A occurs 84 times in the OT; 48 of these occurences
    are in the so-called draft constitution of Ezk. 4M8, and26 are in H and P. It refers in-
    discriminately to the sides or edges of an object (a room, a piece of furniture) or a
    space (a field, a tribal territory). Occasionally pe'd functions as a synonym of -+ )t:l

    p0'4. W..Bawr, Pea (Vom Ackerwinl<cl). Die Mischna, U2 (1915); R. Brooks, Support for the
    Poor in the Mishnaic Law of Agriculture: Tractate Peah. BJS 43 (1983); E. Dhorme, L'emploi
    mCtaphorique des noms de parties du corps en hdbreu et en akkadien (1923); H. Gese, "Kleine
    Beitrage zum Verstiindnis des Amosbuches," l4I 12 (1962) 417-38: E. A. Knauf, "supplementa
    Ismaelitica," BN 22 (1983) 25-33; S. Mittmann,'Am 3, 12-15 und das Bett der Samarierl' ZDPV
    92 (1976) 149-67, esp. 158-59; S. D. Ricks, 'A Lexicon of Epigraphic Qatabanian" (diss., Grad-
    uate Theological Union, Berkeley, 1982); G. A. Wewers, Pea; Ackcrecke. Abersetzung des Tal-
    mud Yerushalmi, U2 (1986).
    l. According to Biella,403, and Beeston, 47,the root is.fi'.
    2. Ricks, 193.
    3. GaG, $54b; AHw,II, 849a.
    4.E.9., KTU l.l4,III, l; IV,30.
    5. KTU 1.tO7,32.
    6. P.71.
    _-1
    l
    j

    ig? pa?

    g"!fil, "border.," or as an expanded preposition to indicate a direction. It also has a spe-


    cialized use in the context of trimming beards and hair'

    l. Side, Edge.lnlate strata of P,pE'drefers to the locations of the frames on the long
    sides of the tabernacle (Ex. 26:18,20l= 36:23,251)' Ex' 27:9-13 (= 38:9-13) regulates
    the mounting of hangings on the long and short sides of the courtyard. In Ex' 25:26
    (= 37:13) pe'drefers to the four corners at the legs of the table for the bread of the Pres-
    ence. The meaning of the lexeme in Am. 3:12 is uncertain;7 it has something to do with
    abed (mifiA, par. to + ilty 'ere.f). Amos's mdldl attacks the high society of Samaria,
    who at ttreir parties sit on the corner/edge/foot of a bed or recline against the head or
    cushions (?) tf a couch. "splendor of the couch" is the translation of HAL.8

    2. Edges of a Field" The term denotes the edges of a grain field, which must remain
    unreaped (Lev. l9:9; 23:22); no minimum width is given. clearly pE'd reptesents an
    ancient legal institution, probably cultic in origin,e for the purpose of poor relief, a
    function that survives in the Mishnah'

    3. Boundary.In lists pe-? serves as a synonym of g"bfrl, "border," qualified by a di-


    rection. Josh. 18:12-20 defines the borders ofBenjamin, l5:5 the eastern border ofJu-
    dah. The list in Ezk. 47:15-20 defines the boundaries of the whole territory of the
    twelve tribes outside the sanctuary. Ezekiel's so-called draft constitution sketches a
    map of the new Israel. In similar fashion Nu. 34:3 defines the southern boundary in the
    description of the boundaries of Israel's inheritance (Nu. 34:3-12) in the promised
    land.
    The list of tribes in Ezk. 48:l-29, which outlines a new allocation of territory for
    each tribe with boundaries in each direction, uses p€'A 18 times. V' 8 singles out the
    ..offering"to as a thirteenth tribal territory. Ezk.48:16 defines the dimensions of the
    new Jerusalem in each direction; 48:30-34lays out the gates on each of the four sides
    of thecity. Ezk.474Salonecontains44occurrencesof p€'6(morethanhalf thetotal).
    The same term is used to define the boundaries of pastureland in each direction -
    that of the "prince"l I in Ezk. 45:7 and that of the Levitical cities in Nu. 35:5, two thou-
    sand cubits on each side. [n Ezk. 4L:12 pE'd descibes the situation of the broad-room
    building facing the temple on the west. Hete pd'd functions as an expanded preposition'
    A unique usage appears in Ezra's prayer (Neh. 9:6-37), where v.22 categoizes the
    kingdoms unO p"opt"t as the "peripheral territory" or (more likely) "edge of the field"
    (to be harvested) for the tribes of Israel.

    7. On the text see H. W. Wolff, loel and Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), 196-98; Mittmann,
    155-56.
    8. HAL,III, 908.
    9. K. Elliger, Leviticus. HAT Y4 (1966),257.
    10. -+ ilD'l..lh t'rfimi.
    ll. -, Riirl n.drti'.
    i$! paz

    4. Hair The noun pe'd appears as a technical term in the context of beard trimming
    and hairdressing. The syntagm q"{fr$€ pd'A, "timmed at the edge (of the hair)," de-
    scribing Arab bedouin in judgment oracles of the book of Jeremiah (Jer.9:25[Eng.
    v. 261;25:23; 49:32), refers to an Arab hairstyle "in which they also shave under the
    temple."l2 It is attested iconographically. tr
    In Lev. l9:27a the Holiness Code forbids trimming the edges of the hair or cutting
    the edges of the beard; 21:5 repeats the latter prohibition explicitly for priests. This
    prohibition is probably aimed at offerings of hair for the dead, using hair cut from the
    head.ra In the regulations concerning leprosy in Lev. 13-14, l3:41 declares that loss of
    hair from the edge of the face (receding hair, frontal baldness) does not make the indi-
    vidual unclean. In a judgment oracle against Moab, Jer. 48:45 (conflating Nu. 2l:28
    and 24:17) describes fire as destroying the pd'A of Moab; the parallelism with qodqdd,
    "crown (of the head)," suggests the temples covered with a fringe of hair, synonymous
    withraqq6. The dual form in Nu.24:17 reinforces the meaning "temples." The ancient
    versions (LXX, Vulg., Targ., Syr.) translate the expression as "rulers of Moab," sug-
    gesting metaphorical usage.

    5. Dead Sea Scrolls and Sirach.In the Dead Sea Scrolls p€'d occurs only in IQM
    1l:6 (quoting Nu. 24:l7). A later reflex of the "temples of Moab" occurs in Sir. 33:l2a
    (Heb.; LXX 36:l2a): r'i p'ty mw'b (although LXX, Vulg., and ms. B read 'tvyb, "en-
    emy," instead of mw'b).

    6. Mishnah. The Mishnah tractate Pe'ah defines the "edge of the field" as a mini-
    mum of 1/60 of the crop in the case of food crops (grain, legumes, vegetables, onions)
    and trees (fruit trees, grapevines, nut trees). Gleanings, leavings, the tithe for the poor,
    and pE'd are rabbinic institutions of poor relief. These contributions are left behind by
    the landowner or distributed directly in the case of crops that are diffrcult to harvest
    (grapes, nuts, dates).

    7.IXX. The LXX has a wide range of translations for p€'d, which are not distributed
    consistently among the various books. The equivalents are the pl. of mdros, "region,"
    klitos, "side" (a specialized LXX term?), and therism6,s, "harvest" (used for "edge of
    the field" in Lev. l9:9, while Lev. 23:22 ventures a translation: td loip1n tofi
    therismort).In the context of directions, pd'A is translated by a preposition (pr6s, ap6,
    hids, katd, ftds), simply left untranslated, or represented by an article (esp. in Ezk. 47-
    48). Unique are eisodos (Ezk. 47:20), archeg6s (Nu. 24:17; corrupt text?), and
    katinanti phyliis (Am.3:12). In the context of beard and hair, the LXX uses dpsrs (Lev.
    19:27;21:5) and k6me (Lev. 19:27).
    Angerstorfer

    12. Herodotus History 3.8.


    13. Knauf, 30-33.
    14. Elligea HATU4,26l.

    L
    I
    I
    4& lllD p'r

    lND pi n]$?n fip'ere!;1Sl pe'dr

    I. Occurrences. II. Usage: l. Secular Usage; 2. Glorification of an Individual or a People;


    3. Theological Usage. IIL Sirach and Dead Sea Scrolls. IV. LXX.

    I. Occurrences. The verb p'r occurs 6 times in the piel (Isa.55:5; 60:7,9,13; Ps.
    149:4;Ezr.7:27)afiTtimesinthehithpael(Ex.8:5; Jgs.7:2; Isa. l0:15; 44:23;49:3;
    60:21;61:3 + Sir.48:4;50:20). There are also 7 occurrences of the noun pc'dr (Ex.
    39:28; Isa. 3:20; 61:3,10;Ezk.24:17,23;44:18). The noun tip'eretr/tip'drA occurs much
    more frequently (5 1 times), so that it is the actual focus of this article. There are also 23
    certain and 4 uncertain occurrences in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    There are no direct equivalents in the other languages of the ancient Near East.l

    II. Usage.
    l. Secular Usage. Secular usage is particularly prominent in the case of the noun
    p"'dr. always denotes a headdress, possibly a turban. In Ex. 39:28 it refers to the
    lt
    headdress of Aaron and his sons; its meaning in Ezk. 44:18 is similar (the headdress of
    the Levitical priests). Elsewhere pe'er is the headdress of a bridegroom (Isa. 61:10),
    women (3:20), or people in general (Isa. 6l:3;2 also Ezk. 24:17,23).
    The vestments of Aaron and his sons are also the subject of Ex. 28:2,40, where
    tip'erel appears in combination with kbd. Both texts express the notion that these vest-
    ments serve to adorn or glorify their wearers. It is also possible, however, that the vest-
    ments emphasize the glory and honor of the sanctuary.3 Est. 1:4 speaks of the splendor
    and pomp of King Ahasuerus. Ezk.23:26,42 refer to the jewelry of the whores Oholah
    and Oholibah. Jer. 13:20 characterizes a flock as being beautiful, while Isa. 44:13 can
    be interpreted as "beauty of a human being."+ In Ezk. 24:25 tip'erel serves to reinforce
    mei6i and conveys no independent meaning.
    In Proverbs, apart from 28:12, tip'erel is always used in a secular sense, as some-
    thing that brings honor to a person. Thus gray hair is the crown of glory of old age
    (16:31; cf .20:29b). Wisdom in general is a beautiful crown (4:9), fathers are the glory
    of their children (17:.6), the glory of youths is their strength (20:29), and it redounds to
    one's glory to overlook an offense (19:11). Jgs.4:9 says that Barak will not receive
    glory if Deborah goes into battle alongside him. In a rhetorical question Isa. l0: l5 asks
    whether an ax "vaunts itself' over the one who wields it.

    p'r E. E. Platt, "Jewelry of Bible Times and the Catalogue of Isa 3: l8-23," AUSS 17 (1979)
    71-84, 189-2Ol ; D. Vetter, '''lND p 7 pi. to glorify," TLOT 11,963-641' W. Zimmerli, "Zur Sprache
    Tritojesajas," Gottes Offenbarung: GSAT. ThB 19 (1963), 217-33, esp.226tr.
    l. On the problems raised by suggested etymologies, see the bibliog. in Vetter,963.
    2. See II.3 below.
    3. F. Michaeli, lz livre de I'Exode. CAT ll (1974),249.
    4. K. Elligea Deutero-Jesaja. BKXUI (1978),429.
    '1ND p'r

    Ex. 8:5(Eng. v. 9) with hilpa'er 'dlay does not fit in this category. It is unclear
    whether we are dealing here with a formula of politeness or Moses' acknowledgment
    of Pharaoh's superior position;s the latter might also be meant ironically.

    2. Glorification of an Individual or a People. Several texts have to do with the glory


    and resultant pride and arrogance of a particular people or a king. The latter is true in
    Isa. 10:12, which attacks the haughty pride of the king of Assyria.Isa. 13:19 speaks of
    Babylon as the glory of kingdoms.o Isa. 20:5 censures the boasting of Israel's Egyptian
    allies; Isa. 28:.1,4 speak to the pride of Ephraim, which will be brought low. In contrast
    to this threat, a later addition in vv. 5-6 declares Yahweh will be a garland of glory to
    the remnant of his people (Ephraim?). It is probably safe to say that none of the texts
    from the book of Isaiah listed here goes back to the prophet himself.T
    Jgs. 7:2 criticizes and checks Israel's self-glorification. According to Znc. l2:7,
    Yahweh will restrain the pride of Jerusalem by giving victory frst to Judah in the time
    of salvation, and only then to Jerusalem. Jer. 48: 17 declares that the glory of Moab will
    be brought low by Yahweh's intervention. The glory brought the temple by its magnifi-
    cence is the subject of 1 Ch. 22:5:2 Ch. 3:6; Ezr.7:27.

    3. Theological Usage. In the realm of theological usage, two aspects attract our at-
    tention. Some texts speak of the glory that Yahweh bestows on an entity, others of the
    glory and honor that are Yahweh's . Dt.26il9 mentions Yahweh's promise to set Israel
    highaboveallnationsinpraise (tchihA),fame(i€m), andglory ftip'ere!. Thepeopleas
    a whole is also the subject of the (early?8) text Ps. 149:4, which speaks of the pleasure
    Yahweh takes in his people, whom he will crown with victory and adorn Opa'er1.
    Jerusalem is the subject of Isa. 52:1; Jer. 33:9; Ezk. 16:12,1'7, each with a different
    emphasis. According to Jer. 33:9, the good Yahweh does the city will give the nations
    occasion for joy, praise, and glory (cf. Dt. 26:19). In an oracle ofjudgment against
    faithless Jerusalem, Yahweh recalls how he had adorned her with ornaments, including
    a beautiful crown ('aterel tip'ere7 Ezk. 16:-12). Jerusalem removed these ornaments in
    her faithlessness and turned them into cult objects (16:17). Isa. 52:1 likewise speaks of
    adorning Jerusalem, summoning her to put on beautiful garments (bigda fip'artck) to
    celebrate her incipient deliverance (similar in context to 6l:3). The glory of Zion is
    also the subject of 60:7,9,19,21; 62:3. Here, however, the glorification of Zion or the
    temple (60:7) ultimately serves the glory of Yahweh, as 60:21 makes clear. See also
    62:3, which presents Jerusalem as a crown of beauty in which Yahweh takes pleasure.
    Westermann notes the parallel with Babylon.e

    5. For the former see B. S. Childs, Book of Exodus. OTL (1974), 128; Vetter, 963. For the lat-
    ter see Michaeli, CAT 11,72.
    6. The problems occasioned by the mention of Babylon here are discussed by Wildberger,
    Isaiah l3-27 (Eng. trans. 1997), 12-14.
    7. Wildberger, Isaiah 1-12 (Eng. trans. l99l),423.
    8. H. Schmidt, Die Psalmen. HAT Ul5 (1934),257.
    9. Isaiah 4M6. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969),375, citing Stummer.

    L-_
    --t

    lNt p'r

    The other texts focus on the honor of Yahweh. Ps. 7l :8 praises the glory of Yahweh
    (t"hiUA a11d tip'artekd), in consequence of Yahweh's deliverance in the context of the
    'dz, hdddr and
    lament. Ps. 96:6 is similar: here tip'erel appears in conjunction with
    h6!. Here we may see a reference to Yahweh's theophany and its cultic representa
    tion.lo
    Praise of Yahweh's glory also stands in the foreground in 1 Ch.29:ll,l3; along with
    tip,ereT v. ll speaks of g"fiulld, ge!frrd, n€sah, andh6Q, while v. 13 speaks of iem
    tip'artelA.In the context of an historical retrospect, Ps. 78:61 describes Yahweh as de-
    livering his glory to captivity probably a reference to the capture of the ark by the
    -
    philistines. Here again 'oz appears in the lexical field; the parallelism suggests that
    tip'ere! should be understood more in the sense of "strength." The same combination
    also in Ps. 89:18(17), which should likewise be interpreted as speaking ofthe
    "ip""tt
    power and might that Yahweh is to his people. According to Jer. 1 3: 1 I , Yahweh wishes
    that his people would cling to him as his fame, praise, and glory G€m, t'hilld, tip'ere1)
    but they refused.
    - Yahweh is the subjec t of p'r (hithpael) in Isa. 44:23 and 49:3. Both texts speak of
    yahweh's glorification of himself; according to 44:23, this is accomplished through the
    redemption of Israel (the impf. indicating continuous or recurrent actionll), and ac-
    cording to 49:3, by the servant of God.
    The theological orientation of Prov. 28:t2 is at variance with these texts: it deals
    neither with the glorification of Yahweh nor with that of the people or Zion, but rather
    with the great joy (rabbd tip'ere!;better than "great glory") ensuing when the ;addiq?m
    triumph, in contrast to thJway people go into hiding with the wicked prevail.
    It is clear that the focal point of the theologically oriented texts is the exilic and
    postexilic period, with special emphasis on the texts in Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah' We
    also note a concentration of texts in hymns of praise and assurances of salvation; we
    may therefore safely conclude that the root p'r is used especially to express Yahweh's
    salvific acts on behalf of his people together with his glorification in the light of these
    acts ultimately even when the glory of Israel ot zion is the subject of p'r.
    -
    III.Sirach and Dead Sea Scrolts. Except for 38:6, it is noteworthy that Sirach
    never uses p'r to express the glory and honor of Yahweh, but always to express the
    glory of human beings. It is one's glory to fear the Lord (9:16; 10:22) and not to depart
    irom the right way (31:10 = 34:10 LXX). Sirach speaks of the honor of Adam (49:161'
    possibly *i -uy "some communication of the glory of the Most High"12), the
    see here
    gtory or Joseph (49:15), the boasting of Goliath demolished by David (47:4), and the
    honor of generations past (44:7). Sir. 11:4 (ms. B) and 38: l5 warn against arrogance. It
    is appropriate, however, to be proud after the manner of Elijah (48:4). In combination
    witi-'"tiret, tip'erelappears in 6:31 as a symbol for wisdom. The vestments of the high

    10. A. A. Anderson, Psalms. NCBC,2 vols. (1972), II' 683.


    ll. Elligea BKXYl,452.
    12. J. Marbdck, Weisheit in Wandel. BBB 37 (1971)' 148.
    tND p'r 467

    priest are described in 45:8 and 50: I l, while 50:20 says that after blessing the Israelites
    the high priest showed himself glorious.t3 Only 38:6 refers directly to the glory of
    God: God gave skill to human beings that they might glorify him in his power.
    The Dead Sea Scrolls use the root p'r primarily in theological contexts. There are
    two exceptions: 1QH 8:22 (cf.4Q501 1:5; llQPsa 22:4) uses p'r in a celebration of
    creation to describe tree boughs(?), probably to indicate their special beauty; IQM
    7:ll, describing the vestments of the priests during battle, uses pry for an article of
    clothing, probably a turban.
    Other texts deal particularly with the glory and honor of God: lQS l0:12 (with qdl
    and kbd in the lexical freld); lQS 11:15; 4Q511 l:4; llQPsa 22:5-6 (with sdq in the
    lexical field); lQM 14:13, where rrlch should probably be supplied with rp-; lQSb
    5:19, in conjunction with hdr This last text should be compared especially with lQlg
    13:2, where tip'ere! is used in the same environment as hdr and kbd. God's glory rests
    on lands and seas (1lQPsa 18:7); he will magnify his glory in the face of those who
    hate his people (4Q160 3-4 2:4).4QShirShaba (4Q400) l:2 extols the God of knowl-
    edge, the glory of God's power, the God of gods, the Lord of the saints. The wise un-
    derstand themselves as heralds of God's glory (4Q510 l:4; cf. I lQPsa l8:1).
    The subject of 4QDibHam (4Q504) 4:12 (cf. Hag. 2:7-9) is the glory ftbd) of the
    people of God, of Zion, the holy city, and bA1fip'artefti. The question is whether the
    expression that interests us is to be understood as referring to the temple or, like "the
    holy city," standing in apposition to Zion.ta The syntactic shape of the clause probably
    makes its interpretation as an apposition more likely. The crucial point, however, is that
    once again this verse uses the rootp'r for the beauty and glory ofan entity associated
    with Yahweh. The same is true in lQH 13:17, in a hymn of praise: God is extolled for
    embellishing (p 7 piel) a man with grandeur. CD 6:7 describes the glory of the converts
    of Israel. The community clearly connects its own self-understanding with the tip'ere1
    of God (1 lQPsa 22:5).It understands itself as a community that proclaims God's maj-
    esty (18:2), thereby offering true worship (18:7-8). It knows that God bestows his favor
    on those who give him glory (18:14). Finally, generations of the devout will be God's
    tip'ere! (22:4). Overall, it is surprising to find the otherwise infrequent notion of proc-
    lamation associated so closely with the root p'n
    Some obscure passages, which do not contribute to our investigation, should also be
    mentioned: IQH 4:l; IQM 14:13; 1Ql6 3:4.
    IV. LXX. A look at the LXX demonstrates the semantic variety of the rootp'r; it is
    represented by a wealth of different translations, among which derivatives of d6xa
    stand out.
    Hausmann

    13. For a more detailed discussion see O. Rickenbacher, Weisheitspeikopen bei Ben Sira.
    oBo t (1973),98.
    14. M. Baillet, RA 68 0961) 224.

    !-_
    468 )tt1 ptgsal

    )1\? pissar

    I. 1. Etymology;2. Occurrences. II. l. Lev.7:18 andl9:7;2.E2k.4:14;3. Isa.65:4. III.


    1. LXX; 2. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    l. l.
    Etymology. The etymology of piggfil is unknown. Gesenius notes that both
    Arab.fa[ala, "putrefied food," and Eth. faltala may be cited for comparison.l Barth
    proposes kab. lafala (with metathesis), "drop dung," as an etymological parallel.2
    G0rg has undertaken the interesting notion of connecting the word with Akk. bugurru
    (or buqurru or pug/qumt), which means "an edible organ of a sacrificial animal" or "a
    piece of meat,"3 and Egyp. grg, "lie," which can mean "to all appearances not only spo-
    ken untruth but also anything wrong, loathsome, or perverted."4 The combination of
    noun and article (6 grg) could be compared toHeb. piggfil. It would be wrong to reject
    out of hand Gtirg's theory that "phonetic and semantic contamination may have taken
    place, i.e., an Egyptian loanword denoting an improper or loathsome circumstance be-
    came linked with an inherently neukal term for a specific sacrificial portion through
    phonetic similarity, despite the latter's Semitic origin and semantic difference."5 Kdnig
    theorizes that the original meaning was "disintegration = putrefaction" (Ezk. 4: 14) and
    that later the word came to be used as an abstractum pro concreto, in the sense of "pu-
    trefied meat."6
    A denominativeverb pgl is used in the piel in Middle Hebrew and in the pael in Jew-
    ish Aramaic and Samaritan in the sense "set a sacrificial portion aside for consumption
    beyond the prescribed term, thus making it abominable."T

    2, Occurrences. The nounpiggfil occurs 3 times in the singular (Lev.7:18; l9:7;


    Ezk. 4:14) and once in the plural (Isa. 65:4).

    ll. l. l,ev. 7: l8 and I9:7. In Lev. 7: l8 and l9:7, Elliger translates piggfil as "filth";
    Kornfeld prefers "unfit."8 Both Leviticus passages deal with meat from a sacrifice of

    piggfil. M. Gdrg, "Piggul und pilaegae5 Experimente zur Etymologie," BN l0 (1979)7-ll;


    -
    B. Levine, " Piggfil," EMiqa lY (1971),435-36; W. Paschen, Rein und Unrein. SANT 24 (1970).
    l. GesTh, 1090b. On the Arabic cf. Lane, Yl,2342c-43a: HAI. lll,909-10, cites fa[ula, "be
    limp, withered." The Ethiopic was already rejected by A. Dillmann, LcxLingAth, 1347.
    2. J. Barth, Wurzeluntersuchungen zum hebrtiischen und aramiiischen kxicon (1902),36-
    37.
    3. For the former see CAD, ll,307a; for the latter, AHw, l, 136b.
    4. G6rg, 9; WbAS, V, 189-90.
    5. P. 10.
    6. E. Kdnig, Hebriiisches und aramiiisches Wi)nerbuch zum AT (1936),356.
    7, HAL,III, 909-IO.
    8. K. Ltliger, I*viticus. HATU4 (1966), in loc.; Komfeld, Levitikus. NEB (1983), in loc., fol-
    lowing EU.
    )tt1 ptgs,al

    well-being (zebah i"lamtm; RSV "peace offerings") that is not eaten until the third day.
    But the conclusion that this gives us the basic meaning of piggil may well be a fallacy.e
    Leviticus describes only the special circumstances under which the sacrificial flesh be-
    comes an abomination. It refers to sacrificial flesh that has not yet been consumed on
    the third day; its holiness changes from that moment on to dangerous uncleanness, on
    which account it must be burned (7:17).

    2. Ezk.4:14. InEzk.4:9ff. Yahweh orders Ezekiel to use human dung as fuel to


    bake bread made from a variety of grains and lentils (cf. the prohibition in Lev. 19:19;
    Dt. 22:9). The prophet refuses indignantly, declaring that never in his life has he eaten
    an animal that died of itself (nebel6) or was torn (tcrepd) and that bciar piggfrl has
    never come into his mouth. In his translation Zimmerli leaves piggfil untranslated, be-
    cause he suspects rightly that the term originally had "a more general meaning which
    extended beyond" that suggested by the Leviticus passages.lo

    3. Isa. 65:4.Isa. 65:1-7 is an invective and threat attacking alien cults and idolatry; vv.
    3-4 mention the offering of sacrifices in gardens, the burning of incense on bricks, the
    eating of swine's flesh, and "the broth of abominable things in their vessels." The Heb.
    text frperaq piggilltm k'bhem requires two emendations: with lQIs&, LXX, Tiarg., and
    Yulg., Q mcraq, "broth, soup," should replace K pcraq, "chunk"; and, with lQlsa, Targ.,
    and Vulg., the prep. D'- (omitted by haplography) should be added to kclAhem, yielding
    the translation "the broth of abominable things is in their vessels." Elliger's emendation
    of kebhem to makl<oltdm ("their food," following I K. 5:25[Eng. v. I l]) can hardly be
    correct.rl The Ketib probably envisions actual chunks of the three-day-old sacrificial
    flesh (following Lev. 7:18; l9:7), while the "broth of abominable things" may recall the
    blood soup (haimatia) of the Lacedemonians in Sparta, as suggested by Robertson
    Smith.l2 In either case the text deals with food antithetic to the cult of Yahweh.

    IIL l. LXX. In Lev. 7: l8 the LXX translates piggfrl with miasma. 13 in 19:7 with the
    adj. dthytos (only here in LXX), "unfit for sacrifice." In Ezk. 4:14 it translates beiar
    piggttl with krias hidlon (hddlos, "stale, flat"; only here in the LXX). In Isa. 65:4
    memolymm4na clearly represents piggultm in the rather free translation: "and sacrifi-
    cial broth, all their vessels are befouled [with it]." Except in Isa. 65:4, where it retains
    piggfil, the Tirg. always translates it with merahaq, "abominable."

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. There are only 3 occurrences of pgwl in the Dead Sea Scrolls:
    llQT 47:14,18; 52:18. The meaning is somewhat more general than in the OT. Maier

    9. As does GesB, 632.


    10. W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel l. Herm (Eng. trans. 1979), 150, quotation l7l.
    ll. K. Elligea Die Einheit des Titojesaja. BWANTIIU9 (1928),21.
    12. W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites (1899, repr. 1956),343-44 n. 3. Cf. Pollux
    6.57.
    13. F. Hauck, TDNT, lY,646: "ritual . . . moral defilement."

    l-.
    410 el? paga'

    translates pgwl as "profane" (cf. Jerome, who in the Vulg. uses profanus in Lev. 19:7;
    Isa. 65:4); Yadin as "abominable." I IQT 14:14,18 offer a rigorous interpretation of the
    law of purity: even the skins of clean animals can be used for transporting goods to the
    holy city only if they come from animals that have been sacrificed; the skins of animals
    slaughtered profanely ( wrwt zblty pgwlyhmh) outside the city are considered abomina-
    tions. l lQT 52:17-18 emphasizes once more that clean but blemished animals may be
    slaughtered and eaten; but the slaughtering must take place at least 30 ris (about 4 mi.)
    from the sanctuary, for the flesh is the product of profane slaughtering (bir pgwl; cf.
    Ezk.4:14).
    D. Kellermann

    9\Q paga'; e\l pega'; ellD mipga'

    I. Occurrences. II. Cognates. III. Etymology and kxical Field. IV. Usage: l. Qal; 2. Niphal;
    3. Hiphil. V. LXX. VI. Derivatives: l. pega'; 2. mipga'. VII. Personal Name. VIII. Dead Sea
    Scrolls.

    I. Occurrences. The verb pdga'occurs 46 times in the OT: 39 times in the qal, once
    (Isa. 47:3) in the niphal (cj. for the qal), and 6 times in the hiphil (if the ptcp. in Job
    36:32 should not be changed to a noun). Derivatives include the nouns pega'(once)
    and mipgd'(once plus a cj.). The root appears also in the theophorous PN pagi'el (5
    times).

    II. Cognates. The root is attested only in Northwest Semitic, especially the Ara-
    maic branch, and in Arabic: Pun. and Imperial Aram. p8', qal "encounter," piel "ful-
    fill(?) (a vow)"'l Syr. p"ga'(always with the prep. b), "encounter (a person), reach (a
    place), come upon, befall (illness, misfortune), attack, resist"; Middle Heb. pdga',
    "come upon, meet," often "attack,"2 niphal "be stricken," often "be beset (by evil spirits
    or demons)"; Jewish Aram. p"ga', "encounter, [leet";3 Arab. fa{a'a, "inflict suffering
    and grief, afflict, . . . II, torment, torture, distress."4 A related rootfa$a'a puts more em-
    phasis on the aspect of surprise, being closer in meaning to Syr. P'ga' and Middle Heb.
    pdga': I and III, "come unexpectedly (upon someone), confront (someone) suddenly,
    (with bi) take by surprise, attack (someone)."5
    Garbini has identified a specialized meaning of pg'as a sacrificial term in Neo-
    Punic inscriptions: on account of its basic meaning "encounter, reach," he compares

    l. DNSI rr,900-901.
    2.Levy, WTM, [V,7.
    3. rbid.
    4. Wehr,697.
    5. Ibid.
    9ll pdga' 471

    Pun. pg'to the synonymous Hebrew root qrb, the hiphil of which means "offer (sacri-
    fice)" and concludes that the piel means "offer."6

    III. Etymology and Lexical Field. The Sem. rootpg'describes movement toward a
    place (object) or person. This movement may be unintentional (Syr. men peg'd) or in-
    tentional; if the latter, it is usually sudden and violent; cf . Arab. fa!'atan or fu[a'atan,
    "unexpectedly, suddenly." Finally, positive, negative (hostile), and neutral intention or
    effect must be differentiated. The verb "strike" or "hit" approximates most closely the
    basic meaning and variety of usage of Heb. pdga'.
    The senses conveyed by the qal (G stem) can be categorized as follows:

    l. unintentional
    1.1 neutral
    1.1.a place: (l) hit = arive at; (2) hit = touch
    1.1.b person (animal): hit upon = [le€t, encounter (cf. the related root
    pdgal)
    1.2 negative
    1.2.a person: strike out at = attack
    1.2.b animal (beast of prey [bear]): strike down = slay
    2. Intentional (only of persons)
    2.1 negative
    2.1.a stike down (by sword) = ftill
    2.1.b strike down (by sword or pestilence) = kill (God as subj.)
    2.1.c hit = jostle, upset, get rid of
    2.2 positive: strike = press someone to do something (for the benefit of another
    person), i.e., importune.

    For the most part (in Syriac always), the object is introduced by D'.

    IV. Usage. l. Qal l.l.a.(l). The story of the holy site of Bethel recounts how Jacob
    unintentionally and unknowingly comes to (bc) this place (Gen. 28:11).
    1.1.a.(2). Theverb pdga'has a specialized meaning in the idiompdga' gc!il b, used
    in Josh. (15)16-19 to define the borders ofthe tribal territories (except in the case of
    Judah and Benjamin).
    Depending on the actual topography, many different verbs expressing motion or
    change of place are used to describe the course of a boundary (9"!Al): yd;d', hnlaf;,
    'abar 'dld, ydra/, sa!a!, pdnA, td'ar,.ifD.7 When the boundary touches a particular
    place, 9 times paga'D' is used (LXX syndpsei [except Josh. 16:7, eleilsetail). The
    place may be a city (Jericho, 16:7; Dabbesheth, 19:11), a mountain (Tabor, 19:22;Car-

    6. G. Garbini, "Terminologia sacrificiale fenicia: pg'l' BeO 2l (1979) 109-13. Cf. J. G.


    F6vrier, JA 243 (1955) 60; 255 (1967) 62: "sacrifice."
    7. See O. Biichli, ZDPV 89 (1973) 3-5.

    l--
    -l

    9\l paga'
    472

    here is pdga'sv'
    mel, 19:26), a watercourse (the wadi east of Jokneam, 19:11 [only
    prisingty construed with 'el, possibly a scribal error for poneh'el cf. 15:7; Simons
    -
    p*r"rl io follow the LXX, deleting fipdga' and reading "Dabbesheth ' rcar l'ell' ' '"1;8
    or a tribal ter-
    atso 1as the obj. of pdgalttre rivers Libn-ath [19:26] and Jordan tl9:341)'
    19:34)'
    ritory (Asher,-tl:iO;=tg:l+; Zebulun, 19.27,34; Issachar, 17:10; Judah'
    discovers Mahanaim, "God's camp," where
    tt is also by chance
    t.t.u. that Jacob
    "angels of Elohim" meet him (Gen.32.2: wayyiPg"'fr-b^6); t!3 acloyt
    does not charac-
    cf. the question in Josh'
    terize this encounter as either hostile (l1ke32:25tr.) or friendly;
    5:13 in an analogous situation.
    upon
    After their futile negotiations with Pharaoh, the Israelite supervisors come
    is
    by samuel, the
    Moses and Aaron (Ex. 5:20). Also unexpected, although predicted
    encounter of Saul with a company of prophets at Gibeah
    (l S. 10:5). The ethos of the
    donkey belonging to an
    Covenant Code requires whoever happens upon a stray ox or
    enemy to bring it back to its owner (Ex' 23:4)'
    Themeaningofpdga'isobscureinlsa'64:4a(Eng'v'5a)'whichappearsoutof
    place in the coitext-of a communal lament and is therefore
    probably secondary; it is
    also textually corrupt. Following LXX synanttsetai and Yulg.
    occuristi, HAL associ-
    vein, Westermann translates: "Would that
    ates it with the meaning "meet.'iln the same
    interpola-
    you would meet those it o Oo right."e He interprets this wish as a secondary
    God will find righteous people on earth when he
    iion the pious hope that
    t"-, "^presring
    op", the heavens und down (63:20[64:l]).t0 An otherwise unattested
    meaning
    "o*",
    ,.meet halfway, accommodate, look afteri has also been proposed;tt "t' '
    ..woulithat you would meet halfway those who do what is right." "-
    its negative conse-
    1.2.a. Anencounter between two enemies may be accidental, but
    an avenger of blood may ki-ll a murderer when-
    quence are predictable. For example,
    Rahab urges the Israelite spies to flee
    &er they miet. to avoid being killed or captured,
    pursuers may not come upon them (Josh' 2:16)'
    to the hills so that their
    According to
    1.2.b. An encounter *itrr u beast of prey also has evil consequences.
    a lion runs inescap-
    the simile in Am. 5:19 (probably proverbial), whoever flees from
    The context the calamitous day of Yahweh
    ably into disaster, being met by-a-Uear. ,
    refers less to the accidental encounter
    pr"rrpposes that thi meeting with the bear
    -(Vilg. oiiurat ei ursus; GesB glosses p1ga'here as "come upon' encounter") than to
    ine ieaaty blow of the bear's-paw (LXX kat empdsQ aut$ he drtas; HAL, "assault
    someone," is too weak).
    2.l.a.oftenpdga.occurswiththespecializedmeaning(alwayswithbl..strike
    ..killwith the sword." This is clear from I K.2:32, where the statement that
    down,,, i.e.,
    parallelism: wawa-
    Joab "attacked" two men is made more precise in synonymous
    of death is also in-
    hargim bahere!, "and he killed them with the sword." This manner
    to Joshua, "Come
    tenied Uy ine rr4iaianite princes Z,ebah atdZalmunna when they say

    8. J. Simons, GTTOT, $329, p. l8l; $332, p' 188 n' 173'


    9. C. Westerm an.., Jesaia 4lO4O. 192:3lO (not in Eng. trans., which follows RSV)'
    etb
    i0. w"rt"r-unn, Isaiai 4046. oTL (Eng. trans' 1969)' 396'
    ll. GesB.
    9ll pdga'

    and kill us" (Jgs. 8:2I; cf. v. 20). Because Saul's servants refused to kill the priests of
    Nob, Doeg the Edomite slays them (pat mfrlhiphi|I5.22:17-18). At David's command,
    one of his young men strikes down the man who dared to kill Saul, the anointed of
    Yahweh (par. wayyal<kEhrfi, 2 S. l: l5). When Solomon, to consolidate his rule, settles ac-
    counts with his enemies and the enemies of David, he sends Benaiah to strike down
    Adonijah (l K. 2:25), Joab (2:29,31,34 fwayyipga'-bd way"miphOl), and Shimei (2:46).
    In the extended sense, paga' means "slay" (by the sword or other means). In Jgs.
    15:12, when the men of Judah bind Samson to give him into the hands of the
    Philistines, he asks them not to "strike him down" (Yulg. occidatis; NRSV "attack");
    they therefore promise not to "kill" him (zifil hiphil). The verb has the same meaning in
    Jgs. 18:25, where Micah and his followers are warned that if they make trouble the
    aroused Danites will strike them (LXX apant4sdsin; Yulg. venianl ad; NRSV "attack")
    and they will "lose their lives" ('dsap nepel).
    2.1.b. Only once is God the subject of paga': in Ex. 5:3 the Israelites fear that
    Yahweh will slay them "with pestilence or sword" @U "punish"; LXX impersonal:
    mdpote synantdsQ hdm{n thdnatos d ph6nos) if they do not go into the wilderness to
    sacrifice to him.
    2.1.c. The verb paga' can also refer to hostile, vexatious behavior in order to "be
    done with" someone and drive him or her away. In Ruth 2:22, for example, Naomi ad-
    vises Ruth to glean only with the young women of Boaz: in another field she might be
    "bothered" (LXX simply "encountered": apantdsontai soi; but cf. Yulg. resistat tibi),
    i.e., 'Jostled" and driven from her source of food (GesB: "set upon with intent to in-
    jure"; HAL: "molest a woman").
    2.2.\n a positive setse pdga'can mean to "elbow someone in the ribs" (figuratively)
    to get attention in order to importune them (God or a human being: with D') for some-
    thing, to "press" for something (cf . Arab. fada'a, "aff7ict annoy").
    The wicked find it profitless, however, to serve the Almighty and assault God with
    their prayers (Job 21:15). When an irrevocable sentence has been pronounced upon the
    apostate people, it is pointless for Jeremiah to importune God with entreaties (Jer.
    7:16). In Jer. 27:18 Jeremiah challenges the false prophets to demonstrate the truth of
    their words by entreating God not to allow the temple vessels left behind in 597 s.c.r.
    to go to Babylon as well.
    Abraham asks the citizens of Hebron to entreat Aaron to sell him the cave of
    Machpelah as a burying place for Sarah (Gen. 23:8). Ruth tells Naomi not to press her
    to return to Moab (Ruth l:16).

    2. Niphal. The niphal is not attested in the MT. There is a possible occurrence in Isa.
    47:3b, where many scholars vocalize MT 'epga'(qal) as 'eppdga'(niphal). Others fol-
    low the Vulg. in reading the 3rd person sg. qal impf. or propose a different verbal root
    (pr). Since the noun 'dQdmhas also come under suspicion, the many conjectural emen-
    dations and proposed translations must be evaluated strictly on the basis of the context.
    Ch.47 is the only poem in Deutero-Isaiah belonging to the genre of oracles against
    foreign nations. Its subject matter is the fall of Babylon. The one certain observation is
    that Yahweh will take vengeance on the city (v. 3b). Consequently the following w"lo'

    t_
    9)l pdga'

    'epga' 'ddAm is probably a qualifrcation of this action. Following the Vulg. (et non
    resistet mihi homo) and Symmachus (l<ai ouk antistdsetaf moi dnthrdpos), BllS pro-
    poses the 3rd person sg.qal impf. yipga'(HAL: "and no one can come pleading with
    me"). The niphal 'eppdga', however, seems more persuasive.l2 This is also the prefer-
    ence of HAL' "I will not (be made to) yield to any petition" (cf. Jer. 27:18). This is also
    the translation proposed by Ktihler: "'I take vengeance inexorable,'says [reading
    'amar for 'adAml our redeemer."l3

    3. Hiphil. The hiphil conveys two distinct meanings:


    a. Causative: "cause to strike." Yahweh causes the punishment for the iniquity
    ('dwOn) of Israel to strike (b") the servant of God (Isa. 53:6), so that he suffers vicari-
    ously for the people.
    b. Transitive in the sense of the qal: "entreat passionately (on behalf of someone),"
    i.e., intercede for someone.la This second sense appears in v. 12 of the same poem,
    where the servant intercedes for (P) the transgressors. Delitzsch speaks here of an in-
    tensive equivalent to the qal: "press forward with entreaty."ls Jeremiah interceded with
    (D') Yahweh on behalf of the enemy (Jer. 15:11). This is also the sense in Jel. 36:25
    (contrary to HAL, which distinguishes "2. intercede for [someone]" and "3. urge some-
    one [with entreaties]"), where Elnathan, Delaiah, and Gemariah implore the king not to
    burn the scroll. In Isa. 59:16 the context suggests that the ptcp. mapgta'refers to inter-
    vention with deeds rather than words.l6
    The participle in Job 36:32 is discussed in VI.2 below.

    V. LXX. The LXX usually translates the qal of pdga'(in part imprecisely or errone-
    ously) with apantdd ( 14 times) or synantdi (8 times). It makes a more precise distinc-
    tion only in I K. 2, where ituses anairC1 4 times (and.apantdd 6 times cf., e.g., v. 31
    -
    with v. 34) for "strike down (with the sword),"t2 and Josh. 17 and 19, where it uses
    syndptd consistently (7 times; bat 4rchomai in Josh. 16:7) for "border on."18 When the
    meaning is "implore,"le it uses empiptO (Am. 5:19), lal6d (Gen. 23:8), and pros-
    drchomai (Jer. 7:16) along with 3 instances of apantd6.
    -
    VI. Derivatives.
    l. pega'. The noun pega'means a "stroke" or "blow" in a negative sense. It may be
    (a) unintentional, a stroke of fate or a mishap, or (b) intentional, in the form of a hostile

    12. Proposed by H. Oort, Textus Hebraici emendationes (1900).


    13. L. Kithler, Deuterujesaja stilkritisch untersucht. BZAW37 (1923),32. This reading is also
    adopted by C. Westermann, Isaiah4M6. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969), 186; similarly B. Duhm, Das
    Buch Jesaja. HKATIIUI (51968), 355; G. Fohrer, Das Buch lesaja. ZBKXIXI3 (1964),104; EU.
    14. G. Bergstriisser, Hebriiische Gramrnatik,2 vols. (1918-29),11, $$19-20.
    15. F. Delitzsch, Isaiah. KD (Eng. trans. 1954), U, 340.
    16. cf. ibid., 404.
    17. See IV.2.l.a above,
    18. See IV.1.1.a.(2) above.
    19. See 1Y.2.2 above.
    9ll paga' 475

    and life-threatening attack. In Middle Hebrew pega'means "what befalls someone, in-
    cident, tjchei while pig'd'means "attack, trouble."2O
    a. According to Eccl.9:11, human efforts and hopes are often thwarted by the un-
    foreseen and unpredictable factors of time and pega' (LXX apdntEma), i.e., chance,2l
    that can befall anyone.
    b. When Solomon had defeated all his political opponents, he did not need to fear
    any adversary (SdlAn) or malicious attack (pega' rd') (l K.5:18[4]).

    2. mipgd'. The derived noun mipgd'with z preformative denotes the place (mem lo-
    cale) where painful blows strike. In Job 7:20long-suffering Job asks why he has be-
    come the focus of God's attacks (LXX l<atenteuktd). Perhaps we have here the same
    metaphor as in 16:12 (cf. also Lam. 3:12), where Job feels like a target (matfirA) for
    the arrows of God's wrath (cf. 6:4; Ps. 38:3[2]).
    Many scholars suggest the same meaning also in the diffrcult text Job 36:32, emend-
    ing the hiphil ptcp. mapgta'to mipgd'. The passage probably means that God takes
    (reading nifi6 for nissA)zz the lightning ('6r,' same meaning in 37:3,15) in his hands
    and commands it (reading 'dldyw for 'dleyhd) to strike its "mark" (cf. Wis. 5:21; Bar.
    6:62). The notion that Yahweh hurls lightning bolts against his enemies is not aftested
    elsewhere in the OT; the causative meaning of the hiphil ("cause to strike") probably
    rules it out here as well.

    VII. Personal Name. The root pg'also appears in the theophorous name pagi'dl
    (LXXPhagaidl),leaderfua:it') of thetribeof Asher(Nu. l:13;2:27;7:72,77;10:26).
    This verb is probably also an element of the theophorous name pg'ews, which oc-
    curs twice (no. 5 and 9) on ostracon no. 6043 from Ezion-geber, dated by paleographic
    evidence from the 6th century s.c.r. and interpreted by Albright as "Entreat Qaus,"
    "Qaus is my prayer," or "Qaus is entreated."23 In the short form pg'the name may also
    occur in l. 4 of Samaria ostracon no. l, as well as in four Thamudic inscriptions from
    the Persian period.2+ Noth is unable to assign an intelligible meaning to the biblical
    name pagi'eL 2s A meaning "El is terrible," based on Arab. fddi', is considered highly
    unlikely by HAL, which suggests instead "the one pleading with El." According to
    Schult, theophorous names do not always express praise or thanks to God; on the basis
    of Arab. fafia'a, "inflict suffering and grief," he therefore proposes the meaning "God
    has afflicted with grief."2o

    20.l*vy, WTM, lY, 7.


    21. A. Lauha, Kohelet. BKXIX (1978), 172:"fatel'
    22. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. I(AT 16 (1963),479.
    23. Reading uncertain; so read by W. F. Albright, BASOR 82 (1941) 13.
    24. Cf. Ryckmans,l, 177: fdfii', "terrible."
    25. M. Noth, IPN, 254, no. I128.
    26. H. Schult, "Vergleichende Studien zur alttestamentlichen Namenkunde" (diss., Bonn,
    1967), tt4.
    9ll paga'

    VIII. Dead Sea Scrolls. A 3rd person fem. sg. verbal form wtpg'appeats once in
    the hymns (lQH fr. 4il6).27 In another passage (lQH l7:5) we find the nominal form
    pwg wt, not attested in the OT (probably par. to n"gtim, "afflictions," in l. 8); cf. the
    suffixed Christian Palestinian nominal form pgw'ty, "adversity," for maggcpdlay inBx.
    9:14.2a
    In 4Q504 (4QDibHama) l-2,4:12-13, the combination'i"n Satan we'An pega' ra',
    "adversary" and "malicious attack," is borrowed from I K. 5:18(4) and contrasted with
    ilwm wbrkh, "peace and blessing."2e
    Mental and physical disabilities were clearly ascribed to demonic influence, since
    4Q510 (4Qshif) l:6 speaks of "those who strike unexpectedly" (pwgim [act. ptcp.]).
    (Cf. Middle Heb. p"gdim/n or p"gbin, "assailing demons, tormenting spirits";:o along-
    side demons lidyml, Targ. Est. II on 1:2 speaks of pg'ym3t.) There is also a verbal form
    ypg'w in 4Q5l I I 1:4: "to confound the spirit of understanding, to ravage their heart."
    According to llQPsa 27:lO, David composed four songs (iyr) "to sing over the
    'stricken"' (pass. ptcp. pgwim; cf. also the fragmentary wpgwll in 4:2 of the same
    document, with presumably the same form and meaning; also hpgw'y,m in 4Q5ll
    1 l:8), those possessed or assailed by evil spirits (cf. Middle Heb. pdga' niphal, "be as-

    sailed by tormenting spirits, demons"3z). Seybold interprets the expression as referring


    to "struck" and stringed instruments.3r Ps. 91, probably already used at Qumran to
    ward off demons, is called by rabbinic tradition iyr il pg'yn1/pgwin.34
    Maiberger

    27. S. Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot. AcThD 2 (1960),264: "and this affecteth Thy servant."
    28. F. Schulthess, ltxicon Syropalaestinum (19O3),154.
    29. See VI.l.b above.
    30. Levy, WTM, [V,7.
    31. St.-B., IV/I, 501: "assailers."
    32. Levy, WTM, [V,7.
    33. K. Seybold, Die Psalmen. Urban Taschenbuch 382 (1986), 201 n.3.
    34. For Qumran see J. P. M. van der Ploeg, "Un petit rouleau de psaumes apocryphes
    (l lQPsAp")," in G. Jeremias et al., eds., Tradition und Glaube. FS K. G. Kuhn (1972), 128-39,
    esp. 128-29. For rabbinic tradition see Bab. Shebuot l5b; Jer. Erubin 10.26c; Jer. Shabbat 6.8b.
    "tll pdgar 477

    1f,p pagar;irf,} peger

    l. pdgar: l. Etymology and Meaning;2. OT Usage;3. Gen. 15:ll. II. peger: 7. Semitic;
    2. OT Usage;3. Dead Sea Scrolls;4. LXX. III. Ezk. 43:7,9: l. Corpse;2. Stela;3. Sacrifice.

    l. pdgar.
    l. Etymology and Meaning. The lexemes pdgan "be faint, tiredl' and pege4
    "corpse," probably have nothing to do with each other etymologically (contra GesB
    and HAL, which treat the latter as a derivative of the former). Obermann defined Heb.
    pdgar as a denominative from Sem. pgr "unanimated, immovable matter; a lifeless,
    rigid mass"; in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Akkadian, this became "corpse," and in Ugaritic,
    "stone, heap of stones, altar." He therefore derived the meaning "be petrified" for the
    piel.r
    Arabic may cast some light on the basic meaning of pdgar. Here fa(ara means
    "cleave"; the derivative fad4 for example, means "daybreak"; cf. also OSA/gr "let wa-
    ter flow freely."2 Intransitively,fa{ara reflects a "breach" of morality: "act immorally,
    sin, live licentiously."3 Both aspects are also attested in Jewish Aramaic and Middle
    Hebrew. Transitively, pcgar means "destroy, demolish"a @f . pa/igrd', "damage, loss,"
    which has no etymological connectionwith pa/igrd', "corpse"). With respect to the ba-
    sic meaning "cleave, break," the intransitive verb refers in the first instance to a physi-
    cal breakdown, but it can also refer to psychic and moral breakdown. The latter sense is
    probably reflected in Jewish Aram. p"gari "be idle, indolent";s cf. Syr. b"gar, "be weak,
    feeble, decrepit, exhausted."
    A form tpgr (3rd person fem. sg. impf. pael?) appears in a fragmentary context in
    the Deir'AllE texts; it may mean "to be weak, to be faint (?)."6

    2. OT Usage. This is also the meaning of the Hebrew verb pAgar which appears
    only twice (in the piel, I S. 30:10,21). When David was pursuing the Amalekites, two

    pdgar M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartin, *PGR im Ugaritischenl' UF 5 (1973) 289-


    9l;R. Dussaud, "Deux stiles de Ras Shamra portant une d6dicace au dieu Dagon," Syr 16 (1935)
    177-80; J. H. Ebach, "PGR = (Toten-)Opfer?" UF 3 (1971) 365-68; K. Galling, "Erwiigungen
    zum Stelenheiligtum von Hazorl' ZDPV 75 (1959) 1-13; D. Neiman, "PGR: A Canaanite Cult-
    Object in the OT," JBL 67 (19a8) 55-60; J. Obermann, "Votive Inscriptions from Ras Shamra,"
    JAOS 6l (1941) 3l-45, esp. 38-40.

    l. P. 39 n. 14.
    2. Biella,400.
    3. Wehr,697.
    4. WTM, TV 7-8.
    5. Ibid., 8.
    6. Combination V, fr. c,3. See ATDA, 3O7; cf. 175 and 256-57.

    t-
    I
    478 1ll pagar
    i

    hundred men stayed behind at Wadi Besor because they were too "weakened" or "ex-
    hausted" (pigg"rfr [intransitive]7) to continue chasing the enemy.

    3. Gen. 15:1 l. The noon peger in Gen. 15: I I is probably derived from transitive
    pdgar "cleave, break," meaning "something broken off, piece." This meaning is sup-
    ported by the context and the fact that elsewhere peger refers only to a human
    corpse.8 Abram "cuts in two" or "divides" (way"pau€r) the sacrificial animals and
    lays the pieces (be1er) over against each other (v. l0). When the text goes on to say
    that birds of prey came down on the p"gdrim, in the context of this particular ritual
    (cf. Jer. 34:18) the term probably conveys the meaning of "pieces" (peger used as a
    synonym for beler; the LXX therefore adds to td sdmata the explanatory td
    dichotomdmata autdn) rather than "carcasses" (NRSV; cf. Vulg. cadavera), which
    would be superfluous here.

    ll. peger.
    l. Semitic. The noun peger is found in Northeast
    and Northwest Semitic, but not in
    Southwest Semitic (Arabic, Ethiopic).
    a. Body. In Akkadian, pagru(m) means "body," either living (but only of a human
    being; in Old Babylonian, pagru also serves as the reflexive pronoun) or dead (either of
    a human being ["corpse"] or an animal ["carcass"]).9 The lexeme has the widest se-
    mantic range in Syriac, where it has also given rise to several derivatives (e.g.,
    elpaggat "was incarnate";.to 1, the OT Syr. pagrd'is used mostly for the dead body of
    a human being (g'wiyd, I S. 3l:12) or an animal (n'!d16, Lev.7:24; ll:8,11,24,25,27).
    In Mandaic a dualistic ideology devalued the body, considering it the prison of the
    soul; therefore pagro usually conveys the notion of the material and mortal body.tt
    b. Corpse. In Old Aramaic, Imperial Aramaic, and Palmyrene, b! contrast, pgr is
    used only for a dead body.tz The formulaic expression pgr . . . 'l pgr "corpse upon
    corpse," appears in two treaties from Sefire in connection with a battle.l3 In Jewish Ar-
    amaic, too, pa/igrd'means only "corpse."l4 The same is true of Heb. and Middle Heb.
    peger We are probably dealing here with a semantic development somewhat similar to
    that of Eng. "corpse," which originally could mean simply "body," living or dead.

    2. OT Usage. For "body" Hebrew uses --, i1'1\ glviyyA; like Akk. pagru, this word
    denotes both the living body of a human (Gen. 47: 18; Neh. 9:37) or of a heavenly being
    (Ezk. l:11,23;DnLl0:6)andthedeadbodyofahuman(lS.3l:10,12;cf.gfipApar.in

    7. HP, 52, 54.


    8. Contra HAL, lll,9l l: "b) of animals Gn l5:l1."
    9. AHw,II, 809.
    10. R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus,2 vols. (1879-1901), [ 3033-34.
    tt. MdD,359.
    12. DNSI,II, 90I.
    13. KAI 2228.30:2238.1l; context damaged.
    14. WTM, tV,8.
    1f,p pdgar 479

    1 Ch. l0:12) or animal (Jgs. 14:8-9, wherc mappele!is also used for an animal car-
    cass). By contrast,-, ihl neb1lA refers only to the dead body of a human or animal.
    a. Pejorative Connotations. The noun peger (18 times) refers only to a human
    corpse; each instance involves death by violence, so that in Hebrew this term has pejo-
    rative connotations. The collective sg. or the pl. p"garim frequently parallels the
    "killed" (horugtm,Isa. 14:19) or "slain" (baldlim,Isa. 34:3; Jer. 4l:9; Ezk. 6:5; Nah.
    3:3) or appears in conjunction with the verb "smite" (nkh hiphil,2 K. 19:35 = Isa.
    37:36; Jer. 33:5; 4l:9).
    The corpses in question are disfigured and dishonored, simply "cast out" (Am. 8:3;
    Isa. 34:3; cf. Isa. 14:19:Jer.36:30) without burial, so that their stench rises (Isa. 34:3);
    they are thrown unceremoniously into a cistem instead of being laid to rest in a tomb
    (Jer. 41:9), given to the birds and wild animals for food (l S. 17:46), strewn about ev-
    erywhere (Nah. 3:3), trampled underfoot (peger mfrlds,Isa. 14:19; the text is clearly
    corrupt; the suggested image of "trampled carcass"l5 is probably inaccurate because of
    the animal carcass), abhorrent to all (Isa. 66:24). The noun peger appears primarily in
    the context of battle; the violent death is usually the result of God's punishment.
    b. Violent Death. Victims of battle are the subject of I S. 17:46 Qte ger used collec-
    tively for the corpses of the Philistines) and 2 Ch. 20:24 (the corpses of the
    Ammonites, Moabites, and inhabitants of Mt. Seir;BI/Semends p"gdr?m in v.25 to
    bcgdStm, probably correctly [Vulg. vesres; LXX slcjla]). Jer. 41:9 deals with the
    corpses of victims of a perflrdious murder.
    In a secondary passage describing the borders of Jerusalem, Jer. 31:40 mentions a
    "valley of corpses" ('€meq happegdrim). The topographical information suggests a
    location on the western or southern edge of city; it is probably identical with the Val-
    ley of Ben-Hinnom. Weiser believes that happcgdrtm wehaddeien is probably a later
    gloss on hd'dmeq;r6 the entire phrase is omitted by the LXX. The name probably de-
    rives from the corpses of children sacrificed to Moloch on Topheth (Isa. 30:33; Jer.
    7:31; l9:5; 32:35).rt Therefore, according to Jer. 7:32 (cf. 19:6,11), this valley will
    be called the Valley of Slaughter (gA' hahardgd) and the dead will be buried in
    Topheth.
    c. Divine Punishment. The other texts where peger occurs all have to do with divine
    punishment. Because the Israelites constantly complained during their wandering in
    the wilderness, they would be punished by not being allowed to enter the promised
    land: their dead bodies will "fall" in the wilderness (Nu. 14:29,32; yipp'Ifr has negarive
    connotations here;.ts Breaking the covenant and sinning are punished by death: in Lev.
    26:30, a secondary passage cursing the disobedient,le God threatens to destroy their
    high places and incense altars and to heap their corpses on the corpses of their idols
    @igrA giUilAkem). Since peger probably also means "memorial stela" (Obermann

    15. H. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27 (Eng. trans. 1997), 42,71.


    16. A. Weiser, Jeremia. ATD 20121 (61969),290.
    17. See also the theory of Ebach discussed below (III.3).
    18. -+)DJ napal.
    19. K. Elligea Leviticus. HAT U4 (1966), 377.
    -I

    all pdgar

    translates pigrA giilfrrckem as "the stone-heaps of your idols"; Galling: "heap your
    stelae on the stelae ofyour idols; Kornfeld interprets the expression as "shattered stat-
    ues and images"), Noth believes that the text plays on the ambiguity of the term.20 Met-
    aphorical usage is more likely, however, since Jer. 16: l 8 also speaks of the "corpses" or
    "carcasses" of "their detestable idols" (niplal fiqqfi;Ahem),21 and polemical texts often
    mock idols as "dead" objects (Ps. l15:4-8; 135:15-18; Dt.4:28i Isa.44:9-20; Dnl.
    L4:7;Ep.ler.6:70-72 [v. 70: "the gods are like a corpse lGk. nekrQl";Wis. l5:5: "the
    lifeless form of a dead image" fGk. nekrds eikdnos e{dos dpnounl). In Ezk. 6:5, too,
    Yahweh threatens to lay the corpses of the idolaters in front of their idols (giililAhem)
    (probably a secondary addition based on I*v.26:30, repeating what has already been
    said in v. 4b; not in LXX).
    Because of the sins of Jerusalem, during the Chaldeans' siege of the city Yahweh
    slew its inhabitants in his anger and wrath, filling the houses with corpses (Jer. 33:5).
    The word of the Lord appended to the fourth vision of Amos also speaks of God's dire
    punishment: dead bodies are cast about everywhere (Am. 8:3).
    In oracles against the nations, peger also signalizes horrific slaughter. In the terrible
    punishment visited on Edom, corpses are cast out so that their stench rises to the heav-
    ens (Isa. 34:3); when Nineveh is destroyed the "heap of corpses" (kd|e{ pdger) is so
    huge that people stumble over it (Nah. 3:3). A taunt song mocking the king of Babylon
    describes the tyrant's wretched and ignominious end: his body lies unburied under a
    heap ofcorpses and is trampled underfoot (Isa. 14:19). The sudden destruction ofthe
    Assyrian army (by an epidemic?), bordering on a miracle, is interpreted as divine pun-
    ishment for Sennacherib's arrogance: the angel of the Lord struck down 185,000 men,
    so that the enemy was "all dead bodies" (p"gartm mEltm, tautology for emphasis, 2 K.
    l9:35 = Isa. 37:36). Particularly grandiose and vivid is the eschatological vision of the
    final destruction of God's enemies in Isa. 66:24, a very late addition at the end of Trito-
    Isaiah: their corpses litter the countryside and will be "an abhorrence lddrd'6n; cf. Dnl.
    12:21to all flesh."

    3. Dead Sea Scrolls. There are 4 occurrences of peger in the Dead Sea Scrolls; its
    usage is similar to that in the OT. In the eschatological battle, the corpses of the enemy
    will be "smashed" (rfr$"ifr) by the hand of God and lie unburied (lQM 11:l; cf. 4QMa
    L4-15l.9), so that the sons of light must cleanse their garments of the blood of the
    "guilty corpses" (pigr? ha'afuA) (lQM l4:3; cf. also 4QpNah 2:6, commenting on
    Nah. 3:3 in the light of Am. 8:3).

    4. lXX. The LXX uses a variety of translationsfor peger andp'gdrim. The most fre-
    quent is td k6la (Lev.26:30 [twice]; Nu. 14:29,32,33; Isa. 66:24; I S. 17:46 [collective:
    td kdla)); nekroi is also used several times (Isa. 34:3; !er. 33,5;2 Ch. 2O:24; Isa. 14:19

    20. See III.2 below; Obermann, 39 n. 14; Galling, I l; W. Kornfeld, lzvitikus. NEB (1983),
    107; M. Noth, lzviticus. OTL (Eng. tans.21977),20O.
    21. For "corpses" see Elliger; for "carcasses" see NRSV.
    l'll pagar

    [sg.]). Tbvice we find td s6mata (2 K. 19:35 = Isa. 37:36; also Gen. 15:ll) and once
    each peptdk4s (Am. 8:3) and ptdsis (Nah. 3:3). In 2 Ch. 20:25 the LXX reads skyla
    (cj.). The texts Jer. 3l:.40; 4l:9; and Ezk. 6:5 are not represented in the LXX.

    III. Ezk. 43t719. Considerable debate surrounds the meaning of peger in the pas-
    sage in Ezekiel's temple vision where the glory of the Lord fills the new temple and
    the Israelites are commanded never again to defile this holy dwelling place of
    Yahweh "by their whoring" (biz"nfilam) and "by tbe pigr? of their kings bam61dm"
    (Ezk. 43:7). Not only is the meaning of pcgdrim controverted, but so is that of the
    synsemantic expression bdm61Am, which is syntactically awkward. Since the con-
    struct phrase fipigr€ ma$€hem in clear parallelism with z'nfi1am reappears in v. 9,
    but without the addition of bdm61am, the latter is either redundant or to be supplied
    in v. 9 on the basis of v. 7 (Zimmedi even suggests deleting bmwtm as dittography
    with the following bttml.zz
    The LXX paraphrases peger with kai en tois ph6nois, "with the murders" (ro'n
    hEgoumindn); Fohrer therefore conjectures ftb"hargdmfor frpigrd, reads be16f;Am @n
    mesfi aut6n) instead of bdm61dm, and translates the passage: ". . . with their whoring
    and their killing in their midst," interpreting "whoring" as cultic sins and "killing" as
    ethical sins.23 The Vulg. associates peger with Aram. p"gar, "destroy, demolish":2a e/
    in ruinis regum suorum,' but this makes little sense. The Vulg. also resolves the syntac-
    tic tension of bmwtm (which, like the Masoretes, it derives from bdmi, "hill, high
    place") by introducing a copula: et in excelsis.

    l. Corpse. The problem presented by bdmdldm is that "high places" would seem to
    be out of place in association with the temple precincts, while the conjectural emenda-
    tion bcmdldm is a superfluous tautology in conjunction with p"gdrim, "corpses";
    Ehrlich therefore proposed deleting the word as a gloss.2s The traditional translation
    "by the corpses of their kings" led to the theory that the temple was defiled by the pres-
    ence of several royal tombs in the close vicinity (specifically those of Manasseh [2 K.
    2l : 18 = 2 Ch. 33:2Ol and Amon [2 K. 2l:261), but no literary or archaeological evi-
    dence supports this theory.
    Since the meaning "corpse" for peger makes no sense in Ezk. 43:7,9, we appear to
    be dealing here with a secondary term or a homonym, whose unknown meaning schol-
    ars have attempted to deduce with the aid of Ugaritic and Akkadian.

    2. Stela. The word pgr appears in two memorial inscriptions from the temple of
    Dagon at Ugarit; Dussaud translates it as "sacrifice," Obermann as "altar, stone altar."
    Comparing this usage with three analogous early Phoenician votive inscriptions,
    Neiman arrives at the meaning "stela" and interprets Ezk. 43:7 as "With the stelae of

    22. W. Zimmerl| Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), 409.


    23. G. Fohrer, Ezechiel. HATVI3 (1955), V13,244.
    24. See l.l.a above.
    25. A. B. Ehrlich, Randglossen zur Hebriiischen Bibel V (1912), 148.

    L
    482 a\Q pagar

    their kings (they desecrated) their high places,"26 since they added these memorial
    stones dedicated to the gods to the cultic inventory of the bdmA.
    Albright prefers the reading bebdmdldm, understanding it as a reference to "a spe-
    cial funerary installation separate from the royal tombs tlemselves," where the memo-
    rial stelae of the kings were set up.27 According to Galling, the text has to do with me-
    morial stelae set up "within my walls" (reading bebdmdlqy [cf. Isa. 56:5] for bdm61dm,
    which fits better with the text that follows) for the ancestor cult of departed kings (like
    those in the stela sanctuary at Hazor), evoking an atmosphere of death that is con-
    demned here (cf. Zimmerli: "by the memorials of their kings at their death";.2s
    Etymologically, peger in the sense of "memorial stela" could be considered a sec-
    ondary development from pegeq "corpse."2e The same holds true for the third proposed
    translation: "sacrifice for the dead."

    3. Sacrifice. In Akkadian, pagra'um, pagrhm means "a sacrifice to Dagan (?)," who
    appears at Mari as be-el pa-ag-re-e, "lord of the pagrA sacrifices."3o For Ugar. pgr
    WUS, after the analogy of Arab. faEr gives the meanings "l. daybreak" and accord-
    ingly "2. morning sacrifice (?;."1t 1, the Mari texts pagra'urn denotes a specific kind of
    sacrifice (in his glossary, Finet assigns the lexeme the meaning "death" in the sg. and
    "sacrifice of the dead" in the pl.); Ebach therefore proposes "sacrifice for the dead" as
    the meaning of Ugar. pgr in part because of Heb. peger "corpse."32 (Dietrich, Loretz,
    and Sanmartin also see in pgr a sacrifice, not further specified.) On account of the par.
    z"n,A1 (in the sense of cultic impurity), he suggests consideration of this meaning for
    Ezk.43:7,9 (probably also for Jer. 3l:40 and possibly for Gen. 15:11), especially be-
    cause this term was infected with the odium of syncretism, since it denoted a sacrifice
    originally offered to a non-Israelite god.
    Maiberger

    26. Neiman, 59. See UT no.2O05: pga "monument, stela." For the Phoenician inscriptions
    see KAI l, 4, and 6.
    27 . W. F. Albright, Volume du Congr?s, Strasbourg 1956. SW 4 (1957), 247 -48.
    28. K. Galling, ZDPV 75 (1959) 12; Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 409.
    29. Neiman,60.
    30. AHw, II, 809a; HAL; but cf. ARM, X, 63, 15: "lord of the dead."
    31. No. 2189.
    32. Finet, ARM, XV,238; Ebach, 368.
    a7? Pa$a

    ilJQ tada; nfi? p"dfrt; l|\l piQyon

    I. Semitic. II. OT: l. Pre-Deuteronomic Texts; 2. Deuteronom(ist)ic Texts; 3. Exilic Texts;


    4. Postexilic Texts. III. Early Judaism, LXX, Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Semitic. Therootpdy (III weak) is well attested in Akkadian as padfi/pedfr, "spare,


    release"; the Assyrian king is often called la padil, "merciless."l It is rare in Ugaritic;
    Whitakercites l2occurrencesof pdy (plus2 of pdyt),primarilypropernames; manyap-
    pear to be Hurrian.2 The root appears to be unknown in Aramaic (apart from an Israelite
    name in the Mura5u archives).3 It is well attested with the meaning "buy, pay, redeem" in
    Old South Arabic, however, as well as in later Semitic languages: Arabic (afedu offering
    "to deliver a person or an animal from imminent destruction"), Ethiopic, and Punic.a

    padA. M. A. Anat, "Determinism and Redemptionl' BMiqr 23 (1978) 425-29 (Heb.); C. Barth,
    Die Errenung vom Tbde in den individuellen Klage- und Dankliedem des ATs (1947), 133-37;
    E. Beaucamp, 'Alle origine della parola 'redenzione,"' BibOr 2l (1979) 3-ll; idem, 'Aux origines
    du mot 'r6demption,"' Laval thiologique et philosophique 34 (1978) 49-56; J. L. Cunchillos,
    "Rachat. I. AT," DBS, IX, 1045-54; G. I. Davies, '"The Hebrew Text of Exodus VIII 19 (Evv. 23): An
    Emendation," w24 (1974) 489-92; R. Duval, "Exode et altdrit6," RSPT 59 (1975) 217-41;F. Gucia
    L,6pez, "'Un peuple consacr6,'analyse critique de Deut6ronomeYlll'W32(1982) 438-63,esp.445-
    55; H. Goeke, "Das Menschenbild der individuellen Klageliedef' (diss., Bonn, l97l), 172ff.;
    H. Gross, "Selbst- oder Fremderkistngl' Won, Lied und Gottesspruche. FS J. Zegler F?B 2 (1972),
    II, 65-70; F. K. Heinemann, "Erl0sung im AT," Theologie der Gegenwart 25 (1982) 42-55;8. Jan-
    owski, "Ausl0sung des verwirkten l*bens]'ZTK79 (1982) 25-59; idem, Siihne als Heilsgeschehen.
    WMANT 55 (1982); A. Jepsen, "Die Begriffe des Erltisens im Af,," Solange es heute heisst. FS
    R. Henmann (1958), 153-62; H. W. Jiingling, "Ich mache dich zu einer ehemen Mauer," Bibl 54
    (1973) l-24;H.-J. Kraus, "Erldsung. II. Im AT," RGG:, II,586-88; M. R. Lrhmann, "Identification of
    the Copper Scroll Based on Its Technical Terms," RevQ5 (1965/65) 97-105; L. de Lorenzi, "Gesir
    )turptor{q," RivB 8 (1960) 10-41, esp. 15-16; A. A. Macintosh, "Exodus VIII 19, Distinct Redemption
    and the Hebrew Roots i'l'tD and I'ID," W 2l (1971) 548-55; J. Mej(a, "La liberaci6n, aspectos
    biblicos: evaluaci6n critica," Tbologia (Buenos Aires) l0 (1972nr 25-61; W F. Meyer, "Semantic
    Significance of ilJ! in OT Hebrew" (diss., Wisconsin, 1974); J. Nuffes Carreira, "O exodo e a
    *RShW, RShWT, FDy, FDyT and
    linguagea de libertagaol' Dido.slaliaT (1977)239-58; J. Pirenne,
    the Priesthood in Ancient South Arabia," Pmceedings of the Semilrarfor Arabian Studies 6 (1976)
    137-43; O. Procksch, "truro," IDNI IV,328-35; A. Schenker, "tdperet expiation," Bibl63 (1982)32-
    46; l. J. Stamm, Erldsen und Vergeben im AT (194O),7-30; idem, Das lziden des Unschul.digen in
    Babylon und Israel. ATANT l0 (19,+6),68-69; idem,'i'l'lD pdh to redeem, liberatei TLOTll,9@-76;
    C. Stuhlmiiller, Creative Redemption in Deutem-lsaiah. AnBibl 43 (197O); R. J. Thompson, Peni-
    tence and Sacrifice in Early Israel Outsidc the l,evitical law (1963); J. Untermann, "The Relation-
    ship of Repentance and Redemption in Jeremiah" (diss., Berkeley, 1983).

    l. For Akkadian see AHw II, 808; on the Assyrian see Seux, 210.
    2. See WUS, no.2194-98: Whitaker, 521.
    3. F. Vattioni, Bibl50 (1969) 365.
    4. On Old South Arabic see Beeston,43; Biella, 401. On Arabic, A. Jaussen, Coutumes des
    arabes au pays de Moab (1908), 361-62. On Ethiopic, LexLingAth, 1 378-80. On Punic, KAI, ll,
    92, 114;Ben2,97,389.
    a7? P"4a

    The root appe:lrs 70 or 7l times in the OT,s often several times in the same verse.
    The verb is found in the qal (51 times), niphal (3 times), hiphil, and hophal (once each).
    Substantival use of the root is uncommon: it occurs 2 or 3 times in the form p"dfr!, 4
    times as peQfiyim (Q: pdym), once in the form piSybn, ard twice in the vaiant pi8y6m.
    The root also appears in several PNs: pe/dh'El, p"ddyA, pc/dydhfi, and pejdhsfir T\e
    PN p(e)d(a)yalra is found on seals.6
    The root frequently parallels -+ )Xf gd'at (Lev.27:27; Isa. 35:9-10; 5l:10-l l; Jer.
    31:11; Hos. 13:14; Ps. 69:l9tl8l) and once + )y: nsl (Isa. 50:2), found also in Jer.
    15:21.7 Other semantic relations are discussed at + "!'l)f b"kbr -+ Nlt ydsd', + lttlr
    yi', and above all -+ 'lDf kipper (see Ex. 2l:30).e

    II. OT. The original meaning is certainly juridical, as Old South Arabic and
    Ugaritic usages show The Ugaritic text KTU 3.4 contains a document of release from a
    legal obligation.e But the theophorous names with pdy suggest also a broader meaning
    such as "set free."l0 As always in prebiblical civilization, the meaning is both secular
    and religious, i.e., cultic.

    l. Pre-Deuteronomic Texts. We may identify as pre-Deuteronomic the following


    texts: Ex. 2l:8,30; 34:20 (3 times); very probably: I S. 14:45;2 S. 4:9; I K. l:29; Isa.
    29:22; Hos. 7:13;' 13:14; Mic. 6:4; probably: Ex. 8: 19(23).
    The two texts from the Covenant Code (Ex. 2l:8,30) contain customary law. V. 8
    deals with the redemption (hiphil) by a third party of a female slave or concubine
    whose master does not wish to marry her.lr V. 30 deals with the payment (pi/ydn) the
    owner of a goring ox must give as ransom ftAper) for his own life if his failure to re-
    strain it results in someone's death.l2
    With minor stylistic variations, the same law appears in Ex. 13:13. Although the law
    appears here in a context that has undergone Deuteronomistic redaction, the text does
    not treat the subject in the same way as Dt. 15: 19 and must therefore be considered pre-
    Deuteronomic; it should possibly be assigned to E. There is no recognizable theologi-

    5. On p'Qfi1in Ex. 8:19(Eng. v.23), see HAI. III, 913; Macintosh; and Davies.
    6. P. Bordreuil and A. Lemaire, Sem26 (1976) 52:' Vattioni, no.45,235:' also Arad ostracon
    49:15: see R. Lawton, Bibl 65 (1984) 343-44.
    7. See H.-W. Jiingling, Bibl 54 (1973) 8, who compares Jer. l:18-19 and 15:20-21.
    8. See, respectively, II, 126; Y[,234, 242, 245; Yl, M5-46, 457; Yll,289-303.
    9. See Yaron; on the meaning "obligation" or "corv6e," see O. Loretz, UF 8 (1976) 449;
    M. Heltzer, Sem 30 (1980) 6-12.
    10. Stamm, TLOT, ll, 973.
    I l. H. Cazelles, Etudes sur le Code de
    l'Alliance (1946), l8; S. M. Patl, Studies in the Book
    of the Covenant in the Light of Cuneifurm and Biblical Law. SW 18 (1970), 53-54; Stamm,
    TLOT, l,966.
    12. Cazelles, 57,152; Paul, 109, cf. 80-82; on the relationship with the laws of Eshnunna
    ($$53-54), see J. J. Finkelstein, The Ox That Gored (1981), 14-15; with the Code of Hammurabi,
    ibid., and V. Koro5ec, RIDA 8 (196O) 23; with Hittite law, R. Haase, RIDA 14 (1967) 36-47; ont-
    side the Near East, B. C. Jackson, '"Travels and Travails of the Goring Oxl' Studies in Bible and
    in the Ancient Near East. FS S. E Laewenstamm (1978), 4l-56.
    r7? padn

    cal variation. The Covenant Code treats the redemption of the firstborn in Ex. 22:28b-
    29.t3
    We are dealing here with the Israelite application of a general practice. The exis-
    tence of the Ugaritic theophorous names with pdy requires us to add Ex. 34:19-20 to
    these texts. This short piece of "ritual" legislation clearly has not undergone Deuter-
    onomic redaction;la if it had, its syntactic structure would be very different (cf. Dt.
    -23). The Israelite must redeem ( tipdeh) the firstborn ( b" k6 r ) or break the neck of
    I 5 : 19
    the peler rel.tem ("that which opens the womb") of a cow or a donkey probably not
    -
    the firstborn itself, but an article of value (on the basis of a Mari text).ts The b"f;6r and
    the peler rel.tembelongto the deity, but they may or must be redeemed. Consecration is
    not sacrifice. The text does not specify precisely what is given to the deity.
    This is also the case in I S. 14:45, where the people ('am) redeem or set free Jona-
    than, who is condemned to death by virtue of Saul's vow. It is the deity, however, who
    releases (a better translation than "redeems" or "delivers") the intended victim, as Da-
    vid reaffirms with his oath. The same formulation appears in I K. 1:29 with regard to
    David's successor. Isa.29:22 says the same of Abraham, without adding "from every
    danger." This is the theologoumenon to which Hos. 7: 13 alludes: it is God who releases
    from evil.
    The same theologoumenon is also present in Akkadian theophorous names with
    paldru and Egyptian personal names with nl.tmn. 16 But these verbs evoke the notion of
    magic or force.lT When the biblical author chose the legal term pd86 rather than ptr or
    y,f', it was probably to avoid charging the God of Abraham with acting in such a way.
    He chose a verb from the field of contract law, though reserving the setting of a price.
    The essential point is to make the God of Abraham, Israel, and David the sole agent in
    this act of release. Inlsa.29:22 it is the God of the house of Israel who released (or re-
    deemed) Abraham without saying how and from what. It is still the same religious
    -
    perspective ofreleasing or redeeming an individual from danger, oppression, or obliga-
    tion with respect to a third party.
    In Hosea the meaning becomes more theological, since he speaks of a collective re-
    demption. But the text, with the masc. pl. suf., still refers to a number of individuals
    rather than a people as such. Both passages use the lst person sg. qal perfective of
    pd/d. Grammatically, as in the previous instances, this would express an affirmation of
    God's positive desire to redeem. The context, however, which speaks of rebellion and
    lies against God, leads many translators (TOB, NJB, NEB, etc.) to readT:13 as a re-
    fusal on the part of God and treat it as a question expecting a negative answer. Others,

    13. For a detailed analysis, see M. Caloz, "Exode XIII,3-16 et son rapport au Deut6ronome,"
    RB 75 (1968) 5-62.
    14.H. Cazelles, "L'alliance du Sinai en Ex 34,10-27 1' M€langes bibliques et orientaux en
    I'honneur de M. Delcor AOAT 215 (1985), 57-68.
    15. For the former see DBS, Ylll,467-91; for the latter, H. Cazelles, "Consecration d'enfant
    et de femmes," Miscellanea Babylonica. FS M. Birot (1985), 45-50.
    16. See AN, 169, l9l; H. Ranke, Die altiigyptischen Personnenamen (1935), I, 208.
    17. Surpu, II, 134-84; E. Reiner, Surpu. BA1O ll (1953), 17-18.
    n7? pada

    however, concurring with the early versions, maintain the positive sense (Osty and
    Trinquet, Rudolph, Andersen and Freedman, Mays, Hauret, Wolff). The same diver-
    gence is manifested in Hos. l3:14, where pd/i appears in parallel with g7; the context
    speaks of stillbirth and Sheol. Many likewise see a rhetorical question in the parallel "I
    will be your plague, O Death, I will be your destroyer (qdte!), O Sheol," reading with
    the LXX (poil) 'ayyeh instead of '"hi. But everyone who follows this line recognizes
    that the LXX does not solve the problem.l8 MT "ii fits quite naturally into the series of
    verbs, but the question "Where?" is out of place. Death and Sheol are personified, as
    are the destructive powers; Hosea is reasserting the traditional affirmation of God's
    power over all other powers, even death (likewise personified in Isa. 28:15).tl 15it
    does not mean that God will in fact redeem, since v. 15 announces the ruin of Ephraim,
    but only that God has the power to do so (perfective used in a modal sense).
    In every era the theology of sacral history crystallizes around the exodus from
    Egypt. I would hesitate to read pc/fr1 in Ex. 8: 19(23),20 since the verse probably speaks
    of a "miraculous separation" rather than a redemption "between my people and your
    people." But the diastol4 of the LXX can mean "payment,"2l and bAn is used in the
    realm of transactions. We would have here a gratuitous act of collective redemption by
    God; the verb .fyr could be used in the sense of "imposing" a payment or obligation
    (Ex. 2l:22; Nu. 12: I I ).
    This theology of deliverance through a gratuitous act of God's power finds more
    precise expression in Mic. 6:4. The authenticity of this verse is less controverted than
    that of others;zz it displays indisputable evidence of pre-Deuteronomic origin. The par-
    allel "bring up out of Egypt" differs from the Deuteronomic "bring out of Egypt"i23 the
    equal treatment of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam as deliverers is hardly compatible with
    the total dominance of Moses in the texts of Deuteronomy and P. "I delivered you from
    a house of slavery" refers to an administration in which all particularly the officials
    were branded as Pharaoh's "servants." In Deuteronomy -the expression takes on the
    -sense of a "land of slavery" for Israel.

    2. Deuteronom(ist)ic Texts. The relevant Deuteronomic texts are Dt. 7:8: 9:26:
    13:6(5); 15:15;21:8;24:18. The Deuteronomistic rexts are 2 S. 7:23 and Isa. 1:27, to-
    gether with (less certainly) Jer. 15:21 and 31:ll.
    We read in Dt. 7:8 that "Yahweh brought you out with a mighty hand and re-
    deemed you from the house of slavery, from the hand of Pharaoh king of Egypt." The
    same theme expressed in the same language reappears in 9:26; l3:6(5); 15: 15 ("Re-
    member: when you were a slave in the land of Egypt, Yahweh your God redeemed

    18. See H. W Wolff, Hosea. Herm (Eng. trans. 1974),221.


    19. But cf. F. I. Andersen and D. N. Freedman, Hosea. AB 24 (1980),639-40:E. Jacob, Osie.
    CAT Xra (1965),93-94.
    20. See H. Cazelles, Studien zum Pentateuch. FS W. Komfeld (1977),46 n.32.
    21. LSJ, 413a,4.
    22. J. L. Mays, Micah. OTL (1976), 130.
    23. See J. Wdngaards, y7'15 (1965) 9l-1O2.
    a7? Pada

    you"), in a pericope that is taken from the Covenant Code but given different content
    and form. In 21 :8 the pa/A of Yahweh establishes an atoning sacrifice (kipper) for Is-
    rael, to absolve the people from the guilt of blood shed by unknown persons. Finally,
    in connection with the taking of a pledge, 24:18 recalls that Yahweh gratuitously re-
    deemed Israel when it was a slave in Egypt. We see here how the legal and theologi-
    cal (sacral history) meanings overlap. This is also recalled by the prayer of David
    (2 S. 7:23, Dtr;.ze
    There are two occurrences of paSd in Jeremiah. Jer. 15:21 concludes one of the
    "confessions of Jeremiah."25 One might see in it an oracle of Jeremiah from the period
    of his exile under King Jehoiakim. God will make Jeremiah a bronze wall, impregnable
    to his enemies: "I will deliver you (hissalttli) out of the hand of the wicked, and re-
    deem you (p'di$ka) from the grasp of the ruthless." Again we are dealing with deliver-
    ance by God's power and individual redemption, but the images employed make the
    prophet a symbol of the people. Ittmann believes this verse is a later restatement of
    2O:13b.26 Hubmann, however, sees in vv. 20-21 a further development of the text
    evoked by a new crisis in Jeremiah's life.27
    Jer. 3l: I 1 is in the Book of Comfort, one of the most important collections in the
    composition of the book of Jeremiah. On the one hand, it makes allusions to the fall of
    Judah; on the other, it contains early oracles from the period of high hopes following
    the fall of Assyria and Josiah's reconquest of some northern areas. Btihmer rejects
    Jeremianic authenticity on the basis of the parallel use of gd'al (twice in Deutero-
    Isaiah;.za But the root g 7 also appears in the juridical section of Jer. 32 (vv. 7-8). None-
    theless, the pericope with the twin themes of the restoration of Samaria and the cult in
    Zion (Jer. 31:1-6; authentic) does fit with Deuteronomistic theology.ze

    3. Exilic Texts. The exilic texts are all in Deutero-lsaiah. Ezekiel never wes pd@A
    and uses 97 only once (as a noun), and then with the meaning "kin" rather than "re-
    demption." Ezekiel, too, looks for a return brought about by God's power, but he puts
    more emphasis on the presence of God in the midst of the people.
    By contrast, Deutero-Isaiah frequently uses 97 for the deliverance of Israel from
    those who would wreak vengeance on it, while asing pdh only twice: Isa. 50:2 and
    5 I : 1 1.30 In 50:2 it appears in a juridical context as the subst. p"dfrL par,to hissil. "You
    were sold because of your sins." There was a bill of divorce, but God's hand proved to

    24. P. Kyle McCarter, II Samuel. AB 9 (1984), 2110; M. Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the
    De ute ronomic School (197 2), 42, 326-29.
    25. On its literary structure, see H. Mottu, lzs "Confessions" de JCrimie (1985), 83-100; see
    also the analysis by W. Thiel, Die deuterunomistische Redaktion von Jeremia I-25. WMANT 4l
    (1973), who is not certain that the verse is Dtr.
    26. N. Ittmann, Die Konfessionen leremias. WMANT 54 (1981), 44-49,54-55.
    27. F. D. Hubmann, Untersuchungen zu den Konfessionen. FzB 30 (1978).
    28. S. Bdhmer, Heimlcehr und neuer Bund (1976),69.
    29. On the authenticity of Jer. 31:l-6 see ibid., 8l-82. See also H. Weippert, Die Prosareden
    des Jeremiabuches. BZAW 132 (1973).
    30. On g'l -+ II, 354. On pdh see DBS, IX, 1052-53.

    L-_
    n7? pada

    be not too short to set free. In a similar fashion, in 5 1: 1 I those "set free" by Yahweh re-
    turn to Zion. Neither text uses pdh in strict parallelism with g7.
    There is good reason for warlting to date lsa. l:27 in the same period (Isa. I betrays
    evidence ofDeutero-Isaianic redaction): "Zion shall be set free byjustice lmilpAt cf.
    4O:t4; 42:1,3), and those who return to it fidleyhd, 'captives' ?] by righteousness." But
    such ideas appear also in Trito-lsaiah, although pdh never occurs there.

    4. Postexilic Texts.T-be postexilic prophets do not usepdft, with the exception of two
    texts already bearing apocalyptic coloration that draw on the theology of Deutero-
    Isaiah. In the "Little Apocalypse" of Isaiah (35:10), those set free by Yahweh return
    filled with joy to Zion. According to Deutero-Zechariah (Zec. l0:8), those who have
    been set free are full of joy and await the "signal of the one who gathers them."
    P uses pdSd frequently (15 times), but the occurences are concentrated in four pe-
    ricopes (Lev. 19:20;27:27 -29: Nu. 3:46-51; l8:15- 17). Except for Lev. 19, they all ap-
    pear to belong to expansions @s) of the basic P document, which adapt the historical
    legal text to the conditions of the restored cult in the second temple.3l
    The subject is always payment for a release. The most interesting instance is Lev.
    19:20 (Holiness Code): it deals with the guilt offering to be presented by a man who
    has had sexual relations with another man's slave, a woman who has been neither ran-
    somed (nipddld) nor freed (l.tupiA). This text is purely juridical.
    The three other passages deal with the redemption of the firstborn, which is legiti-
    mated theologically on the grounds that they are holy @A/ei, Nu. l8:17). Israel is de-
    scribed as a holy people, consecrated to God, in Deuteronomy, the Holiness Code (Lev.
    17-26), Ezekiel, and P.32 Nu. 3 (Ps) permits the enrollment of the Levites (contrary to
    Lev. l:49 [Pc]; cf. l:47). The Levites belong to Yahweh (Nu.3:45) and are looked
    upon as the ransom price of the firstborn of Israel; even the amount owed is calculated
    precisely (3:48-50). Nothing is said about the Levites being "holy." Only the priest
    (kOhen) is qdSei; in this legislation the Levites are cleansed and given to the priest
    Aaron and his sons to minister in the sanctuary (Nu. 8:19).
    In the schedule presented in Lev. 27, one of the latest texts of the Pentateuch, un-
    clean animals can be redeemed (pdh,27:27); but persons or animals that have been de-
    voted to Yahweh by hdrem (+ E'18 ltaram) cannot be redeemed, since they belong to
    Yahweh absolutely (vv. 28-29).
    After the return from exile and the restoration of the temple liturgy, the Psalms also
    take up this theme. The l6 occurrences of the root in the Psalter are not concentrated in
    any of the collections; the meaning is somewhere between "redeem" and "set free."
    In this regard Ps. 49, a wisdom psalm, is the most interesting. The text is difficult
    and badly preserved,33 especially v. 9(8). One person cannot "ransom" another, not
    even by paying God the pice (kdper: v. 8[7]); nor can persons ransom themselves,

    31. On Nu. I see DBS, VII, 842, 851.


    32. DBS, X,1424-29.
    33. H.-J. Kraus, Psalras l-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 478tt.;1. van der Ploeg, OTS 13 (1963) 139;
    L. G. Perdue, JBL93 (1974) 533-42.
    n7? po4a 489

    whatever price they offer (v. 9[8]). Only Yahweh can ransom alife (nepei, v. 16[15];
    cf. Hos. 13:14) and "take" (laqab a person from the power of Sheol (the same verb is
    used of Enoch in Gen. 5:24 and Elijah in 2K.2:lO).It is a frequent theme in the Psalms
    that God sets people hee, whether in the past (Ps. 78:42,from the foe [sar; cf.2 S.
    4:91; Ps. I 1l:9: "he sent pe/A!') or in the present (Ps. 25:22). Ps. 130 makes clear that
    Go{ sets Israel free from all its iniquities (v. 8), for his pcQfr1 is plenteous.
    Most often it is an individual or an individual's life (see the discussion of Ps. 49
    above) that is the object of Yahweh's liberating act (Ps. 26ll;31:6[5]; 55:19[18];
    7l:23). One may be set free from enemies (69:19[8]) or oppression (l19:134). In
    34:23(22) and M:27(26), it is the psalmist whom God sets free. Along the same lines
    Nehemiah reminds God that he set his servants the Israelites free by his power (Neh.
    l:10);intheChronicler'sversionof theprayerof David(l S.7), lCh.17:2l reaffrrms
    that God "redeemed" or "set free" his people to make them his own.
    The three occurrences in the book of Job (5:20, from death; 6:23, from oppressors;
    33:28, from the Pit) fit with the usage of the Psalms. It is surprising that pdh is not
    found elsewhere in protocanonical wisdom literature. It appears only in the concluding
    prayer of Sirach (51:.2): "You have preserved my body from destruction."

    III. Early Judaism, LXX, Dead Sea Scrolls. The root does not appear in either the
    Hebrew or Aramaic sections of Daniel. It is highly unlikely that it was in the Hebrew
    text used by the LXX; in Pr. Azar. 66 (= 111Dnl. 3:88) lytroiln more likely represents
    prq (as in 4:24) or iAzi! (as in 6:27[MT 28]).
    The LXX varies widely in its translationof pdh. Most commonly it uses lytroiln and
    its compounds (47 times), which it also uses 7 times to represent kpr In addition, it
    uses rhlesthai "restrain, save" (5 times: e.g., Job 5:20; 6:23; Isa. 50;2), alldssein,
    "give in exchange" (3 .times: Ex. l3: l3 [twice]; Lev.27:27), arrd, aphorizein, syndgein,
    and s6zein (once each). In three passages it resorts to paraphrase.
    While the LXX prefers hikisl<esthai, "reconcile, atone," and hagidzein, "sanctify,
    consecrate," for kipper (and twice for kaper), it clearly understands pd/d in the sense
    of lytroiln and its compounds, which in classical Greek imply a payment or ransom.34
    It thus preserves the original meaning, even though in some cases it notes that God's
    redemption is gratuitous and therefore translates in a theological sense.35
    Theverb pa/A occurs 13 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls, thesubst. pe/A114 times (al-
    most exclusively in the millnmd @xts), and, pdwyym once (4Q51 1 36:3). While kipper
    predominates in the Rule texts (lQS, CD) and the Temple Scroll, paQd is concentrated
    inthe Hodayor, where it has the same meaning as in the Psalms. God frees the nepei of
    the poor (lQH2:32,35) and saves the hymnodist from the Pit (3:19). In IQM l:12;
    l4:5,'m pdwl 'I, "people of God's redemption," appears to be a self-designation of the
    Qumran community. The termpdwr in lQM is to be understood (with Carmignac) as a

    34. For examples see TDM [V,332.


    35. TDNT, IV, 333-34; S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire du culte dans la Septante
    (1966), 325, arld the notes on the Hexapla.

    L-.
    1l peh

    "liberation" of the people by God, a pure gift of graca.36 The usage of pd/6 in the Tem-
    ple Scroll is fundamentally comparable to Deuteronom(ist)ic usage: God redeems Is-
    rael from the house of slavery (54:16), from the hand of those who hate it (59:1 1), and
    increases its number 0. 12). God pardons his people, whom he has redeemed (63:6).
    The root pdh/pd'appears about 100 times in rabbinic literature.3T The juridical
    meaning predominates in applying biblical texts that deal with the redemption of con-
    secrated objects or the firstborn. Midrash and Talmud also speak of the freeing of Is-
    rael.38 The Jewish conception of redemption from guilt and error developed around &pr
    rather than pdh.
    Cazelles

    36. See F. Ndtscher, Zur theologischenTerminologie der Qumran-Texte. BBB l0 (1956), 188-
    89.
    37. Kasowski, Thesaurus Mischnae (rev. ed. 1967), s.v.
    38. Jastrow, 1136-37.

    I. Ancient Near East: l. Akkadian; 2. Ugaritic; 3. Phoenician, Hebrew, Aramaic. II.


    Occurrences and Distribution. III. Semantic Survey: l. Orifice; 2. Bodily Organ; 3. Organ of
    Communication; 4. Idioms. IV. Specific Usages: l. Bodily Organ; 2. Organ of Communication.
    V. Theological Usage: L Yahweh's Mouth; 2. Prophets; 3. Worshipers. VL Wisdom: l. General;
    2. Wise vs. Foolish; 3. Power;4. Ethical Ideal. VII. l. LXX; 2.Dead Sea Scrolls.

    peh. M. Bernaert, Ceur langue mains dans la Bible. Cahiers Evangile 46 (1983);
    - -
    W. Biihlmann, Vom rechten Reden und Schweigen. OBO 12 (1976); E. Cortese, Da Mos? a Esdra
    (1985); M. Dahood, "Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexicography, VIII," Bibl 5l (1970) 391-404, esp. 395-
    96; P. Dhorme, "Uemploi m6taphorique des noms de parties du corps en h6breu et en akkadien,
    IV," RA 30 (1921) 517-4O; P. Fronzaroli, Studi sul lessico commune semitico. AANLR 19 (1964),
    255, 269; T. H. Gaster, 'A Canaanite Magical Textl' Or ll
    (1942) 4l-79; B. de Geradon, "Le
    ceur, la bouche, les mains," BVC I (1953) 7-24; idem, Iz cewt la langue, les mains O97D;
    J. H. Greenberg, The Languages of Africa (1963); R. Grelot, "La bouche du gloire," Sem 35
    (1985) 6l-65; A. R. Johnson, The Vitality of the Individual in the Thought of Ancient Israel
    (21964); C. J. Labuschagne, 'i1! peh mouthl' TLOT ll, 976-79; A. Lemaire, Inscriptions
    hibraiques, l. ks ostraca (1977); H. Michaud, "Les ostraca de Laki5 conserv6s i Londres," Syr
    33134 (1956157) 39-60, esp. 55-56; W H. Schmidt, 'Anthropologische Begriffe im AT," EvT 24
    (1964) 374-88; R. Sollamo, Renderings of Hebrew Semiprepositions in the Septuagint.
    AnAcScFen Dissertationes Humanarum Litterarum 19 (1979), esp.224-34; J. H. Tigay, "'Heavy
    of Mouth'and 'Heavy of Tongue,"' BASORZ3I (1978) 57-67;H. W. Wolff, Anrftropology of the
    OT (Eng. trans. 1974).
    lQ peh 491

    I. Ancient Near EasL Heb. peh, "mouth," represents a monoconsonantal root found
    in all Semitic languages, but expanded variously in some: Akk. and Amor. pfi (also Old
    AY,k.pd'um,plum),Ugu.p, Phoen.py, Arab.fi (const.;abs.usuallyexpanded tofam),
    OSA/(only with the meaning "command"), Ararn. pum (expanded), Eth. 'al

    l. Ak:kadian. In Akkadian literature pfr appears in many expressions that have ana-
    logues in Biblical Hebrew. For example, the Old Akkadian formula ina ptm u liidnim
    emphasizes the parallelism between mouth (pfi) and tongue (lildnu).lThe familiar bib-
    lical expression m6sd'peh (Dt. 8:3) corresponds to Akk. ;tt pt, "that which issues from
    the mouth."2

    2. Ugaritic. Ugaritic uses the monoconsonantal form p. The frequent use of syn-
    onyms and parallel terms that Ugaritic has in common with Hebrew is especially clear
    in the case of p, which parallels /Jn, "tongue,".lnr, "teeth," and lpt, "lip(s).": The Aqhat
    Epic frequently repeats the formula bph rgm I y;'par,.blpth hwt(h), "The word came
    forth from his mouth, the utterance from his lips."a The expression bphy{', "come forth
    from the mouth," recalls the Deuteronomic formula just cited.s In all these texts, p, ipt,
    andlin denote organs of speech.
    In two passages from the myth describing the battle between Baal and Mot,6
    Schmidt notes the parallelism between p and npl, whose meaning "throat" is close to
    that of peh, and points out the relevance of these texts to Isa. 5:14.7 In these myths
    p(eh) is an organ of the body used for eating or devouring; used metaphorically, it de-
    scribes the activity of Sheol, which devours like a monster.8 Ugaritic also uses p as an
    element in personal names.e

    3. Phoenician, Hebrew, Aramaic. The term "mouth" appears aspy in a few Phoeni-
    cian inscriptions and in the expression bpy in exrabiblical Hebrew; it appears as pm in
    Aramaic. All these occurrences date from the period of the OT.
    A 7th-century incantation in Phoenician script from Arslan Tash applies to the god
    Soron (or his consort the text is not clear) the epithet 'l tm py, "whose mouth [utter-
    -
    ancel is perfect [true1";.to This may be compared to Akkadian magical texts that speak

    l. AHw, I, 556a, 4a.


    2. For other analogues see Dhorme, 533-39; and AHw, ll, 872-74; for PNs see APN, 128,
    254.
    3. M. Dahood, Psalms III: l0I-150. AB 17A (1970), 454;M. Dahood, RS,l? I,309-ll, nos.
    455-58.
    4. KTU 1.19, II,26;111,7,21,35.
    5. See I.l above.
    6. KTU 1.5,1,7 par.II,4.
    7. P. 377.
    8. H. Wildberger, Isaiah l-12 (Eng. trans. l99l), 2O4-5; J. B. Bums, W 22 (1972) 245-46;
    M. Dahood, Bibl 5l (1970) 395.
    9. F. Grtindahl, PNU,l70.
    10. KAr 27.16.

    L-_
    1Q peh

    of a deity's purity of mouth or utterance; the epithet probably expresses the idea that
    the deity is lord (or lady) of the magic words.rr
    In ll. 3-5 of Lachish ostracon 16, Michaud reconstructs the following text: ilh'lbdk
    d)br bpy qlibyhwl hnb', "lYour servantl sent: [S]ay through the mouth of Qe[Sabyahu]
    the prophet."l2 If this reconstruction is right,l3 we have here a Hebrew inscription with
    a formulation resembling that found in prophetic literature.
    In the story of Ahiqar, we find two expressions typical of wisdom literature that re-
    semble in part expressions in Proverbs. ln7:97-98, we find the admonition to "guard
    one's mouth," because it can be the cause of trouble. The continuation (1. 99) points out
    that one can use one's mouth for the benefit of others, "because the ambush of the
    mouth is worse than the ambush of war" (lq 'zyz'rb pm mn'rb mlhm). In lO:156, pm
    parallels lin in a reflection typical of religious wisdom: y'pk 'l 'pk' wynsh linlhf, "God
    will pervert the mouth of the perverse [iar] and tear out [his] tongue."l4

    II. Occurrences and Distribution. The 505 occurences (not 5001s) of the nounpe/r in
    the OT are distributed quite uniformly among the various sections: 101 in the Tetrateuch
    (Genesis 21, Exodus 23, Lrviticus 8, Numbers 49), ll0 in Deuteronomy and the Deu-
    teronomistic History (Deuteronomy 23, Joshua 27 , Judges 15, Samuel 20, Kings 25),99 in
    wisdom literature (Job 36, Proverbs 56, Ecclesiastes 7), 95 in the remaining books (Psalms
    68, Song of Songs, Lamentations, Esther, and Daniel a total of 9, Chronicler's History 18).
    The word is normally in the singular (peh; const. pi); the plural appears only twice (Jgs.
    3:16;Prov.5:4:pcy6/pty6!).Inl S.13:21 pimdenotesaunitofweight.r6Twotextsusethe
    reduplicating formptptydT "cutting edges" (Isa.41:I5; Ps. I49:6).
    In the biconsonantal form pum,t1 the word appears 6 times in the Aramaic sections
    of Daniel.

    III. Semantic Survey. The noun peh is used in a variety of linguistic domains; it
    can belong to an object, an animal, a human being, a cultic image, or even God when
    the text speaks of God anthropomorphically.

    l. Orifice. In the broadest sense, peh denotes an orifice, in a variety of forms. The
    orifice normally connects an interior with an exterior. It may be the mouth of a well
    (Gen.29:2,3,8,10), the opening of a jar or sack (Gen.42:27:7,ec. 5:8), the entrance to a
    cave or a city (Josh. l0:18; Prov. 8:3), etc.

    I l. See Gaster, 4l-44, 62-63.


    12. Pp. 55-56.
    13. But see [,emaire, l3l.
    14. For Biblical Aramaic seeII below. For other occurrences of p(m) in West Semitic see
    DNSI, III,916-17; Tomback, 261-62.
    15. Contra Labuschagne, TLOT, I1,976.
    16. E. A. Speiser, BASORTT (1940) 18ff.; R. Gordis, JBL6I (1942) 209tr.; H. J. Stoebe, Das
    erste Buch Samuelis. KAT yllul (1973),255.
    17. See I.l above.
    it) peh

    2. Bodily Organ.In the narrower sense, in the case of animals and human beings, peh
    normally denotes the orifice in the front of the head that connects with the stomach (cf.
    Gk. st6ma, "mouth" stdmachos, "stomach"). In this sense the mouth is the organ that
    -
    serves for eating and drinking (Jgs. 7:6;Ezk.2:8; Ps. 78:30; Prov. 19:24; Neh. 9:20). This
    organ is associated with such adjacent organs as the lips, tongue, gums, and teeth.
    ln the extended sense, peh carl also refer to the earth, which is described as a mon-
    ster that devours human beings, animals, and objects (Gen.4:11; Nu. 16:30,32; Dt.
    11:6). By association, a sword is also said to have a peh; its blade devours the flesh of
    the enemy (Dt.32:42). The expression lcpi-here!. "by the edge of the sword," is espe-
    cially common in the historical books (Josh. 6:21;8:24; Jgs. l:8; 4:15:18:27; I S.
    22:19;2 S. 15:14; 2K.lO:25).

    3. Organ of Communication- In the OT the peh is the normal organ of linguistic


    communication. This usage reflects the basic meaning precisely, for language is an ex-
    pression of thoughts, which emanate from within the individual. The actual organs of
    speech are the lips and tongue,ls but the biblical text often transfers this function to the
    mouth (peh). In this sense peh refers to the mouth of a human being or of God (Gen.
    45:12;1 K. 8:15,24), rarely of an animal (Nu. 22:28). By metonymy, peh as an organ of
    communication can refer to what issues from the mouth (speech, words, commands,
    etc.; Nu. 14:41; Dt. 32:l; Ps. 19:15[Eng. v. 14]; Eccl. l0:12-13), whether the person is
    speaking directly or transmitting a message (Ex. 4:15-16; Jer. l5:19).
    Finally, the mouth is also used for kissing ( I K. 19: I 8). This is a special form of com-
    munication, which transmits a feeling. Although the mouth that gives a kiss is an external
    organ, the kiss represents love, the language ofthe heart (lob3l:27; Cant. l:2).

    4. Idioms. Finally, we note various fixed expressions using peh, such as k"pi, lept,
    and 'al-pi, "according to" (Ex. 16:21; Lev. 25:52; Nu. 26:54; Josh. 18:4; 2 K. 23:35:
    Prov.22:6); these are connected only indirectly with the basic meaning of the word, re-
    ferring to the norm established by speech (that which issues from the mouth).
    There are also special cases in which peh refers to a limit or end (2 K. lO:21; 2l:16;
    Ezn9:ll: "from one end to another." In this context we may note the possible etymo-
    logical connection between peh and +;1ND p€'A, "side, edge."le

    IV. Specifrc Usages.


    1. Bodily Organ. As an organ of the body for now disregarding its function the
    mouth is associated more or less closely with - other parts of the body. The primary- as-
    sociation of the mouth is with the head or better, considering the biblical perspective
    on the nature of human beings, the face,- i.e., the organs adjacent to or constituting the
    mouth.2O Especially important is the association of peh with ldi6n arrd SapA.zt Such as-

    18. -+ itDt? idpa; -->11ui, ldi6n.


    19. See VII.l below; also TLOT 11,976; GesTh, 1086-87.
    20. See Johnson, 40-50; Wolff, 74-79; --t drJD pdntm.
    21. See III.3 above.

    L
    nf; peh

    sociations are very common in poetic texts, where peh parallels these organs: peh par.
    ldi6n in lsa. 57:4; Jer. 9:7(8); Ps. l0:7; 37:30; 39:2(l); 50:19; 66:17; 73:9; 78:36;
    109:2;126:2; Job 15:5; 20:12:.33:2; Prov. l0:31; l5:2; 26,28:'31:26; cf. Ex. 4:10; peh
    par. Sapd in Isa. ll:4;29:13:MaL2:6,7; Ps. 5l:17(15);59:8,13(7,12);66:14; ll9:13;
    141:3; Job 8:21; L5:6; 23:L2; (33:2-3); Prov. 4:24; lO:32; l3:3; l4:3; 16:10,23;
    18:6,7,20; 27:2; Eccl. lO:12.
    In some cases "tongue" and "lips" alternate with or complement "mouth" (Dt.
    23:241221; Mic.6:12; Z.ec. 14:12; Ps.5:10[9];39:2lll;51:16-17[4-15];59:13[2];
    63:6; Prov. 18:20-21; 2l:23). In Isa. 6:7 peh and idpd are interchangeable: "He
    touched my mouth with it and said, 'This has touched your lips."' In Isa. ll:4 rfiah
    ldpdhas the same meaning as rfiah peh in Ps. 33:6. In addition, the mouth is associated
    with the palate (fre!,Ezk.3:26-27; Job 29:9-10; Prov. 8:7-8), so that by synecdoche he-!
    stands for the mouth (Hos. 8:l; lob 2O:12-13;33:2); the teeth (+ lU ldn, Mic.3:5;
    7*u9:7; Ps.58:7[6]; Lam. 2:16); the throat (gdriln, Ps. 5:10[9]); the cheeks (+ tll)
    I"fti, Job 16:10); the forehead (+ l'tP qeren, I S.2:l); the eyes (+ lt9 'ayin, Gen.
    45:12), and the ears ('6zen, Jer. 9:19[20]; Ps. 78:1; cf. Ps. 54:4121). One text uses
    "mouth" in parallel with "head" (rdt) (Prov. l0:6; cf. v.ll).22 More distant is the asso-
    ciation of "mouth" and "flesh" (bdfir Ps. 145:21; Eccl. 5:5).
    Second, we note the association of the mouth with the "inner parts" of the human
    body (qerep). What the mouth speaks comes from within (Ps. 5:10[9]). The most im-
    portant organ in this respect is the heart,z3 which is frequently associated with the
    mouth: "The word . . . is in your mouth and in your heart" (Dt. 30:14). The mouth and
    lips may move, but it is the heart that speaks (1 S. 1:12-13). There is therefore a vital
    relationship between these organs, whether harmonious (Ps. l7:3; 19:15[14]; 37:30-
    3l;49:4[3];66: l7-18; l4l:3-4; Job l5:12-13;22:22;31:27;33:2-3; Prov. 4:4-5,23-24;
    16:23;Eccl.5: l) or not (Isa. 29:13:'Ezk.33.,31;Ps. 55:22l2ll;78:36-37: cf. also Prov.
    15:14,28:1 S. 2:1). With the belly (beten) the mouth has a more organic and physical
    connection% than with the heart (Ezk. 3:3; Prov. 18:20). Also evident is the connection
    between peh and nepei; the basic meaning of the latter is "throat," but in this context it
    normally refers to an individual's vital breath (Ps. 63:6[5]; Prov.2l:23).
    Finally, we come to the association of the mouth with other members of the body,
    especially the hand.25 Several texts speak of raising the hand to the mouth to eat or
    drink (Jgs. 7:6; I S. 14:26,27; Ezk. 2:8-9; tuov. 19:24;26:15). Other texts speak of
    putting one's hand over one's mouth (iim yad 'al-peh: Jgs. l8:19; Mic. 7:16; Job 2l:5;
    40:4)20 to indicate silence; Jgs. 18:19 uses ltdrai,z7 "be silent," as a synonym. In P we
    find the characteristic formula "at the command of . . . under the direction of' ('al-ptX

    22. See the observations of W. McKane, Pruverbs. OTL (1970), 422: O. Pl6ger, Spriiche
    Salomos. BK XVII (1984), l2l.
    %. +a, bb.
    24. See III.2 above.
    25. --+ 1' ya/.
    26. For Egyptian parallels see R. Couroyer, RB 67 (1960) 197tr
    27. -+ ilDl II /EDl dnmA/ddmam.
    ill peh

    bjajY: Ex.38:21;Nu.4:37,45,49;9:23; l0:13; Josh. 22:9),whichexpresses deputa-


    tion and mediation, a perfect coordination of mouth and hand. The mouth describes an
    action, the hand puts it into effect (Jer.44:25; Ps. 144:7-8,11). The collaboration of
    Yahweh's mouth and hand is the subject of I K. 8:15,24 par. 2 Ch. 6:4,15. Yahweh's
    hand touches or rests on the mouth of a prophet (Jer. l:9; Ezk.33:22; cf. Isa. 5l:16).
    Yahweh punishes with his hand those who do not heed the commands of his mouth
    (1 S. 12:15).

    2. Organ of Communication. As an organ of communication, the mouth participates


    in various functions and activities, all related to language. From the biblical perspec-
    tive, the primary function of the human mouth (like the mouth of Yahweh) is speech.
    This function is fundamental to our understanding of the various nouns and verbs the
    OT uses for the words uttered by the mouth.
    First, there are terms denoting the communication of ideas: the verb dbr piel,
    "speak" (with a human subj.: Gen. 45:12; Jer.32:4;34:3; Ps. 49:4131;63:12[ll];
    66:14; 144:8,11; 145:21; with God as subj.: Nu. 12:8; Isa. l:20; 40:5; 58:14; Jer.
    9:llll2); Mic. 4:4), and its corresponding noun ddPdr, "word" (with a human subj.: Ps.
    36:4[31: Prov. 18:4;Eccl. l0:13; with Yahweh as subj.: Jer.9:19[20];Eznl:l;2Ch.
    36:21-22). This same function of generalized speaking without further qualification
    - is never used in conjunction
    is expressed by the verb 'Amari which, surprisingly,
    -with peh. Instead, the noun phrase 'imrA peh is used frequently, of both human beings
    (Dt. 32: I ; Ps. 19: I 5[ l4);
    54:412); 78: I ; Prov. 4:5 ; 5:7 ; 6:2; 7 :24; 8:8; Job 8:2; 23:12)
    and God (Hos. 6:5; Ps. 138:4). Other words used with peh are:.f ,/, "ask" (Gen. 24:57
    [humans]; Josh.9:14; Isa.30:2 [God]);'zft, "answer" (Dt.3l:21; 2 S. l:16; cf. Job
    l5:6; Prov. 15:28), and its nounm'nh (Job 32:5; Prov. l5:l); nb'hiphil, "cause words to
    gush forth" (Ps. 59:8[7]; 78:2;Prov.15:2,28); sprpiel, "tell" (Ps. 7l:15;cf .50:16);mll,
    "utter" (Job 8:2); ndqa!, "designate" (Isa.62:2, with Yahweh as subj.); hgh, "utter"
    (Ps.37:30; cf. Prov. 15:28); zgdhiphil, "declare" (Gen.437; Ps.5l:17[15]; cf. Dt.
    17:10; Isa. 48:3); yd'hiphil, "cause to know" (Ps. 89:2[]); ;iwwd, "command" (Isa.
    34:16, the mouth of Yahweh commands lkt-p? hfi' siwwd)).ln the light of these exam-
    ples, the parallelism between 'al-pt yhwh and ka'"ier siwwd yhwh is easy to understand
    (Nu. 3:16,51; 4:49;36:5-6; cf. Josh. 17:4:'el-pi), as are the parallelism between sjwwd
    andiimb"pi(2S. 14:19;Ezr.8:l7)ornAlanbcpi(Dl18:18)andtheassociationof "re-
    bel" (mdrd + peh) and "command" (;iwwd) (Josh. l:18; I K. 13:21). The mouth of
    - miswa! yhwh, I K. 13:21;
    Yahweh is also associated with his commands (pt yhwh
    Job 23:121, cf. also Dt. 8:2-6;.za In a similar fashion, peft is associated with t6rA: the
    law or instruction of Yahweh is called t6ra1 piln Gs. 119:72; cf. Job 22:22); the firA
    must be in the believer's mouth and must not depart from it (Ex. 13:9; Josh. l:8; Mal.
    2:6,7). A parallel expression is 'edfi! ptkA Qs. I 19:88; the suf. refers to Yahweh). In
    thiscontextwemayalsonotethephrase miipatpeh (Ps. 105:5;119:13; I Ch. 16:12).
    Second, there are utterances of the mouth that serve to convey feelings or emotions:

    28. See also V.l below.


    iI) peh

    hll piel, "praise" (Ps. 63:6[5], obj.: Yahweh; prov. 27:2, obj.: a human being; cf. also
    Ps. 34:2-3[-2]; 109:30;63:121ll in comparison with v. 6[5]), and the \oun fhiilA,
    "praise" (71:8, yimmdle' pt fhillap\a, "my mourh is filled with your [God,s] praise";
    cf . 34:2lll; similarly the mouth declares praise: 5 I : I 7[ l5]; cf . 4O:4[3]: 7 l:14-15); ydh
    hiphil, "give thanks" (109:30 par. with hll; cf. also 138:4, where thanksgiving is a re-
    sponse to promises uttered by Yahweh's mouth); brk piel, "bless" (32:4; 63:5-614-51;
    145:21, obj.: God; 62:5[4] condemns the two-faced who bless with the mouths while
    cursing in their hearts; cf. Prov. ll:l l); qll, "curse" (Job 3:l, ..Job opened his mouth
    and cursed his day"; cf. Ps. 62:5[4D: ra;a, "be pleased" (49:14[13] says that the rich
    are pleased with great words, whereas in I l9:108 the psalmist prays that yahweh will
    be pleased with the words of his mouth; similarly in l9:15[14] the psalmist prays that
    Yahweh will take pleasure lrdsonl in the words of his mouth ['imra-pfl); hnnhithpael,
    "implore" (Job 19:16, bcm6-pi 'elhannen-lb); qdrd',..call" (ps. -66:17, ,eldyi pt-
    qdrd'li, obj.: Yahweh; Prov. l8:6, frptw lcmahalumdyyiqrd', describing fools). Here too
    belongs the expression peh hdldq, "flattering mouth', (prov.26:2g).
    Finally, if we stay in the realm of communication, we come to a series of expres-
    sions using p eh that are ambiguous: the context determines which of the two meanings
    discussed above they convey. Such expressions include several that mean "open one,s
    mouth": pdsd peh (Jgs. I l:35-36; Job 35: l6; cf. Lam. 2:16;3:46), pdlatl peh (of human
    beings: Ezk. 2l:27 [22] ; Ps. 38: 14[ I 3]; 39: I 0[9]; 7B:2: tO9:2: prov. 24:7 ; 3t :8,9,26:
    Job 3:l; 33:2; Dnl. l0: l6; cf. Isa. 53:7; of God: Ezk. 3:27; 33:22), and pd'ar peh (ps.
    I l9:l3l; Job l6: l0; 29:23). These three verbs appear frequentry with peh in other con-
    texts; here we shall consider only combinations that remain in the realm of communi-
    cation. other expressions are: 'dpar piw, "transgress with one's mouth" (ps. l7:3);
    iamar peh, "guard one's mouth" (Mic. 7:5; Prov. 2l:23); sdftar peh, ,.cover one's
    mouth" (Ps. 63: 12[ l)); itm yA/ lpeh, "lay one's hand on one,s mouth,, (Job 40:4; cf.
    Prov. 30:32 without iim); bdhal'al-pt, "speak very quickly" (Eccl. 5:lt2l); hdiaft peh,
    "restrain one's mouth" (Job 7:l 1). Such expressions usually denote an activity that can
    be qualified in terms of the antithesis "prudent/stupid."2e
    These various usages have enabled us to observe the broad semantic range of the
    lexeme peh. ln the human domain, the lexeme is both psychological and physical:
    sometimes it refers to psychological qualities (emotions, intellect), sometimes to phys-
    ical qualities (a part of the body with its own characteristic functions). The instances
    associated with the psychological realm of communication are replete with overtones
    of wisdom and ethics. They illustrate personal conduct as expressed through the
    mouth. In other cases, the language takes on a religious sense, especially when yahweh
    invades the psychological domain, the human heart and mouth always, when a hu-
    man being becomes a mouthpiece to express God's thoughts and- God's will.
    V. Theological Usage. Here we shall consider only those passages where the mouth
    is associated with Yahweh whether they speak directly of yahweh's mouth, describe
    -

    29. See VI below.


    il peh

    Yahweh as speaking through another's mouth, or mention the mouth of someone en-
    gaged in dialogue with Yahweh.

    l. Yahweh's Mouth. The primary texts that speak of Yahweh's mouth are those that
    use the expression pt yhwh by itself (47 instances) or with a preposition (kpt yhwh,
    I Ch. 12:241231; mippi 1thwh, Jer.23:16;2 Ch.36:12; cf.2 Ch.35:22, mippt aldhtm).
    The expression pi yhwh is an anthropomorphism; it means literally "mouth of
    Yahweh," but it is usually understood figuratively as referring to what is in or comes
    from the mouth of Yahweh. The expression appezus frequently in legal and prophetic
    contexts, especially in the Deuteronomistic and P traditions.
    Dt. 8:3, a text from the time of Josiah before Deuteronomistic redaction, uses the
    expression kol-m6sd'pi-yhwh, which has clear precursors in Akkadian and Ugaritic lir
    eratures.30 At first glance, this expression means precisely "what comes from the
    mouth of Yahweh"; but in the narrower context, the words represent a structural nu-
    cleus of the catechetical unit Dt. 8:2-6 and refer to the expression mi;w61yhwh, which
    occurs several times in this pericope (vv.2,6).In this case, therefore, "everything that
    comes from the mouth of Yahweh" means first and foremost Yahweh's command-
    ments.3l
    The Deuteronomistic and P traditions use the expression pt yhwh to denote
    Yahweh's commandment, instruction, or mandate (Ex. l7:1; Lev.24:12; Nu. 3:16,39,
    5l; 4:37,41,45,49;9:18,20,23; 10:13l' l3:3; 33:2,38; 36:5 [all P]; and Dt. 34:5; Josh.
    15:13; 17:4; 19:50; 2l:3; 22:9; 2 K. 24:3 [all Dtr]). This meaning is clearly confirmed
    by the passages that use the expression pi yhwh in conjunction with expressions that re-
    fer explicitly to Yahweh's commandment (e.9., siwwd or miimerel32) or to a law estab-
    lished by Yahweh. In the majority of these texts, Moses (or less frequently Joshua) is
    charged with interpreting the will of Yahweh and seeing to it that the commandments
    are obeyed. Thus Moses appears as the mediator of God's will, acting as a middleman
    between God and God's people.
    Not to accept Yahweh's will is to rebel against him. For example, Balaam finds it
    more important to acknowledge God's will than to carry out the intentions of Balak.
    No matter what rewards Balak offers, Balaam will not transgress the commandment of
    Yahweh: ld"frkal la'"pdr'e1-pi yhwh (Nu. 22:18; 24:13 texts introduced by later
    -
    redactions33). The expression 'alar 'e1-pt-yhwh is synonymous with l.ta1d', "sinl' as
    Saul's confession to Samuel shows (l S. 15:24 [Dtr]).
    The Deuteronomistic and P traditions in particular contain many accounts of the
    people's rebellion against the will of Yahweh. Dt. l:26,43;9:23; I S. 12:14,15; I K.
    13:21,26 (typically Dtr texts) use the verb mard, "rebel," in conjunction with the ex-
    pressionpiyhwhto describe Israel's opposition to a divine command. The same situa-
    tion appears in Nu. 20:24 and27:14 (P); the wording is slightly different, but the mean-

    30. See I.1,2 above.


    31. F. Garcia L6pez, Bibl 62 (1981) 50-53.
    32. See IV.2 above.
    33. Cortese, 144.
    il peh

    ing is identical. In the Deuteronomistic traditions, the expression mard or 'dlar + pt


    yhwh often appears in conjunction with negate d idma', iamar or rnn hiphil, which also
    express the people's disobedience toward God and God's commandments. In Dt. 9:23
    and I s. l2:14-l5,wefind himr6'e1-ptyhwhinparallel withld'idma'b"qdl6,illustrar-
    ing the fundamental association of --r )'tp q\l with peh.34
    In the prophetic domain, the expression pt yhwh appears in Josh. 9: 14 as the object
    of id'al (cf. Nu. 27:21:- Isa. 30:2); in Isa. l:20; 40:5; 58:14; Jer. 9:l l(12); Mic. 4:4 as
    the object of dibber; and in Isa. 62:2 as the object of ndqap (cf. also Isa. 34:16, siwwa +
    peh with reference to Yahweh).
    Josh. 9:14 may allude to oracular practice in which Yahweh was consulted by the
    casting of lots,:s so that the expression pi yhwh is equivalent to "oracle of yahweh."
    Nu. 27:21 describes the oracular use of Urim to allow Yahweh to speak to the people.
    In such situations the divine response was not articulated; the priest had to interpret it
    so that the people could recognize the divine revelation. In the expression fipt la' ia'alfr
    (Isa. 30:2), the "mouth of Yahweh" probably refers to the prophet, sent to King Heze-
    kiah to convey a message from God, which Hezekiah refused to hear.36
    Isa. 1:20; 40:5; 58:14; and Mic. 4:4 use the expression kt pt yhwh dibber as a con-
    cluding messenger formula to validate the prophecy as a word spoken by yahweh's
    own mouth. Jer. 9:l 1( 12) uses dibber + pt yhwh, but in a different formulation, to refer
    to those prophets, recognized for their wisdom (cf. 8:8-9), who had the responsibility
    of proclaiming God's will to the people.

    2. Prophets. The mouth of a prophet is an extension of the mouth of Yahweh. Jere-


    miah thinks of himself as Yahweh's mouth. If he turns back to yahweh, he can serve
    once more as Yahweh's mouth (Jer. 15:19).
    with Yahweh as subject, the expressions .fiz deldrtm bcpeh and the equivalent
    ndlan deldfim bepeh arc characteristic of prophetic literature. The former appears in
    the Balaam story (Nu. 22:38;23:5,12) and is repeared in Isa. 5l:16; 59:21. Like the
    other prophets, Balaam receives the word of Yahweh in his mouth. This expression,
    too, takes on the function of a messenger formula (2 S. 14:3,18-19; Ex. 4:15; Ezr.
    8:17). Jeremiah interprets himself as a messenger in the account of his call and later in
    his prophetic ministry when he states that Yahweh put his words in his mouth (Jer. l:9;
    5:14; cf. Dt. 18:18); this usage again confirms that the prophets thought of themselves
    as the mouth of God. The undeniable similarity of Jeremiah's mission to that of Moses
    is established by the use of identical language (cf. Jer. 1:9 with Dt. l8:18;,rz which fur-
    ther underlines the function of the prophet as mediator.3s
    The functions of the true prophets are clearly different from those of the false
    prophets, who deliver false oracles (l K.22:22-23 par.2 Ch. 18:21-22) and proclaim

    34. See VII.I below.


    35. M. H. Woudstra, Book of Joshua. NICOT (1981), 160.
    36. On prophets as the mouth of God see V.2 below.
    37. F. Garcia-L6pez,W 35 (1985) l-12.
    38. See V.l above; L. Ramlot, DBS, VII| 1038-40.
    it) peh

    visions that issue from their own heart, not from the mouth of Yahweh (Jer. 23:16). Ac-
    cording to Mic. 3:5, they listen to the sound of money rather than the mouth of
    Yahweh.
    Finally, the mouth of Yahweh speaks not only through the prophets in person but
    also through their written words. In at least one case, the mouth of Yahweh is identified
    with the book of Yahweh, which is also the book of the prophet Isaiah (Isa. 34:16).
    Ezekiel analogously describes his prophecy as a scroll given him by Yahweh, which he
    must devour before he can transmit its message to his people (Ezk. 3:2-3). He con-
    sumes the scroll and Yahweh opens the mouth of the prophet, so that the words of the
    scroll can be transmitted to the people (v. 27). This message, whether spoken or writ-
    ten, is at the same time a message both totally God's and totally the prophet's.
    These words from the mouth of Yahweh, transmitted by the prophets, are so power-
    ful and effectual that they can be compared to instruments of punishment or even death
    (Hos. 6:5; Isa. 11:4). The prophetic word is like a devouring fire a role also played
    by the mouth (Jer. 5: 14) -
    a deadly arrow (Jer. 9:7[8]), or a sharp sword (Isa. 49:2).te
    -
    The effectual power of the divine word is especially clear in Isa. 55: l0- I l, which com-
    pares it to the rain and snow that fructify the earth. A word from the mouth of God can
    bring life or death, quite like the blessings and curses associated with the covenant cer-
    emony (Dt. 30:14-15).

    3. Worshipers. God places his words not only in the mouths of prophets but also in
    the mouths of worshipers (ndlan + bepi):N "a new song, a song of praise to our God"
    (Ps. 40:4[3]). The praise of God is possible because God opens the lips of the psalmist,
    inspiring the hymn that is uttered (51: l7[5]). The praise of God thus turns out to be a
    gift of this very God. This explains why the voice of the living God can even be heard
    in the mouths of children. God is manifest in babes and infants, from whose mouths is-
    sues praise (8:3[2] LXX; cf. Mt. 21:16).
    The mouth, in harmony with the lips and the tongue (Ps. 51:17[15]; 63:6[5]; 66:17;
    126:2), indeed with one's whole being (145:21) all are set in motion to sing the
    -
    greatness of the Lord, to tell of God's righteousness and salvation (71:8,15; 126:2:
    145:21).If a prayer is to be uttered, the Lord must open the lips of the worshiper; only
    then will God hearken to the prayers that issue from human mouths (54:4121; I 19:108).
    In prayer a further organ is needed: the heart. Even though the lips move and the
    mouth opens, it is the heart with which a worshiper prays. The heart moves toward God
    and the mouth joins it (l S. l:12-13; 2:l).
    Finally, the mouth of the psalmist, which sings the wonders of Yahweh, is con-
    trasted with the mouth of the wicked, pictured as wild beasts, their mouths open to de-
    vour the speaker. In such situations prayer is addressed to God, who can deliver the
    psalmist (Ps. 22:22l2ll; 109:2,30; cf. Am. 3: 12 and Job 36: 16). This notion brings us
    close to the domain of wisdom literature.

    39. See III.2 above.


    40. See V.l above.
    il) peh

    VI. Wisdom. In wisdom literature, peh appears frequently in Proverbs and Psalms,
    less often in Job and Ecclesiastes.

    l. General. In these books the passages mentioning the mouth can be very general
    in meaning and intent. In Prov. 4:5; 5:7; 7:24, for example, the "sons" (i.e., pupils) are
    urged to learn the words of the mouth ('imrA peh) of their teacher. A similar exhorta-
    tion, but addressed to the people, appears in Ps.78:l-2 (cf.49:2tr[tr.]).

    2. Wise vs. Foolish. In the wisdom texts that mention the mouth, we can observe a
    clear division between two antithetical classifications: wise vs. foolish and good vs.
    evil. The former represents an intellectual categorization typical of wisdom thought,
    while the latter embodies an ethical and religious categorization; but the two frequently
    overlap, so that the wise or foolish can be identified by their goodness or wickedness.
    Thegroupof thegoodincludestherighteous (saddtqim, Prov. l0:6,11,31; ll:9;Ps.
    37:30) and the upright (ycidfim, Prov. 1l:l l). The mouth of the righteous utters wis-
    dom (hoftm6, Prov. 10:31; Ps. 37:30). Prov. 8 personifies wisdom, describing the words
    of her mouth as truth and righteousness. Wisdom hates a lying mouth (pt tahpub6!); in
    her words there is nothing twisted or crooked (vv. 7-8,13). In this series of ethical val-
    ues, truth is contrasted with wickedness: truth without deceit and righteousness with-
    out wickedness, in the domain of language.
    The group of the evil includes the scoundrel and villain ('d/Am beltya'al, il 'dwdn,
    Prov. 6:12) and the wicked (reidim, Prov. 10:6,11; ll:ll; 12:6;15:28; 19:28; Ps.
    36:2tr.[1ff.]). Their mouth is characterized by falsehood ('iqqclfrg Prov. 4:24;6:12),
    perversion and lies (tahpu[61, 10:32;''dwOn, 19:38; Ps. 36:4[3]), and evil in general
    (rd'67 Prov. 15:28; cf. Ps. 50: l9). The hearts of the intelligent are attuned to wisdom
    and their mouths utter knowledge, whereas the mouths of fools feed on malice and ut-
    ter folly (Prov. 15:2,14). The wise control their lips and speak with prudence, but the
    mouths of fools utter arrogance (14:3); "those who guard their mouths preserve their
    lives; those who open wide their lips come to ruin" (13:3; Job 35:16). "The heart of the
    wise makes their speech judicious and increases instruction upon their lips" (Prov.
    16:23). Eliphaz rejects the views expressed by Job on the grounds that he has not spo-
    ken with wisdom; Job's utterances are profitless and his words carry no weight: "Your
    own mouth condemns you, and not I; your own lips testify against you" (Job 15:2-6).

    3. Power The human mouth is not neutral; on the contrary, it is a mighty weapon. Its
    speech entails serious consequences, good or evil. This is true notjust for the individ-
    ual, but also for society. The mouth of the righteous is a source of life and blessing.
    Their speech brings prosperity. Fools produce violence and practice it with their
    mouths. Their speech destroys them and those around them (Prov. 10:6,11,14,31-32
    l8:7; Ps. 50:19; Eccl. 10:12-13). The human mouth can foster or destroy solidarity and
    fellowship with one's neighbor. The speech of the wicked engenders intrigues and
    slanders their neighbors; such speech becomes a destructive force within society. Con-
    trariwise, the blessings uttered by the righteous serve the prosperity and well-being of
    the city; their speech is good and constructive, because they are concerned for the wel-
    itQ peh 501

    fareof theirneighbors(Prov. 11:9,11).Thewordsof thewickedcanevenbedeadly


    snares. Those who are guilty attempt to pervert justice with their words; they condemn
    the innocent to death. Those who are innocent can defend and deliver themselves by
    speaking the truth (12:6; l8:7). Careful attention to one's speech is therefore a matter
    of life and death: the fruits of the mouth are either beneficent or deadly. Those who
    guard their mouths refuse to spread poison and take care not to injure others (13:2-3;
    2l:23;26:9). All these passages underline the gravity and effectiveness of human lan-
    guage, the potency ofthe mouth. These observations confirm once again what we have
    already noted about the power of the word.al It is therefore easy to understand the
    psalmist who uses the language of wisdom to emphasize the dangers that emanate from
    a wicked mouth and a lying tongue and, faced with such peril, prays for God's speedy
    intervention and deliverance (Ps. lO9.,2; lM:8-ll; cf. Job 5:15-16).

    4. Ethical ldeal If we seek to summarize the ethical ideal espoused by wisdom as ex-
    pressed in texts that use the word "mouth," we must speak of a "coherent life." The heart,
    mouth, and hands are the most important foci of human life. The ideal is that there be har-
    mony among these three organs and their functions: thought, speech, and action. But this
    coherence is often impugned by conflicts between thought and speech (lies), speech and
    action (hypocrisy), or thought and action (duplicity or powerlessness).42
    In Prov. 4:20-27 we find a series of links between parts of the human body and major
    elements of human activity. The description of the heart, mouth, tongue, eyes, ears,
    hands, and feet seeks to represent the whole personality ofthe disciple in its corporeal be-
    ing and in the totality of its life. The heart functions as the center of the individual, regu-
    lating the functions of the other parts of the body. From the heart proceeds control over
    the mouth and tongue, the eyes and what they see, and finally the action of the feet.
    Prov. 6:12-14 expounds a contrast between the external organs (mouth, eyes, feet,
    fingers) and the mind (heart), i.e., a discrepancy between internal activity (intention)
    and its external manifestations. The misuse of the external organs betrays a perversion
    of the heart, the center of life, from which proceed thoughts and emotions.a3 By con-
    trast, the heart of the wise makes their speech (mouth) judicious (16:23). This inner
    connection between mind (heart) and speech (mouth) constitutes a substantial part of
    the argumentation and fundamental conception of several other wisdom texts: Prov. l5
    (esp. vv. 14,28); 16:23; Ps. l4l:3-4.It is the properly oriented heart, giving rise to cor-
    rect moral conduct, in which the law of God resides (Ps. 37:30-31). The ethical ideal of
    wisdom is ultimately grounded in the relationship of the individual to God, in whom
    alone is found a perfect unity of heart, lips, and speech.

    VIII. I . lXX. In general the LXX translates peh with stdma, a word with essentially
    the same range of meanings as peh. In five cases it uses peist6mion, which strictly

    41. See V.2 above.


    42. See de Geradon, 31, 36; Bernaert, 5-6.
    43. B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos. HAT Ul6 (1963),39.

    L--
    if; peh

    means "that which sulrounds the mout}"; in the broader sense it denotes the oral cavity
    as a whole (cf. Ex. 28:32;36:30 [= 39:23]; Job 30:18; also Job t5:27). When the LXX
    uses other translations, these variants still remain within the semantic domain of peh
    (see IV above). They fall into two groups. In the first, pehistranslated by g/o'ssa (Jgs.
    7:6), cheflos (Prov. 6:2), or pr4sdpon (Ps. 17:8; 54:2l19l; Prov. 2:6), i.e., words for
    other parts of the body that are associated with the mouth. In the second, peh is trans-
    lated by words that refer to communication: eipe{n (Gen. 45:21); l6gos (l S. 15:24);
    pr6stagma (Lev. 24:12:' Nu. 9: 1 8b,20,23b; 33:38; 36:5; Josh. 15:13l' 17 :4; 19:50; 21:3;
    22:9;Job39:27); rhdma (Ex. 17:l; Nu. l4:41; 22:18;24:13;27:14;33:2;Dt.l:26,43;
    9:23;34:5; I K. 13:26; Job 16:5; 23:12); ph6nos and phand (Ex. 17:13; Nu. 21:24; Dt.
    l 3: 1 6[1 5] ; 20:13; Nu. 3: 16,39, 51 ; 4:37,41,45,49; 9:20; 10: 1 3; l 3:3; Am. 6:5).
    A curious but noteworthy translation appears inPs. 132:2, where peh is represented
    by Qa, "finge," which is finally still within the semantic domain of peh.a
    Apart from such variants, various idioms with peh have their own special transla-
    tions: e.g., kcla/ peh (Ex. 4:10) is representedby ischydphonos, higdil peh (Ob. 12) by
    megalorremonein, and mard 'e1-peh (Nu. 20:24) by parorjneln. [n most cases such
    variants convey a more precise meaning while still remaining in the semantic domain
    of peh. This is always true of terms signifying communication, since in these passages
    peh does not denote the mouth in the strict sense but rather speech, commandments, or
    the voice that which issues from the mouth.
    -
    In 1 s. 15:24 pi yhwh is translatedby t6n l6gon lqriou,' here the LXX avoids an an-
    thropomorphism that might occasion a misunderstanding on account of the parallel ex-
    pression d'pdreyln $cma'el). The same purpose is at work in the passages where the
    LXX often simply omits the expression'e1-pt, e.g., Josh.9: l5.as

    2. Dead Sea Scrolls. Various forms of peh occur 138 times in the Dead Sea Scrolls:
    39 in lQH, 3l in lQS, 20 in CD, 17 in I lQT, ta in lQSa, 4 in leM, and 14 in other
    documents. In more than three-quarters of its (rccurrences, peh is introduced by a prep-
    (ll
    osition: /' (35 times), 'al (33 times), Da (17 times) , min times), or kc (9 times); the
    meaning is quite similar to that found in Biblical Hebrew: "according to. . . ." we like-
    wise find the same idioms that appear in the or: 'al pt haddcpdrim or 'al pt hauilra
    (lQS 6:24; CD 7:7; l9:4; 20:28). There are also expressions characteristic of the
    Qumran materials, such as 'al pt hdrabbfin (lQS 6:21;8:19;9:2), a phrase that proba-
    bly corresponds to the expression 'al pi rd! yisrd'dl (lQS 5:22).
    In IQS 6:26 we note the formula bc'amr61 'e1 pi r.'dhA, denoting rebellion against
    the will of another; this formula recalls Dll:26,43i9:23,where the rebellion is against
    Yahweh.ao Another important text is IQS 10:21-22, where heart eefl, mouth (peh),
    lips (Sdpd), and tongue (latdn) appear together referring to a series of personal deci-
    sions, a usage reminiscent of wisdom literature. In lQS lo:23 peh parallels lai6n, in a

    44. See III.4 above.


    45. See R. G. Boling, Joshua. AB 6 (1982),258.
    46. See V.l above.
    itl peh

    formula found also in the Hodayat: b"h6861 'eplab pi pzr. wc;iQq61 'el tcsapper lcidnt
    fimid @f.lQH ll:4,33).
    According to IQM 14:.6 (a thanksgiving text), God personally opens the mouth of
    the faithful so that they may give thanks and opens the mouth of the dumb to sing
    God's praises. This text alludes to Ezk. 33:22; cf. also Ps. 39:10(9).
    ln the Hodayo, (lQH) the term peh bears a higher theological significance than in
    the other documents.4T God stands at the center of many expressions using peh. The
    text speaks of God's "mouth" (3:5), God's "glorious mouth" (b"pi kcpdjeftA, 6: l4), and
    God's "truthful mouth" ("me!piki, 1l:7). In this last text we also find a parallelism be-
    tween God's mouth and hand: "I know that futh is in your mouth, and in your hand is
    righteousness." God's mouth issues words of instruction (6:9) and establishes the tem-
    poral order (12:9).It motivates repentance (6: 14) and proper conduct (4:21).It is God
    who places prayer and praise in the mouth of the psalmist (9:l l; ll:4; cf. also I 1:33).
    A similar expression with.f?m appears in 8:16: SamtA bcpt k"ydreh geiem, "You have
    placed in my mouth [something] like the early rain," referring to the Teacher of Righ-
    teousness, who plays an important role here as the mediator of instruction.a8 It is God
    who places true teaching in the human mouth and understanding in the human heart, as
    similar parallel formulations assert in2:17-18. This explains the question asked in 10:7
    and 12:32: "How shall I speak if you do not open my mouth?" The psalmist's mouth is
    open to sing God's praise, for God created the breath on the tongue (rfrab beldi6n) and
    the "fruit of the lips" (pcri fcpdlayim), and God gives a rhythm for words and a cadence
    for puffs of breath from the lips (l:28,30-31; cf. 1l:24-25).
    Alongside these many passages referring to God and the psalmist, the Hodayot con-
    tain a series of texts that speak of the mouth of those "who seek after trickery" (2:34):
    people who look for God in the mouth of prophets of deceit, attracted by delusion
    (4:16). In 7:ll we find a lovely parallelism between mouth and tongue: "There is no
    mouth for the spirit of destruction, and no reply in the tongue for all the sons of guilt."
    In 8:35, however, the tongue is clearly treated as part of the mouth.
    Several passages in the Temple Scroll exhibit the use of peh in the context of vows.
    The priestly laws governing vows prescribe that one must keep a vow that has been
    spoken by one's mouth (1lQT 53:13; cf. ll. 10 and l5). A clear relationship between
    idpd and peft is presupposed. l lQT 54:4-5 also discusses vows, using a formula that
    connects the verb yd;d' dhectly with peh: kwl ndr. . . ',ir . . . 'l npth yqwmw 'lyh kkwl
    'ir y;' mpyh, "Every vow of a widow or a divorcee, everything by which she binds her-
    self formally, will hold good according to everything that has issued from her mouth."
    These texts are based in turn on Nu. 30:10(9) and Dt. 23:22ff .(21ff.). The occurrences
    of peh in the Aramaic texts of the Dead Sea Scrolls are discussed elsewhere.ae
    Garcia-lipe7

    47. See V.3 above.


    48. See M. Delcor, I*s Hymnes de Qumran (1962),206..
    49. See Beyer, 669.

    L-
    ll1D pwh

    I. Etymology. II. L Occurrences; 2. Phraseology; 3. LXX. ilI. Usage: 1. Blow Vigorously;


    2. Speak Vigorously. IV. Sirach and Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology. The onomatopoetic rootpwlr, originally monosyllabic,l acquired the


    counterpart + nD: nplt at an early date. There is no monosyllabic equivalent in
    Ugaritic, but the root is represented by Syr. pdhz and Middle Heb. and Jewish Aram.
    pfiab; cf . Arab. fdha, "diffuse an aroma," and,fahha, "howl (storm)." We may also cite
    AY,k. pufrpufiSfi./u, "roar of battle."3 Ugar,ypb, "witness,"4 plays a role in the discus-
    sion; it is noteworthy that the Ugaritic equivalent of Heb. npl.t is npfi (with &). We must
    think in terms of a close relationship exhibiting a striking semantic development. The
    argumentation also relies on Syr. pah, "grow faint (voice), labor."5

    ll. I . Occurrences. The verb occurs I 5 times, 3 in the qal and 12 in the hiphil. It is
    often maintained, however,thatydpiab in Prov. 6:19; 14.,5,25; 19:5,9 is a separate noun
    meaning "witness."6 This possibility may also be considered in Ps. 12:6(Eng. v. 5) and
    Hab. 2:3. The form hApealt in lsa. 42:22 is the hiphil infinitive absolute, but derives
    from pl.tl.t.

    2. Phraseology. The verb pwh appears frequently in fixed expressions. For example,
    pfralt hayyOm occurs twice and ydpial.t kczdf,tm 5 times. As prepositions introducing

    pwb. J.Barth, NSS; P.-R. Berger, "Zu den Strophen des 10. Psalms," UF 2 (1970) 7-17;
    B. Blake, "'Until the Day Break and the Shadows Flee Away,"' ExpT 47 (1935136) 45;
    W. Btihlmann, Vom rechten Reden und Schweigen. OBO 12 (1976), esp.93-100, 160-67;
    M. Dahood, "Some Ambiguous Texts in Isaias (30,15; 52,2;33,2;40,5;45,1)," CBQ20 (1958)
    4l-49;G. Gifford,"Songsof SongsII.lT(IV.6)andIsaiahXL.3i ExpT47 (1935136) 381;S.E.
    Loewenstamm , "ydpe"h, yapfh, yapfb," lzi 26 (1962) 205-8, 28O; P. D. Miller, "Yapia! in Ps
    xii 6 j' W 29 (1979) 495-500; J. Obermann, "Survival of an Old Canaanite Participle and Its Im-
    pact on Biblical Exegesis," JBLTO (1951) 199-209; D. Pardee, "Yph 'Witness'in Hebrew and
    Ugaritic," W 28 (1978) 2O4-13; F. H. Pickering, "'Until the Day Break and the Shadows Flee
    Away,"' ExpT 48 (1936137) 44; J. S. Sibinga, "Une citation du cantique dans la secunda Petri,"
    RB 73 (1966) 107-18; W. von Soden, "z als Wurzelaugment im Semitischen," Studia Orientalia
    in Memoriam C. Brockclmann (1968), 175-84; A. Strobel, Untersuchungen zum eschatolo-
    gischen Verzdgerungsproblem. NovTSup 2 (1961); D. Winton Thomas, "'Until the Day Break
    and the Shadows Flee Away,"' ExpT 47 (1935136) 431-32; C. Virolleaud, "L'alphabet
    s6nestrogyre de Ras-Shamral' CMI BL (1 960) 84-90.

    l. Von Soden, 176; Meyer, II, 133.


    2. ltxSya 559.
    3. AHw,II, 876.
    4. UT, no. 1129.
    5. l*xSyr 561-62.
    6. SeeNSS, 189,233.
    ll1D pwh

    the object, we find /'(twice),


    (once), and'al (once). Only in Ezk.2l:36 and possibly
    De
    in Ps. 12:6(5) is Yahweh the subject; in Hab. 2:3 the subject appears tobe hazOn.

    3. IXX. The LXX translation strives for uniformity in the choice of words, while at
    the same time seeking to capture the meaning accurately. The following words may be
    noted: diapnertein (3 times), ekkaiein (5 times), emphysdn, enkaletn, epideiknfein,
    anatdllein, and katalqriertein (once each).

    III. Usage. Usage embraces the domain of strongly blowing wind (expressed ver-
    bally) with a figurative extension to the domain of speech (exhale > express). It is not
    out of the question to see an emphasis on the forensic realm. If so, usage in the sense of
    "testimony" cannot be ruled out. The semantic focus has led one lexicon hesitantly to
    distinguish pfrah I and pfrah II.t

    l. Blow Vigorously. The basic meaning of pilah is found in Cant.4:16, where the
    quality of the blowing wind is intended to elucidate the nature of what is expressed fig-
    uratively in a lyrical context. A descriptive poem (4:12-15) is followed antithetically
    by a poem of desire,8 appealing urgently to the beloved to enjoy the fruits of the garden
    (the woman who is speaking). The concrete symbols of the north wind and south wind
    are commanded to come ( wr cf. ler.25:32; bw': cf . Hos. 13: l5) and blow (pwh). The
    choice of words suggests a violent tempest; the use of the same parallelism in Sir.
    43:16-17 reinforces this interpretation. In the context ofthe Song ofSongs, the point is
    the intensity of the lovers' desire. Keel and Krinetzki shift the point to quiet pleasure,
    hardly doing justice to the unbridled explosivity expressed.e For the hiphil of pwh,
    close examination shows that the action reflected in the verb cannot be described sim-
    ply as wafting an aroma abroad;I0 the meaning has an element of being caught up and
    swept along violently: "tear through, roar through." In the garden the entire force of the
    wind, penetrating every corner, will be activated to capture all its fragrances, and,
    abundant as the rain that pours downlt on everything (Nu. 24:7; Jer.9:17; l8:14; Ps.
    147:18; Job 36:28), to catch up the lover and carry him to the garden.
    The expression pfiafu hayybm appears only in Cant.2:17 and,4:6: "Until the day
    yAphalt and the shadows flee (nfrs)|'Since Cant. 2:l7ab and 4:6ab are identical, some
    have suggested that 4:6 is repeated secondarily from 2:17 and is also out of place (it
    should follow v. 7 or v. 8).tz 3u, such theories cannot be substantiated; it is more likely
    that we are dealing with evidence that this topos was popular in love poetry.

    7. HAL, III, 916-17.


    8. G. Krinetzki, Kommentar zum Hohenlied. BBET 16 (1981), 22, 153.
    9. O. Keel, Song of Songs (Eng. trans. 1994), l8l; G. Krinetzki, Das Hohe Lied (1964), 175.
    10. W. Rudolph, Das Hohe Lied. I(ATXylU2 (1962),151.
    ll. -->)fi nazal.
    12.Ct.H. Ringgren, Das Hohe Lied. ATD 16 1:193rr,272;et al. O. Loretz (Die althe-
    briiische Liebeslied. AOAT l4ll 119711,26,28) suggests v.7;Graetz(Schir ha Schirim [1885],
    157) favors v. 8.

    l-
    ll1D pwh

    To establish the meaning of pfralt hayydm, we may examine other passages that
    describe the advancing day. The "passing of the day" is expressed by 'br ybm
    (ydmtm) (Zeph.2:2 [disputed]; Gen. 50:4; Job l7:ll; etc.), pnh hayydm (ydmtm)
    (Ier.6:4; Ps. 90:9), and rph hayydm (Jgs. l9:9). While the majority of such passages
    use verbs of motion ('bn pnh), Jgs. l9:9, like the passages in the Song of Songs, is
    figurative. Most exegetes see here an allusion to the otherwise unspecified departure
    of the day and the lengthening of shadows; others, however, find a description of the
    breaking day.l3 Pope explains that the reference is to the time when "the amative ac-
    tivity ends."la Meteorological considerations cast doubt on this interpretation of
    ydpfi.ah hayydm. The expression probably refers to the effect of the rfral.t hayyOm
    mentioned also in Gen. 3:8. "During the summer, a pleasant west wind regularly be-
    gins to blow in the course of the morning; toward evening it becomes Stronger."l5
    Dalman already observed that this wind reaches its greatest strength around 2 p.m.;
    according to him, the passages in the Song of Songs must be assigned to this time of
    day.to
    Indeed, the use of pfralt itselfpoints in this direction, since, as noted above, the verb
    has an element of tempestuous activation. When the invigorating wind of late after-
    noon relieves the paralyzing heat ofthe day, the spirit ofenterprise is aroused. This in-
    terpretation is reinforced by the similes of the gazelle and the young stag, which in an-
    cient Near Eastern literature symbolize quickness, playfulness, and above all a
    passionate enjoyment of life.lT [n such a spirit, in2:17, the woman calls to her beloved;
    in 4:6, similarly, the beloved says that he will hasten to the mountain of myrrh and the
    hill of frankincense when the quickening wind blows. The mountain and hill represent
    metaphorically the enticing, intoxicating anra of the woman.l8
    Ezk.2l:33-37(28-32) (secondary) is a "drastic oracle of judgmenl."le It incorpo-
    rates some language typical of Ezekiel, but clearly differs at many points from
    Ezekiel's usage. "The fire of my wrath 'dptah agunst you" takes up the theme of fiery
    judgment on the wicked (Job 20:26; cf. 15:34; Dl32:22i Jer. 15:14; l7:4), echoing
    Ezk. 22:21,31; npb appears in 22:21 in the sense of "kindle." The use of a different
    verb appears to be intentional. The point of vv. 35b-37(30b-32) is to describe the con-
    centrated, inexorable momentum of God's wrath, which will lead to a bloodbath. In
    such a context, the frequently neutral nplt is too vague; by contrast, pwfr expresses the
    raging of a tempest here describing figuratively the fire of divine anger.
    -
    2. Speak Vigorously. Other texts depart even further from the initial imagery. Prov.
    29:8 still has to do with tempestuous energy, but the context reveals a new accent: a

    13. Berger, 14; Sibinga, 108-9; Loretz, Liebeslied,19.


    14. M. Pope, Song of Songs. AB 7C (1977),365.
    15. Keel, Kiichler, and Uehlinger, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, I (1984), 51.
    16. AuS, U2,5ll-12.
    17. See the texts cited by O. Keel, ZBK 18,95-96.
    18. cf. Loretz, AoAT 1411,28.
    19. Fuhs, Ezechiel 1-24. NEB (1984), 115.
    n1D pwl.t

    form of speech is involved. "Scoffers ('aniA hsbn) set aflame gaptfifr) a city (qiryA):'
    The 'aniA ldsdn are contrasted to the haf,amtm, and a community (qiryil is affected.
    The purpose of the 'aniA hs6n is to stir up unrest and vilification, which rage through
    the city like a tempest, churning it up. The hiphil of pwft is used to express the tempes-
    tuous agitation of the disastrous result.
    The expression ydptah k"zdbtm is common to Prov. 6:19 14:5,25; and 19:5,9.
    Gemser accepts Gordon's uuguments, seeing inydptah a substantive synonymous with
    ?g/, "witness."2o In all his translations, however, he retains the hiphil of pwh ("one who
    breathes out lies"). As Dahood argues convincingly in the case of Ps.27:12, ydpah can
    stand in synonymous parallelism with'€d.zt The parallelism in Prov. 19:5 is well suited
    to establishing this meaning in Proverbs as well ('d8 ieqdrtm ld'yinndqeh wcydptafi
    k"zdbtm ld' yimmdldt),zz but l2:l7a (ydptalt 'cmfrnd yagCid Vdeq) and the chiasmus in
    l4:5 suggest the contrary. While retention of the hiphil of pwlr in all the texts remains a
    possibility, there is a real question whether the tautology in 6:19a and 14:5b, which is
    inescapable if ydpiafu is used synonymously with '€y', actually represents the author's
    intention. In l9:5 a clear decision appears impossible.
    It is clear that in the texts just discussed the meaning of pwlr hiphil shifts in the di-
    rection ofverbal utterances. The verb dibber is frequently used to express the speaking
    of kczdltm(Jgs. 16:10,13;Hos.7:13;7aph.3:13;Dnl. 1l:27).Thelanguageof wisdom
    appears to have evolved a different terminology. The similarity to'E/ leqer (Prov. 6:19;
    14:5; Ex. 20:16; Dt. 19:18) or'd/ leqdrim (Prov. 12:17; 19:5,9) as well as'E8 hdmds
    (Ex. 23:1; Dt. 19:16; Ps. 35:ll) or'€/ k"zdbim (Prov. 2l:28) is unmistakable. This
    brings us into the realm of social disintegration and its concomitant iniquity ('dwen,
    19:28). This is also the theme of 19:5,9. Prov. 6: 19 emphasizes that the utterance of lies
    sows discord among brothers, disrupting family ties. Since a witness usually appears in
    court, life itselfcan be at stake in case ofa guilty verdict (14:5); one who speaks lies as
    a false witness is rightly called. rdid'. Now it remains to ask whether as several
    translations suggest -
    this language refers to a quiet, secretive act, a whisper in the
    -
    background. The forensic situation itselfindicates that a false witness appeared in pub-
    lic. The consequences of false utterances do not suggest lies spoken behind someone's
    back.If someonewhoutters(pwfthiphil)'"mfrnd speaksjustice(;e/eq)(12:17)andan
    'E/'"mel saves lives (14:25), then the actions of the destructive counterpart are presum-
    ably equally public. We may assume that we are dealing with a vigorous advocacy of
    lies and an argumentative insistence on an unjust claim. This analysis suggests that the
    wisdom-related phrase ydptafi k"zdbtm should be understood as meaning "one who
    vigorously utters lies."
    The combination ydpal.t laqqE; (Hab. 2:3) is unique in the OT. On the basis of
    lQpHab, the verb should be interpreted as a simple hiphil,z: and not, as the MT seems
    to suggest, as a verbal adjective orjussive. The point ofthe passage is that the prophet

    20. B. Gemser, Spriiche Salomos. HATUI6 (21963),38; Gordon, IIT no. 1129.
    21. M. Dahood, CBQ 20 (1958) 47-48 n.21.
    22. See Delitzsch, Proverbs of Solomon. KD, 2 vols. (Eng. trans. 1955), I, 148.
    23. Rudolph, M icha-Nahum-H abakuk-tuphanj a. KAT XlW3 (197 5), 212.

    l--
    nE pwl.t

    is "vehemently and impatiently"24 looking for the fulfillment of his vision. Keller
    rightly includes pwlt among the terms Habakkuk uses for "speak"2s ("it pants for the
    end"26 catches the urgency but does not dojustice to the element ofspeech). The vision
    vehemently proclaims the end, and it does not lie (wcld' yc\azzefl. T\e meaning is
    close to that of Prov. l4:5.Later,Hab.2:3 came to be understood primarily in an escha-
    tological sense.27
    Ps. l0:5 also belongs to the series of texts in whichpwlr hiphil denotes vigorous ver-
    bal expression, here with aggressive overtones. A forensic setting is not out of the
    question. But there is no evidence to support the theory that the text "originally had to
    do with breathing as a form of magic."28
    The expression ydpiah /6 in Ps. 12:6(5) is among the problematic passages. Com-
    paring Hab.2:3, Delitzsch translates it as "him who languisheth for it [God's deliver-
    ance)."2e Kraus agrees that the text refers to such an individual, who is sorely beset.3o
    Another theory is that the expression refers to a "witness" who interceded on behalf of
    the oppressed poor.3l The words can also be understood to mean that Yahweh vouch-
    safes his aid to the poor, when "he" (understood collectively) "cries out for it" (16 refer-
    ring to yeia').

    IV. Sirach and Dead Sea Scrolls. Sir. 4:2 warns against "grieving the poor."32 This
    usage diverges from what we have observed elsewhere.
    The context of IQS 7:14 shows that the verb must denote some windlike motion
    that blows clothing about.33 If the genitals are exposed, the person in question is to be
    punished for thirty days'
    Reiterer

    24. Jeremias, Kultptophetie und Gerechtsverkiindigung in der spiiten Kdnigszeit Israels.


    WMANT 35 (1970), 85.
    25. C.-A. Keller, ZAW 85 (1973) 159.
    26. Molin, Die Siihne des Lichtes (1954), 14.
    27. See Strobel.
    28. H. Gunkel, Die Psalmen. HKAT lU4 1t1926r, ,r.
    29. Psalms. KD (Eng. trans. 1955), l, 192,195-96.
    30. H.-J. Kraus, Psafizs l-59 (Ene. trans. 1988),206-7,2O9-lO.
    31. Millea I.r/.29 (1979) 499-500.
    32. Sauer, "Jesus Sirach," JSHRZ IIV5, 513.
    33. See III.I above.
    Y$ pap 509

    YlD pfre;;lYDn fpfi;d; IDJ ndpas; 1tD pzr

    I. Etymology. II. The Verb in the OT: l. Occurrences; 2. Overflow, Spread; 3. Scatter;
    4. Scatter Flocks; 5. Scatter People; 6. Exile, Diaspora. III. Nouns: l. tcpfisA; 2. ba1-pfisay. lY.
    1. Dead Sea Scrolls; 2.LXX.Y. pzr.

    I. Etymology. Etymologically, pfrs is related to Arab. fdda(i), "overflow, spread."l


    Since this Arabic verb is mediae y, in contrast to the Hebrew mediae w, and since there
    is also a by-form zp,.s in Hebrew, there is every reason to think that we are dealing with
    a biconsonantal root that has been expanded in a variety of ways.

    II. The Verb in the OT.


    l. Occurrences. In the OT the verb appears 13 times in the qal, 16 times in the
    niphal, and 36 times in the hiphil. Whether a noun tcpfr;d occurs in Jer. 25:34 is dubi-
    ous.2 The word pisay inZnph.3:10 has not been explained satisfactorily.3

    2. Ove(low, Spread. a. The basic meaning "overflow" is found in Prov. 5:16, where
    the disciple is admonished to drink from his own well: "Should your spring flood the
    street?" V. 18 identifies this well with the disciple's wife: the text thus belongs to the
    category of wamings against strange women. "One's own well" probably symbolizes
    wisdom or personal faith.+ The same meaning probably appears in Z,ec. I : 17: "My cit-
    ies shall again overflow with prosperity."s Job 40:l l uses the hiphil figuratively: Job is
    to pour out the overflowings of his anger ('e!r61'ap).
    b. The meaning "spread" is found in 2 S. 18:8: the battle spread throughout the
    whole region. Job 38:24 belongs here also: the east wind spreads over the earth (intran-
    sitive hiphil). But in I S. 14:34 we already hear overtones of the meaning "scatter":
    "Disperse yourselves." Spreading sometimes includes division: the families of the
    Canaanite spread abroad and divided (Gen. 10:18; cf. 9:19 with npp). The people scat-
    tered throughout Egypt to search for straw (Ex. 5:12). Troops leave their commander
    and disperse (1 S. l3:8; 2K.25:5 = Jer. 52:8; cf. I S. l3:11 with nps).

    prl$. G. Widengren, "The Gathering of the Dispersed," SEA 41-42 (1977) 224.34; idem,
    "Yahweh's Gathering of the Dispersedl' In the Shelter of Elyon. FS G. W. Ahlstriim. JSOTSup 3l
    (1984), 227-45.

    1. Kopf, I/r8 (1958) 191.


    2. See III.I below
    3. See III.2 below.
    4. See H. Ringgren, Spriiche. ATD 16ll (31980), 30.
    5. K. Elliger, Das Buch der zwdlf kleinen Propheten. ATD 2512 (61967), 116; and
    W. Rudolph, Haggai-Sacharja l-8-Sacharja 9-14-Maleachi. KAT XllV4 (1976), 72-73;
    F. Horst(Die zwdlf kleinen Propheten. HATV14131964),220), however, interpretspr2s mitt6! as
    "wretched, scattered."

    \-
    510
    119 pfrs

    . 3. scatter The hiphil in particular denotes the scattering of fine, light material. In
    the parable of the farmer inrsa. 2g:23-29, v.25 uses
    the vJras neptp and zdraqfor the
    scattering of seed. Mountains are turned into chaff, scattered
    uy ti" *ina (Isa. 4l: 16),
    an image representing the destruction of Israel's foes. Yahweh
    will scatter the faithless
    Israelites like chaff driven by the wesr wind (Jer. 13:24; cf . I g: I 7). In Hab.
    3: 14 the en_
    emy storms (si) forward to scatter Israel. In the last two passages, the objects of the
    verb are persons; but the origin of the image is clear. Job 37: I I is somewhat ambigu-
    ous: God spreads or scatters "the clouds of light." we should probably read'dnan (abs.)
    and interpret br as "lightning," as in v. 3: the clouds scatter their lightning bolts. If this
    is correct, Ps. 18: l5(Eng. v. 14) (= 2 S. 22:15; cf. also the petition in Ps. 144:6) would
    mean that God "sends forth and scatters (in all directions)" his zrrrows of lightning.
    Otherwise the suffixes must refer to unspecified enemies.

    4. Scatter Flocks. In the language of shepherding, a specialized meaning developed:


    a flock is dispersed and the animals are scattered. This usage is usually figurative. In
    Ezk.34:5 Yahweh says: "Because they had no shepherds, my sheep were scattered and
    became food for all the wild animals" obviously a reference to Israel. Zec.l3:7 calls
    on a sword to strike the shepherd, that- the sheep may be scattered. The precise refer-
    ence of these words is unknown. According to Elliger, the author is picturing a messi-
    anic figure (cf. the NT quotation in Mark l4:27).e Or does the text refer to the wicked
    shepherd of 1l:5? According to Jer. l0:21 (cf.23:l-2), the shepherds (i.e., leaders) of
    Israel were stupid, and their flock was scattered. Micaiah ben Imlah sees Israel scat-
    tered on the mountains "like sheep without shepherds" (l K.22:17 = 2 Ch. 18:16).

    5. Scatter People. This meaning can then be applied to human beings in various situ-
    ations. The people of Babylon wanted to build a tower so that they would not be scat-
    tered over the face of the whole earth (Gen. I 1:14), but God intervened and scattered
    them (vv. 8-9). The Blessing of Jacob describes the tribes of Simeon and Levi as being
    scattered in Israel. Vanquished enemies are scattered (l S. I l:11; cf. Isa. 33:3 with npp
    par. ndd). After the fall of Jerusalem, all the Judeans face the danger of being scattered
    (Jer. 40:15). Here we recall in particular the ancient ark formula in Nu. 10:35: 'Arise,
    Yahweh, let your enemies be scattered, and your foes flee (nfis) before you." Ps.
    68:2(1) echoes these words.

    6. Exile, Diaspora. In the great majority of the passages using the niphal or hiphil,
    pws refers to the diaspora in exile (3 times in Deuteronomy, once in Isaiah, 3 times in
    Jeremiah, 13 times in Ezekiel [+ 3 times with reference to Egypt], and once in
    Nehemiah). According to Dt. 4:27, Yahweh will scatter the Israelites among the na-
    tions if they practice idolatry. In Dt. 28:64 the scattering is a consequence of not
    keeping the commandments; 30:3 speaks of gathering the scattered. In Ezekiel,
    where the occulrences ofthis usage are especially numerous, scattering is threatened

    6. ATD 25t2 (19677 t75-76.


    ftB pils 5ll

    (1215, "that they may know that I am Yahweh"; 22:15 par. zrh; 2O:23 pat zrh in an
    historical retrospect; cf. also Jer.40:15). The primary emphasis rests on the immi-
    nent gathering of the scattered "from all the lands/nations where they have been scat-
    tered" (Ezk. l l :17 : 20:34,41 ; 28:25; 29:13 ; 34:12 lall niphall ; l l :16; 36:19 par. lrh ;
    cf. v. 24; cf. also Jer. 30: I I ). Egypt is also threatened with being scattered (29:12-13;
    30:23,26 par. 7rh).In a penitential prayer to Yahweh, Neh. 1:9 recalls Yahweh's
    promise to gather the scattered Israelites. Isa. 1l:12 (probably postexilic) prophesies
    that God will assemble ('dsap) the outcasts (ndh) of Israel and gather (qbs piel) the
    scattered (n"pfr;61 of Judah. According to the eschatological prophecy in Isa. 24:1,
    Yahweh is about to scatter the inhabitants of the earth in the context of a universal
    catastrophe.
    According to Widengren, "gathering the scattered" was one of the duties of the As-
    syrian king. It does not necessarily follow, however, that the OT notion is dependent on
    the Assyrian; it may well have arisen from the historical situation.

    III. Nouns.
    l. of tcpfisd (Jer. 25:34) is dubious. The MT form
    tepfrsA. The only occurrence
    fr1"p6;61tftem is grammatically impossible and is verydifficult to place in the syntax of
    the context. The shepherds are called upon to wail and cry out because the days of
    slaughter have come; the words that follow appear to mean something like "and you
    will be scattered and fall." The word is omitted by the LXX. We are possibly dealing
    with a corrupt form of np{, "smite."7

    2. ba1-pfisay. Equally problematic is ba1-pfrsay in Zeph.3:10: "From beyond the


    rivers of Cush,'olaray baypA;ay bring me an offering (minhd)l' The untranslated ex-
    pressions have resisted all attempts at explanation. lf '"1dray is associated with 7r
    "pray," it could mean "my suppliants." Gerleman has suggested that ba1-pAsay could
    mean (collectively) "the daughter of my scattered ones," to be interpreted as a variant
    of "my suppliants."8 Rudolph interprets pA;ay as an abstract plural meaning "disper-
    sion."e The conjectural emendation banepfrsA has some merit. In any case the verse re-
    mains obscure.

    lY. l. Dead Sea Scrolls. There are only 5 occurrences in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    The War Scroll speaks of "God's power to scatter the enemy" (lQM 3:5; similarly
    4QMa [4Q491] frs. 8-10, I, 14 and 4Qshira t4Q5l0l 1:3, with pzr). An aspect of the
    community's theology stands behind 4QPrF0tesc (4Q509) 3:4, where the temporally
    defined (fqftpA) situations of scattering and gathering may refer to ecclesiological
    eras.

    7. W. L. Holladay, Jeremiah l. Herm (1987),677.


    8. G. Gerleman, Zephanja (1942), 57.
    9. M i c ha - N ahum - H ab akuk-tu phanj a. KAT XllU3 (197 5), 292.
    512 flB p0p

    2. LXX. The LXX usually translates pws with diaspeirein or diaskorpizein. Only
    rarely do we find such other translations as diachein (Z,ec. l:17), hyperekchein (Prov.
    5:16), speireiz (Isa. 28:25), or slwrpizein (Ps. l8:15[14]).

    Y. pzr. Only in one passage (Est. 3:8, pual ptcp.) does the partially synonymous
    root pzr refer to the diaspora of the Jewish people. A similar meaning is probably
    also conveyed by Jer. 50:17: lsrael is like a sheep separated from the flock (qal pass.
    ptcp.), pursued by lions. An interpolation explains the figure: the lions are Assyria
    and Babylon. Then v. 19 predicts the return of the sheep. In Yahweh's battle with
    Rahab, he "scattered his enemies" (Ps. 89:11[0]: piel). Joel 4:2(3:2) speaks of
    God's judgment on the shepherds who have scattered (piel) Israel; God scatters (piel)
    the bones of the ungodly (Ps. 53:6[5]), an image of total annihilation; cf. Ps. 141:7,
    where the psalmist laments, "Our bones have been scattered [niphal] at the mouth of
    Sheol."
    Finally, piuar can mean "distribute" in the sense of "give abundantly": the subject
    may be God (Ps. ll2:9 par. n@an) or a human being (Prov. ll.,24, "One who gives
    freely grows all the richer"). This may also be the meaning of Jer. 3:13, if we may fol-
    low 8IlS in reading dddayik instead of dcrdlayift: "You have scattered your favors
    among strangers." Holladay keeps the MT and translates: "You have spent your
    stxength."lo Finally, Ps. 147:16 says that Yahweh scatters frost like ashes.
    Ringgren

    lO. Jeremiah 1,59.

    tQ paz -+ )l! zdha!

    1lD pzr -r flD + pA$


    n2 pab 513

    L l. Etymology;2. Occurrences;3. Meaning. II. Usage. III. l. Dead Sea Scrolls; 2.L)(X.

    l.l. Etymology. HALteatsHeb. pal.t as a primary noun of the form qall. The word
    appears throughout Aramaic (Jewish Aramaic, Christian Palestinian, and above all
    Syriacr) as pafifid', with the meaning "snare." Fraenkel therefore lists Arab./a fifu as one
    of the Aramaic loanwords in Arabic.2
    AYk. pAfiu, cited by several lexicons, has nothing to contribute to the etymology of
    Heb. pah and is therefore rightly not mentionedby HAL.t [n Egyptian, however, there
    is a word pf36l which appears in Demotic as pfi and in Coptic as pa{ or fai and means
    "trap, snare, noose"; it cannot be divorced from Heb. palt, which is therefore an Egyp-
    tian loanword.5 The meaning "trap (for birds)" in Egyptian appears to be a secondary
    development from the original meaning of pbs "panel, stick." The Egyptian trap must
    therefore have been made of wood, whereas in Hebrew the palt was probably most
    characteristically a kind of net. It is tempting to consider pafr an onomatopoetic form,
    but its demonstrable Egyptian origin argues against such a derivation.
    A separate root pah II has been posited, an Egyptian loanword derived from pfig as
    discussed above.6 But it is impossible to separatepahl and II; we must assume instead
    that Heb. palt, "hamrrered plate," has retained the original Egyptian meaning, while
    palt, "snare for birds," represents a specialized semantic development.
    The word occurs twice in the OT with the meaning "plate." In the description of
    how the ephod was made, Ex. 39:3 states that plates of gold (pabA zAhd[ were ham-
    mered thin so as to be cut into gold threads, which were worked into the blue, purple,
    and crimson yarns and the twisted linen, in skilled design. In Nu. 17:3(16:38) Yahweh
    demands that the censers used illegitimately by the followers of Korah be hammered
    into thin plates as a covering for the altar.

    pab. G.Fohrer, "Falle," BHHW, l, G. Gerleman, "Contributions to the OT Terminology


    4631'
    of the Chase," Bulletin de la Soci4tC Royale des Lettres de Lund 1945-46, lY (1946),79-90;
    P. Hugger, lahwe meine Z{lucht (1971), esp. 173-76; I. Scheftelowitz, "Das Schlingen- und
    Netzmotiv," RW XW2 (1912) l-12; J. Schneider, "naylg, ncyr0efro," TDNT, Y, 593-96;
    G. Stiihlin, Slandalon. BFCT Monographien 24 ( 1930), esp. 98- 104; E. Vogt, " 'Ihr Tisch werde
    zur Falle' (Ps 69,23)," Bibl 43 (1962) 79-82; H. Wildbergea "Schlinge," BHHW, lll, l7O2-3.

    l. Brockelmann, lzxSyr 562a.


    2. S. Fraenkel, Die aramiiischen Fremdwiirter im Arabischen (1886, 21962), 119.
    3. Cf . GesB; KBl2; Brockelmann, lzxSyr 562a. Se AHw,II, 8l lb: "sleeve" (with a question
    mark).
    4. WbAS, t,543.
    5. See F. Calice, Grundlagen der cigyptisch-semitischen Wornergleichung. WZKMBeih. I
    (1936), 14849, no.605.
    6. Se* HAI. Ill,922; M. Ellenbogen, Foreign Words in the OT (1962), l3O.

    !
    514 nt pab

    2. Occunences. The noun pah occurs 25 times in the OT; there is a concentration in
    the Psalter, with 9 occurrences (8 if pehdm or pah"m0 is read instead of pahim inPs.
    11:6; otherwise Ps. 69:23lBng. v. 227;91:3; I l9: I l0; 124:7 ltwice); 140:615); l4l:9;
    142:4[3D. Elsewhere it occurs 3 times in Isaiah (8:14;24:17,18) and Jeremiah (18:22;
    48:43,44), twice each in Hosea (5:1; 9:8), Amos (3:5 [twice]), Job (18:9; 22:10),Prov-
    erbs (7:23;22:25), and once each in Josh. 23:13 and Eccl. 9:l2.lt appears also in Sir.
    ms.A9:13.ApartfromPs. 1l:6,thepluralpahtmappearsinJob22:lO;Prov.22:5;Jer.
    18:2; Sir. 9:13.
    There is a single occurrence (lsa.42:22) of a denominative verb in the hiphil, mean-
    ing "be trapped." The MT reads hdpah, an infinitive absolute; proposed emendations
    are the hophal inf. abs. hupah and the finite verb form hupahfr.1

    3. Meaning. While there is no consensus concerning the precise meaning of m6qdi


    (trigger of a snare for birds, boomerang, bait, net),8 palt can be defined with some pre-
    cision. It is true that the two terms are sometimes used in parallel (Josh. 23: l5; Isa. 8:14;
    Ps.69:231221; l4l:9) with no apparent distinction; but we can see from Prov. 7:23;Ps.
    124:7;Eccl.9:l2,and above all Am. 3:5, thatapah was used to trap birds. We may there-
    fore identify the pal.t with the triggered net used as a snare for birds represented in con-
    temporary art and still in use today.e It consists of two frames, generally curved, each
    covered with a net. The baited snare is set half opened. When a bird alights on the net
    resting on the ground, the two halves come together and the bird is trapped.

    II. Usage. In the OT the noun pah is used only figuratively and only in poetic texts.
    In this metaphorical usage, the emphasis is usually the elements of trickery and ruin.
    The expression hdyd l"pah used figuratively can be translated "be someone's ruin."
    In his farewell discourse, for example, Joshua warns Israel against the dangers of life
    among foreign nations (an obvious allusion to the exile). If Israel turns back andjoins
    foreign nations, they will be "a snare and a trap" (Josh. 23:13) in other words, they
    - can deliver from the
    will be the ruin of Israel. In Ps. 9l:3 the psalmist knows that God
    snare of the fowler (mippafi ydqfri), i.e., from the machinations of the enemy (cf. also
    Ps. 124:7), and therefore prays to be protected from the snare and trap (or bait) of the
    wicked (cf. Ps. l4l:9).In Ps. 69:23(22),ro the psalmist entreats God to intervene and
    inflict on the enemy the punishment they deserve by turning their table into a snare and
    their sacrificial banquet (reading w"ialmAhem) into bait. The comparison of a table
    (iulhdn) to a snare (paD is clear if one keeps in mind that for ordinary people an ani-
    mal hide or straw mat placed on the ground served as a table and that the rich in north-
    ern Syria and Asia Minor often used folding tables.ll The construction of net snares re-

    7. See, respectively, KBLz,758; K. Elligea Deutero-Jesaja. BKXUI (1978), 272-73; BHS.


    8. -+ VI,288.
    9. See AO B, 58, with fig. 182; O. Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World (Eng. trans. 1978),
    figs. il0-19a. For modern use see G. Dalman, AzS, VI, 338-39, with figs. 60-63.
    10. See Vogt.
    11. H. Weippefi, BRU,23O.
    n? pab 515

    sembles that of such tables. This construction is clearly reflected in Ps. l4l:9 if the MT
    is not emended: "Keep me from the hands of the snare (fidA paD that they have laid
    for me." This clearly alludes to the "two nets or flaps of the snare, which snap together
    suddenly to trap the surprised bird."r2 When the psalmist says in Ps.l42:4b(3b) that a
    snare has been hidden in the path, the image represents insidious defamation and mali-
    cious accusation; in Ps. 140:6(5), similarly, the arrogant set a snare for the psalmist.
    The faithful worshiper can feel confident of not having strayed from God's precepts
    even though the wicked have laid a snare (Ps. ll9:ll0; cf. Prov. 22:5).
    In Bildad's second reply, Job l8:9 says that a snare is waiting for Job to bring about
    his downfall. Job 18:8-10 lists a whole palette of devices used to trap birds and ani-
    mals, not all of which can be identified precisely. In the third reply of Eliphaz, too, Job
    is warned that snares (22:lO, pl.) have been set around him.
    lnlsa.24:17-18 the author depicts the fate of all the inhabitants of the earth on the
    day of judgment in words whose style, including alliteration, betrays the powerful
    voice of an eloquent apocalyptist:

    Panic and pit and stare (palp{ wdpaltal wApa|t)


    are upon you, inhabitant of the earth!
    Thus shall be: Whoever flees
    the sound of terror
    shall fall into the pit.
    And whoever climbs out of the pit
    shall be caught in the snare!

    This prophecy of inescapable universal judgment, which again mentions the net snare
    as the last and surest trap, reappears in the same words in Jer. 48:43-44, this time with
    reference to Moab. A human being can also be a trap to others, i.e., be their ruin (cf.
    also I Mc. 5:4). Hos. 9:8 belongs in this context. Hosea describes how the people show
    their hostility to him: "Snares like the fowler's snare are on all his ways." The LXX
    misunderstands the text and reverses the relationship: according to the LXX, the
    prophet is a pagis skolid, whereas the MT probably refers to the priests and the royal
    house as a snare (paD for Hosea.
    Sir. 27:26 illustrates the doctrine of retribution: "Whoever digs a pit will fall into it,
    and whoever sets a snare will be caught in it." In Hos. 5:1-2 the prophet calls on the
    priests, heads of families, and the royal house to fulfill their shared responsibility. He
    uses three images from hunting to characterize them as destroyers of Israel's freedom.
    They have been a snare at Mizpah, a large net (used to trap lions and gazelles [Ezk.
    l9:8; Sir. 27:21) spread upon Thbor, and at Shittim (cj.) a concealed pitfall ro capture
    game. The images indicate that those responsible for the people led them astray and
    brought about their downfall at these three places. To set snares means to rob people of
    their freedom and endanger their lives. Unfortunately we know nothing about the pre-
    cise historical situation.

    12. Yogt,82.

    L
    516 n2 pab

    Eccl.9:12 points out that fate strikes human beings as unpredictably as a bird or fish
    is caught in a snare or net. The unexpected disaster falls on them suddenly (pi!'dm).
    Prov. 7:23 speaks of the strange woman and her victim: the man attracted to the prosti-
    tute acts "like a bird rushing into a snare, not knowing that it will cost its life." Even
    blunter is Sir. 9:3: "Do not go near a loose woman, or you will fall into her snares."
    Even Yahweh can be a snare to his own people. With its image of trap and snare, Isa.
    8:14 presumably alludes to the encirclement of Jerusalem first by the Assyrians and
    then by the Babylonians. Yahweh has become "a snare and a trap which has seized the
    inhabitants of the city."t: In this context also belongs Am. 3:5, a difficult text: "Does a
    bird '. . .'to earth ifno bait has been set out? Does the snare spring up from the ground
    when it has taken nothing?" "The two . . . events are, as it were, simply two aspects of
    the same reality: just as the closing of the net and the entrapment of the prey constitute
    only a single event seen by two different subjects, so prophecy and the word of Yahweh
    constitute a single entity."l4

    lll. l. Dead Sea Scrolls. The noun ph occurs ten times in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    Some usages derive from the OT; for example, CD 4:14 cites the pabad wdpa|ta!
    wdpafi of Isa. 24:17 , then interprets it as the three nets (m;wdwt) of Belial, namely, for-
    nication, wealth, and defilement of the temple. The text of lQ22 1:8 (Words of Moses)
    draws on Josh. 23:13 when Moses says that the idols of the land of Israel will become
    "a sn[are and] trap" (lp[h w]mwq.i). The use of plr in combination with lmn for the se-
    cret laying of a snare appears in Ps. 140:6(5);142:4b(3b); Jer. l8:22b, as well as IQH
    2:29 and IQH fr. 3:4,8. Not based directly on OT usage are the images of the psalmist
    as a snare for the wicked in lQH 2:8 (but cf. Hos. 9:8 LXX) and the opening of the
    snares of the pit (pby iltt) in IQH 3:26. Also new are the images in IQH fr. 3:4,8: "my
    steps upon their hidden snares" and "they hide snare upon snare" (wpb lpb ylmwnw).
    Particularly unusual is the prayer to be delivered "from the snares ofjudgment accord-
    ing to your mercy" (lQH 18:25).

    2. lXX. The LXX regularly uses pagls, "snare, trap, noose," to translate pafr,'
    Jerome likewise regularly uses the Latin equivalent laqueus. The concrete image of the
    snare for birds is not recognized. The wordpagfs also translates such words as m6qei.
    InEzk.29:4the LXXreads l.tal.tim, "hooks," aspal.tim(pagidas), clearlybymistake.
    ln lsa. 42:22, clearly because of a misunderstanding on the part of the LXX, the Syr.
    and Vulg. (laqueus iuvenum omnes) read happalt for hdpalt. Tlhe verb pagidefia, a neol-
    ogism either of Koine or of the LXX itself, appears in 1 S. 28:9, rendering milnaqqdi,
    "lay a snare," and in EccL9:12, where pagidertofiai = yAqdiim.
    D. Kellermann

    13. O. Kaiser, Isaiah l-12. OTL(Eng. trans.21983), 193


    14. H. Gese, W 12 (1962) 427.
    1D| pahad 517

    1D? pabad;102 pahad I and II

    I. Roots. II. Heb. pl.tdandpdl.taQ: l. Semantics;2.Yerb;3.plrd'el;4. Noun;5. Numinous


    Dread; 6. Fear of God. III. pdlta! yi;l.tnq.

    I. Roots. There are at least three roots pl1/bd/din Semitic. (l) The Hebrew ver-
    bal root pbd (< p$d I), "experience dread, tremble," and the noun pahaj I appear
    only in Hebrew and Jewish Aramaic, except for an unintelligible syllabic passage
    in a series of Ugaritic incantations (lip-fiu-tu-ma),t the obscure PN ypthd on a sil-
    ver bowl from Halla Sultan Tekk6 (Cyprus, l3th century n.c.n.),2 and the damaged
    beginning of a line in the Deir'A116 inscription.3 (2) The concrete noun represented
    by the consonants pfid appeats in Heb. pal.taQdw, "its [Behemoth's] thighs," in Job
    40:17; ldl<lfll instead of the regular Heb. lzl4y'l is an Aramaism. It appears also in
    Targumic Aram. pab(a)din, "testicles"4 (cf. also the Vulg. of Job 40:12[=l7l:
    testiculorum eius), Syr. pul.tdA, "thigh, leg," OSA ffi!, and above all Arab. fafiiQ,
    fabd, ftbd (fem.), "thigh," with a denominative verb and other derivatives; cf. Egyp.
    bpdwy, "buttocks," with metathesis of p and fi. Other possible derivatives of the
    same root include the word pfid' $eading uncertain), "the clan," from Hatra,
    Palmyr. pb(w)2, pltd, "clan," and Arab. fafii/ (masc.), "subdivision of a tribe."s
    (3) Akk. pu[adu(m), fem. puftattu(m), lamb]' and Ugar. pfid, "lambs (collec-

    pal.ta{. B. J. Bamberger, "Fear and Love of God in the OT," HUCA 6 (1929) 39-53; J. Becker,
    Gottesfurcht im AT. AnBibl 25 (1965); Y. Braslavi, "pbd Wbq and the Blessing of Ephraim and
    Manasseh," BethM 141712) (1962),35-42;L. Derousseaux, La crainte de Dieu dans l'AT (1970);
    J. Haspecker, Gottesfurcht bei Jesus Sirach (1967); J. Hempel, Gott und Mensch im AT. BWANT
    38 (1936), esp. 4-33; D. R. Hillers, "Palpd Yiilaqi' JBL9I (1972) 90-92; P. Joiion, "Crainte et
    peur en H6breu biblique," Bibl 6 (1925) 174-79; K. Koch, *pdltdd ji1haq eine Gottes-
    -
    bezeichnung?" Werden und Wirken desAIs. FS C. Westermann (1980), 107-15; N. Krieger, "Der
    Schrecken Isaaks," Jud 17 (1961) 193-95; A. Lemaire, "A propos de pafiad dans l'onomastique
    ouest-s6mitiquel' W 35 (1985) 500-501; idem, "[rs BenO Jacob," RB 85 (1978) 321-37; idem,
    |
    Inscriptions hdbrai'ques, (1977),287-89; idem, "Le 'pays de H6pher'et les 'Filles de
    Zelophehad' i la lumiEre des ostraca de Samarie," Sem 22 (1972) 13-20; B. Levine, "pbd ySbqi'
    EMiqa Yl, 451-52; S. E. l,oewenstamm, "slphd," EMiqr VI, 738; M. Malul, "More on pahad
    yishdq (Genesis xxxi 42, 53) and the Oath by the Thigh," W 35 (1985) 192-200; S. Morenz,
    "Der Schrecken Pharaos," Liber amicorum. FS. C. J. Bleeker Numen Sup 17 (1969) ll3-125;
    E. Puech, "'La crainte d'Isaac' en GenEse xxxi 42 et 53: W 34 (1984) 356-61; C. H. Ratschow
    et al., "Gottesfurcht," RGG3, II (1958), l79l-98; K. Romaniuk, "Furcht. II. AT und NT," fRE
    XI (1983),756-59; J. M. Sasson, RSEI(1972),438-39; H.-P. S6hli,'111D phdtoshake)'TLOT,
    II, 979-81; G. Wanke, TDNT,IX,l97-2O5.
    l. RS 17.155 with duplicate 15.152; Ugaritica, V 32, h.
    2. Puech, 358, 361 n. 19; but see also I-emaire, "A propos de pAhadl'
    3. r, l0[l2].
    4. J. Levy, Chaldiiisches Wiirterbuch, II (rep. 1966), 258.
    5. For Hatra see NESI III (1978), 73-74. For Palmyrene see DNS1, II, 904, with bibliog.

    t--
    518 .tD? pabad

    tively)," however, appear to reflect a nominal root with the consonants pfud II,
    which has no Hebrew isogloss.6
    The theory that p@ > pbz/d, "clan," is related to the other concrete noun from the
    root pbd II (Akk. puSAdu@), "lamb"; Ugu. pbA presupposes a very broad metonymic
    semantic variation.T Furthermore, instead of Akk. pu$Adu@) we would expect a form
    with lzl as its third radical, contra Albright, Gordon,. Segert, and Dahood.8 Dahood not
    only agrees with Albright and Gordon in associating the meaning "flock" with Ugar.
    pfudblt also proposes the meaning "pack [of dogs]" for Heb. pahaQ in such passages as
    Isa. 24:18.e On the basis of Job 40:17, Puech suggests the meaning "thigh" for Ugar.
    pb.d.to
    The word pftz in the phrase mn phzy bny 'i ("on account of the arrogance of the sons
    of man") in the Deir 'Alla inscription does not derive from any of the three roots dis-
    cussed above, but rather ftom pbz, "swell up, seethe; be insolent," found in Hebrew,
    Jewish Aramaic, Syriac, and Arabic.l I Cf. Middle Bab. pa/efiidu for a kind of flour.12

    ll.Heb. plrd and paly!.


    l. Semantics. The complex signification of the Hebrew verb phd I is "feel dread"
    and its somatic manifestation "tremble." Trembling may occasionally be the result of
    joy (Isa. 60:5; Jer. 33:9). As the modifier tdmtd showq the piel denotes continuous,
    lifelong fear (Isa. 5l:13) or the fear of God (hov. 28:14; Sir. 37:12); without the ad-
    verb it means "terrify" (lQS 4:2). The causative hiphil means "cause to dread" (Job
    4:14). The object of the dread is introduced by min or mippcnA.
    The Hebrew noun pahaQ denotes the experience of dread (Dt. 28i67; cf. qbl
    happaha!, "the sound of terror," Isa. 24:18; qdl pefuAQim, Job 15:21; similarly Jer.
    30:5) or the "trembling" it occasions (Job 4:14, par. to re'd!6, "trembling"). But it may
    also denote whatever causes the "dread" and "trembling," the object of terror, the thing
    feared (Isa. 24:17 = ler.48:43; etc.; Job 3:25;22:lO; etc.).13 When paha! denotes the
    experience of dread rather than its somatic manifestation, its locus is the heart (Dt.
    28:67;cf. theuseof theverbinlsa.60:5;Ps. ll9:l6l; Sir.7:29;1QS4:2).Insofaras
    the verb in the qal and piel has a transitive connotation, "be in dread of, fear," a genitive
    depending on the noun pdlta! can be construed as an objective genitive if it refers to
    the thing fearedta and as a subjective genitive if it refers to the person fearing.

    6. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz, UF 17 (1985) 99-103, esp. 100-101, with bibliog.


    7. Hillers, 92.
    8. W. F. Albright, From the Stone Age to Christianity (21957), 248 n. 7l: Gordon, UT no.
    2035; S. Segert, Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (1984), 198; Dahood, Ugartic-
    Hebrew Philology. BietOr 17 (1965),69.
    9. Cf. J. Sasson, RSE 1,439.
    10. P. 359 n. 5.
    I l. Deir'Alla II, 8. See H.-P. Miiller, 7AW 94 (1982) 233; contra J. Hoftijzer and G. van der
    Kooij, ATDA, 277; and HAL, 111,923, s.v. pabad l, 3.
    12. AHw II, 8ll.
    13. See II.4 below.
    14. Contra StAh[, 413.
    1D? pdbad 519

    In Ps. 53:6(Eng. v. 5); 9l:5; Job 3:25;39:22;Prov. l:26-27,33;3:25; Cant. 3:8,


    objectification of the pabad concept leads to the connotation "danger."ls If the object
    of dread is to be specified, an appropriate genitive or suffix is appended to paltaS, so
    that the noun once again means the experience of dread or the trembling caused by the
    feared thing. Expressions like pahaQ'6yeb (Ps.64:2lll;4QpNah 2:5), pltdy mwt (Sir.
    9:13), or pahad yhwila present the "enemy," "death," or Yahweh as an object of terror.
    Terror of Yahweh is mentioned in Isa. 2:10,19,211,the people hide from Yahweh when
    he rises (vv. 19,21) on his day (v. l2), not of course from their own terror. Inthefigura
    etymologicaphdpahal(Dt.28:67: Ps. l4:5 =53:6[5]; Job 3:25; Sir.9:13 [pl.l),pahad
    can mean either the experience of dread (Dt. 28:67, par. to the experience of seeing,
    just as Apaltaitd layl6 wjdmnm in v.66ba means the continual experience of dread
    that is the opposite of assurance of life [v. 66bp]) or the object of dread, the terrifying
    danger (Job 3:25). Job l5:21 and Sir. 9:13 use the plural with an intensifying function.
    The concentration of occurrences of pb.d in exilic and postexilic literature may be
    due to the use of other lexemes in earlier periods to express the emotion-laden concept,
    whereas after the exile a need was felt for a more specific term.lT This theory requires a
    detailed analysis of the semantic field, which is beyond the scope of this article.
    The rendering of the Hebrew verbs meaning "fear" in the LXX is discussed exten-
    sively elsewhere, as are synonyms and antonyms of the root pltd.rs Akkadian parallels
    include pulufitu, which means both "fear" as a human experience and the "fearsome-
    ness" of deities; the latter phenomenon is also expressed by melemmu(m), the "dread-
    ful radiance" associated with deities, demons, kings, and temples.le Egyptian parallels
    are nrw, snd, and l't.20
    The shift of @l to /d/ (although found also in Ugaritic) shows that the Hebrew noun
    pabadll <*pb4 in the expression $y'A pahoSdw, "the sinews of its thighs" (Job 40:17;
    see I.[2] above), is one of the Aramaisms characteristic of the secondary passages in
    the book of Job, especially in the speeches of Elihu. The LXX did not translate the con-
    sonants pl.td, clearly because it could not make sense of the word, whereas the Vulg. in-
    terpreted them on the basis of contemporary Aramaic, treating them (like the Targ.) as
    Aramaic. Lacau's claim that Bgyp.bpdwy (dual), "buttocks," is an isogloss is morpho-
    logically and semantically plausible.2l The word's phonological categorization, apart
    from the consonantal metathesis, must remain an open question.

    2. Verb. The meaning "experience dread" or "tremble," conveyed above all by the
    verb phd, corresponds to one of the basic features of human and animal life.

    15. See most recently HAI. 111,922, lb.


    16. See II.4-6 below.
    17. Wanke,2@.
    18. See Wanke; also Stiihli, 413, with bibliog. For synonyms and antonyms see Joiion;
    Wanke; Steht,413.
    19. Stiihli, 413; AHw,I1,87819, @3.
    20. See Morenz, ll4-15; also II.5 below.
    21. P. Laca\ lts noms des panies du corps en Cgyptien et en sdmitique (1970),79.

    L
    520 1D? pahad

    In an admonition that has overtones of a purpose clause, Sir. 9:13 speaks of the
    creaturely fear of human beings in the face of death: keep far from one who has the
    power to kill, w7 tpfid pfudy mwt, "lest you be haunted by the fear of death."zz Accord-
    ing to Sir. 4l:12, one should "tremble" more for one's name than for a thousand hordes
    of gold, since its influence is more enduring. The horse is an animal that "laughs at
    fear" (yiihaq lepahaQ). The ostrich (?) treats its young "carelessly" (beli-pdhafl, con-
    duct that the author of Job considers foolish.
    Except for these passages, the creaturely fear experienced by human beings, usually
    without any explicit object, attracts our attention only in religious contexts. That
    Yahweh is the life and salvation of the faithful precludes fear (Ps. 27:l; Isa. l2:2).
    Yahweh led Israel "in safety, so that they were not afraid" (Ps. 78:53). Contrariwise, in
    a prophecy of doom we hear a "cry of terror" and paltaQ, the opposite of idl6m (cf.
    49:5 in an oracle against the Ammonites). Deutero-Isaiah admonishes the people not to
    fear (Isa.44:8), above all not to be continually in dread (51:13, piel), because Yahweh
    is about to intervene in history. But dread layh wj6mdm "by night as well as by
    dayl'zt cast a pall on the life of Israel under the Neo-Babylonians, as we learn from Dt.
    28:66f ., a Deuteronomistic description of disaster in the context of a curse on Israel if it
    does not observe the Deuteronomic law.
    In the orderly world of wisdom tradition, ethical conduct guarantees sleep without
    fear (Prov. 3:24), above all a life without sudden panic (palta! pi1'6m, v. 25). According
    to the doctrine of retribution, terror is the lot of the wicked, because God avenges the
    righteous (Ps. 14:5 = 53:6[5]); "teniffing sounds are in their ears," for unexpectedly
    (baiiAl6m) the destroyer comes upon them, and paha! pi1'dz reveals the wicked for what
    they are, as Job's antagonist Eliphaz asserts (Job l5:21; 22:lO).In a parody of the norm,
    however, Job finds idl6m mippdl.ta!, "prosperity free from fear," in the houses of the
    wicked (21:9), while he himself is beset by dread, the danger that, as a sage, he had al-
    ways feared (3:25). On the other hand, in Deutero-Isaiah's description of Yahweh's sal-
    vation, the heart of the redeemed Israelites "trembles" and "swells" (Isa. 60:5). Jer. 33:9
    (posrDtr) describes "all the nations of the earth" as trembling (pbd) and quaking (rgz)
    because of all the good (t6!d) and prosperity Gal6m) Yahweh has provided.
    In the Dead Sea Scrolls, by contrast, the prevalence of creaturely fear appears to be
    a mark of the present aeon: lQH 2:36 and IQS l: 17 articulate the concern that "fear"
    may lead the members of the community to unfaithfulness. According to lQS 10: 15,
    phd w'ymh are characteristic of this present "place of distress and grief'; cf. the fear of
    the nations and of the rule of the Kittim voiced in lQpHab 3:4-5; 4:7.

    3. pM 'el. Creaturely fear that seeks refuge in Yahweh ('el-yhwh) has a religious
    purpose and is therefore positive. The prophecy of Israel's return following judgment
    in Hos. 3:5 (an early addition to Hosea)24 equates the future Apdfua/fr 'el-yhwh wc'el-

    22. See IL4 below.


    23. HP,224.
    24. J. Jererias, Der Prophet Hosea. ATD 24ll (1983), 57.
    1D? pabad 521

    tfi!6 ("they shall go trembling to" > "seek refuge2s with Yahweh and his goodness")
    with ydifr!fi ("they shall return") and filiq(q)eifi 'e1-yhwh 'cbhAhem ("and they shall
    seek Yahweh their God"). We may compare Jer. 36:16: pAb"d.fr ii 'el-rE'Zhfr, "they
    turned to one another in alarm." ler. 2:l9apb, which echoes Hos. 3:5 and sounds like
    an afterthought following the concluding words in v. 19aa, returns secondarily to
    the theme of v. 17 and expands on it by lamenting that Israel did not in fact return
    trembling to Yahweh (reading wel6' pdhay'tt '€layzey Despite the change in word or-
    der, Mic. 7:l7b$ (MT) appears also to echo Hos. 3:5, formulated as a conclusion to
    Hos. l-3.

    4. Noun. The noun pafia! is often used to objectify "the fearsome," the danger that
    arouses creaturely dread. According to Eliphaz (Job 22:10), pabad pi{am, a sudden
    onset of fear like that which attacks Job, is the consequence of his "wickedness" and
    "iniquities" (v. 5). By contrast, the observant need fear no terrors (Prov. 3:25); they are
    secure (ia'anan) from pahaQ rd'd, "the peril of evil" (l:33), as well as from pabad
    laylA, "that which brings terror in the night" (Ps.91:5), i.e., the nocturnal horror
    against which the men in the bridal procession are armed with their swords (mippaha/
    bailAb1, Cant. 3:8).27 Those threatened by terror and danger can see themselves in the
    pronominal suffix (subjective gen.) of the expression pahdeftem, "the danger that
    threatens you," in the wisdom admonition in Prov. l:26-27.In the lament in Ps.
    3l:12(ll), the phrase paba{ limyuddd'ay, "a horror to my acquaintances," uses l, plus
    a dependent participle to designate those affected.
    The cause of dread can be stipulated more specifically when it is appendedto paha/
    as a genitive, as we have already seen in pabad rd'6 (Prov. l:33) and (formally) in
    pabad layli (Ps.9l:5). Above all, in the petition in Ps. 64:2(l), pabad'6yEp means
    "dread evoked by an enemy." We may compare mpltd wyb, "from fear of the enemy"
    (aQpNah 2:5), and mpltd hwwt rft'ylm, "from fear of the terror of the wi[cke]d" (lQH
    2:36), as well as tplbd bpf, "the terror evoked by the abyss" (Deir'Alla I, l0 [12]),
    pl.tdy mwt, "the terror aroused by death" (Sir. 9:13), and hkty'ym'ir pfidm fw'y)mft)m'l
    h,rl hgw'ym, "the Kittim, who provoke fear and dread among all the nations" (lQpHab
    3:4-5).

    5. Numinous Dread. Another cause of creaturely dread, again usually expressed by


    pabad, is the numinous, above all the deity as the quintessence of "terror," the
    mysterium tremendum.
    The archaizing curse forrnula paha! wdpaltal wdpalt 'dleyka, "panic, pit, and snare
    upon you," with its magically effective assonance, appears twice: in Jer. 48:43 in an or-
    acle against Moab and again in Isa.24:17 in an eschatological oracle against "the in-
    habitants of the earth" (cf. the quotation in CD 4:14). At one time the forces of doom,

    25. L. Kopf,w9 (1959)2s7.


    26. Ct. BHS.
    27. See III below.

    t-
    lll pal.taj

    pabad, etc. may have been mobilized directly by the formulaic nominal clause, without
    reference to a deity appointing and governing them. The stability of such formulas is
    indicated by the allusions in Job 22:19 (palttm par. paha! pi!'dm), Lam.3:47 (pahaj
    wdpal3afi, and Sir. 9:13 (w'l tpbd pMy mwt . . . d' ky byn pl.tym /s'd "lest you be
    haunted by the fear of death . . . know that you are stepping among snares").
    More specifically, the deity is described as arousing numinous terror in the context
    of the holy war, by means of such genitive phrases as paha/ yhwh, "the terror Yahweh
    inspires" > "the terror Yahweh represents" (l S. 1l:7; Isa. 2:10,19,21;2Ch. 14:13
    [l4]; 17:10), orpahaSrldhtm(2Ch.29:29).28InEx. l5:l6theabsolute useof ('Amd!A
    wd-)pahaQ, reinforced by bigdAl z"r6'oka, "by the great (might) of your arm," serves
    the same function, as do the noun paha/ in Isa. 19: 16 and Jer. 49:5 and the verb pl.td in
    Isa. l9:17 and 44:l I (cf. the malediction in Mic. 7:17) in oracles against enemies. For
    those who have been saved by the "terror" visited on the enemy, the beneficiaries of the
    pabad, it clearly represents a "positive experience of God's presence," such as is also
    the goal of the action denoted by pbd 'el.ze The use of paltaQ with a genitive of the de-
    ity may be compared to Akk. falt-rat pulufitaiu, "immense was my dread of him > his
    dreadfulness," in parallel with l<abtat qdtiu, "heavy was his hand [sc. upon me]"30 (cf.
    also Isa. 19:16). In Job 25:2 the "dread" inspired by Yahweh, like the preceding
    hami€l, "dominion," functions virtually as an attribute.
    The frequency with which the subj. pahay' appears in the context of war with the
    predicate npl'al, "fallupon"(Ex. l5:16; I S. ll:7;etc.),andlaterhyh 'cl, "comeupon"
    (2 Ch. 14:13[ l4]; 17:101' l9:7;20:29), bespeaks the overwhelming spontaneous experi-
    ence of the numinous in these circumstances (for pahaQ 'al see Dt. 2:25; I l:25; Isa.
    24:17 = Jer. 48:43; Jer. 49:5;1 Ch. 14: l7; for pahaS 'el, see Job 3l:23 cj.; see below). It
    falls upon the Israelites, so that they come out as one and thus derive an advantage from
    their dread (1 S. l1:7); above all, however, it falls upon the enemy, making them still as
    a stone (Ex. 15:16) and putting them to shame (boqqd', Isa. 19:17; ye!6ifr,44:11), so
    that they are scattered (Jer. 49:5). In the context of a day of Yahweh on which war is
    waged against everything high and exalted, the refrain in Isa.2:10,19,21 calls on its
    hearers to hide in the rock and in the dust.
    Around the motif of the dread inspired by Yahweh crystallized the ideological con-
    struct that God alone is the protagonist in a holy war.3l Jgs.7:16-22 shows how a mili-
    tarily decisive divine terror could be inspired artificially (cf. 1 S. 4:4-8; Josh. 6).:z
    Phenomenologically, the association of pabad yhwh with war suggests that Gk.
    ph6bos, the son of Aries, himself becomes a god of war.33

    28. On 2 Ch. l9:7 and Ps. 36:2(l) see II.6 below.


    29. Contra Koch, 108. See II.3 above.
    30. Ludlul iii.l-2.
    31. See, e.g., the discussion of Am. 2:14-16 in G. von Rad, Holy War in Ancient Israel (Eng.
    trans. l99l), 109ff.; F. Stolz, Jahwehs und Israels Kriege. ATANT 60 (1972),187-91.
    32. See H.-P. Miiller, W 14 (1964) 183-91.
    33. Homer lliad 13.298-300; Hesiod Theog. 933-36; for a general discussion of phdbos in
    w,n, see H. Balz, ThWNT,IX, 187f.; EWM m, 429.
    llJQ pal.raQ 523

    The exilic and postexilic period developed systematically an ideology of war that
    had previously been rather archaic,3a giving a central place, contrary to all political ex-
    perience, to the Israelite faith in divine election. In the course of this development, the
    dread formerly inspired by Yahweh became associated with Israel (paM,ba, -f,em, "the
    dread of you," Dl 2:25; ll:25; cf. paftddm, Ps. 105:38; Est. 9:2) or David (pabd6,
    I Ch. 14:17) (cf . also pahaQ hayychfi/tm, Est. 8: 17; pahaQ morilftay,9:3). At the same
    time, the scope of this dread became universal (1 Ch. 14:17 2Ch.20:29 [cf.l7:10]).
    The suffrxes in pahdcln, -ftem, pal.tddm, and paltd6, as well as the genitives in pahaQ
    hayy"hfr/tm and pahaj mor&f;ay, are objective genitives specifying who is to be
    feared. With respect to David and Mordecai as inspirers of terror, compare Egyp. nrw$
    "the dread of him (Pharaoh), the dread that he inspires," sn{$ "the fear of him," and
    i7$ *the horror of him."35
    This numinous dread is individualized when individuals react with fear (pdhaQfl at
    the reading of the prophecies of disaster in Jeremiah's scroll (Jer. 36:16); ominously,
    the king and his servants fail to display such fear when the scroll is burned (v. 24). Sim-
    ilarly, the individual sinners are gripped by fear @Ab'dA) before the entrance liturgy
    (Isa. 33: l4). That an almost physical pahay' 7 would assail Job if he transgressed is pre-
    supposed in Job's oath of purgation (Job 3l:23 cj.; reading pabad 'El ye'c1eh '€lay)'x
    for 'th with pal.taQ as subject see also 3:25 and (indirectly) Prov. l:27 . Dread of God's
    presence also assails Job on account of God's arbitrariness (mippdndyw 'ebbahel, "at
    his presence I am terrified )' par. w"'epl.ra/ mimmennfi, "and I am in dread of him," Job
    23:15); conversely, again in an almost physical sense, he threatens his antagonists with
    "dread of him [Yahweh]" (13:ll). More experiential are the pahaj ("dread") and
    rc'a/A ('fiembling") that also assail someone visited by the spirit (of wisdom), as de-
    scribed by the rather mannered account in 4:14; at the same time, a *rt| '"sdm61 (cf .
    AJr*. rlbu I, "earthquake") evokes dread Qfid hiphil).

    6. Fear of God. Wisdom literature and its related traditions use the piel of p/rd abso-
    lutely as a general term for conduct in accordance with the religious standards of wis-
    dom: mepahdQ tdmt!, "constantly reverent" (Prov. 28:14; Sir. 37:12; cf. the use of Gk.
    phoboilmenos, -or [Acts 10:2,22,35; 13:16,261along with sebilmenos [Acts 13:43 on]
    for Gentile adherents of Judaism). The piel inf . in lphd lbbw bmipyy '| "to establish in
    his heart fear of God's judgments," denotes one of the virtues of the "sons of light" or
    the "spirits of light" behind them (1QS 4:2ff.), by means of which they evoke conduct
    that accords with the religious standards of wisdom. Consonant with this development,
    in 2 Ch. l9:7 pahaj yhwh is already reduced to "fear of Yahweh," with phdas a gram-
    matically transitive term, associated here with the care required of judges in fulfilling
    their duties. The opposite,'An-pahaQ al6htm, "no fear of God" (Ps. 36:2[1]), however,
    conveys a general religious meaning. In Sir. 7:29 the qal impv. pltd '1, "fear God," par-

    34. F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertiimer I (1901).


    35. Morenz, 114-15.
    36. A different emendation is suggested by BHK, none by BIIS.
    1D? pahad

    allels respect for the holiness of priests. Fear of God's 'Judgments" as in 1QS 4:2-3 (cf .
    IQH fr.4:9) appears also in Ps. l19:120, with only arhetorical distinction between
    these judgments and God's "words" as an object of fear in v. 161.

    lll. pahad yi;bdq. The phrase pahad yi{bdS (Gen. 31:42) or pdhaj 'altw yi;l.tdq
    (v. 53b) most likely derives from the root phd I rather than pfid, if only because the for-
    mer is well attested in Hebrew, albeit mostly in late texts, whereas the latter, except for
    Job 40:17, appeius only in later languages. Only in Aramaic and idioms influenced by
    Aramaic can the @/ in Proto-Sem.*pM, which can be deduced from Arab./abid, be-
    come ld/;37 the same shift could also occur in Ugaritic, blt *pfid, "thigh" or "clan," is
    not attested in that language. On the basis of this argument, the noun pafiaql would de-
    note the "fearsome one" (see II.4 above); the possessive gen. yishdq identifies the ben-
    efici4ry of a numinous terror that prevails over enemies (see II.5 above): "the fearsome
    one of Isaac." But because religious formulas (esp. ancient or archaizing formulas) are
    polysemous, we cannot rule out the possibility that Isaac himself is the one who
    arouses fear, as in genitive phrases like paha! yhwft,' thus the phrase could mean "the
    fear evoked by Isaas."3a Anyone who has a fearsome God is also fearsome.
    It would appear, furthermore, that the term and concept are not as isolated in the OT
    as Alt assumed.3e The personal or tribal name ;lphd, to be read sEl pahaQ on the basis
    of LXX Salpaad, can be explained as "Shadow of the Pafrad" that protects the family
    or tribe.ao Comparable is AP,k. pulufrti;illlka, "the fearsomeness of your shadow,"al the
    theophorous element of which obviously is a deity in whom the panic "terror" emanat-
    ing from another god, such as an El, has become an independent figure, a tutelary
    numen of the family or tribe in the inevitable military conflicts of the group. Although
    erroneously citing Arabic, Westermann is probably correct in viewing thewords'"bhA
    'alrdhdm trpal.raQ yi;bAq in Gen. 3l:.42 as a secondary addition based on v. 53b.42 In
    any case, the peaceful nature of the patriarchal stories is most likely due to secondary
    reworking.43 The expressions paha/ ldyl6 (Ps.9l:5) and pabad bailAb1(Cant. 3:8),
    then, may indicate that a fearsome deity of a small group has been reduced to the status
    of aminordemon.aRelatedinmeaningarethe balh61 ;almdwel$almfi1?), "terrorsof
    deep darkness," which the adulterer does not fear (Job 24:17), as well as the melef;
    ballAh6!, "king ofterrors" (18:14), especially since the association ofCant. 3:8 and Job
    24:17 with marriage and sexual intercourse also suggests a background in familial reli-
    gion.

    37. Hillers, 92.


    38. For bibliog. see A. Alt, Es says on OT History and Religion (Eng. trans. 1966), 26 n. 63.
    39. tbid.,26.
    40. Lemaire, "Pays de H6pher," 20; idem, Inscriptions,288; also HAL, lll, 1030, where my
    interpretation is misrepresented, and Puech, 356-57, 360 n. 10.
    41. AHw, II, 879a.
    42. C. Westermann, Genesis 12-36 (Eng. trans. 1985),497.
    43. M. Rose, BZ20 (1976) 197-211.
    44. See II.4 above; H. Gunkel, Genesis (61964), 349; idem, Die Psalmen. HKAf G196g),
    406..
    1E? pahad

    Of course neither the PN ;lpltd nor Cant. 3:8 suggests any particular association
    with Isaac. According to late texts such as Nu. 26:33; 27:1; Josh. 17:3 (l Ch. 7:15), the
    former is a descendant of Manasseh-Gilead-Hepher; at least his daughters Hoglah and
    Tirzah (Nu.26:33;27:l;36:.ll:' Josh. l7:3) correspond to localities in central Pales
    tine.as Both observations are at odds with the localization of Isaac in the far south. In
    any case, though, the association of pahaQ as a deity with a genitive of appellative na-
    ture and with a personal name is grounded in the familial function of the numen.
    The narrator of Gen. 3l :53b displays great interest in familial religion. May we con-
    clude, then, that the interpretation of a numinous familial pabad as the god 'dpiw
    yi;bAq, "of his father Isaac," is simply a construct of this narrator, which was later ab-
    breviated from pahaS 'd\tw yisfidq to paha/ yishdq and now has the feel of an indepen-
    dent divine name, to fill out v. 42? For the oath in the marriage contract recorded in
    v. 50, appropriation of a familial numen embodying the "fearsome one" and handed on
    from Isaac to Jacob would fit with the preceding aggressive situation. For vv. 50 and
    53b as elements of a familial history appear to be earlier than "the tribal pact in vv. 51-
    53a]'u with its confrontation between the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor in
    v. 53a, who represent for the narrator the later nations of Israel and Aram. Furthermore,
    since the list of divine appellatives in Gen. 49:24-25 does not include a pahaQ yishdq,
    the more general question of Alt's "God of the fathers" does not arise here.aT Ktickert
    has disputed (on insufficient grounds) the assumption that the familial religion of the
    patriarchal narratives exhibits authentic pre-Israelite nomadic traditions.as
    The translationof palpSyi;idq as "kinsman of Isaac" has no semantic basis in Aram.
    (?), Palmyr., and Arab. pMlzl orfa[i/, "clan."ae Koch's theory "that Jacob swears by the
    thigh or procreative member of his father Isaac" relies entirely on such late semantic iso-
    glosses as Targumic Aran. paha/in, "testicles," and the Vulg. of Job 40:17, which clearly
    depends on the Aramaic; in earlier Hebrew prior to Aramaic influence, we would expect /
    zl rather than ldl as the third radical of a phonological isogloss of Aram. *pahaj cone-
    sponding to Arab. fahi/, "thigh."so Citing Koch, Malul therefore considers pabad,
    "thigh," in Gen. 3l:42,53 to be an Aramaic word, overlooking the fact that, appropriately
    to the narrative situation, the Aramaic expression in v. 47 is placed quite naturally in the
    mouth of Laban, not Jacob.sl The same objection can be made to the translation "clan of
    Isaac."52 Moreover, if pal.tay' yishaq in 3l:42 derives from pal.ta! 'd[iw yishdq in v. 53b,
    the only relevant narrative context (that of v. 53b) lends no support to Koch's theory. On
    the contrary: although on the literal level Jacob invokes a curse on himself should he

    45. See also N. H. Snaith, W 16 (1966) 124-27; l.emaire, "Pays de H6pher"; idem, Inscrip-
    tions, 287-89; A. Demsky, Erlsr 16 (1982) *70-*75.
    46. Westermann, Genesis 12-36, 499, citing Gunkel.
    47. "The God of the Fathers," Essays on OT History and Religion, 1-66, esp. 25-27.
    48. M. Kdckeft, Viitergott und Vdterverheissung (1987).
    49. Contra Albright, From the Stone Age,248, see Hillers et al.
    50. P. ll3.
    5l.Pp. 194ff., citing Koch.
    52. Puech, 356.
    il12 paba!

    break his oath, so that he would be attacked by the "terror" of v. 53b, on the pragmatic
    level of the narrative, especially after Jacob has become the representative of Israel and
    Laban the representative of the Arameans, the pal.taj yi;baq is a "terror" to the enemies
    of Jacob and Israel ; secondarily, in v . 42 it acts as the guarantor of the prosperity of both
    parties, in accord with the tendency of the patriarchal narrative. According to Koch, the
    "terror" Isaac suffers would have to be called *pabad'al-yighnq and would therefore have
    no bearing on our understanding of the formula.53 For the swearing by the "thigh" of
    Koch's interpretation, the patriarchal narrative usesydrdft(24:2,9;47:29); the absence of
    the expression *itm ya/ taltal ydrel in 31:53 is not without significance.
    As a synonym of pahaQ in its function as a divine appellative we find mOrd', "fear-
    some one," in Ps. 76: l2(l l), where it parallels yhwh'cbhA$em, a usage that recalls the
    juxtaposition of "bhA (twice) and pal.taQ, each time with a genitive denoting the wor-
    shiper. Thorion-Vardi points out that mwr'appears as a divine appellative in lQpHab
    6:5.s4
    H.-P. Miiller

    53. Koch, 108. See II.5 above.


    54. T. Thorion-Yardi, RevQ 46 (1986) 282.

    IIDE pabat

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences and Meaning: l. OT; 2. Ancient Versions; 3. Dead Sea Scrolls.
    III. Lev. 13:55.

    I. Etymology. The nounpahalis generally derived from the verb pht,t which occurs
    in many Semitic languages (Jewish Aramaic, Syriac, Samaritan, Akkadian), but not in
    Biblical Hebrew. Among its meanings are "hollow out" and "pierce." Arabic has a verb
    faltata, "dig, pierce"; Akkadian has a verb patdfiu(m) with roughly the same mean
    ing,"z 1i1" Syr. pl.tt (pael). The basic meaning of the noun in Hebrew is probably "pit."
    It occurs with this meaning in other Northwest Semitic languages as well, like Sam.
    pltth3 or Syr. and Aram. pehta or paltta.

    pal.ta1. A. Schwarzenbach, Die geographische Terminologie im Hebriiischen des ATs (1954),


    40-41.

    l. Bl.e, 458: HAL,lll,9U.


    2. See Wehr, 693:' AHw, 11,846-47.
    3. LOT rr, 517.
    nD? pahat

    II. Occurrences and Meaning.


    l.OT.Thewordpahal appearsinthesingularin2 S. l8:17;lsa.24:17,18 (twice);
    Jer. 48:28,43,44 (twice); and Lam. 3:47; it appears in the plural in 2 S. l7:9. A hapax
    legomenon p"be!e! is found in Lev. l3:55.a A conjectural reading paltalhas been pro-
    posed in Am. 3:5 (for pah)s and, more cogently, in Job 39:22 (for paha{, with some
    Heb. mss. and Syr.; cf. LXX). From 2 S. 18:17 we can conclude that pahal is mascu-
    line, although l7:9 reads 'ahalrather than'abad; in Syriac the word is sometimes mas-
    culine, sometimes feminine.
    The verbs used in 2 S. 18: l7; Isa. 24:18; and Jer. 48:44 (hiilfu 'el, ndpal 'el, and'dld
    min) show clearly that pahalrefers to a "hole" or "pit" (e.g., in a forest6); in mountain-
    ous terrain it might be called a gorge (as in 2 S. l7:9; Jer. 48:28). The word acquires a
    more specialized meaning when it refers to a "pitfall" or "bird snare" (Isa. 24:18; Jer.
    48:441.t The latter suggestion is not so likely, because in Am. 3:5 pah should probably
    be deleted (with the LXX) rather than emended to pal.ta1. The meaning "pitfall," how-
    ever, is more obvious: it is suggested by the alliterative proverb (Isa. 24:17-18; Jer.
    48:43-44) inwhichpaha/ comes between pahaj (tenof') and palt ("snare"). Accord-
    ing to Schwarzenbach, the image is that of game fleeing the noise of the beaters and
    falling into a pit. If it escapes from the pit, it is trapped in a snare. It is possible, how-
    ever, that this proverb does not draw directly on the language of hunting, in which
    pahalmeans "pitfall," but refers simply to a "hole" into which a fugitive suddenly falls.
    Furthermore, there are other words for "pitfall" in the OT: iahal (Ezk. 19:4,8; Ps.
    7: l6[Eng. v. l5]; 9: 16[ 15]; etc.), lfrbd (Jer. 18:20,22; etc.), or $hA (Ps. 57:7[6]; I 19:85;
    etc.).8
    The wording of the text in Jer. 48:28 poses problems for the translator: the inhabi-
    tants of Moab are urged to leave their towns and dwell among the rocks, like the doves
    that nest be'elrA pi-pafua7 "on the sidese of the mouth of a gorge." Citing Eissfeldt,
    Schwarzenbach suggests deleting pi as a kind of catchword filling out a line, but this
    emendation is unnecessary, as Rudolph correctly observes.lo We may also note van
    Selms's conjectural reading ptpal.tal = Akk. papafifiu, "mountainous terrain"; but this
    is a Hurrian loanword.ll
    The proverb used in lsa.24:17-18 and with minor modifications in Jer. 48:43-
    -
    44 in a prophecy against Moab attracts immediate - its alliteration
    attention by virtue of
    and assonance.t2 It is probably one of the stock proverbs of ancient Israel, referring to
    the dread, destruction, and inexorable fate associated inevitably with judgment in
    -
    4. See III below.
    5. G. Dalman, AuS, Y[,339.
    6. -r '1!lr ya'ar lll.2.a.
    7. For the former meaning see Schwarzenbach; for the latter, Dalman, AuS, VI, 335,339.
    8. But see G. Gerleman, Bulletin de la Sociiti Royale des ltttes de Lund 1945-1946 4
    (1946) 86-87; K. Galling, BRL2, 152.
    9. B. Gemser, W 2 (1952) 351.
    10. O. Eissfeldt, W 2 (1952) 8'7 -92; W. Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT ll 12 (3 1968), 27 8.
    I l. A. van Selms, Jeremia. POT, 3 vols. (1972-74), III, 31. Cf . AHw, II, 823.
    12. A. Weiser, Jeremia. ATD 20121 (61969), 401: "a secondary addition."

    L
    nD? paba!

    this case, the coming judgment of God (cf. Am. 5: l9). The juxtaposition of paha/ and
    pahal inLam.3:47 probably reflects this wordplay

    2. Ancient versions. The LXX usually translates pahal with bothjnos; 2 S. lg: 17
    has a double translation, both bothjnos and chdsma. In 2 S. l7:9 LXXBA read boun6s,
    "hill" (which often translates gi!'d), but the Lucianic recension reads aul6n,.,gorge.',ri
    Some^have suggested that boun6s is here a scribal error for bothynosJa In Lam.
    3:47
    LxxBA have thymds while other LXX mss. use thdmbos,.,wonder.,, The syr. usually
    translates the word with gfrma{d (2 S. lg:17; lsa.24 17-lg;Jer.4g:43-44).InJer.4g:2'g
    the Syr. telescopes the last three wordsl s into g"ganpa, ,,reef, cliff.,' In 2 S. l7:9 it
    has
    'd!rdwd!d, "spaces," and in Lam. 3:47 gamdsd appears
    in a different place. The Targ.
    also usually uses qfimsd or kfrmsd to translate pafia1. ln the Vulg., fina[y, we usuall--y
    frndfovea; only in Jer.48:28 do we find/oramen and in Lam. 3:9 raqueus.

    3. Dead sea scrolls. cD 4:14 cites Isa. 24:17: "paniq pit, and snare against you,
    in-
    habitants of the land." CD I I : I 3- 14 prohibits assisting an animal that gives birth on the
    sabbath; even if it falls into a well (b6r) or a pit (pahafi, a member of the community
    must not help it get out on the sabbath (cf. Mt. 12:l l; Lk. l4:5).

    III. Lev. 13:55. The law governing leprosyl6 speaks of ..leprous,, spots on clothing
    (Lev. 13:47-59). when the garments, skins, or whatever are clearly ur"i"un,
    they are to
    be burned in fire; in questionable cases they are to be washed. If the result is
    negative,
    the item in question is still unclean and is to be burned in fire (v. 55): ,,There j"6e1e1
    is
    on the bare spot on the front or on the back." The word is generally translated ..ero-
    sion," "(eroded) depression," or the like.rT The text is probably referring to traces of
    mildew. Elliger believes that the word is one of the new technical terms from a fairly
    late period.t8
    Mulder

    13. See Josephus Ant.7.9.6 9218.


    14. As early as I. F. Schleusner, Novus Thesaurus, I (1g20),5g3.
    15. See II.l above.
    16. -+ h9''|l qdra'a!.
    17. For the former see K. Elliger, Itviticus. HATlt4 (1966),1g6; for the latter, GesB, KBL|,
    HAL.
    18. P. 173.

    CI'pe pafiti -+ nfpD maqqepel


    l.PQ pdlar 529

    lpQ papr;1'pQ pdlir;1Pe peter;7J9? pi1rA.

    I. Etymology. II. Occurrences. III. Meaning: l. Architecture; 2. Cult; 3. General Usage. IV.
    LXX. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology. In discussing the origin of the verb pAlar, we may cite the Akk.
    yerb patAru, "release," and the nolun ipyiru, "ransom."l [n Akkadian personal names
    the element patdru sometimes has the meaning "release."2 Elsewhere, analogously
    to Heb. peter rehem, scholars assert that it has taken on the meaning "split (the
    womb)" with reference to the firstborn;3 Stamm, however, rejects this interpreta
    tion.a But the Heb. verb pdlar can be explained as a technical architectural term on
    the basis of the meaning "split"; Noth therefore also cites Arab./a/ara, "split."s Heb.
    peter rehem, "splitting of the womb," belongs accordingly in this context. The ele-
    ment of separation present in Akk. palAru, "release," makes itself heard in the noun
    palrum, "deserter,"6 and in the verbal meaning "escape" of Heb. pdtar (l S. 19:10;
    Sir. 32:l 1).
    The root prr appears in Ugaritic in the orthographic variants ptr/btr/p4r 7 It is used,
    for example, in the expression btr bd mlkt, "exempt from service, to the attention of the
    queen"; it also has the meaning "extirpate."8 In the El Amarna tablets, the verb palAru
    is attested with the meaning "release, depart," or "yield."e A subst. ptrh appears in
    Phoenician; according to Lidzbarski, it refers to the status of a released or redeemed
    slave.l0 A PN p/r is also found.l I In Imperial Aramaic we find the verb prr I with the

    pdgar A. van den Born, "Erstge6nt:' BL2 (1968), 424-25; H. Cazelles, "Premiers-N6s. II.
    Dans I'AT," DBS, VIII (1972), 482-911' H. Gese, "Ezechiel 20,25f . und die Erstgeburtsopfer,"
    Beitriige zur alttestamentliche Theologie. FS W. Zimmerli (1977), 140-51; J. Halbe, Das
    Privilegrecht Jahwes. FRIANT ll4 (1975), 176-85; G. C. Heider, The Cult of Molek. JSOTSup
    43 (1985), 252-58; O. Kaiser, "Den Erstgeborenen Sohn deiner Siihne sollst du mir geben,"
    Denkender Glaube. FS C. H. Ratschow (1976), 14-48; W. Zimmerli, "Erstgeborene und
    Leviten," Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W. F. Albright (1971),459-691' repr. in Studien zur
    alttestamentliche Theologie und Prophetie. ThB 5l (1974),235-46.
    1. For the verb see AHw, 11,849-51; for the noun, AHw, 1,395; CAD, yll, 17l-73.
    2. K. L. Tallqvist, APN, 301.
    3. Ibid., 301; see also idem, Neubabylonisches Namenbuch (1905), 327 .
    4. J. J. Stamm, AN, 169-70, but cf. 128.
    5. M. Noth, Kdnige. BK lXll (21968), 102; also previously GesB, 640, and now HAL, lIJ,
    925.
    6. AHw II, 851.
    7. See the survey in J. Sanmartfn, UF ll (1979) 724 n.24.
    8. For the former see KTU 4.382, 1.2; for the latter, 1.108, 34.
    9. EA,I, 1491.
    10. See CIS,l, l02a; LidzEph,III, 109-10. Cf. DNS1, II, 909; KAI, 49.34.
    ll. Benz, 390.
    1Pl palar

    meaning "separate" (?).12 Beyer lists the verb with the meaning ..remove, depart', along
    with a subst. pr4 "loss," and a second subst. ptwryn, ..separation.,'t3

    II. Occurrences. In the OT the verb occurs 8 times in the qal and once in the hiphil;
    there are 1 l occurrences of the nouri, peler and one of the subst. pitrd. Except for Ezk.
    20:26, the substantives appear only in the pentateuch (g times in Exodus, 3 times in
    Numbers), while the verb appears 5 times in the Deuteronomistic History twice in the
    chronicler's History and once each in psalms and proverbs. To date, the use of the
    substantives extends from the early period of the monarchy in the primary covenant
    recognizing Yahweh as Israel's God (Ex. 34:19-20) through the exilic (Ezekiel, Holi-
    ness code) and postexilic period 1ts;. ttre verb pdlar makes its first appearance in
    texts of the exilic period.

    III. Meaning.
    l. Architecture. The verb is used as a technical architectural term in 1 K. 6, in the ac-
    count of the building of the temple. The construct phrase plura sjssiz appears in vv.
    18, 29 (> Lxx), and 32. There is still no consensus concerning the meaning of the
    verb. Noth's assumption that the root is associated etymologically with Arab.
    fatara,
    "split," leads him to suggest "burst" or "open" floral forms, i.e., calyces, to be pictured
    as long rows of botanical ornamentation.la Others think instead in terms of floral hang-
    ings, an interpretation that can be associated with the meaning "set free.',Is

    2. Cult. The subst. peter is found already as a technical cultic term in 8x.34:19-20,
    in the prerogative law of Yahweh. The theory that this passage is a Deuteronomistic in-
    terpolation from Ex. 13 must be rejected.t0 Here peter occurs for the first time in the
    construct phrase peter rehem. Ex. 34:19-20 is not a single literary unit: its core is vv.
    l9aa,20ba, so that we should read kol-peter rehem li kdl be[6r bdneyka tipdeh.n Thrs
    we observe a terminological distinction between pe ter rehem, referring to the firstborn
    of an animal , and bekbr which refers to a firstborn human being.rs The phrase peter
    rehem is not used of humans because it defines the firstborn with respect to the mother;
    in the circumstances of polygyny, such a def,rnition would create problems concerning
    the status of the firstborn.le Therefore the phrase could not become the standard term
    for primogeniture; the predominant terms are r€'it!'6n and especiall y b"S6r. Ex. 34:19-
    20 stipulates that all the firstborn belong to Yahweh and that every firstborn son must

    12. Cf. DNSI,II, 908.


    13. Beyer, 667.
    14. M. Noth, BK lxllz, 97, lo2, 125-26; cf. T. A. Busink, Der Tempel von Jerusalem, I
    (1970), 272-74.
    15. GesB, 640;E. Wiirthwein, Die Biicher der K6nige. ATD llfi (219g5), 60-61.
    16. Contra E. Kutsch, ZTK 55 (1958) 7-8, see Halbe, 179-g0; Kuser, 46_47.
    17. Halbe, 177.
    18. Zimmerli,237.
    19. Cf. Cazelles, 483; M. Tsevat, --> ll,
    125-26.
    l'9? palar 531

    be redeemed.2o The firstborn of every animal is to be sacrificed, while a substitute sac-


    rifice is offered for a human being. The later Covenant Code text Ex. 22:28(Eng. v.29)
    is already more ambiguous; as a consequence, it could be understood (and was) as re-
    ferring to child sacrifice.2l
    Following its initial appearance in the prerogative law of Yahweh, the construct
    phrase peter rehem does not reappear until the exilic period, this time in texts that also
    refer to firstborn humans. The explanation for this change is that altered social circum-
    stances (monogamy) now precluded any misunderstanding concerning the status of the
    firstborn designated as peler reltem. In Ex. l3:2 and Nu. 3:12, peter reltem appears in
    epexegetic combination with bc$6r since the construct phrase was appreciated for its
    archaic ring, but by itself was felt to be inappropriate to the material.22
    In contrast to the ancient legislation in Ex. 34: l9-20, l3:-l l-16 connects the setting
    apart of the firstborn for Yahweh with the event of the exodus: in Egypt Yahweh killed
    all the firstborn of both humans and animals; therefore every firstborn male animal
    must be sacrificed and every firstborn son must be redeemed (v. l5). Since Ex. 34:19-
    20 already bears witness to differing sacrificial practices with respect to humans and
    animals, the new element in 13:15 is the appeal to the slaying of the Egyptian firstborn
    to explain the sacrifice. Detailed comparison of l3:11-16 with 34:l9a,20abs. demon-
    strates the secondary nature of the former text with respect to a law governing the first-
    born virtually congruent with 34:19-20.23
    The priestly requirement in Ex. l3:2 that all the people consecrate (qiddei) their
    firstborn to Yahweh is incorporated into Nu. 3:12 and interpreted as an elective act24 on
    the part of Yahweh (cf. 8:16), just as it is likewise Yahweh who consecrates to himself
    all the firstborn in Israel (v. l3). The notion of redeeming firstborn sons is extended
    here in vv. 12-13, since Yahweh accepts the Levites as substitutes for all the firstborn.
    The reason stated is the same as in Ex. 13:12-13. What is new is the acceptance of the
    Levites as a substitute for the firstborn, a principle that reappears in Nu. 8:16-18. Here,
    however, the fem. form pitrd in the sense of a collective noun is chosen instead of the
    usual subst. pe1er.2s
    The substance of these texts assures us of two aspects of the religio-political situa-
    tion in the postexilic period: First, the Levites are no longer degraded to the status of
    servants in the sanctuary; instead, divine election bestows on them the prerogative of
    the service. Second, the ancient requirement that the firstborn be set apart for God is
    fully reestablished in a more radical sense. No longer does the sacrifice of an animal
    redeem a firstborn son: the entire tribe ofLevi substitutes for every individual Israelite
    as an offering to God.26

    20. --> i.1D pddd.


    21. Zimmerll239.
    22. Halbe, l8l n.24.
    23. Ibid., t8l-84, 185.
    24. --> nl) hqal.t.
    25. HAL, tII,925.
    26. Zimmerli,245.
    l'91 pdtar

    According to Nu. l8:15,the peter rellemis given to the priests as their


    share of the
    offering. The firstborn of human beings and of unclean animals must be redeemed.
    Ex-
    cept in the case of cows, sheep, and goats, a firstborn animal is redeemed
    by payment
    of a sum of money.
    The only occurrence of peter rehem inthe book of Ezekiel (20:26)
    also presupposes
    the practice of redemption as required by Ex. 34:19-20, but indicates
    that the Israelites
    have neglected this practice, since they have made all their firstborn ..pass
    through fire,,
    as a sacrifice to idols- It is disputed whether the use of peter refien in this
    conteit, as in
    8x.34:19-20, refers to animals or human beings. It is probably safe to
    assume that the
    passage deals with child sacrifice, which was very mu"h
    in vogue during the Assyrian
    period (cf. 2 K. l6:3).zt The use of the archaizing expressi on-p"t",
    rehim inthis pas-
    sage in Ezekiel suggests polemical use of a cryptic mythological
    idea.28 or possibty
    the attack on unjust ordinances bespeaks an intention to out the notion
    -1"
    Yahweh required the killing of the firstborn, since there is no regular
    that
    child sacrifice in
    the or.2s In the light of Ezk. 2o:2g,4o,one may also ask whetheJO:2
    5-26may refer to
    an animal sacrifice that was impracticable or was offered at the
    wrong site.30

    3.Generalusage. Inthesenseof "release," theverbpdtarhasavarietyof


    connota_
    tions and appears in diverse contexts.
    It is used intransitively in its earliest occurrence (l S. 19:10), in the account
    of Da-
    vid's rise, to describe David's escape from Saul: wayyiplar mipprnA id,frl.
    Some schol_
    ars read a niphal form t_re1e on the basis of postbiblical usage
    oi ttre word, especially in
    the Dead Sea Scrolls.3l But since the qal also appears with the
    ,u-" ."urirg in sir.
    32:ll, it can be retained in I S. l9:r}.tz The intransitive use of the verb in I S. 19:10
    and Sir. 32:1 I calls to mind the noun pa@rum, "deserter," in the Mari
    texts.
    Used transitively, the qal of pdtar means "release, set free.', It can be
    used figura_
    tively, as in Prov. 17:14, where it refers to the release of a torrent of water,
    a usage anal-
    ogous to Akk. nagbc puryuru, "open the springs."33 In the expres sion p6t€r
    mayim re,it1
    md86n, p6ter is not an abstract noun of the qiltel type; it strouta be
    construed instead as
    a casus pendens.34
    In the context of Levitical service in the second temple, patur means exemption
    from such service granted by the priests (2ch.23:g).ttrislxempilon is also
    mentioned

    27 ' w. zimmerli' Ezekier- r . Heny (Eng. trans. rgTg),


    344, 4rr-r2; H. spieckerman n, Juda
    ytte.r.Assu.y in der sargonidenzeit. FRL-ANT r29 (rggr, 106; p. Maile.g".l ..c"n 22 .,nd, die
    Problematik des Menschenopfers in Israer," BiKi ir o6g(D i4-tz,.rp. ios-ro.
    28. Halbe, l8l n.24.
    29. Kaiser, 25,44-47; -+ VIII, 387-88.
    30. J. Garscha, Studien zum Ezechielbuch. EH XKllll23 (1974), ll9_20.
    31. BHK; Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis. KAT ylllll itSlZl', $l .
    32. Ct. BHS.
    33. VAB, VII, 6, 45; 212, 1; cf . HAI.Iil, gZ5.
    .- 34.ContraB.Gemser, SprilcheSalomos.HATlfi6(21963), ll2;G.R.Driver, Bibl32(lg5l)
    196; andw. McKane, Proverbs. orL (1970),505, see GK, gl l6w; see also the thorough dir.rr-
    sion by W. Gross, 8N 35 (1986) 30-72.
    x)o pl'

    in 1 Ch.9:33a, where the phrase liik61 petfrfim denotes the chambers assigned to the
    exempt division. Rudolph sees a contraction between v. 33a and 33b, since he takes
    pelArA as aplurale tantum, translating the whole phrase as "recess in the chambers."3s
    The only occurrence of the hiphil is in Ps. 22:8(1), with a prepositional object:
    hipyir b"idpd, "they make a cleft with their lips," a reference to opening the mouth wide
    as a gesture of derision.

    IV. LXX. The LXX uses dra noigon mitran or prdt6tol<os (Ex. 34: 19) to translate peler
    (rehem). Similarly, bef;dr peyer re|tem (Nu.3:12) is translated by prdt6tokos dianoigdn
    mdtran, as is the hapax legomenonpilrd in Nu. 8:16. In Prov. l7:l4theLXXreads l6goi
    for mayim and translates pala r as exousian did6nai. In 2 Ch. 23:8 the verb is translated by
    kataUein; the LXX interprets the liikbl pelfrrtm of I Ch. 9:33 as diatetagmdnai
    ephdmeriai. The intransitive use of pdtar in I S. 19:10 is represented in the LXX by
    apirchesthai. In Ps. 22:8(7) the LXX translates the hiphil of prr with en cheilesin.

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Dead Sea Scrolls, the niphal of ptr appears with the
    meaning "go away" (lQS 7:10,12). The form pe$fi[m] in 4Q491 fr. 1-3, 8 recalls the
    usage in I Ch. 9:33.36 The obscure context prohibits a more precise definition of its
    meaning. The verb pdtar in the sense "be exempt from" (having to pay) is attested in a
    letter from En-gedi.rz
    Niehr

    35. W. Rudolph, Chronikbiichen HAT y2l (1955),90.


    36. See M. Baillet, DJD, Vll,15.
    37. J.T. Milik, D.ID, II, no. 46,9.

    N)D pr'; xlf; pete'

    I. 1. Occurrences; 2. Basic Meaning; 3. LXX. [. Verb: l. Niphal; 2. Hiphil. [I. Nouns:


    l. nipld'6y; 2. pele' and pili. IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    p/'. R. Albertz,"X)O pl'ni. to be wondrousl' TLOTll, g8l-86; G. Bertram, "lai)pol'TD|Vf:


    lll,27-42; D. Grimm, "Die hebriiische Wurzelp/'und ihre nominalen Ableitungen im AI" (diss.,
    Halle/S., 1977) (cf. 7AW 90 [l978] 306-7); idem, "'Jahwe Elohim, der Gott Israels, der allein
    Wunder tut,"' Jud 35 (1979) 77-83; l. Haspecker, Wunder im AT (1965); F. Ndtscher, Zur
    theologischen Tbrminologie der Qumran-Texte. BBB lO (1956); G. Quell, "Das Phiinomen des
    Wunders im AI," Verbannung und Heiml<chr FS W. Rudolph (1961), 253-30O; J. J. Stamm,
    Beitriige zur hebriiischen und altorientalischen Namenkunde. OBO 30 (1980); H. J. Stoebe,
    'Anmerkungen zur Wurzelp/'im Af," TZ28 (1972) l3-23;F.-E. Wilms, Wunder im AT (1979).
    x)l pl'

    l. L Occurrences. In the OT the word group pdld' is attested only in Hebrew. The
    verb occurs 57 times in the niphal, I I times in the hiphil, and once in the hithpael. Of
    the occurrences of the niphal, 42 are instances of the participle in the nominalized plu-
    ral form nipla'fi (except in Ps. l3l:l and Job 42:3, where nipld'61is used as an adj.).
    The piel and hiphil forms denoting technical cultic procedures constitute a special
    group.l The qal is found only in personal names and as a substitute for the hiphil
    @"hiA, Neh. 8:7; l0:ll1' pcbyA, I Ch. 3:24; the short form pallfi', Gen. 46:9; Ex.
    6:14; Nu. 26:5,8; I Ch. 5:3; its derivative pallui, Nu. 26:5;z the form "ltpl€hfi in I Ch.
    15:18,21 and conjectured in Nu. 16:l is problematic3). Derivatives are the notn pele'
    and its associated adj. pili (fem. piliyd; Q pelt, fem. p'li'6). The noun occurs 13 times,
    including 2 instances of the pl. pcldy6g and one of pcldim; in late mss. it appears also as
    a suffixed form in Ps.77:12(Eng.v. ll);88:13(12);89:6(S).a The adjective occurs
    twice. The hapax legomenon mipld'61may be a scribal error for nipld'61. The niphal
    occurs 4 times in Sirach (twice as the nominalized form nipld'61), the hiphil 3 rimes,
    and the feminine plural of pele'3 times.
    Outside the OT, the word group basically appears only in Hebrew and in late Ara-
    maic, under Hebrew influence.s Possibly Jewish Aram. pil'"1d', "parable, riddle," and
    the corresponding Syr. pele'tA'should be included here.6 The verb occurs in the
    Ugaritic PN ya-ap-lu and in Punic.T The supposition of occurrences in other languages,
    such as Ugaritic or North Arabic (fa'I, "omenl' deriving from pdld'), is highly uncer-
    tain.8

    2. Basic Meaning. To determine the basic meaning of the root pdld', we must rely
    on its occurrences in the OT. Ktihler proposed "be different, striking, remarkable,"
    but this definition is too general.e The texts all deal with extraordinary phenomena,
    transcending the power of human knowledge and imagination. Seen from this per-
    spective, the usual translation of the niphal as "be marvelous" comes close to the ba-
    sic meaning.
    Stoebe has objected that "the statement this translation makes refers to an attribute
    statically inherent in an object or action that is in itself different, remarkable, and there-
    fore marvelous," and that "this interpretation does not comport with the essence of
    what the OT means when it speaks of marvels."lo He concludes instead that 'pl'incor-

    l. See I.2 below.


    2. See IPN, 36, 38, 191; HAL, l\,927,928.
    3. See /PN, 32; K8L2,56,927.
    4. But see III.2 below.
    5. Jastrow, 1174, ll8l.
    6. Ibid., 175; LexSyP,569.
    7. For Ugaritic see PNU, 336; cf. Stamm, 188. For Punic see Plautus Poenulus lOlT; DNSI,
    II, 9t l.
    8. For Ugaritic see HAL, lll,927; for North Arabic, GesB, 641.
    9. L. Kiihler, TZ I (1946) 3O4; KBLI,759.
    10. P. 14.
    N)D pl' 535

    porates the element of an efficacy proceeding from or associated with the agent."ll In
    fact, the texts do not deal with circumstances presented simply as being extraordinary,
    but rather with certain goals impossible for humans to attain by their own devices or
    with actions and events directed toward them or affecting them that they are neverthe-
    less unable to influence. In other words, they deal with acts and effects transcending
    human knowledge and imagination and hence above all transcending the powers of hu-
    man agency. To this extent Stoebe is absolutely correct.
    It must be noted, however, that the word group pdld'does not describe the act or ef-
    fect as such, but rather qualifies it as transcending human knowledge or power. In other
    words, we must distinguish between the basic meaning and its application to specific
    subjects. The former requires a stative definition such as "be inscrutable, incredible."
    Only from this perspective can we explain the construction of niphal forms with com-
    parative rnin or the function of the hiphil. Primarily, then, an observation is made con-
    cerning a line that human beings cannot cross but that can be crossed from the other
    side. The word group thus also marks the contrast between the finitude of what is pos-
    sible on one side of the line and the infinite range of what is possible on the other side.
    In particular cases the latter can extend to include other human beings; but for the most
    part it applies to superhuman forces and powers, especially to God. The texts are con-
    cerned above all with the insurmountable contrast between what is possible for human
    beings and what is possible for God in other words, with God's otherness and supe-
    riority, which humans experience as- inscrutable and unattainable.
    From this perspective it is easy to see how Quell can ascribe to the noun pele'
    (meaning the whole word group) a "characteristic note that is genuinely sacral and nu-
    minous, bringing it extremely close to the fundamental term for the divinity inherent in
    God, the holy."lz But the word group does not refer solely to God. Some texts using the
    niphal of the verb clearly attest that it can be used also in the secular sphere of human
    relations and that this usage cannot represent a secondary semantic development. In
    these instances Quell speaks only of a "divine numinosity" or a "numinous tinge";13
    quite apart from the vagueness of the term "numinous," however, this interpretation is
    unquestionably overdrawn. The word group does not possess a genuinely theological
    meaning, even though it is used almost always with reference to God; it should not,
    therefore, be traced as a whole to the sacral realm.
    Stoebe and Quell notwithstanding, I shall stand by my conclusion that the basic
    meaning involves a stative qualification. In placing all the emphasis on the aspect of ef-
    fective agency, Stoebe is relying on the specific contexts in which the basic meaning is
    instantiated. Of course, this aspect is very important if we wish to comprehend the ac-
    tual usage of the word group.
    The interpretation of the piel and hiphil forms used by P as technical cultic terms in
    conjunction with the noun neSer (piel, Lev. 22:21; Nu. 15:3,8; hiphil, Lev. 27:2; Nu.

    u. P. 15.
    12. P.294.
    13. P.296.

    L
    536 x)o pl'

    6:2 [possibly to be read as a piella]) is totally obscure. Some scholars derive them from
    the same root pald', usually presupposing the dubious basic meaning "be different,
    special" ("fulfill a special vow"); consistently with his interpretation of the root,
    Stoebe suggests that the vow is put into effect.ls Others propose another root: a by-
    form of palA (separate a vow") or a totally different root meaning "pledge."l6 All
    these proposed etymologies and interpretations are totally hypothetical, since the con-
    text offers no clue for a more precise definition. [n any case, a connection with the
    word group under discussion here is highly uncertain.
    Also problematic is the theory of a connection with the root palri. The hiphil
    forms of this root in Ex. 8: l8(22);9:4; ll:7 can only mean "separate, make a distinc-
    tion." The root appears in other Semitic languages with the same meaning or a modi-
    fication of it.tz This meaning can hardly be harmonized with that of the hiphil of
    pAla' ("make inscrutable, incredible"). The two roots must therefore be treated as
    distinct. At most, they might share the common notion of an insurmountable limit.
    Formally, however, there has been a mutual assimilation of the two roots, since some
    occurrences of the verb pdld' are formed after the analogy of a verb with a weak
    third radical (niphal, Ps. 139:14; hiphil, 4:4131; 17:7; a hybrid form in Dt. 28:58). In
    the Samaritan Pentateuch, conversely, pdl6 is assimilated to pdld' in Ex. 9:4; 11:7.
    The same holds true in Middle Hebrew. In Aramaic the two verbal classes are totally
    merged. In the case of the niphal in Ex. 33:16, one may therefore ask whether it
    should be translated "be distinct" (pdld) or "prove to be marvelous" (pdld'with com-
    parative min). The former is probably preferable, since a niphal of pdld'with a direct
    human subject is unlikely (such a form appears in Ps. 139:14, but the text is clearly
    comrptls).

    3. lXX. The LXX generally uses thaumdsia to translate the pl. nipla'fu and noun
    pele' (sg. and pl.); more rarely it uses thaumnstd, and occasionally other expressions
    such as exaisia (also translating mipld'6), indoxa, or hypdronka (in Ex. l5:ll tirata
    and in Job 37:14 dfnamis). The niphal is represented by thaumastoiln (pass.),
    adynatetn/adfnatos, or hypdronkos (einai), in Jer. 32:.17,27 by (apo)krfptein (pass.);
    the hiphil is representedby thaumastofin or thaumdsia/thaumastd poiein, inDt.28:59
    by paradoxdzein, and in Isa. 29:14 by metatithinai (a finite verb form for the inf. abs.
    [and pelel; 4ndoxos for the inf. abs. in 2 Ch. 2:8; tirata in Isa. 28:29 [erroneously con-
    nected with v. 29al). For the hithpael (Job 10: 16) we find dein6s ol6kein. The adj. pili
    is represented by thaumasrdr (Jgs. 13:18) or verbally by thaumastoln (pass., Ps.
    139:6).

    14. See BIIS.


    15. Pp. 15-16.
    16. See GesB, 641-42; HAL, Lfi,927; Albertz, TLOT ll,98l-82, 983; -+ '11) nalar 1.3.
    ll,8l7.
    17. HAL III, 930; Jastrow, llSl:' MdD, 373; cf. AHw,
    18. See ILI below.
    x)o pl' 537

    II. Verb.
    l. Niphal. Fundamental to our understanding of the word group are the passages us-
    ing the niphal of the verb (apart from nipld'6! as a subst.re), always (except for ps.
    139:14) constructed with the prep. min or the prepositional expression b"'AnA. The con-
    struction withmin in particular clearly bespeaks a limit. These texts deal with phenom-
    ena that can be noted and observed and on occasion used for one's own purposes, but
    cannot as such be explained or accounted for adequately and therefore are not subject
    to human decision and control. But these phenomena are not simply observed from a
    neutral distance: they affect and confront individuals directly, either as tasks and obsta-
    cles beyond one's imagination or ability, or as events and forces to whose effects one is
    exposed.
    This spectrum of meanings is clearly recognizable in the few texts that refer to the
    realm of human society or the secular world. There are legal cases, for example, where
    the local authorities feel themselves incompetent to reach a decision, so that they must
    seek the assistance of a different court (Dt. 17:8-9). Amnon is tormented with desire
    for Tamar, but under the circumstances does not know how to approach her (2 S. I 3 : I -
    2). only someone craftier than he is can help him (vv. 3-5). In the love of Jonathan, on
    the other hand, David experienced something far transcending the normal experience
    of human love, something mysterious that affected him all the more profoundly (2 S.
    l:26). Prov. 30:18-19, a numerical saying, deals in the first instance with the limits of
    human knowltidge, at least in the first two phenomena (v. l9a). The third (v. lgba),
    however, is accessible to human beings and therefore efficacious. This is true espe-
    cially of sexual relations (v. l9bp), which reside entirely within the domain of human
    behavior and exercise an extremely powerful effect. Here the normal relationship be-
    tween a man and a woman is understood as the ultimate and most profound mystery;
    possibly the text has in mind the act of intercourse at the beginning of a marriage,
    which is experienced as foundational. The numerical saying as a whole thus expresses
    the idea that human beings are surrounded by a world of mysteries that surpass under-
    standing, but can be experienced as beneficial forces or powerfully effectual phenom-
    ena.
    All the other texts deal with the relationship between God and human beings. Their
    primary thrust is that there are no limits on God's ability to help people in distress or in
    difficult circumstances where they do not know which way to turn. As a word from
    God in the form of a rhetorical question, it gives the human party assurance for the fu-
    ture. It may be addressed to an individual (Gen. l8:14) or to a group such as the city of
    Jerusalem (Jer.32:27 [cf. v. l7]) or postexilic Israel (Zec. 8:6b). This assurance, how-
    ever, presupposes that those addressed are ready to embrace an event that runs counter
    to their own expectations and abilities (znc. 8:6a), in other words, to rely totally on
    God's actions. when help does come, it can only be praised and celebrated as an ex-
    traordinary marvel (Ps. I 18:23; here spoken by the congregation in the context of an
    individual thanksgiving liturgy).

    19. See III.I below.


    x)o pl'

    Wisdom literature and the Psalms also contain more general statements. Sir. 39:20
    declares that everywhere in every age God acts with unimaginable ascendancy, inter-
    vening to save and to supply every need (cf. v. 33). It is important to recognize this
    ascendancy and not to question it from the perspective of one's own ideas (v.21).
    Job must therefore confess that it surpasses the limits of his understanding when he
    tries to debate with God about his fate and God's actions (Job 42:3apb). In ps. 131:1,
    conversely, the psalmist emphasizes that he does not strive to attain high goals and
    thus transgress the limits of his own possibilities; he renounces all willfulness and
    trusts totally in God (v. 2). tn Ps. 139, too, the psalmist expresses total reliance on
    God, who created him and preordained his entire life (vv. 13,15-ls). God has shown
    himself thereby to be incomprehensibly great (v. 14a, reading nipbld instead of
    nipblPo), and the psalmist concludes from his personal experiencl that all God's
    works are inscrutable (v. l4ba). But he views this only as a cause for rejoicing. The
    form n6rd'6!,21 used adverbially, suggests rather that there is also an ominous ele-
    ment in God's ascendancy.
    God's work is also at issue in Dt. 30:11. Obedience to the law does not transcend
    what is possible for Israel and consequently for the individual Israelites, because it has
    been brought very near them and placed in their hearts (v. 14). Obedience to the law is
    within the realm of the possible because God has established the necessary conditions.
    The same holds true for the much broader claim in Sir. 48:13 that Elisha had unlimited
    possibilities for action at his disposal.

    2. Hiphil. The hiphil passages almost without exception refer to God's work; in
    principle, therefore, God is the grammatical or logical subject of the verbal form.
    But the verb forms do not serve to describe God's actions as such, but rather to char-
    acterize the action portrayed in each particular context as unfathomable to human be-
    ings or at variance with human understanding. This is quite clearly the case when the
    infinitive construct of another verb follows (Jgs. 13:19; 2 ch.26:15), but is inher-
    ently true in other cases as well. In individual laments, for example, the verb ex-
    presses a plea for or assurance of God's favor and help (hese!) in apparently hope-
    less circumstances (Ps. 4:4[3] [emended]; l7:7; 3l:22l2ll). Because the psalmist's
    situation is hopeless, this can mean only that God must intervene or has intervened in
    a totally extraordinary way. The same holds true for the prophecy of new salvation
    and prosperity for Israel as a whole in the face of the devastating consequences of a
    plague of locusts (Ioel 2:26 cf. v. 25). In more general terms, lJzziah is said to have
    received quite astonishing help in the military field (2 ch. 26:15), which naturally
    came from his god (cf. v. 7).
    Isa.28:29, too, probably refers to a specific situation. Taken literally, vv.23-29 are a
    didactic wisdom text concerning the intelligent activity of farmers, in which they are
    mysteriously guided by God (v.26). This refers undoubtedly to the divine order of the

    20. See 8IIS.


    21. +Y11,302.
    x)o pl'

    universe, which determines all of human life while remaining unfathomable to the hu-
    man mind. Nonetheless, the passage is probably a parable intended to illustrate the fact
    that God always acts appropriately in dealing with human beings and exhibits concern
    for the maintenance of a rational order, even though at present this divine governance
    conflicts with human understanding.22
    Text-critical problems make the meaning of Jgs. 13:l9ba somewhat ambiguous. It
    can refer to the promise of Samson's birth as a whole, emphasizing that even a
    woman's barrenness is no obstacle to God when Israel must be delivered (in apposition
    with leyhwh in v. l9apz:). But the words may also be treated as a nominal clause refer-
    ring to the ascending of the divine messenger in the flame from the altar (v. 20), indi-
    cating that God wondrously brought this about as well (MT).
    In the hymnic exhortation to praise God that concludes the "glorification of the an-
    cestors" in Sirach, 50:22 makes a very general statement to the effect that God works in
    an inscrutable and mysterious way throughout the whole world.
    But the end of God's actions is not inevitably salvation. In an equally inscrutable
    way, God can proceed to punish and destroy Israel if it does not diligently observe the
    divine law (Dt. 28:59; cf. v.58). Isa.29:14 expresses the same idea. Because Israel's
    worship is only outward (v. l3), God will react in a way that even the wisest would
    have thought impossible. The construction with ya-sap (ext emended) is intended to in-
    dicate that, although God always deals with Israel in amazing ways, this can also mean
    disaster, in which case Israel perceives God only as ominous (this possibility is empha-
    sized by the unusual elliptical construction with a repeated infinitive and pele). Here
    too belongs the only instance of the hithpael. Job l0: l6 challenges God: Job, who be-
    lieves he has been treated unjustly, is forced to accuse God of consigning him to perdi-
    tion in a totally incomprehensible and appalling fashion (cf. v. l5).
    Only rarely does the hiphil refer to human actions. Solomon desires to build a tem-
    ple that will transcend the limits of human architecture (2 Ch. 2:8[9]). The text clearly
    presupposes that the temple befits the greatness of God, so that ultimately it is God
    who realizes Solomon's intentions, thus expressing his effrcacious power.2a Tlvo dispa-
    rate texts appear in Sirach. According to 3l:9 (34:9), a rich person who lives blame-
    lessly and does not succumb to the temptations of wealth has accomplished something
    virtually impossible (cf. vv. l-8). On the other hand, there have been kings in Israel
    who committed unbelievable sins (48:16).
    The personal names formed with the qal of verb share the meaning of the hiphil.zs
    They are clauses declaring that God has acted extraordinarily for the benefit ofthe per-
    sons in question. The immediate reference is probably to their auspicious birth, so that
    the names are expressions of thanksgiving. But such names probably also express con-
    fidence that God always acts in this manner and that those bearing these names will ex-
    perience God's beneficence throughout their lives.

    22. --> Yt, 175-76.


    23. See BHK.
    24. See also Stoebe, 18.
    25. See I.l above.

    \
    N)D pt'

    III. Nouns.
    l. niplA'6!. a. General. With two exceptions, the nominalized ptcp. niplA'd1refers to
    mighty acts of God that are humanly inexplicable and indescribable, but are experi-
    enced as extremely efficacious events that shape human lives. The term is an expres-
    sion covering the range of God's mighty acts. Its primarily formulaic nature is particu-
    larly clear in those texts where it is followed by a stereotyped relative clause with a
    perfect form of 'Afd (Ps.78:4; 105:5 [ Ch. 16: l2]; Neh. 9:17) or where it appqrs as
    the object of 'did in an equally stereotyped participial construction (Ps. 72:18; 86:10;
    106:2lf .; 136:4; Job 5:9; 9:10). That we are dealing with an inclusive abstract term for
    God's mighty acts is underlined by the observation that it occurs only in the plural.
    Since the majority of the word's occurrences are in the Psalms, we may assume that its
    usage was shaped by the cult; its particular locus is in hymns and songs of thanks-
    giving. All the occurrences of the term outside the Psalter are in exilic or postexilic
    texts. This is probably true as well for the psalms in question. The nominalization of
    the participle is therefore probably a relatively late phenomenon.
    b. Specifics. The nipld'61are generally God's mighty acts on behalf of all Israel,
    through which it was delivered from afflictions in the past and preserved as a people.
    The word refers above all to the great events of the early period of Israel's sacred his-
    tory (Ex. 34:lO; Ps. 78:4,1 1,32; 136:4 [cf. vv. lO-221; Neh. 9: 17; with reference to
    Egypt: Ex.3:20; Jgs. 6:13; Ps. 106:7,21-22: cf. Mic. 7:15; with reference to the oc-
    cupation: Josh.3:5; including the patriarchs: Ps. 105:2,5 [ Ch. 16:9,12]). These
    events were foundational to Israel's existence and are therefore of outstanding and
    enduring significance. But these mighty acts are not limited to the early period. Ps.
    1 1 I shows clearly that the nipld'6! of v. 4 are to be found throughout Israel's entire

    history; they are signs that God steadfastly maintains the covenant26 (vv. 5,9) and
    constantly sees to the protection of Israel. In Ps. 96:3 (l Ch. 16:24) and 98:1, which
    echo the message of Deutero-Isaiah, the reference is to the new exodus and the in-
    gathering of the diaspora. The word can also express the hope or plea that God will
    alleviate affliction and intervene to save in the present as before or in Israel's early
    history Qer. 2l:2; Mic. 7: l5). The nipld'61as signs of God's constant intervention to
    save and to preserve appear also in laments and thanksgivings of the individual,
    where they bespeak the fundamental conviction that help and salvation will put an
    end to the psalmist's own affliction (Ps. 9:2lll;26:7;40:6151;71:17;86:10). When
    the psalmist speaks with emphasis of all God's wondrous deeds or God's innumera-
    ble deeds, or claims to have proclaimed them since childhood (71:.17), the reference
    is naturally to God's deeds on behalf of Israel. At the same time, however, God inter-
    venes directly and equally indescribably and efficaciously in the personal lives
    of individuals. -Ps. 107 calls on various groups to bear witness - to their deliverance
    from specific afflictions as demonstrations of God's extraordinary saving work (vv.
    8,15,21,3t).
    According to Ps. I19, it is the -+ il''l'lll t6rd that bestows perfect salvation on those

    26. -+ li'ral bcri1.


    x)D p/' 541

    who obey it. Therefore its effects (v. 18) and its precepts themselves (v.27, par. to
    piqqfi/im) can be called nipld'61.
    But God's mighty acts are not of significance solely for Israel. According to Ex.
    34: 10, they are marvelous throughout the world. They should therefore be proclaimed
    to all peoples (Ps. 96:3 l Ch.16:241; l05:l-2 Ps. 98:1 should also be interpreted in
    this sense). As a result, according to Ps. 96:6-9 and 98:3-5, the peoples in turn worship
    and praise the God of Israel as king of all the world (cf. also Ps. 86:9-10). In addition,
    the nipld'6l mentioned in Ps. 145:5 are God's universal work of salvation to protect all
    the oppressed and devout (vv. 14,18-19), so that "all flesh" will sing God's praises
    (v.21). This praise is sung not just by human beings but by all God's works (v. l0): the
    whole creation is included (Ps.96:ll-12:'98:7-8). Thus the works of creation them-
    selves may be called nipld'6! (Ps. lO7:.24; Job 37:5 lhere nipld'61is used adverbially or
    the text must be emendedl,2T 14,16fmipld'drl;28 Sir. 42:17;43:29 fthe following word
    should probably be read as gbwrtnt rather than dbrywl) and be listed before the mighty
    acts on behalf of Israel (Ps. 136:4-9). Quite generally, then, one can say that God alone
    does wondrous things (Ps. 72:18), demonstrating thereby that he alone is God (86:10
    lcf. v. 8l;96:3-5).
    The Psalms and the book of Job also use other terms to refer to God's mighty acts in
    the immediate context of nipld'61; they are largely synonymous with nipld'6!, but also
    bring out certain elements inherent in the word. Above all we note ge/dl61@s. 7l:19;
    106:21; Job 5:9; 9:10; 37:5; cf. ge/ull6 in Ps. 145:6), g"pfir61 Q45:4; cf. ge!fird in
    7l:18), 'ol?16! (78:ll), ma'aitm (107:24; 145:4; cf . Ex. 34:10), tehill6! (Ps. 78:4), and
    mdp"ltm (Ps. 105:5 [ Ch. 16:12]);theaspectof menaceisbroughtoutby n6rd'61(ps.
    106:22; 145:6; cf - Ex. 34:10) and the aspect of loving favor by basddim (Ps. 106:7; cf.
    lO7:8,15,21,31). God's nipld'61are also an expression of majesty and power (kabild:
    Ps. 96:3 U Ch. 16:241; Ps. 145:5 [emended2e]; tem (9:312)); '"2fi2 (78:4;145:6) as well
    as of salvific action and righteousness (3t"fi'A,96:2;98:2; ;"ddqd,7l:19;98:2; 145:7).
    In contrast to all these terms, the defining aspect of nipld'6! is that of being humanly
    unfathomable and unattainable.
    Thus the fundamental notion conveyed by nipla'6! is that of a beneficent act on the
    part of God, beyond human understanding and therefore unfathomable, but experi-
    enced as liberating and saving (according to Ps. 107:10-16,17-22, even in cases of af-
    fliction the victims have brought on themselves). This notion is challenged, however,
    in the book of Job. While Eliphaz is convinced that God's niplA'@are just and salutary
    (5:8-9; cf. vv. l-7,10-27),Job, citing Eliphaz's own words (9:10), stresses that he must
    consider God's actions totally preposterous: for no reason at all, God is determined to
    destroy him (vv. I l-35). For Job, God's nipld'6! are incomprehensible and unfathom-
    able only in a horrendous sense. A mediating position is stated at the end of the Elihu
    discourses. Observing the world of natural phenomena, Job should see that God, al-

    27. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KATXYI (1963),480.


    28. SeeI.l above.
    29. See Bt1S.

    \-
    542 t{)D pr

    though not accessible to human beings, is nevertheless righteous; all Job can do is sub-
    mit (37:5,14,16;:o v-23).
    Only two passages"L associate nipla'fu with a human being; both refer to
    Antiochus IV Epiphanes. According to Dnl. ll:36, he exalts himself above all gods
    and even speaks niplA'@ against the most high God, i.e., the God of Israel. In other
    words, he makes himself the only god and believes that he personally has unlimited
    possibilities at his disposal. Here too nipld'6! means divine omnipotence; but this om-
    nipotence is arrogated and perverted by a mortal and therefore can lead only to disaster.
    The same is true in Dnl. 8:24. Here nipla'fi functions as an adverbial modifier of
    yail.tiT which is itself probably a dittography of hiihil in v. 24b; read instead yey'abbdr
    as in I l:36 or better ydiiah.zr
    c. Collectively. The ntpld'61are not isolated phenomena to be considered individu-
    ally. We are dealing instead with particular manifestations of God's work in general; as
    such, they are of fundamental significance, pointing beyond themselves. This is illus-
    trated above all by the verbs that have nipld'61 as their object, directly or indirectly.
    It is frequently emphasized, especially in formulaic passages,32 that God has done,
    does, or will and can do nipld'61(Aid,Ex.3:20;34:lO;Josh. 3:5; Jer.2l:2; Ps.40:6[5];
    98:1). This means basically that God does in fact act; the resulting reality makes God's
    action patent. But more is involved than simple observation. The essential point is that
    all who experience or hear of this reality can appeal to it and have recourse to it, confi-
    dent that God will also act with power in other circumstances. The same is true of the
    statement that God manifests nipld'61Qd'ahiphil, Ps. 78:l l; Mic. 7:15 [emended]). In
    Ex. 34:10 their fundamental signif,rcance is further emphasized by the use of the cre-
    ation verb barai3 along with 'aJd.
    God's mighty acts do not automatically engender confidence and hope on the part of
    human beings. They must meet with a readiness to accept and rely on them as manifes-
    tations of God's enduring benevolence and power to act. Thus the desert generation is
    accused of not consideing (Sdlal hiphil, Ps. 106:7) the mighty acts that they had expe-
    rienced firsthand, not believing in them ('dman hiphil, Ps. 78:32), not remembering
    them (zdkar Neh. 9:17), or forgetting them Gakah, Ps. 78:ll; 106:21-22). In other
    words, they treated them simply as events of the past rather than putting ongoing trust
    in them. The same is true of the hope for a new intervention by God voiced inJer.2l:2.
    This passage presupposes that the people are not ready to rely entirely on God; there-
    fore God's intervention on their behalf would accomplish nothing. Therefore Israel can
    only be called upon to remember God's mighty acts in the past so that they will under-
    stand their dependence on God in the present and future (Ps. 105:5 [1 Ch. 16: l2]; cf.
    Ps. 105:4). Similarly, Job is urged to consider (Din hiphil) in depth the phenomena of
    the natural world so as to arrive at a proper attitude toward God (Job 37:14). What is

    30. See the discussion of these verses above.


    31. BHS.
    32. See III.l.a above.
    33. -+ II, 247-48 (1v.2).
    tl)D p,'

    more, Ps. I 19:18 says that God will see to it that the psalmist beholds (ndlathiphil; cf .
    itah in v. 27) the wondrous things of the t6rd in order to keep it. This leads to the even
    more far-reaching statement of Ps. I I 1:4: God has produced in Israel a remembrance
    kefter) of his mighty acts, thus personally establishing the necessary conditions for
    them to be appropriated and remain effectual.
    But such remembrance is transmitted and preserved by human agents who recount
    (sdpar piel) God's mighty acts to others. Those recounting these stories may be the
    generations of Israel (Jgs. 6:13; Ps. 78:3-4) or a group speaking for Israel as a whole
    (Ps. 75:2[l] emended), who also are to address all the nations in this role (Ps. 96:3
    I Ch. 16:241). Or they may be individuals who publicly proclaim or vow to proclaim
    God's mighty acts after being delivered from their own afflictions (Ps. 9:2[l]; 26:7)-ln
    7l:17-18 the afflicted psalmist attests that he has proclaimed these mighty acts since
    his youth, and therefore is confident that now in his old age he will be delivered, so that
    he can proclaim (ndga/hiphil) this to the coming generation as a new demonstration of
    God's saving work (v. l8 emended3+). The psalmist in 40:2-13(l-12), delivered from
    affliction, finds God's wondrous deeds so boundless in number that it is impossible to
    recount them individwlly (ndga/, ddlar piel: v. 6[5]). According to Sir. 42:17, the
    same holds true for God's work of creation in the realm of nature.
    This latter notion is of course only one more expression of the fact that we are deal-
    ing with events that simply cannot be represented adequately by human words. To re-
    count them can only mean to glorify them as something ineffable and unfathomable,
    thank God for them, and praise God. This is expressed by the verbs yd86 hiphil (Ps.
    107:8,15,31; cf. 9:2Ul; 75:2111 emended) and $aft (105:2 [1 Ch. 16:9]; Ps. 145:5
    emended). Other verbs of similar meaning appear in the contexts of these verses, mak-
    ing clear that the real emphasis is on the aspect of praise and glory. The natural place
    for such praise and glory and for the public proclamation of God's mighty acts, how-
    ever, is the cult. The psalms cited quite clearly reflect a cultic observance (26:6-7;107)
    or at least were shaped after the pattern of cultic observances. This observation, too,
    supports the conclusion that the development of nipld'61 as a substantive took place
    specifically in the cult.

    2. pele' and pili. The noun pele'has fundamentally the same meaning as nipld'6!;
    directly or indirectly, it refers exclusively to the work of God. Here too we are dealing
    with an inclusive generalizing term for this work. It appears primarily in the singular,
    but is to be understood collectively. There is thus no reason to treat the plural found in
    late mss. inPs.77:12(11); 88:13(12); 89:6(5) as original; the plural forms in the ver-
    sions represent merely the collective sense of the Hebrew. Even more clearly than in
    the case of nipld'61, which is plural in form, this usage is an abstraction from the partic-
    ular event. Again most of the occurrences are in the Psalter and related texts; all are
    probably exilic or postexilic. There are a few occurrences, however, in other and earlier

    34. See BF1S.


    x)o pl'

    contexts (Isa. 9:5 [date disputedl;29:14 [preexilic]; Dnl. 12:6). These occurrences sug-
    gest that the noun is not a specifically cultic term or a late formation.
    Lrke nipld'6!, it denotes in the fust instance the mighty acts of God on behalf of Is-
    rael (Ps. 77:l2,l5l l,l4l), especially in the context of the exodus from Egypt (Ex.
    l5:l l; Ps. 78:12:' cf.77:l5,2lll4-15,201). Within the overall context of the psalm, 89:6
    refers to the divine election of David (cf. vv. 20-38). Here and in Ps. 77, God's mighty
    acts are also an expression of God's power as creator and sole lord of the world (77 :L7 -
    2OU6-l9l;89:7-19[6-18]; cf. Ex. 15:1la and, in a context referring only to creation,
    Sir.43:25). Isa. 25:1 refers to a saving act in the future (cf. v. 2; the association with
    '€;61is discussed below in connection with Isa. 9:5t61).
    The noun pele', too, frequently parallels other terms for God's mighty acts
    (fhill6!, n4rd'used adjectivally, Ex. l5:11; ma'afleh, Sir. 43:25;rs ma'aldltm, Ps.
    77:l2l ll; cf. also v. l3[2l;'d2,77:l5ll4l; in 89:6[5] '.mAnA as a term for the con-
    stancy of God's saving work; in 78: l, inclusion of 'alil61 and nipla'fi in v. l1). The
    verbs used with nipld'61again express the enduring significance of the event ('d(d,
    Ex. l5:11; Ps. 77:15U41; 78:12; Isa. 25:l; zdbar Ps. 77:l2lltl; yddA hiphil, Isa.
    25:1; Ps. 89:6 emended [with the heavens or heavenly beings as subj.]).:0 In Ps.
    ll9:129 it is the ordinances of the firA that are experienced as pcld'61and must
    therefore be kept (nd;ar).3l
    The remaining texts provide rather different accents. According to Ps.88:ll,
    13(10,12), God does not work wonders for the dead or in the netherworld; as a result,
    such works cannot be praised and proclaimed there. Furthermore, God's work can also
    be calamitous (Isa. 29: l4;38 stated indirectly in an adverbial construction in Lam. l:9).
    The meaning of the noun in Dnl. 12:6 is ambivalent. It refers to the afflictions de-
    scribed previously, but these are harbingers of the final defeat of all evil and the begin-
    ning of a new reign of God. In other words, we are dealing with events that lead ulti-
    mately to salvation, but which those who remain faithful to God can experience only as
    totally mysterious and therefore baneful. Similar to this ambiguity is the general state-
    ment of Sir. 11:4 that God's works (ma'aftm) are unfathomable and can lead to unex-
    pected changes of fortune (cf. vv. 5ff.). The future ruler announced in Isa. 9:5(6) will
    possess limitless potential (pele' y6'efl to bring about final, perfect peace. Here the
    verb yd'as means the planning and determination of actions that are then carried out;
    the same is true of 'E;61in25:,1.3e
    Sir. 3:21 uses the noun adjectivally with min.lt is generally assumed that in Job I 1:6
    kipldimorp'laim(pclaytm) shouldbereadinstead of kiplayim.N Thetextwouldthen
    mean that wisdom (bokmfl, bestowed by God, leads to understanding otherwise inac-
    cessible to human beings and as a result to success (tffiyil. But the fact that no other

    35. See III.l.b above.


    36. These verbs are discussed in IILl.c above.
    37. See III.l.b
    above.
    38. See II.2above.
    39. See BllS.
    40. See BIIS.
    x)o pl'

    passage uses the word group pAlA'b make such a statement casts doubt on the pro-
    posed emendation.
    The adj. piliin Jgs. 13:18 characterizes the divine messenger as a mysterious and
    powerful figure, underlining the mysterious nature of the event described in this chapter
    (cf. v. 19+t;. In Ps. 139:6 the psalmist, known perfectly and completely to God (da'a! as
    God's knowledge, w. l-2,4), confesses that this transcends the bounds of comprehen-
    sion; it can only mean that the psalmist is wholly at God's mercy (w. 5,7-12).

    IV. Dead Sea Scrolls. The word group plays an important role in the Dead Sea
    Scrolls. The verb occurs some 20 times in the hiphil (12 times in lQH). Only the
    nominalized participle of the niphal is attested (some 30 occurrences of nipla'61, 12 in
    lQH; rarely also nipliim). The noun pele'occnrs some 45 times (19 times in IQH).
    The word group refers in general terms to God's work of creation and salvation. Most
    of the occurrences are in psalmic texts. The usage and lexical field therefore often ex-
    hibit a close relationship with the occurrences of the word group (esp. nipld'61) in the
    OT psalms.
    Nevertheless, the notions of election, sin, dualism, and eschatology specific to the
    Qumran community determine the understanding of how God accomplishes his saving
    work. Only rarely, for example, do the scrolls mention God's mighty acts in the early
    history of Israel (lQM l1:9; cf. 1l:l-10). What is critical is instead God's work in the
    community itself, since only within it does true salvation begin; for it is there that God
    mysteriously and unfathomably takes away sin and guilt (CD 3:18; cf .2:14-3:17,19).
    In lQH the word group refers primarily to the individual as a member of the commu-
    nity (5:15; 9:7,27;11:3). But God's saving work evidenced within the community is
    not relevant simply to the individual; as in the OT psalms, it is to be proclaimed to all
    of God's works and to all human beings (l:33-34; 3:23; 6:ll-L2).lt is of universal sig-
    nificance beyond the Qumran community.
    In the hymnic portion of lQM, the word group refers also to the eschatological in-
    auguration of universal salvation, when the powers of evil will be destroyed (13:9;
    l4:5,9; 15:13; 18:7,10 [18:10 supplemented by 1Q33 l:4 draws on Isa. 29:14,but in-
    terpreted positivel),421). In other words, what is at issue is salvation for the entire world;
    meanwhile, however, this salvation can be experienced only within the Qumran com-
    munity.
    In contrast to the OT, the most frequently used noun is pele'(always in the sg.). This
    noun also expresses most clearly the characteristic notions of community, especially in
    verbs referring to knowing (bin, yd/a', SAkal).It emphasizes on the one hand that hu-
    man beings cannot understand the mighty acts of God by their own power (lQH 7:32).
    On the other hand, it attests that God has nevertheless given understanding of them to
    those who belong to the community, thus incorporating them into the salvation be-
    stowed on the community (lQH I l:4; nipla'67 l0:4).

    41. See II.2 above.


    42. See II.2 above.
    t\4 patag

    Especially characteristic are the approximately 10 occurrences of pele' in conjunc-


    tion with the noun rdz(with verbs of knowing, lQHT:27; l1:10;cf. l:21; lQS 11:5;
    similarly s6d, lQH l2:11-121.+t [rss often r4z occurs with nipld'6y (lQM 14:14; cf.
    1QS 11:19); cf. also the hiphil of the verb in lQpHab 7:8. This combination puts par-
    ticular emphasis on the aspect of mystery inherent in the word group pdld'and thus
    also on the paradox of a knowledge that transcends the limits of human ability but is
    nevertheless bestowed on humans. Such knowledge is given above all to the "Teacher
    of Righteousness" (probably referred to in IQH 2:13;4:28), who transmits it in turn to
    the members of the community. According to IQS 9:18, it is the function of a maskil to
    mediate this knowledge.
    It is appropriate to the weightiness of the noun pele'that God is referred to directly
    as'elohtm pele'(4QCanta 1:8; 4QCantb l0:7). God's servants are described similarly
    (lQH 5:21). Occurrences of pele' are especially frequent in 4QShirShabb 39 and 40,aa
    where it describes certain elements of the heavenly cult (40:24,6-7). This text also
    speaks of the seven dilr€ pele'with which heavenly beings are to bless particular
    groups of human beings (39: I,16tr.). The term '"bhA pek' is attested here as rhe tirle of
    an angel.as The phrase pele'y6'd; in IQH 3:10 is discussed elsewhere.a6
    Conrad

    43. On both nouns see Ndtscher, 7l-77.


    44. Strugnell, Congress Volume, Oxford 1959. SW 7 (1960), 318-45
    45. rbid.,332.
    46. -+ VI, 183-85 (Iv.2).

    \lQ patog; \2P peles;;1+2? p"lassa; ;rl?P p"tuggd;;rl?Pn miplaggd

    I. l. Ancient Near East; 2. Meaning; 3. LXX; 4. Dead Sea Scrolls. II. Secular Usage: 1. Verb;
    2. Nouns. III. Religious Usage: 1. peleg; 2. p"lugg61.

    l. l. Ancient Near East. The rootp/g appears in the OT as both a verb and a noun,
    with several derivatives. It is also found in Middle Hebrew, Jewish Aramaic and Egyp-

    pdlag. A. D. Crown, "Judges V l5b-16," W 17 (1967) 240-42; I. Engnell, "'Planted by the


    Streams of Water,"' FS J. Pedersen (1953), 85-96; G. Morawe, "Peleg," BHHW, III (1966),
    1411; P. Reymond, L'eau, sa vie et sa signification dans I'AT. SyT 6 (1958),70, 129;
    A. Schwarzenbach, Die geographische Terminologie im Hebriiischen des ATs (1954), 6l-62;
    N. M. Waldman, "On I)Di, lfy, and Akkadian Parallels," Gratz College Annual of Jewish
    Studies 2 (1973) 6-8; H.-J. Zobel, Stammesspruch und Geschichte. BZAW 95 (1965),49.
    tl1 patag 547

    tian Aramaic, Palmyrene, Nabatean, Samaritan, Syriac, Christian Palestinian, and


    Mandaic texts, as well as in Akkadian, Ugaritic, Phoenician, Arabic, Ethiopic, and
    Coptic sources. Taking the basic notion of division as its point of departure, ancient
    Near Eastern usage exhibits semantic bifurcation: (a) the predominant meaning "di-
    vide" or "part, half,"l as well as the meaning "district" found in Phoenician;2 (b) the
    meaning "ditch, canal" exemplified by the Akkadian parallel palgu,3 which reappears
    in Ugaritic texts with the meaning "wadi"4 and again in the analogous Arab. /a/f,
    "cleft," and fala[a, "cleave," as well as Eth. falag, "wadi."

    2. Meaning. The range of meanings of the root in the ancient Near East reflects its
    meanings in the OT. Of the 26 occurrences in the OT, 7 involve personal names (Gen.
    lO:25: | 1:16,17,18,19; I Ch. l:19,25). Among the other 19, there are 2 occurrences of
    the verb in the piel (Ps.55:10[Eng. v. ll]; Job 38:25) and 2 in the niphal (Gen. 10:25;
    I Ch. l:19). Nouns such as peleg occur 15 times; the commonest meaning is "ditch,
    channel, wadi" (ll times, 12 counting Ps. 55:10 cj.). There are 4 occurrences of the
    meaning "division, contingent" (p"lagg6, Jgs. 5:15-l6i peluggA, 2 Ch. 35:5;
    miplaggdh, 2 Ch.35:12). The 4 occurrences of the verb mean "cleave, groove" (Ps.
    55:10[9]; Job 38:25) or "be divided" (Gen. 10:25; I Ch. l:19).

    3. LXX. The LXX clearly had no precise notion of the meaning of the root. Apart
    from the translation dia{resis in three passages with the meaning "division" (Jgs. 5:15;
    2 Ch.35:5,12), the LXX translations are totally heterogeneous. For the nouns, we find
    such equivalents as di4xodos, hormd, h6rmEma, dphesis, and potam6s,' only Gen.
    10:25 and 1 Ch. l:19 agree in using diameriza to ranslate the verb. The proper name is
    transliterated as P halek.

    4. Dead Sea Scrolls. [n the Dead Sea Scrolls the root appears as a verb and in nouns;
    some of the latter mean "wadi, channel," others mean "division."s The proper name ap-
    pears in CD 20:22.

    II.
    Secular Usage.
    l. All the forms of the verb refer to the secular process of dividing or em-
    Verb.
    ploy it metaphorically. Job 38:25 refers to the cutting off of an area by digging a
    channel for water; Gen. 10:25 and I Ch. l:19 have to do with the division of human-
    kind into various peoples. Even the figurative image of a divided tongue (Ps.
    55:10[9]), which represents the impossibility of speaking the truth, is based on a
    wholly secular notion.

    l. DNSI, ll,911-12; MdD, 3@b,373b.


    2. DNSI,II, 913; KAI 18.3.
    3. AHw,II, 815-16.
    4. KTU 1.100, 69; M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartin, UF 7 (1975) 122, 125.
    5. Kuhn, l3O,177.

    t--
    tll patag

    2. Nouns. a. Watercourse. Analogously to the meaning found in Job 38:25, the noun
    used in a secular sense means "ditch, wadi, channel." It is always used in conjunction
    with "water" or "oil." The phrase palg€ mayim refers literally to a ditch or channel dis-
    tributing water through a region (Ps. 1:3; lsa.32:2); early on, however, it became a
    popular metaphor, especially in wisdom poetry. It serves to describe a flood of tears
    (Lam. 3:48; Ps. 119:136) or a torrent of words (Ps. 55: l0[9] cj.). But it can also sym-
    bolize the possible yearning of a married woman for other men (Prov. 5:16). The
    phrase palg€ (pelaggdfi iemen should be understood analogously: in proverbial lan-
    guage it represents a figurative term for wealth and abundance (Job 29:6;20:17 cj.).e
    b. Division. In the sense of "part" or "division," the nouns are also used primarily in
    secular contexts. Already in the Song of Deborah the noun p"lagg6l refers to the divi-
    sions of an Israelite tribe (Jgs. 5:15f.); in 2 Ch. 35:5,12, analogously, p"lugg6l and
    miplaggdl refer to the divisions of an Israelite clan.
    c. Proper Name. As a proper name, the noun peleg refers to a son of Eber, who is
    considered a descendant of Shem (Gen. lO:22-25). The comment explaining the name
    shows that it is to be understood as a simple personal name.7

    III. Religious Usage.


    l. peleg. The use ofthe rootp/g and its derivatives in the cultic sphere and in theo-
    logical contexts first appears in postexilic texts. The primary emphasis is on the associ-
    ation of the notn peleg in the sense of "watercourse" with Yahweh, his city Jerusalem,
    and its sanctuaries. The "watercourse" of Yahweh is the source of all blessing (Ps.
    65:10[9]); "watercourses" make glad Jerusalem, the city of God (Ps. 46:5[4]); at the
    eschaton, they will be found on all the heights (Isa. 30:25). These texts incorporate an
    ancient mythologoumenon (cf. Isa. 33:21; Ezk.47:l-12; Joel4:18[3: l8l;Zec.l4:8). In
    lsa.32:2 the phrase palgA mayim serves to characterize the salvation that the eschato-
    logical king will bring; Prov. 2l:l uses it as a graphic image describing how Yahweh
    guides the king's thoughts. The phrase is used analogously in Ps. l:3 as a metaphor for
    the devout (cf. Ps. 92:13-15[2-14l).

    2. p"lugg61. The form p"lugg6l appears only in 2 Ch. 35:5; it may possibly be ex-
    plained as a mispointing of the noun pelagg6l (Jgs. 5: 15-16; Job 2O:17) influenced by
    the Biblical Aramaic word p"luggd (Ezr. 6: I 8). [t has an indirect tie to the cult: the divi-
    sions of clans mentioned here belong to priestly families.
    Schunck

    6. See G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KATXYI (1963), 324-25.


    7. C. Westermann, Genesis 1-lI (Eng. trans. 1984), 526.
    ui[.\.1 pileget 549

    tUl?P pitegei

    I. l. Etymology; 2. Occurrences, Meaning, LXX. II. The Position of a Concubine.

    l. l. Etymology. We can give no satisfactory explanation for the oigin of pilegei


    (Gk. pd.llax, pallakis; Lat. pellex; Jewish Aram. palq"ld; Syr. palqd; Arabic in the fem.
    PN bil4fs). Scholars have sought its home in both the Semitic and the Indo-European
    language families and have put forward many conjectures about mutual influence.l
    Suggested etymologies include the Hebrew rcotplg, "divide, cleave," or a back-forma-
    tion from Gk. pallakfs, pallak6, pdllax, originally "youth" or "girl," or from the same
    source plgs, "mariageable." On the basis of the Indo-European elements pi- ("at, on,
    toward") and legh- ("to lie down") and the nominal ending.i, Rabin concludes that the
    word is Philistine in origin, while Giirg thinks in terms of Egyptian influence and pro-
    poses the basic meaning "someone next to a person."2

    2. Occunences, Meaning, lXX. The noun occurs 37 times in the OT: Gen. 22:24;
    25:6;36:12 (4 times); 12 times in Judges, all but one in the story of the Levite's concu-
    bine (chs. 19-20);8 times in 2 Samuel; once in I Kings; once in Ezekiel; twice in the
    Song of Solomon; once in Esther; 5 times in 1 Chronicles; once in 2 Chronicles. It
    means "concubine, mistress." The following are named as having had concubines:
    Nahol Abraham, Jacob, Eliphaz, Gideon, David, Saul, Rehoboam, King Ahasuerus,
    Caleb, and Manasseh. The term occurs once in a "boasting song" (Cant. 6:8-9); but it is
    noteworthy that it is not found in legal texts (although such texts as Lev. 18:8,11,18
    clearly presuppose polygyny), wisdom literature, or prophetic literature (Ezk.23:20 is
    uncertain and refers to male pilagiim).
    The LXX equivalent is always pallakd/pallakis, except in Ezk. 23:20 (totis
    Xaldaious) and Est. 2:14 (t6n gynaik6n).In addition, Gen- 46:20 (echoing 1 Ch. 7:14)
    mentions a pallak4 of Manasseh; Job 19:17 speaks of Job's concubines, who are un-
    known to the MT.

    pilegei. J. P. Brown, "Literary Contexts of the Common Hebrew-Greek Vocabulary," JSS 13


    (1968) 163-91, esp. 166-69; M. Ellenbogen, Foreign Words in the OT (1962),134; L. M. Epstein,
    "The Institution of Concubinage among the Jews," Proceedings of the American Academy for
    Jewish Research 6 (1934135) 153-88; M. Gtirg, "Piggul und pilageS, Experimente zur
    Etymologie," BN l0 (1979) 7-l l, esp. 10-l l; G. Jasper, "Polygyny in the ATI' Africa Theologi-
    cal Journal 2 (1969)27-57;H.-W. Jiingling, Richter 19. AnBibl 84 (1981); S. Levin, "Hebrew
    pilegei, Greek pallakz, Latin pellexl' General Linguistics 23 (1983) l9l-97:. H. Lewy, Die
    semitischen Fremdwiirter im Griechischen (1895, repr. 1970); E. Neufeld, Ancient Hebrew Mar-
    riage Laws (lg44), esp. I I 8-32; W. Plautz, "Monogamie und Polygamie im AI," 7AW 7 5 (1963)
    3-27; C. Rabin, "The Origin of the Hebrew Word, Ftlegei)' JTS 25 (1974) 353-64.
    l See Ellenbogen, 134.
    2. For a survey of scholarship see Rabin.

    I
    dll4 pileget

    II. The Position of a Concubine. It would seem that the OT gave little thought to
    the legal and social position of a pilegei. The texts in question deal with the concubines
    of patriarchs, kings, a Levite, one of the "major judges," and a tribal ancestor. Among
    all these passages, the early narrative in Jgs. 19-20, incorporated into the Deuter-
    onomistic History constitutes an exception. Only here are several terms from the realm
    of family law laqafi 16 'i.i,iri (take to wife), hapn gather-inJaw), haldn (son-in-law)
    -
    used in conjunction with pilegel, suggesting a marriagelike relationship that does
    -not correspond to the picture painted by other texts. In addition to Jgs. l9:l,27,the
    combination'iiidpileget(like iJ.Id z1ndinJgs.ll:1; 16:l;'iildnc|t'A inJgs.4:4;and
    'iiid'almdnA in 2 S. l4:5) appears also in 2 S. 15: l6; 20:3, being used for the ten con-
    cubines (probably from the royal harem) David left behind in Jerusalem to look after
    the house when he fled from Absalom. When he returned, since they had been violated
    publicly by Absalom, he had them shut up as widows until their death.
    That pileget status differed from ordinary marriage is shown by the difference in
    terminology; the difference is underlined by two further observations. First, wives and
    concubines are mentioned together (Jgs. 8:31;2 S.5:13 [only here are concubines
    mentioned firstl; l9:6[Eng. v. 5]; I K. I l:3; Cant. 6:8,9 [queens and concubines]; 2 Ch.
    ll:21). Second, a man has two or more primary wives; an additional wife is not neces-
    saily apilege.f (Gen. 4:19;26:34;28:9;36:2; I S. l:2; I Ch.4:5,18; 8:8;2Ch.24:3).
    This distinction is not contradicted by the use of the phrase n'iA 'dliw for Jacob's two
    concubines, Bilhah and Zilpah, in Gen. 37:2, since 35:22 clearly classifies Bilhah as
    pilegei 'dbtw. Jacob's wife Rachel gives him Bilhah as a concubine with the same for-
    mula (30:4; ndlan 16 /e'i.i.id is a technical term referring to marriage, but legally always
    reflects the perspective of the male leadership of the farnily) and for the same reason as
    Leah gives him Zilpah (30:9). Each wife, being barren, expects that Jacob will beget
    offspring with her iiplrd, offsping that she can later adopt. There is a similar account
    of Sarah's liphd Hagar in 16:l-3 and of Abimelech's wife and his 'arndh6l QO:17).
    These observations suggest that a concubine had a lower social status than a wife. The
    theory that concubines were always former maids or slaves is not persuasive. They
    were often of non-Israelite origin (Jgs. 19:l; 8:31; I Ch.l:32;7:14).
    The OT also does not pay much attention to the legal position of concubines. If Ex.
    2l:10-ll deals with a slave taken as a concubine, the man must not deprive his wife (in
    this case a slave) of food, clothing, or sexual intercourse (?) when he takes another
    woman. If he does not fulfill his obligations, the wife is released without payment; in
    other words, the rights of the first woman are protected, not those of the second. Lev.
    l8:18 prohibits taking a wife's sister as a concubine.
    Dt.2l:15-17 protects the hereditary rights of the firstborn son in the circumstances
    of polygyny. All in all, a concubine appears to have been exposed to the caprice of her
    "husband" and, if she was a slave belonging to the wife, to the latter's power of {eci-
    sion as well. For the benefit of Isaac, the sons of Abraham's concubines were not al-
    lowed to inherit but were compensated with gifts (Gen. 25:6). But this does not neces-
    sarily imply that the sons of concubines were subordinate in status. Tamar appears to
    be the daughter ofone ofDavid's concubines (l Ch. 3:9); she is the only such daughter
    identified by name. It was wrong for her brother Amnon to disgrace her (2 S. l3). In
    ul1 patal 551

    the eyes of the OT, the function of concubinage clearly derives from the desire for
    many descendants. Except in the case of the lrvite's concubine, who dies an early vio-
    lent death (Jgs. l9), and the ten concubines David leaves behind in Jerusalem, whose
    function has nothing to do with procreation (2 S. l5:16; 16:21-22;20:3), almost all the
    concubines mentioned are said to have borne children, primarily sons. This appears to
    be the most important point the OT authors wanted to make. In the case of the royal
    harem, there was also an element of prestige and the political goals of the ruler. An at-
    tack on the harem was tantamount to an attack on the throne (2 5.3:7; 16:21-22; I K.
    2:22). Est.2:8-18 shows how the author pictured a Persian harem.
    Throughout the entire OT period, in addition to his fust wife a male Israelite proba-
    bly enjoyed the legitimate privilege of taking one or more other wives (Gen. 4:19;
    29:23,30;36:2; Jgs.8:30; 1 S. 1:2; Jer. 38:23) and/or concubines; there is no recorded
    prohibition, and pilegei occurs in both early and late texts. There is no evidence for the
    opposite possibility of polyandry (Ezk. 23:20 can hardly refer to this practice). There is
    no explicit criticism of concubinage, and only one text (Dt. 17:17) that criticizes
    polygyny on religious grounds; but too many (foreign) wives could lead the king into
    apostasy frorn Yahweh to foreign gods (l K. 11:3).
    In brief, we can observe two tendencies: (a) in the period of the patriarchs and
    judges, concubinage was probably perceived as a natural institution, while later it
    tended to be reserved to kings; (b) even though polygyny was not criticized explicitly
    (except by Dt. 17:17), Deuteronomistic texts and texts influenced by the Yahwist ap-
    pear not to have viewed it in a positive light. We might suppose that polygamy is
    blamed at least in part for the negative fate of the families in question and for the fall of
    rulers, because it results in contention, jealousy, violence, and death.
    The word pilegel does not appear in the Dead Sea Scrolls.
    Engelkcn

    92P patq; v2D matq vt ? pdttt; v()2? pa4; flg(,)2? p"rcra; uhD miptd!

    I. Cognates: I . West Semitic p/1,' 2. East Semitic; 3. West Semitic ml1. ll. l. Etymology and
    Basic Meaning; 2. Statistics; 3. Distribution; 4. Related Terms; 5. LXX. il. Semantic Field:
    I . Verbs; 2. Nouns. IV. 1. Poetry; 2. Wisdom; 3. Remnant; 4. Apocalyptic. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    pdlal. R. Bach, Die Aufforderung zur Flucht und zum Kampf im alttestamentlichen
    Prophetenspruch. WMANT 9 (1962), esp. 15-50; C. Barth, Die Errettung vom Tode in den
    individuellen Klage- und Dankliedern (1947), esp. 124-40; G. Fohrer, TDNT, yll,970-80; G. F.
    Hasel, "Remnantl' IDBSup, 735-36; idem, The Remnant. Andrews University Monographs.
    Studies in Religion 5 (:1980); idem, "The Origin and Early History of the Remnant Motif in An-
    cient Israel" (diss., Vanderbilt, 1970); V. Herntrich, "l,eiprpra. B. Der 'Rest' im AT," TUWNT, Iy,
    200-215; J. Mejia, "I.a liberaci6nl'Theologia lO Q97A7r25-61;W. E. Miiller and H. D.
    Preuss, Die Vorstellung vom Rest im AT (21973); W. J. Roslon, "Zbawienie czlowieka w Starym

    l-
    I
    02? palat

    I. Cognates.
    l. West Semitic plt. The Ugaritic root plp, "free, save," appears in poetry and per-
    sonal names.l In the Legend of Aqhat, 'Anat challenges El in verbal battle: 'And sum-
    mon [Aqhat] and let him save you (ypllk), son of Danel, and let him help you (y'drk) fto
    escapel from the hand of Virgin 'Anat."2 The parallelism of plt and .d4 "save, help,"
    corresponds (but in reverse order) to Heb. 'Azar par. pdlay in Ps. 37:40.3 Ugar. plt ap-
    pears in several PNs: palal (plt),+ either a one-word name meaning "savior" or a
    hypocoristicon;s yaplul (yplil,6 "(God) saves/saved," corresponding to Heb. yaplEy
    (l Ch. 7:32-33);7 yapluldnu (yplyn), a simple name consisting of a yaqlul form of the
    verbal root plus suffix.8
    In Phoenician the lexeme ply appears in the PN palayba'al (pltb'l), "Baal saves/is
    savior."e The root pl1 appears also in Ammonite personal names. A 7th-century seal
    contains the name pltw, which is vocalized as pal16 or pallfiro and means "salvation";
    the final -r.r: is a hypocoristic ending. On another seal from the same period we find the
    PN palti (plty), "my salvation," corresponding to the simple Hebrew forename palti
    (Nu. 13:9; I5.25:44), which has the same meaning.rr The simple name palat (plt),
    "salvation," likewise has a Hebrew equivalent in pdldy (l Ch. 2:47; 12:3).12 Also
    Ammonite is the clause name 'dnplt,tr in which p/r is either a verb in the piel or a masc.
    sg. noun, meaning, respectively, either'Adon [the lord] saves" or'Adon is savior."14 In

    Testamencie" (diss. habil. Acad. Teol., Warsaw, 1970); E. Ruprecht, '\lA plt pi. to savel' TLOT
    II, 986-90; J. F. A. Sawyer, Semantics in Biblical Research. SBT 2124 (1972); H. Schult,
    Vergleichende Studien zur alttestamentlichen Namengebung (1967), esp. 114-16; D. M. Warne,
    "The Origin, Development and Significance of the Concept of the Remnant in the OT" (diss.,
    Edinburgh, 1958).
    l. WUS, no.2223; UT no.2048.
    2. KTU, 1.18, I, 13; on the text see Whitaker, 316.
    3. See H. L. Ginsberg, Or 7 (1938) 3; M. Dahood, Psalms I: l-50. AB 16 (1966),232.
    4. KTU,4.374,7.
    5. PNU, 57.t73.
    6. KTU, 4.214,lV, 4; 4.222,2: 4.638, l-2.
    7.See IPN,199.
    8. KTU, 4.215, 5; see PNU 58; also S. Segert, A Basic Grammar of the lJgaritic Language
    (1985),188.
    9. Z. S.Haris, Grammar of the Phoenician Langwlge. AOS 8 (1936), 137. See KAl I l, where
    the translation "Baal is my savior" does not agree with the form of the name, which would have
    to be pllyb'l; cf . Benz, 176.
    10. For the former see P. Bordreuil, Syr 50 (1973) 190-91; for the latter, K. P. Jackson, The
    Ammonite Language of the lron Age. HSM 27 (1983),71.
    I 1 . P. Bordreuil and A. lrmaire, Sem 26 (1976) 53; Jackson, 72. HAL, III, 93 I , has mistak-
    enly assigned this to epigraphic Hebrew.
    12. Bordreuil and Lemaire,60; Jackson, 73; IPN, 156. HAI. III,931, also erroneously as-
    signs this personal name to epigraphic Hebrew
    13. M. Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraplrrt (1898), 209:F.Yattioni, Bibl
    50 (1969) 370, no. 98.
    14. L. G. Hen, The Scripts of Ancient Northwest Semitic Seals. HSM 18 (1978), 59, no.2;
    Jackson, 72.
    e\J palay

    Moabite the root p/1 is attested only in the theophorous PN kmiply (cf. such Moabite
    theophorous clause names as kmisdq, kminyn, kmiyby, and kmim'{s), where plt again
    can be understood as a verb or a noun, the name meaning accordingly "Chemosh
    saves" or "Chemosh is savior."l6
    The Yaudic verb pl1 (pael), "save," appears in the inscription on the Panammu statue
    (ca. 730 n.c.r.) in the sentence: "On account of the [right]eousness of his father, the gods
    of y'dy saved him (pltwh) from annihilation."lT The Aramaic of the Elephantine papyri
    uses p/r in the PNs p/ru "salvation"; plth, "fdivine namel saved"; plly, "Yh set free," or
    better "Yhwh has saved/is savior."l8 The usage of pll in Middle Aramaic is discussed in
    the context of the Dead Sea Scrolls (see V below). In Palmyrene the noun blt from the
    root b/plt appears in the hypocoristic PN blyy, "saviot'le Mandaic uses various forms of
    the rootp/r (peal, pael, and etpael) in the sense of"escape, separate."20 11e Syriac verb ply
    has the meaning "escape" in the peal and "save, deliver" in the pael.2l
    Classical Arabic uses falata IY "deliver, set free," and falala, "deliver, escape."22
    Whether OSA b/t, "a coin," belongs here is dubious.23 Ethiopic uses the root p/t in the
    sense of "separate"; it appears as frilcilii in the Harari dialect and as fdhiitii in Anr
    haric.2a

    2. East Semitic. In Akkadian the verb plr appears as a foreign word of West Semitic
    origin in the PN palatay.zs This category also includes other personal names of West
    Semitic origin, mostly found in Assyrian legal documents: pal-ti-i, pal-yi-ia-u, and pal-
    !i-id-u.ze These correspond to the Hebrew PNs palri, p"layy6, and pcla1ydhfr.z1 Between
    the l5th and 13th centuries we find the Akkadian PNs ia-ab-lu-yd-nu and ia-ab-lu-tti-
    na, both of Northwest Semitic origin containing the lexeme p11.28 From the same pe-

    15. Herr, 155-58.


    16. N. A. Giron, Textes aramiens d'Egypte (1931), 30.
    17. See P.-E. Dion, La langue de Ya'udi (1974),36-43; DNSI,II, 915; KAI 215.2.
    18. Onplrw see AP, 13:15; M. H. Silverman, Or39 (1970) 490-91n. 3, with bibliog.Onplthsee
    AE 82lO W. Komfeld, Onomastica Ararnaica aus Agypten ( 1978), 68. On plly see A4 40: I ;
    BMAE6,fr.b.OntheformermeaningseeKornfeld,69;onthelatter, IlAL,lll,93l;lPN,38n. 156.
    19. C1S 4212,2; PNPI,76, translates it as "life," apparently assuming a connection with the
    notn baldlu.
    20. MdD,374.
    21. lzxSyr 573.
    22. Lane, W, 2730ff .; C. Barth, 32.
    23. Cf. Biella, 43; A. K. Irvine, JPI.S 1964,22-23, proposes a different etymology.
    24. See Dillmann, lzxLingAeth, 1344-45; Leslau, Contributions, 42; idem, Etymological
    Dictionary of Harari (1963),63; idem, Hebrew Cognates in Amharic (1969), 99.
    25. CBS 4993,26;10350 = pa-la-ta[a-a/; M. p. Coogan, West Semitic Personal Names in the
    Muraifi Documents (197 6), 33, 82.
    26. See R. Borger, TUATY4 (1984),412; APN, 179; cf. S. Parpola, CT 53, no.46,11.4,27.
    27. IPN, 156.
    28. D. Sivan, Grammatical Annlysis and Glossary of the Northwest Semitic Vocables inAkka-
    dianTbxts of the 15th-l3th C.B.C.from Canaan and Syria. AOAT2l4 (1984), 259. On the former
    name see PRU, l[, 2O2 (16.257,III, 57); on the lauer, PRU, lll, 37 (16.287, 3).

    \-
    o\1 patay

    riod comes the word pu-la-!u, "save," which appears in a polyglot lexical text from
    Ugarit and is identified with AY'k. iilzubu, "sayel'2e Besides these occurrences, pD is
    used in one of the Amarna letters: "and scarcely a single house survived (pa-li-it-
    mi):30 The use of the verbp/r in this letter probably bespeaks West Semitic influence.
    In many of its meanings, Akk. baldyu, "life," overlaps semantically with Heb. ply
    and is therefore conjoined with the Hebrew term.3l Because baldlu usually has to do
    with life or survival, it is also used in the sense of "escape" or "save." In the Atrahasis
    Epic (17th century B.c.E.), the water god Enki gives Atrahasis the command: "Save life
    (napiita bullitl;'zz or more appropriately to the context: "Preserve the life [of the peo-
    ple and animals on the ship]."33 Later the enraged war god Enlil asks: "How did the
    man escape destruction (kt iblut awdlum)?"3a This scene is repeated almost word for
    word in the eleventh tablet of the Gilgamesh Epic. Enki commands: "Let life be pre-
    served (napiiti bullit)"; later the enraged Enlil insists: "None shall escape destruction
    (a-a ib-lut amdlu);'3s
    Akkadian legal terminology also uses b/r in the sense of "escape." The Code of
    Eshnunna (early 2nd millennium) requires that under certain circumstances a thief or
    an adulteress "shall die and not be spared (imdt ul iballut)."3a
    Although Al&. bll has a wide range of meanings, semantically and from the per-
    spective of comparative Semitic philology much of its usage is quite similar to that of
    West Semitic ply. Thereforc the Akkadian verb balAru may be considered an East Se-
    mitic revival of the common Semitic root plt.

    3. West Semitic mlt. In comparison to plt, the word mlt I is much more restricted, ap-
    pearing outside Hebrew and Aramaic only in South Semitic. The root is clearly used in
    various Ethiopic dialects. In the Harari dialect we find the verb (a)miiliita, "escape,o'37
    which derives from the root mll, "scrape off, pull off."38 In Tigre we find mdlta (= miil-
    Ca), "escape."3e Amharic has the derivative amiilliitd, "escape."4o It is most unlikely
    that the Palmyrene noun mly', "sheepskin,"4l is connected with Heb. mly. In Modern
    Hebrew we find mlt in the sense of "save" (piel) and "be saved, escape" (niphal,

    29. RS 20.123; Ugaritica V, no. 137, 11,20, p. 243.


    30. EA 185:25,33.
    31. Fronzaroli, AANLR 8ll9 (1964) 248-49;8120 (1965) 25O,263,267. See AHw, 1,99.
    P.
    32. Atrahasis iii.l.24.
    33. H. A. Hoffner in Cuneifurm Studies in Honor of S. N. Kramer. AOAT 25 (1976),241-45.
    34. Atrahasis iii.6.10.
    35. See, respectively, Gilg. xi.2.26 (cf. H. Schmitkel, NER1\ 94: "ensure life"); l. 173
    (ANErt,95).
    36. See TUAT U2, 34, 36:. ANETt, I 62. For the thief see Code of Eshnunna, gI 2, 40; for the
    adulteress, $28, 37 (ANETt,162).
    37. L,eslau, Etymological Dictiornry of Harari, 107-8.
    38. Dillmann, lzxLingAeth, 154.
    39. Leslau, Contributions, 30.
    40. Leslau, Hebrew Cognates in Amharic, 97.
    41. DISO, 152.
    vll patay

    hithpael).42 In Jewish Aramaic there is an itpeal form of the root mlg, used in the sense
    of "be saved, escape."43

    ll. l. Etymology and Basic Meaning. Heb. p/r belongs to the stock of common Se-
    mitic roots; it has the basic meaning "escape." The qal, which appears only in Ezk.
    7:16, means "escape" from mortal danger, in other words, run away to safety.
    The Hebrew verb mlt I has been associated with or derived from Arab. malala,
    "depilate," V "be bald," and Eth. maldta, "strip, be naked."a It is more likely that ru/r II
    (hithpael), "be bald" (Job 19:20), is associated with the Arabic forms and should be
    treated as a separate verb distinct from mlt I.a5 We may assume that mlt I is a variant of
    pll.a6The comparative material in other West Semitic languages (see I.1-3 above) sup-
    ports this derivation, as does the usage of the Hebrew stems. Thus the basic meaning of
    mlt I is "escape" (from danger).

    2. Statistics. a. plt. The root ply occurs 80 times in the OT.a7 The qal form occurs
    once in the MT (Ezk.7:16). The piel form is most frequent, with 24 occurrences; the
    hiphil occurs only twice (Isa. 5:29; Mic. 6:14). In Job 23:'l the MT reads '"palFtA, a
    piel form. H0lscher and Driver, followed by others, point 'plyh as 'eplctd, a qal form
    meaning "€scape."48 Fohrer rightly rejects this repointing, and BIIS does not adopt it.4e
    Some emend the piel of plt in Mic. 6:14 to a hiphil form or the hiphil form in the first
    portion of the verse to a piel.so Both emendations are unnecessary; the MT should be
    retained.5l
    The root ph has four nominal derivatives. The most common is the fem. noun
    p"b(A)fi @ qc$h form),s2 found 28 times in the OT. The masc. qAfil forrn pAlia which
    occurs l9 times, derives from an adjective form. The masc. qatilformpdb(a)t occurs 5
    times (Nu. 2l:29;lsa.66:19; Jer.44:14;50:28; 5l:50), only in the plural.s3 The masc.
    verbal noun mipl@ "place of refuge," with a ma- preformative, appears in the MT only
    in Ps. 55:9(Eng. v. 8).s4
    Many scholars repoint the piel ptcp. mepall'li, "my deliverer," in Ps. 18:3(2) as

    42. G. Dalman, ANH, 237.


    43. Ibid.
    44. For the association see GesTh,79l. For the derivation see LexHebAram, 441: cf. G. R.
    Driver, in Wisdom in Israel and inthe Ancient Near East. FS H. H. Rowley. SfI3 (1955), 80.
    45. With HAL, 11,589; and E. Kutsch, W 32 (1982) 4@-84, esp. 474-82.
    46. With K8L2,529 and Fohrer, 972; Ruprecht,421, is noncommittal.
    47. A. Even-Shoshan, A New Concordance of the Of Q985),944-45,663.
    48. G. Hdlscher, Das Buch Hiob. HATUIT (21937),56; G. R. Driver, A./SZ 52 (1935136) 160;
    BHK; M. Dahood, Bibl 50 (197O) 397; Ruprecht, 421: et al.
    49. G. Fohrer, KATXVl,363. Cf. HAL,lll,93l.
    50. On the former see, e.g., BHK; for the latter, 8FIS.
    51. With HE lO71' W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-kphanja. KATXIIV3 (1975), 116-
    l7; HAL,III, 931.
    52. Meyer, II, 28.
    53. Bl"e,4@.
    54. HAI.II, 618.
    v|? patat

    mipldyt, "my refuge," or delete it metri causa.55 The is also true of the same participle
    in Ps. 55:9(8) and 144:2. The reading mply ly in I I QPsa 23:13 = Ps. 144:2, which can
    be translated "a deliverer for me"56 or as a noun meaning "a refuge for me," does not
    point persuasively to the original meaning of the Hebrew text. Repointing makes it
    possible to understand these three piel participles as instances of the verbal noun
    mipldl. The need for this repointing nevertheless remains dubious.
    b. Personal Name* The root p/r appears in a number of masculine PNs: pele/, "de-
    liverance"; pal1t, "my deliverance"; piltdy, "Y[ahweh] is my deliverance"; paltt'dl,
    "God is my deliverance"; pclayyd, "Yah[weh] has delivered"; yapl€!, "may [God] de-
    liver" or "God delivered"; 'eltpeley and 'Elpelet, "God is deliverance."sT Several of
    these names appear in other Semitic languages as well (see I.l-2 above).
    c. ml| lf we restrict our attention to mly I, the verb rzl, occurs 94 times in the OT.sa
    The niphal occurs 62 times, the piel28 times, and the hiphil and hithpael twice each.

    3. Distribution. A survey of the distribution shows that plt/mly occurs only 10


    times in the Pentateuch: 5 times as the niphal of the verb m/t in Genesis, and 5 times
    as a nominal form of plt (3 times in Genesis, once each in Exodus and Numbers).
    The highest concentration of occurrences of plt derivatives is in the Major and Minor
    Prophets (9 in Ezekiel; 8 each in Isaiah and Jeremiah;2 each in Micah, Joel, and
    Obadiah; and one in Am.9:l), poetry (20 in the Psalms), and the historical books (4
    in Ezra; 3 each in Judges, 2 Samuel, 2 Kings, and 2 Chronicles; one each in Joshua,
    Nehemiah, and I Chronicles). Derivatives of mlt occtr most frequently in the pro-
    phetic literature (14 times in Jeremiah, 4 times in Ezekiel, 3 times in Amos, once
    each in Joel, Zechariah, and Malachi), followed by the historical books (17 times in
    1-2 Samuel, 8 times in l-2 Kings, twice in Judges, once in 2 Chronicles), wisdom lir
    erature (11 times in Job, 3 times each in Proverbs and Ecclesiastes), poetry (8 times
    in the Psalms), twice in Daniel (11:41; l2:l), and once in Esther (4:13). Thus we see
    that derivatives of plt/mlt are concentrated in the historical books, the Major and Mi-
    nor Prophets, and poetry.

    4. Related Terms. The verbs p/r and mlt are used in lexical fields that include a large
    number of related terms: zsl hiphil, "deliver"; nfis qal, "flee"; brh qal, "flee"; y.r', "go
    ont"; nwh piel, "leave alone"; y.f', "help, save."Se
    The various nominal forms of the root plt are associated particularly with the lexical
    field of the OT remnant pdlithAle! par. SdrtQ, "escaped one"; pebt1./p"ldtd par.
    ^o1i15o

    55. For the former see B//r(, Dahood, Psalms I l0l; W. G. E. Watson, Classical Hebrew po-
    etry. JSOTSUp 26 1z19f6r,265. For the latter, BIIS.
    56. J. A. Sanders, The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll (1967),79.
    57. See /PN, 38 and n. l, 156,199.
    58. HAL, II, 589; Even-Shoshan,663-64, if the hithpael form in Job 19:20 is assigned to a
    separate root.
    59. See esp. Fohrer, 970-72,978-79.
    60. See Hasel, Remnant Motif, 176-80, 185-86, 197-98; see IV.3 below.
    vr? pdtat 557

    i"'ert!, "remnant"; ,ic'd4 "remnant"; yrr niphal, "be left over"; yeler (cj. Ezl9:g);or *6
    'abfiL "remnant."62

    5. lXX. The LXX uses 17 different Greek words to representplt/mlt andtheir deriv-
    atives. Forms of sQzein, "preserve, save," translate mlt 49 times (niphal 37 times, piel
    1l times, hiphil once) and ply 12 times (piel once; otherwise only verbal nouns: p"b1a
    5 times, pdltt 4 times, pdbt and miplny once each); anasQzein, "recover," translates pr,
    forms 20 times (qal once, pdliy l0 times, pel€yd 6 times, pdle 3 times) and mlt 3 times
    (niphal twice, piel once); diasQzein, "preserve through," translates mlt 24 times (niphal
    20 times, piel 4 times) and ply with its substantives I I times (piel twice, hiphil once,
    pdltt twice, pebtd 5 times, pdbt once); perisQzein translates the niphal of rn /t once. Six
    times the noun sotErta, "salvation, protection, well-being," translates peb1d. By draw-
    ing so heavily on sQzein and its derivatives, the LXX clearly exhibits a shift from the
    Hebrew notion ofescape to that ofsalvation and deliverance, so that the escaped ofthe
    MT become the saved in the LXX.63
    The verb rhfomai translates plt l0 times and z/r 8 dmes (piel 6 times, niphal
    twice);e exaire{n translates mlt 5 times (piel 4 times, niphal once) and ply piel 4 times.
    A form of diapheilgern is used once (Prov. l9:5) to translate the niphal of mly andtwice
    to translatepdlit.The niphal of rzlr is represented once each by dialanthdnein (25.4:6)
    and heuriskcin (2K.23: l8), and the hiphil by tiktein (lsa.66:7). The piel of plt is repre-
    sented 4 times by rhystds, once each by exigein (Job 23:7) and, hyperaspjsre's 1ps.
    40:18[7]), and the hiphil once by ekbdllein (Isa. 5:29).

    III. Semantic Field.


    l. verbs. The roots plt and mly piel frequently appear in parallel with the hiphil of
    -+ )r: nsl. The sequence of nsl hiphil, "diliver (from the po*". or clutches of some-
    one)" followed by ml1, "save," appears in the people's description of their victory
    (2 S. 19:10[9]) and in a prophetic promise of Yahweh's eschatological salvation (Jer.
    39:17-18). In hymns we find the sequence ptt piel + nsl hiphil (ps. lg:49[4g];
    22:9181;31:2-30-21) andn;l + ph (71:2); ir is always God who is or will be the
    agent of salvation. It is hard to identify any difference in meaning. "Deliverance"
    (zsl hiphil) is "salvation," as is "rescue" (plt piel). The same semasiological corre-
    spondence appears in God's words addressed to the council of the gods: "Rescue (p/r
    piel) the weak and the needy, deliver (nsl hiphil) them from the hand of the wicked,'
    (Ps. 82:4).
    The causative sense of rnlt hiphil is used in the context of childbirth (Isa. 66:7): a
    son is "delivered" from the mother's womb, and is thus "given life."65 The piel of mlt

    61. HAl.1,452.
    62. G.F. Hasel, "'Remnant'as a Meaning of Ah"ritl'Archaeology of Jordan and other
    Studies. FS S. H. Horn (1986),511-24.
    63. See Fohrer, 973.
    64. W. Kasch, TDNT,yI,999.
    65. HP, tO7.

    L
    vll patal

    has a concrete factitive sense in Isa. 34:15, where it refers to the "laying" of eggs.66 In
    Job 2 1 : 1 0 plt piel is used for the calving of the cow of the wicked. These instances of
    childbirth or calving, together with the account of the escape of Ishbaal's murderers in
    2 S. 4:6 ("then Rechab and his brother Baanah escaped [mlr niphal]"), have led
    Rudolph to suggest that the basic meanin g of mlt niphal is "get out of confinement."6T
    But the evidence for this meaning is weak, because no texts explicitly mention "con-
    frnement" and only two passages use the niphal in the specialized sense of "give birth"
    or "calve." The most sensible course is therefore to stay with "escape" as the basic
    meaning of plt/mlt (see II.l above).
    The hiphil of mly in Isa. 3l:5 is problematic. The MT vocalization is wchimltt, "res-
    cue."68 The reading of lQlsa is hplyy, which does not change the meaning; but the great
    number of questionable variants in lQIs means that this does not necessarily represent
    the earliest reading. With changing the consonantal text, Stade repointed the hiphil
    forms w'ftig..sil and w"himlir as infinitive absolutes: w"hag;d and wchambt.0s The Vulg.
    renders the four verbs in Isa. 3l:5 as protegens et liberans transiens et salvans. Al-
    though Stade's revocalization is the most attractive emendation and has been generally
    accepted, one must recall that syntactically in Hebrew an introductory infinitive abso-
    lute can be followed by consecutive perfects with frequentative future meaning (Josh.
    6:13;2 S. 13:9), so that no emendation of the MT is really imperative.To
    In Job 4l : 1 I ( 19) we find the only occurrence of mlt in the hithpael, with the mean-
    ing "sparks of fire flash forth."7l The reading of I lQtgJob is bliny 'lh yr!wn', "they run
    with tongues of fire." If "sparks (of fire)" is the correct translation of the subj. ktdddin
    the Hebrew text, then the context suggests that the hithpael of m/1 should be translated
    "spew forth (sparkle)."72
    The qal of + Dll nis, "fleel'frequently parallels the niphal of ml1. The normal se-
    quence is nr2s followedby mll: the former expresses the act of fleeing from conflict
    with others, while the latter expresses the success or failure of the flight itself with the
    notion of escape. David flees (nfrs) from Saul and succeeds in escaping or saving him-
    self (mlt niphal, I S. 19:10; cf. I K. 20:20) by finding a safe refuge. In Am. 9:lc we
    read: "Of them no fugitive (nds) shallflee (nfrs) and no escapee (pdlt!) shallescape (mlt
    niphal)." An oracle against Egypt declares: "The swift cannot flee away (ntts), nor can
    the warrior escape (mlt niphal)" (Jer. 46:6; the jussives 'al-ydnfis and'al-yimmdle! em-
    phasize the impossibility of flight and escape).73 The parallelism of nOs and mlt ap-
    pears also in oracles against Moab (Jer.48:6) and Babylon (Jer.5l:6). The ptcp.

    66. Wildberger, Jesaja 28-j9. BK Xl3 (1982), 1329.


    67. P. 42t.
    68. HASL, II, 589.
    69. B. Stade, 7AW 6 (1886) 189; followed by BHK, BI1S, etc.
    70. See Wildberger, BK Xl3, 1237 . Ct. esp. Gl(, $ I l3t.
    71. G. Fohrer, Das Buch Hiob. KATXYI (1963), 525; M. H. Pope, Job. AB 15 1:t97rr, ,rt'
    "flames of fire escape."
    72. See HAI. 11,589; cf. Kdnig, Wdrterbuch,226:, "emerge"; BDB, 572: "slip forth, escape."
    Cf. M. Dahood, Bibl 46 (1965) 327, who reads kidddA 'zi, with no change of meaning.
    73. GK, $ 107b; R. P. Carroll, leremiah. OTL (1986), 762.
    oll patal

    nimldtd denotes a female fugitive, just as the parallel nas in Jer.48: 19 denotes a male
    fugitive.Ta The promise of salvation to lsrael in 7,ec. 2:lo-ll(6-7) includes the com-
    mand to flee (nfis) in haste from the land of the north and escape (mlt niphal).ts
    Playing on the assonance with Lot's [ame,76 the account of Lot's deliverance uses
    the niphal of mlt 5 times for his escape (Gen. 19:17,19,20,22); once (v. 20) it parallels
    nfis. Here again nfis appears to stress the act of flight, while mlt stresses the result: safe
    refuge in the city. The remnant notion plays an important role in this context. Yahweh
    is the driving force that effects Lot's survival.TT
    The sequence mlt niphal + nfrs (l S. 30:17; 2 S. l:3ff.; Am. 2:15-16) also shows
    that nfrs denotes the process and mlt the final result of salvation and security. Am.
    2:13-16, a prophetic oracle threatening Israel with Yahweh's punishment, uses the
    piel of mlt 3 times: the brave, the swift, and the rider "cannot save" his life (nepei)
    (the result of flight), and even the stout of heart among the mighty shall "flee away"
    (nfrs) naked.
    The niphal of mly is related in meaning to the qal of -+ ll'lf barah,..run away,
    flee,"78 but they are not true synonyms. The verb Drlr is similar in meaning to nfrs.1s
    Both terms emphasize the action of running away, in contrast to the niphal of mlt, as
    their occurrences in parallel show ( I s. 19:12,18; 22:20). The sequence of actions is il-
    lustrated clearly in 19: I 2: David "set out (h//c qal) and fled away (brl.t) and escaped (mlt
    niphal)" the beginning of the acrion (hlk), the action itself (brh), and its result (mlt)
    -
    are expressed by three verbs that are almost synonymous but nevertheless have distinct
    semantic nuances. The action (brb and result (mlt) of running away are mentioned
    again in the same context: "and David fled (bdrah) and escaped (wayyimmdl1t)"
    (v. 18). The same distinction between similar terms also appears in I s. 22:20 (se-
    quence: mlt niphal + brlt). we may conclude that the niphal of z/r conveys the
    resultative aspect of flight, "deliverance" and "escape" (cf. Jgs. 3:26; ps. 124:7).
    Prophetic oracles against the nations use the niphal or piel of mlt with nepel as ob-
    ject (Jer. 48:6; 51:6,45; Znc.2:10-llt6-7)) in the genre of the "summons to flight,,'
    identified by Bash.ao This prose genre uses -+ NIt ya;d', "golcome out," in parallel
    with mlt piel with nepel: "Come out of her (y,s'qal), my people, and save (mlt piel)
    your lives, each of you" (Jer. 5 1:45). The first verb denotes the beginning and action of
    flight, the second the result, salvation.
    The verb mlt piel, "let alone," appears in 2 K. 23: I 8 in parallel with -r ll1) nfrah, ,,be
    at rest": 'And he said, 'Let him rest (hannthfr); let no one move his bones.' So they let

    74. For the former see BLc, g62y; for the latter, Rudolph, Jeremia. HAT Ulz (21968),276;
    Carroll, 786.
    75. w. Rudolph(Haggai-sacharja l-8-sacharjag-14-Maleachi. KATXllu4ll976),89 n. 3)
    points out thatnfis means not only "flee" but also "depart in haste" (cf. Isa. 30:16).
    76. H. Gunkel, Genesis (Eng. trans. 1997),210.
    77. Hasel, IDBSup,735.
    78. HAL, t, t56.
    79. E. Jenni, Or 47 (1978) 351-59; B. Grossfeld, ZAW 9t (1979) tO7-23.
    80. See pp.2O-21.

    \-
    v)4 palal

    his bones alone (mlt piel), with the bones of the prophet." Leaving the bones alone or
    undisturbed means that they will continue to be inviolate and secure.
    The extended semantic freld of plt piel includes also the common verb -+ yUt yi'
    hiphil, as in Ps. 37:40: "Yahweh helps ('zr qal) them and rescues (plt piel) them; he res-
    cues (p/t piel) them from the wicked, and saves 0.f'hiphil) them, because they take ref-
    uge in him." Here we see that the firstp/r piel extends beyond the action of Yahweh in
    the first part of the sentence, and furthermore that Yahweh's salvation (yi' hiphil)
    means more than rescue by Yahweh. It is a substantial consequent act on the part of
    God, presupposing divine rescue (p/t piel). The same usage can be observed in Ps.
    7l:2-4.s|

    2. Nouns. We now tum to the usage of the nominal derivatives of ph (see II.2.a
    above). The adjectival forms pdlil and paby both have the basic meaning "escapee."
    The subst. pdbt appears in various contexts in semasiological association with idfid,
    "survivor," a term associated with the remnant concept (Josh. 8:22; Jer.42:17;44:14;
    Ob. 14,17-18; Lam.2:22).lnJer.44:23pdlitandie'€rilare parallel. The substs.pa-li/
    pdbt usually refer to "escapees" from historical catastrophes: Ephraim (Ezk. 7:161'
    24:26-27; 33:21), Judah (Ob. 14; Ezk. 6:9; 24:26), Jerusalem (Ezk. 7:16; 24:26-27;
    33:21), Moab (Nu.2l:29), Babylon (Jer.50:28), Ramoth-gilead (2 K.9:15), the na-
    tions (Isa. 45:20;66:19). Sometimes they are associated with the wars of Yahweh (Nu.
    2l:29; Josh.8:22) or prophetic oracles of judgment @a\ft, Am.9:l; Isa. 45:20; Jer.
    42:17;44:28:' Ezk. 6:8-9; 7:16:' Ob. 14- pabt,Isa. 66:19; Jer. 44:14;50:28; 5l:50).
    The fem. stbst. pebtd (pelcld), "escapee," refers to inhabitants of Judah (Isa. 37:3 I -
    32 = 2 K. l9:30-31) or Israel (lsa. 4:2; l0:20), Israelites (2 Ch. 30:6), Benjamin (Jgs.
    4:2; lO:20), Moab (Isa. l5:9), Jerusalemites (Ezk. 14:22), the postexilic community
    (Ezr.9:8,13,15; Neh. 1:2), Amalek (l Ch.4:43), as well as objects such as "fruit of the
    field" (Ex. l0:5). This substantive, too, is linked firmly with the OT notion of the rem-
    .1Nlll
    nant (see IV.3 below): cf. the use of pelAtA parallel to ic'efi!, "remnant" (+ ii,.
    Gen. 45:7: Isa. 15:9; 37:32 = 2 K. 19:31:' I Ch. 4:43;Ezr.9:14); ic'dti "remnant"; the
    nominalized niphal ptcp. nii'drim, "those left over" (Gen. 32:9[8]; Ex. 10:5; Isa.4:2-3;
    Neh. l:2-3); and in conjunction with'ahrt1(Am. 9:l; see IV.l.a below).
    The terms in the semantic field of the plt nouns always refer more or less to a rem-
    nant, those left over, or the like. The plt nouns themselves, however, like the verbal
    forms, emphasize repeatedly that this remnant is a remnant that has escaped from a
    war, a battle, or the like.82 Thus the positive notion of surviving a military action is em-
    phasized. Finally, this escape can express the salvation accomplished by God.

    lY. l. Poetry. The greatest concentration of occurrences of plt/mlt is found in the


    Psalms (8 occurrences of mlt,2l of ply). We observe at the outset that the subject is al-
    most always God or Yahweh (except in Ps. 33:17; 89:49[48] withmlt piel1.82:4 with plt

    8l . On the difference between plt piel dnd yi' hiphil, see HP, 122-23.
    82. Herntrich, 2O2; Hasel, "Remnant Motif," 179-80.
    vr? patal 561

    piel; 56:8[7] and32:7 [see below] are problematic). Yahweh is addressed repeatedly as
    "my deliverer" (plt piel ptcp., l8:3[2]; 40:18[7]; 70:6[5]; 144.,2).In association with
    the covenant notion, we read that Yahweh "delivered" (plt piel) Israel's ancestors be-
    cause they trusted in God (22:5VD. Contrariwise, trusting (mlt piel) in an animal like a
    warhorse will not bring deliverance (33:17). Because of his righteousness (;"ddqi),83
    God will deliver (pl1 piel, 3l:2ll);7 I :2) those who trust in him (22:5-614-5)) and love
    him (91 : l4). A cry for help8+ 1o Yahweh prompts divine deliverance (22:5-6[4-5] with
    plt and ml!; 107 il9-2O with mlt). The suffering or afflicted individual cries, calls, or be-
    seeches: "Deliver me" (pl1 piel,3l:2; 43:l;71:2,4) or "Deliver my life (nepei)" (pl1
    piel, 17:13; mlt piel, l16:4). The psalmist's life is threatened by the wicked (17:9;
    37:40), the hand of the wicked (71:4), the wrathful adversary (18:49[48]), strife (-r
    :t'l riA) with the people (18:.44143D. The psalmist prays for deliverance from an un-
    godly people and those who are deceitful (43:l), tums to God with the plea that God
    will be his judge and give judgment on his behalf (7:9-10; 9:5; 26:l). God delivered in
    the past (18:44,49143,481;22:5-6[4-5]) and will deliver in the future (37:40b). The use
    of the terms plt and n/t shows that God is the delivering savior of all who are op-
    pressed, afflicted, persecuted, suffering, or falsely accused. Therefore those who are in
    peril may turn to God with a plea for help: "In your righteousness deliver me" (31:2[ 1];
    7l:2).Deliverance leads to thanksgiving(22withplt/mlt in vv. 5-6,9[4-5,8]) and praise
    (22:23,26122,25); lO7 :32 lmlt in v. 2O]; 40: I 0- I I [9- I 0] [plt in v. I 8]).
    The MT of Ps. 32:7 reads ronnA pailet, "Shout (cries of joy) of deliverance." Budde
    emended rny, ahapax legomenon, tomaginnA, "with shields of deliverance."8s Dahood
    proposes vocalizing rny as ronni, "my refuge," from the root rnn, "find refuge, rest,"
    which he also postulates for Ps. 63:8(7;.ao Leveen emends rny to 'dny, "Lord," and
    translates: "Rescue me, O Lord, and encompass me."87 Not uncommonly the inf. abs.
    pall€1 is read as an imperative or emended to the verbal noun palty.88 All these emenda-
    tions are highly dubious. A literal translation of the MT, "You will encompass me with
    joyful shouts of salvation," cannot be rejected out of hand.8e

    2. Wisdom. The rootp/r (Job23:7) and especially mlt also belong to the Israelite lan-
    guage of forensic justice. The prologue of Job speaks of Job's servants who have es-
    caped the natural catastrophes of lightning and whirlwind (Job l:16,19) as well as at-
    tacks by Sabean and Chaldean marauders (vv. I 5, I 7). They survived to tell their tale of
    disaster. In Job's statement of his case (cf. Jer. l5:2), he asks whether he has said to any
    of friends, "Save me (mlt piel) from an opponent's hand?" (Job 6:23). Eliphaz declares
    (22:30): "He [God] will deliver the innocent; they will escape because of the cleanness

    83. -+ llt sdq.


    84. --> l9l
    za'aq.
    85. Followed by Kraus, Psalms 1-59 (Eng. trans. 1988), 3671' cf . BHS, HAL, III, 931.
    86. Dahood, Psalms I, 196.
    87. J. Leveen, W 2l (1971) 55.
    88. Cf. Dahood, Psalms II: 51-100. AB 17 (1968),99: BHS.
    89. P. C. Craigie, Psalms l-50. WBC 19 (1983) 264.

    t-
    u\1 patal

    of their hands."m In his reply (23:l-17), Job says: "Truly I shall be acquitted (plt piel)
    by my judge" (v.7). Zophar declares that the wicked work evil, and therefore "they
    will not escape with their treasures" (20:20). Job describes how he has cared for the
    needy: "I delivered the poor who cried for help" (29:12).
    Poetic wisdom maintains that "a false witness will not escape" (Prov. l9:5). Con-
    versely, we are assured that in the forensic domain "the offspring of the righteous will
    escape" (ll:2l).gt Those who trust in their own wits Qefl are fools, but those who walk
    in wisdom "come through safely" (28:26).
    Ecclesiastes contrasts the one who pleases God, who escapes (z/r niphal) the
    strange woman, with the sinner, who is taken and led astray by her (7:26). Wickedness
    (reia') cannot deliver (mlt piel) one who practices it (ba'al).ez In 9:15 ml1 piel, "de-
    liver," is used for the sage who could have delivered the city but was forgotten or de-
    spised. People must use wisdom to protect their lives and thus deliver themselves and
    others.

    3. Remnant. Theological usage employs the pb/mlt word group in particular to ex-
    press the OT "remnant" concept. In the Pentateuch forms of plt/mlt have a high profile
    in this motif. The Abram-Lot cycle tells of a single "escapee" (pdltt) from a battle, who
    reports the abduction of Lot to Abram (Gen. 14:13). The same cycle repeatedly uses
    the verb mll for Lot's flight from a natural catastrophe to save his life (19:17 ,19,20,22).
    The text speaks explicitly of "saving one's life (nepei)." What is at stake is survival in a
    perilous situation and hence the escape of a remnant ordained by God. The fundamen-
    tal motif of the remnant concept is the preservation of life according to God's plan;
    here it makes its first appeiuance in the OT.e3
    In Gen. 32:9(8) the story of Jacob and Esau refers to the "escape" (p"btAlea o1
    ^"
    portion of Jacob's divided camp that is "left" (hannii'dr) in the family conflict. In the
    recognition scene in the Joseph saga, Joseph says to his brothers: "God sent me before
    you to preserve for you a remnant (ic'erylts on earth and to keep you alive as a great
    deliverance (peleld)" (Gen. 45:7). The correlation le'dri1 par. peb1A, "remnant" par.
    "deliverance," ties "deliverance" securely to the remnant concept. It is associated with
    the preservation of life, which is imperiled by famine. The surviving remnant embodies
    life (45:5), the traditions of divine election, and the Israel that will spring from it.e6

    90. On the textual problems, see N. M. Sarna,./NES 15 (1956) l18-19; R. Gordis, JNES 4
    (194s) s4-55.
    91. Following the LXX, O. Pkiger (Spriiche Salomos. Bf XVII [984], 140-41) emends to
    "offspring/seed of the righteous," reading: "Those who sow righteousness will be saved."
    92. For the many proposed emendations, see BHK and BIIS,. conrast A. Lauha, ^BK XIX,
    746: "Text-citically and substantially, the verse is unexceptionable."
    93. See Hasel, Remnant, 50-134, on the origin of the remnant motif in the realm of life and
    death, with the safeguarding of life, in the literature of the ancient Near East
    Akkadian, Ugaritic, Hittite, and Egyptian texts. -r'lNO i'r. - i.e., in Sumerian,
    94. Cf. Yiddish and Ger. Pleite; HAL, lll,932; Ruprecht, 424.
    95. Mtiller and Preuss, 54, contra O. Procksch, Genesis. KAT t 1219241, Ort.
    96. Hasel, Remnant, 157-59.
    e|? palat

    In the Saul-David cycle of I Samuel, David is often the subject of mlt: he repeatedly
    escapes to save himself from Saul's assaults and persecutions (19:10-12,17-18;22:l;
    23:13; 27:l). In the struggle for succession, when Adonijah attempted to seize the
    throne (1 K. l:l-10), the prophet Nathan counseled Bathsheba: "Save (mlt piel) your
    own life and the life of your son Solomon" (l K. l:12), in order to secure Solomon's
    succession.
    The story of Elijah contains a wealth of remnant terminology: ytr niphal (l K.
    19:10,14), ,ii hiphil ( 19:18), mly niphal ( l8:40; 19: 17 [twice]). The Israelite remnant is
    not a heterogeneous mob of fugitives from the religious struggle, an historical remnant
    securing the future existence ofthe people. It is a remnant ofbelievers, a group faithful
    to Yahweh, which represents the true lsrael of God and maintains its existence. For the
    first time in the OT a distinction is made within corporeal Israel, a distinction based on
    religious fidelity and leading to a new Israel bound to Yahweh.
    Amos speaks frequently of a remnant (Am. 3:12; 4:l-3;5:l-3,14-15). The cycle of
    oracles against the nations culminates in a prophecy of judgment against Israel (2: 13-
    16). The day of Yahweh for which Israel has been hoping (5:18) is "that day" on which
    "the mighty shall not save (mll piel) their lives . . . and those who are swift of foot shall
    not save themselves (mly piel, but changed to a niphal with the LXX), nor shall those
    who ride horses save (mll piel) their lives" (2:14-15). In God's judgment there is no es-
    cape for all Israel, any more than for the worshipers of Baal (cf. I K. l9:17).st 1n9'1
    Yahweh declares: "Those who are left ('ahofi!) I will kill with the sword; not one of
    them shall flee away, no escapee (pdlt!) shall find refuge (rnlr niphal)." The negative
    force of the remnant concept for the corporeal nation of Israel (cf. 3:12;4:l-3;6:9-10)
    is clearly spelled out. But it does not mean the end of all the inhabitants of Israel.e8 A
    remnant of those who are faithful to Yahweh (5:14-15) will be spared. (Several exe-
    getes have questioned the authenticity of vv. l4-l5,ee but the majority defend it with
    cogent arguments.)
    The remnant notion is widespread in the book of Isaiah. Derivatives of plt (4:2:
    5:29; 10:20; l5:9;37:31-32=2K.19:30-31; 45:20;66:19) andmh (20:6;31:5;34:15;
    37:38;46:2,4; 49:24-25;66:7) appear frequently. lsa. 4:2-3 speaks of "that day" on
    which "the survivors (pcle!6) of Israel" and "whoever is left inZion and remains in Je-
    rusalem" (hannii'drpar. hanndlar) will be holy, i.e., "everyone who has been recorded
    for life in Jerusalem." Here for the first time the OT speaks of a "holy remnant," or, as
    another passage describes it, "holy seed" (6:7). The prophetic oracle of judgment
    (5:26-29) concludes by comparing the enemy to a lion that brings her prey defeated
    Israel "safely home" (p/r hiphil, v. 29). The people will not be spared! -Later, how-
    -
    ever, the prophet give assurance that Yahweh will strip the enemy of its prey by restor-
    ing the people of God and rescuing them from the enemy (49:24-25).
    lsa. 10:20-23 (date and authenticity disputed by modern scholars) is the theological

    97. Fohrer,981.
    98. Hasel, Remnant, 190-207.
    99.8.g., H.-W. Wolff, Joel and Amos. Herm (Eng. trans. 1977), 234,250.

    \-
    ull palal

    Iocus classicus of the remnant concept. The "survivors (peldtd) of the house of Jacob',
    and the "remnant (le'dr) of Israel" (v. 20) are those who rely on yahweh and do not
    seek refuge in political powers. They return to their mighry God and trust faithfully
    in
    him (vv. 2l-22). The juxtaposition of the deliverance of the faithful remnant and the
    imminent judgment that spells the end of the nation (vv.22-23) means that Israel will
    cease to exist as a nation, but God will continue to carry out his plan with a faithful
    remnant. In the future, Yahweh of Hosts will "protect and deliver (hi;;il),, Jerusalem,
    .'spare
    and rescue (himl?t) it" 131:5;.too
    The promise of salvation in 37:31-32 (= 2 K. 19:30-31) stresses the growth of the
    remnant: "The surviving remnant (p,l€yd hannil'ArLlol of the house of Judah shall
    again take root downward and bear fruit upward. For from Jerusalem a remnant
    (le'drifl shall go out, and a band of survivors (pebt\ from Mount Zion.', This historical
    remnant provides the basis for the eschatological remnant, which comprises those yet
    to come who are truly faithful to God. Yahweh will send these "survivors', to the na-
    tions, and "they shall declare my glory among the nations,, (66:19_20).
    Joel takes up this theme. on the eschatological day of yahweh, ,,everyone who calls
    on the name of Yahweh shall be saved (mlt piel); for in Mount zion and in Jerusalem
    there shall be escape (pcle1fl, as yahweh has said, and among the survivors (scfiQtm)
    shall be those whom Yahweh calls" (3:5[2:32]). All who call onl02 God single-heartedly
    and turn to him will be saved. This passage does not say that JerusalemZion will be
    saved as one nation among others;lo3 it speaks of the deliverance of a remnant, those
    who
    are called by Yahweh and are faithful to him. Obadiah also speaks of the day of yahweh
    that is near against all nations (v. l5), a day on which the whole world wiil be
    iuaged.
    Like Joel, obadiah proclaims: "on Mount Zion there shall be escape (pebld,, (v. tz).
    The promise of salvation of Zechariah's third night vision on Israel to flee
    from Babylon and escape (Z,ec.2:10-1116-7)). "ull.
    The book of Jeremiah uses forms of plt/mlt for the historical remnant of survivors of
    a military catastrophe as well as for the eschatological remnant of the age of salvation.
    Jeremiah tells Ebed-melech, who trusts in yahweh, that he will be saved on that day
    (mlt niphal, 39: 18 [twice]). The Judeans who go to Egypt will die by the sword, fam-
    ine, and pestilence: "there shall be no remnant (sart/: collective) or survivor (palir;
    collective) from the disaster that I am bringing upon them" (42:17).The historical rem-
    nant has its future not in Egypt but in Judah (44:14). Nevertheless, a small number of
    "those who escape (pdltt) the sword" will returnls to Judah (44:2g).In apocalyptic
    language the prophet proclaims that on the day of Yahweh flight (man6s) shall fail the
    leaders of the nations and rhere shall be no escape (p.lefi) (25:3J).ros The eschatologi_
    cal day ofjudgment brings the nations to an end.

    100. On proposed emendations see III.I above.


    191. !* S. Iwry, kxtus 5 gl(1966) 34-43, for the variants in lelsa.
    102. On qarii' bc see GK, l9k.
    103. Contra Wolff, Joel and Amos, 60-61.
    lM. --r alui ifrb.
    105. See the discussion of Jer. 5l:6,45 in IV.4 below
    ull palal

    The theme of an end from which there is no escape is common in the prophetic ora-
    cles against the nations. They declare repeatedly that there shall be no escape for Egypt
    (Jer.46:6), Moab (48:8,19; cf. Isa. 16:13), or the inhabitants of the coastlands (Isa.
    20:6). Other texts use related remnant terminology instead of plt/mlt: Syria (Isa. l7:l-
    6), Philistia (14:28-32), Arabia (21:13-17), Babylon (14:22-23).
    Here we may mention the unique phrase "survivors of the nations" Qt"hyA haggiy-
    im, lsa. 45:20), which does not refer to Israelites who have escaped from the nationslm
    but to an eschatological remnant of the pagan nations that worship idols, who have es-
    caped Yahweh's judgment. These survivors of the nations are offered salvation. The
    historical remnant of the nations is called to become a faithful remnant. They are to
    turn to Yahweh, the only God (v. 22), for only in Yahweh are righteousness and
    strength (v. 24). Here the remnant concept becomes universalistic, transcending nation-
    alistic particularism.
    In the book of Ezekiel derivatives of plt/mlt appear in the form of the masc. verbal
    noun paltt (6:8-9; 7:16;24:26-27; 33:21-22), the fem. subst- pebfi (14:22), and the
    verbs p/r qal (7:16) and mlt niphal (17:15 [twice],18) and piel (33:5). The "escapee"
    (pdlit) should generally be interpreted not as a refugee or deportee but as a survivor
    who has escaped from battle and the devastation of war (6:8).107 During their exile
    among the nations, these people who have escaped the sword realize their guilt and
    turn to Yahweh (6:8-10). Ezk. 14:22 describes how "suryivors" of the fall of Jerusalem
    join the exiles as a sign of consolation in the face of catastrophe, that they may know
    Yahweh (v.23).
    Ezk. 33:21-22 describes the arrival of an escapee from Jerusalem, who tells the
    prophet of the city's fall. The prophet "will speak and no longer be silent; he will be a
    sign to them, and they shall know that I am Yahweh" (24:27). The purpose of the ac-
    tions (udgment and word of revelation) and of the actors (escapees and the prophet) is
    to bring the people to knowledge of Yahweh. Those who know and acknowledge
    Yahweh have a future. In Yahweh is salvation.

    4. Apocalyptic. The prophetic oracles against Babylon in Jer. 50-51, which exhibit
    marked eschatological and apocalyptic features, are characteized as "early apocalyp-
    fis."108 Babylon exhibits universalistic features going far beyond the 6th-century his-
    torical enemy of Israel, so that it may be considered the archetype of the archenemy of
    the people of God in all ages to come. Three times the people of God are summoned to
    flee from Babylon. All those faithful to God who dwell in Babylon are to save their
    lives (z/r niphal, Jer. 51 :6 [LXX 28:6]) and thus find protection from the judgment that
    will be visited on the guilt of Babylon. The call to depart resounds: "Come out of her,
    my people; save your lives (mlt niphal), each of you" (Jer. 5l:45 [not in LXX]). "You

    106. J. L. McKenzie, Second Isaiah. AB20 (1968), 82-84;J. Morgenstern, JSS2(1957)225-


    31.
    107. Contra G. Hdlscher with W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2. Herm (Eng. trans. 1983), 19l-92.
    108. D. L. Christensen,Transformations of the War Oracle in OT Prophecy. HDR3 (1975),
    249-80.

    L
    v\? patat

    survivors (pele$m) of the sword, go, do not linger!" (Jer. 5l:50; cf.50:29 for the
    pele;d). Here the remnant concept plays an important role. The people of God in the
    form of the faithful survivors must rise up and escape from Babylon before its fall.
    The vision of the future of Dnl. I l:40-45 describes military campaigns in the apoca-
    lyptic eschaton: for a while the Edomites, Moabites, and the leaders (MT r',iyt; the Syr.
    reading .irt'has led some to emend this to .i'?r[, "remnant," but the emendation is not
    compelling)roe of the Ammonites will escape (mh niphal, v. 4l) from the hand of the
    king of the north, whereas for Egypt "there will be no escape" (pcbfi, v. 42). Accord-
    ing to Dnl. l2:1, at the eschaton, after a time of anguish, there will be deliverance for
    the remnant that has remained faithful to God. "Everyone who is found written in the
    book," having faced heavenly judgment,llo "sftsll be delivered" (ml! niphal). The
    promise of the eschatological salvation of the remnant shows that the Danielitic paral-
    lel schema of peril-supernatural intervention-salvation or deliverance typical of the
    apocalyptic visions of Dnl. 7-12 is maintained here as well. To the deliverance of the
    surviving remnant is added as an eschatological event the resurrection of those who
    have fallen asleep (12:2), so that all who have been faithful will experience eternal
    life.l r l

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls. In the Hebrew texts from Qumran, pl1/mly appear in verbal
    forms; p/1 is also attested in nominal derivatives. It has been claimed that the qal of mlt
    appears for the first time in a previously unknown psalm from 11QPsa, an "apostrophe
    to Zion" 1= 4qpsf;; t tz "Who has ever perished ('bd qal) in unrighteousness? Who has
    ever escaped (mlt qal, with the meaning 'survive';l 13 or possibly a piel meaning 'save')
    in injustice?" As a specialized meaning, the hiphil of mlt is also used in the sense of
    "give birth" in IQH 3:9, par. to the niphal of plg, "deliver from spasms" ( IQH 3: l0).
    The remaining occurrences in the Qumran Hymn Scroll (lQH) reflect the usage of
    OT love poetry (see IV.l above). A hymn extols God's protection of the poor: "You
    have preserved (plt piel) the life of the poor" (5: I 8). "Your peaceful protection is pres-
    ent to save (plt int. const.) my life."l14 Those who trust in God "will be saved (plt piel)
    forever" (9:29; cf . 6:32).
    The Damascus Document speaks of the steadfast who "escaped (z/t niphal) to the
    land of the north" (CD 7:14) and the sons of Seth who "escaped (z/t niphal) at the time
    of the first visitation" in the past. At the visitation to come, "these [the poor ones of the
    flockl will escape (mlt niphal)" (19:10). Then God will "leave (ytr piel) a remnant
    @"byi) for the country to fill the face of the world with their offspring" (2:11-12). For
    the wicked, however, there will be "no remnant (ic'ert!) or survivor (p"b1A)" (2:6-7; cf .

    I O9. BHK; BHS; L. Hartman and A. Dilrlla, Daniel. AB 23 (1978),260.


    I 10. G. W. Nickelsburg, Resurrection, Irunortality, and Eternal LW. HTS 26 (1972), ll; cf.
    J. J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Vsion in the Book of Daniel. HSM 16 (1977), 136.
    ll. G. F. Hasel,ZAW 92 (1980) 267-84, esp.267-80.
    12. J. Starcky, RB 73 (1966) 353-71.
    13. J. A. Sanders, DJD, [Y,87.
    14. Cf. E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran (21979), 149: "to save my soul."
    l)o ptt

    lQM l:6 with the same formula and lQS 4:14 with the very similar formula Sdrt//
    pel€y6; also lQ27 fr. l, [, 4 with mlt niphal).
    The benedictions of the Community Rule (lQSb) pray that God will "save" Qtll
    piel) the one who is blessed (l:7). Derivatives of plt/m/1do not appear in the Temple
    Scroll. Neither does the Qumran community ever use them to describe itself as a rem-
    nant, as it uses ie'drt1 $QM l4:8: "but we are the rem[nant (i"e[ri!]) of your peo-
    plel").
    Aramaic texts from Qumran make frequent use of the verb plt peaUpael in the sense
    of "escape, release."lls The verb plt appears three times in the Genesis Apocryphon.
    The survivors of the flood give thanks to the Most High for saving them from destruc-
    tion (pael, 12:17; cf. Jub. 7:34). In a dream God tells Abraham that, for the sake of
    Sarai, his life will be spared (peal, 19:20; cf. Gen. 12:13). The story of Lot tells of a
    shepherd "who had escaped from captivity" (peal, lQapGen 22:2).The pael of plt, "re-
    lease," is used in llQtgJob 39:3 for the life that birth brings into the world.ll6 the
    books of Enoch contain an apocalyptic passage that says that at the last judgment "the
    truthful shall be saved" (peal, 4QEnc = I Enoch l0: l7).117 These Aramaic occurrences
    in the Dead Sea Scrolls correspond to forms of Heb. plt.
    Hasel

    ll5. Beyer,668.
    l16. Ibid., 296;8. Jongeling, C. J. Labuschagne, and A. S. van der Woude, Aramaic Tbxts
    from Qumran 4 (1976): "usher in."
    SSS
    117. Beyer,238.

    \)O pu, ;filn tViua; n'?'?? petitim; nl,le p"ma; '?'?? p"tttt; ;,llrll
    p"lthyA

    L Etymology, Distribution: l. Root; 2.OT:3. Versions;4. Extracanonical Literature. IL Noun


    and Verb: l. tepiilA; 2. Hithpael; 3. Other Stems and Nouns; 4. Personal Names. III. Cult:
    1. Prayer; 2. Corporate Worship; 3. Theology. IV. Later Developments. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    pll. A. Aejmelaeus, The Traditional Prayer in the Psalms. BZAW 167 (1986) l-118;
    R. Albertz, "Gebet IL AT," TRE, Xll,34-42:'D. R. Ap-Thomas, "Notes on Some Terms Relating
    to Prayer," W 6 (1956) 225-41; S. E. Balentine, "The Prophet as Intercessor," IBL 103 (1984)
    16l-73; P. A. H. de Boer, De voorbede in het OT. OTS 3 (1943), esp. 124-30; E. S. Gerstenberger,
    Der bittende Mensch. WMANT 51 (1980); M. D. Goldman, "The Root PLL and Its Connotation
    with Prayer," ABR 3 (1953) l-6; A. Gonzalez, ln oracidn en la Biblia (1968); K. Heinen, Das
    Gebet im AT (1971); idem, "Das Nomen tefilla als Gattungsbezeichnung," BZ 17 (1973) 103-5;
    F. Hesse, "Die Fiirbitte im AI" (diss., Erlangen,7949; rev., 1951); C. Houtman, "Zu l. Samuel
    \lo ptt

    I. Etymology, Distribution.
    l. Root. Homonymous roots meaning "pray" are not found in the Semitic lan-
    guages; it is therefore virtually impossible to trace the etymology of pll. Several con-
    jectures have been put forward: (a) The root is related to Arab.falla, "dent, break."l In
    this case palal might have referred originally to cultic self-mutilation (cf. I K. l8:28).2
    (b) The root is related to npl, "fall"; this etymology suggests a basic meaning "fall
    down."3 Derivations from the juridical realm find more support: (c) Akk. paldlu,
    "guard, keep under surveillance," points to ajudicial action.4 (d) Palache takes as his
    point of departure a hypothetical original meaning "cleave, break, separate," associated
    with all p/ roots, and postulates its development into "judge, demand, judgment, plead,
    pray."S (e) More neutrally, Speiser identifies a reconstructed pdlal, "appraise, evalu-
    ate," as the starting point of historical development. All etymological theories, how-
    ever, boil down ultimately to attempts to constrain the clear usage of a word group
    within the corset of a preconceived theology.6
    Because the search for the origin of the root has been fruitless, we should seri-
    ously consider the possibility of taking the noun tcpilld as given and the hithpael of
    the verb as a derivative of the noun. The denominative process may have been fur-
    thered by the phonetic resemblance to hilnappdl (cf . the points of semantic contact in
    Jer. 42:2; Dt. 9:18,25; Ezr. l0:l; and several Qumran texts) as well as the general ten-
    dency of cultic language to use hithpael forms (e.g., npl, see above; l.tnn, I K.
    8:33,47,59:' ydh, Neh. l:6;9:2-3;Eznlo:l; ihh,Ex.4:31;Josh. 5:14; Isa. 44:17:ps.
    95:6; qdi,Ex.19:22: Isa.66:17; 2Ch.29.5,15,34; etc.). The hithpael often expresses
    "a more indirect application to the subject,"T so that hilpallEl means "intercede for
    oneself." Against this etymology, one might argue that tepilla does not look like a
    primary noun.

    2. OT. The vast majority of occurrences of the root comprise the hithpael of the verb
    and the noun tepiilA. They appear 155 times in the OT. All the other forms of. pll occur a

    2,25:'7AW 89 (1977) 412-17; N. Johansson, Parakletoi (1940); E. Kutsch, "'Trauerbriiuche'


    und 'Selbstminderungsriten' im AI," in K. Ltithi, E. Kutsch, and W. Dantine, Drei Wiener
    Antrittsreden. ThS 78 (1965),25-421' G. C. Macholz, "Jeremia in der Kontinuitiit der Prophetie,"
    Probleme biblischer Theologie. FS G. von Rad (1971),306-34; J. L. Palache, semantic Notes on
    the Hebrew lzxicon ( 1959); H. Graf Reventlow, Gebet im AT (1986); J. F. A. Sawyer, "Tlpes of
    Prayer in the OT," Semitics 7 (1980) l3l-43; J. Scharbert, "Die Fiirbitte im AI,,' ,,Diener in
    Eurer Mitte." FS A. Hofmann (1984),91-109; E. A. Speiser, "The Stem pZZ in Hebrew,', JBL82
    (1963) 301-6; E. F. de Ward, "Superstition and Judgment," 7AW 89 (19j7) l-19.
    1. Wehr, 725.
    2. De Boer, with modifications.
    3. K. Ahrens, ZDMG 64 (1910) 163.
    4. AHw, II, 813; Johansson; Hesse; J. l*vy, WTM, [Y,53.
    5. P. 59.
    6. Heinen; Macholz; J. Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: Oxford University
    Press, 196l).
    7. GK $Ss4-55.
    \)a pu

    total of only I I times. In addition, four personal names are formed with pll. The two
    primary forms (pll hithpael and fpilld) enjoy a tightly circumscribed and clearly de-
    fined semantic field: "pray" and "prayer."

    3. versions. The ancient versions confirm the highly specific usage of the two pri-
    mary forms of pll. The LXX uses efichesthai 8 times for the hithpael, otherwise
    prosertchesthai,' these are the standard terms for cultic prayer in Hellenistic Judaism
    and the early christian congregations.s Usage is fluid, but Greek, like Hebrew, gener-
    ally uses other verbs for informal prayer, e.g., d4omai and krdzein.e
    In the Latin tradition the primary equivalent to pll appears to be orare/oratio; other
    expressions (rogare, supplicare, implorare, petere, precari, and their derivatives) ap-
    pearoccasionally (see the Vulg. of Ex. l0:17; I K. l:12; Zeph.3:lO;Job33:25-26:Ezr.
    10:l; Ex. 12:32:' lK- l:17,27;Dt.3:23;2K.24:lO;4 K. t:13; I Ch.4:10). The Ara-
    maic languages generally use the roots D", hnn, and s/' for prayer (DnL 6:14,12,
    I l[Eng. vv. l3,l 1,10], respectively; Ezr. 6:10).r0
    The LXX of I S. 2:25 extends the cultic meaning even to the piel (prosertchesthai).
    Thus few passages remain that fall outside this semantic field: Ezk. 16:52 (diaph-
    theirein, "destroy"); Ps. 106:30 (exildskein, "atone"); Gen. 48:l I (stere{sthai, "be de-
    prived of'). Besides the verbal forms, we may cite the rare substs.: p"ltlim (Ex.2l:22,
    metd axidmatos, "as may seem good"; Dt. 32t31 , an6€tos, "ignorant"; Job 3l : I 1 [dif-
    ferent textl); pelilt (Job 3l:28,'dw6n peltlt, anomia hE megist€, "capital offense," possi-
    bly a free translation of "offense to be punished by the judge"; so in many modern
    translations); p"hh (Isa. 16:3, skipd, "protection"); pcltliyd (Isa.28:7 , not in the Greek
    text). The ancient translators shared our modern uncertainty.

    4. Extracanonical Literature. Extracanonical Hebrew literature makes little use


    of pll
    as a verb. It has its accustomed form (hithpael) and meaning, e.g., in Sir.36:22;
    38:9;51:11. The Dead Sea Scrolls use hilnappEl. On the other hand, we find new
    derivatives such as Jewish Aram. palp€I, "dispute," and Middle Heb. pilpel, "exam-
    ine." Levy connects both these forms with pilpel, "peppercorn."ll Thus the hithpael
    of pll, "pray," so important in several strata of the OT, later vanishes from the litera-
    ture.
    The noun tfuihA, on the contrary, appears in Sirach (e.g.,7:lo,l4), the Dead Sea
    Scrolls (e.g., IQH 12:4; IQM 15:5; but not in I IQT), and rabbinic literature. In the Mish-
    nah and later writings it refers to ritual prayer, especially the Eighteen Benedictions.l2

    8. H. Greeven and J. Herrmann, "e61opar," TDNT II, 775-808; H. Sch0nweiss, ..Gebet,',


    Theologisches Begrffilexikon zum NT l, 421-24.
    9. For the former see U. Schoenborn, EDNT 1,286-87; for the latter, W. Grundmann, TDNT
    III, 898-903.
    10. See also C. Brockelmann, lzxSyr 82b,243a, 628a; Beyer, 745.
    tt. wTM, ty, 57.
    12. See I. Elbogen, Derjildische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (31931,
    repr. 1967),27-60,247-49, and, s.v. tcpiilA.
    \)t ptt

    lhe word tfuillin, "prayer bands," appears to be related, at least in the popular mind.13
    Others derive this noun from tpL "hangdown,',14 or tpl,,,be insipid."

    rI. Noun and verb. occasionally (e.g., 2 s. 7 :27 ; l K. g = 2 ch. 6)the noun and the
    verb appear conjoined, belonging to the same semantic field. Their distribution is illu-
    minating: the verb occurs just 6 times in the Pentateuch. In Deuteronomistic sections of
    the historical books I Samuel-2 Kings, there are 27 occurrences of the verb and l0 of
    the noun tcpill,fr. The Chronicler's History uses the hithpael 20 times and the noun 14
    times. In the prophetic books (exclusive of Daniel), the verb occurs 19 times and the
    noun 9. The Psalms have a concentration of 3l (rccurrences of tfuilld but only 3 occur-
    rences of the hithpael. Job, Proverbs, Daniel, and Lamentations together have 4
    hithpaels and 9 occurrences oft?iila. This survey shows that the word pur ,,prayerl
    pray" came into common use in the Deuteronomistic period. The passages in the
    prophets and Psalms, too, must generally be dated in the exilic period.

    l. t'piilA' a. The absence ofthe noun from the Pentateuch is no accident. It betrays
    the hand of a deliberate redactor: the patriarchs spoke with God directly and personaliy
    (Gen. I 8 22b -32; Ex. 32: I I - 13 ; 33 : I I -23), not through congregational mediation. The
    :

    noun t?iila denotes formalized cultic prayer emanating from the worshiping commu-
    nity. In individual laments the psalmist presents a personal petition to coi
    1tVttta6,
    "my prayer"; often par. to tcltinnd, rinnd, law'6, 'imrA pi, tafuanfrn, mai,a1 kapiayim,
    and always with the lst person sg. suf., referring to the psalmist: ps. 4:2[l]; 6:tolql;
    17:l; 35:13; 39:l3l2l; 54:4121;55:2tll; 6t:21l; 66:19-20; 69:14[13];84:9[8]; 86:6;
    88:3,1412,13); 102:2u); l4t:2,5;143:l; Jon. 2:BUD.In these contexts tfoilla either is
    the only term for prayer (Ps.4:2[l];35:13; 66:19,20;69:14U3); S4:9tgl; cf. Jon.
    2:817)) or stands first in a series of two or more synonyms (ps. 39:13[l2l;54:4t2];
    55:2U);86:6; 88:3[2]; lo2:2[ll; l4l:2; 143:t). Only in four cases does another word
    come first (Ps. 17:l and 6l:2[1], rinnd; 6:10[9], tchinna; gg:14[13], iaw'6). This ob-
    servation clearly demonstrates the special significance of tfiiila as a term meaning
    "PraYe1,"l5
    Furthermore, the formulaic character of these petitions and comparison with other
    texts, especially in Akkadian, indicate that we are dealing with what was originally li-
    turgical material from the circumscribed realm of the family cult.l6 The p*y". p."-
    sumes a life-threatening affliction.lT Set in the framework of fasting and seH-dlprecia-
    tory ritual (Ps. 35:13-14),18 it seeks to gain the attention of the angered pirsonal
    tutelary deity. The focus can be shifted to the affliction of the people and their prayer
    (Ps. 80:5[4]).

    13. H. G. Kuhn, "Gebetsriemen," BHHW, l, 525-26.


    14. Jastrow, 1687.
    15. Cf. Heinen.
    16. Gerstenberger.
    17. --r ''l''lI srr.
    18. Kutsch.
    \la ptt 571

    The noun tepilli appears frequently in pleas for a favorable hearing (invocation and
    petition in a lament: Ps. 4:2[]; l7:l;39:13[,21;54:3-4tl-2);55:2-3[l-21; etc.;.te 15it
    element is the core of the liturgical prayer.2o It is accompanied by such verbs as "call,"
    "cry," "call for help" (-+ Nfiz qArA', l9l zd'aq,91Vi .iw); only exceptionally (Ps.
    5:3[2];32:6) do we find the hithpael of p//, which is used in other strata. In practice the
    language of collective cultic prayer knows only the noun. Lam. 3:8,44 a prayer of an
    individual shows that the way to God through tepilld can be blocked. -
    -
    b. The Deuteronomic History reveals a changed situation. Now t"pilld denotes pri-
    marily a prayer of the community on any occasion. This holds true already for the
    Deuteronomistic prayer of David in 2 S. 7:18-29. Conceived as a thanksgiving conse-
    quent to God's promise of a dynasty, it is edifying and exemplary in nature; its polished
    insistence on Yahweh's exclusivity and its use of the communal tradition formula (esp.
    in v. 22b) reveal its true origin.zl The communal background is even more evident in
    thegreatprayerof Solomonatthededicationof thetemple(l K.8:23-53 =2Ch.6:14-
    42).zzHere Solomon is not anticipating the situation of the early Jewish community at
    the time of the second temple; instead, the community is retrojecting its new temple
    theology into the period of Solomon.2r The temple is the house of prayer (Isa. 56:7) for
    individual concerns and the prayer of the whole community (cf. I K. 8:38 and the con-
    text, vv. 31-51). The tepiilA is set in a liturgical framework; communal prayer compre-
    hends all the concerns of the community praise, thanksgiving, and petition (cf. the
    use of tcpiilA in psalm superscriptions:- 17:l; 86:l; 90:l; 102:l[superscription];
    142:1[superscription]). In I K. 8 (vv. 28,29-30,38,45,49,5 4) tchinnd is an established
    explanatory remark. The word pair still appears as a formula in the NT (Eph.6:18;
    Phil. 4:6; Heb. 5:7).
    ln 2 K. 19-20 in various redactional versions we find at least three situations
    -
    for prayer, as suggested - of the temple. Here too the con-
    by the prayer at the dedication
    tent and structure ofthe prayers (although uttered in their present context by Hezekiah
    and Isaiah, respectively) point to communal use: derision of the living God is an exilic
    motif; designation of the community as a "remnant" (v.4 =Isa.37:4;v. 3l = [sa.37:32;
    cf. Isa. 46:3; Jer.8:3;42:2,15,19;44:12,14) reflects the self-understanding of the early
    Jewish adherents of Yahweh. Vv. 15-19 are a typically Deuteronomistic prayer, and
    2 K. 20:5 responds to Hezekiah's petition: "I have heard your prayer."
    c. The Chronicler's History and Daniel also use the noun. Here tepilld denotes pri-
    marily the penitential prayer of the community. The associated ritual acts (putting on
    sackcloth, placing ashes or dirt on one's head, and lamentation [cf. Neh. 9:l-2 and al-
    ready 2 K. l9:l-2))zt are mentioned expressly. The penitential texts Neh. l:5-l I and
    Dnl. 9:4-19 are referred to specifically as tepilld. For Ezr. 9:6-15 and Neh. 9:5-37, the

    19. H. Gunkel and J. Begrich,Intro. to Psalms (Eng. trans. 1997), 152, 154.
    20. Aejmelaeus.
    21. T. Veijola, Die ewige Dynastie. AnAcScFenB 193 (1975),78-79.
    22. See III.2 below.
    23. E. Wtirthwein, Das Erste Buch der Kdnige. ATD llll(21985), 97-100.
    24. Kutsch.
    572 l)a pu

    genre is implicit (cf . Ezr. 10: 1; structure and content for Neh. 9). Of course tepilld is
    not an exclusive technical term: tchinnd and tah"nifim also appear (2 Ch. 6:19,21;
    33:13; Dnl. 9:3,17,23), and a variety of verbal expressions mean "pray."2s
    It is important to note the identity of those who utter the prayers. We still find pri-
    vate prayers on behalf of an individual (2 Ch.33:9-13). Alongside these, we observe a
    marked concentration on the leader of the congregation and official personnel. A
    spokesperson utters the text on behalf of the assembled congregation. We even read in
    2 Ch.3O:27 that the priests addressed "their" prayer to heaven. But there is at least as
    much emphasis on the roots of this prayer in corporate worship.26 The corporate "we"
    pervades many texts.27 Liturgical codification of the texts and rites appears to be at an
    advanced stage. As "leader of praise," a descendant of Asaph is to "begin the
    thanksgiving in prayer" (Neh. ll:17).
    d. In comparison to the concentrations in the Psalms, the Deuteronomistic History,
    and the Chronicler's History, the remaining occurrences of t"piilA are of secondary im-
    portance. lsa.37:4;38:5; Jer. 7:16; ll:14 belong in the Deuteronomistic context. Oth-
    erwise there is only a single occurrence of tepilld in Proto-Isaiah: hirbdh tcpilld (lsa.
    1:15 [unique]; cf. Isa. 23:16;Job 40:27). The second temple is both a house ofprayer
    and a house of sacrifice (Isa. 56:7; 2 Ch.7:12-15). Thus the prophetic writings as a
    whole take no notice of our word, although cult and temple are often central themes.
    Occurrences are also rare in wisdom literature, where the word refers apparently to
    individual prayer in the setting of corporate worship (e.g., Prov. 15:29). The ritual
    background is evident (Job l6:15-16; Prov. l5:8). Prayer (t?iilA) is a remedy for vio-
    lence (hamas, Job 16:17), has a place alongside sacrifice (Prov. l5:8), and can be viti-
    ated by wicked misconduct (28:9; cf.2l:27).
    To sum up: the noun tcpiilA always refers to a ritual prayer, but various social and
    cultic structures are presupposed. The congregation conjoins the prayer of the individ-
    ual with that of the larger community in corporate prayer, which becomes increasingly
    codified, is implemented by "servants of the cult," and includes penitential elements.

    2. Hithpael. The usage of the verb in the hithpael is largely but not entirely parallel
    to that of the noun. The act of praying and the fixed liturgical prayer are two different
    things.
    a. In the Psalms the relatively few texts using the hithpael of p// stand out. Ps. 5:2-
    3(l-2) is an invocation with a petition that God will hear "my words, "my sighing," and
    "the sound of my cry." There follow a unique divine appellative ("my King and my
    God") expressing the psalmist's trust in God and an asseveration of the psalmist's in-
    tent to pray (pll, v.3clZcl). In Ps. 32:5-6 confession of sin and assurance of forgiveness
    are followed by the conclusion: "Therefore all the faithful pray (pll) to you." Ps.72:15

    25. See below.


    26. See III.2 below.
    27. J. Scharbert, "Das 'Wir' in den Psalmen," Freude an der Weisung des Herrn. FS H. Gross.
    sBB l3 (r986),297-324.
    \)o ptt 573

    urges intercession (p//; par. to brlc, "bless") for the king.All three texts are formal and
    liturgical, possibly late compositions.
    In the Psalter as a whole, the verb pll plays no role. Other terms are used for the act
    of prayer: "cry," "call," etc.28 The Deuteronomistic (?) narrator of I S. l-2, who views
    Hannah's vow and prayer as belonging to the genre of solemn cultic invocations,
    makes extensive use of p/l hithpael (1 S. 1:10,12,26,27;2:l). The verb also appears in
    the story of Jonah (Jon.2:2lll;4;2),butnot in rhe psalm of Jonah (2:3-10). Groups can
    also turn to God in prayer (Jer.29:7,12; Neh.4:3[9]; ironically or maliciously: Isa.
    16:12; 44:17; 45:14,20). When the verb appears in the context of prayer texts, it sug-
    gests a situation in the ritual of the cult. It can refer to all types of prayer: vow, lament,
    thanksgiving, intercession of an individual or a group.
    b. Passages in which a leader prays to Yahweh in the name of the people have at-
    tracted special attention. They are claimed to prove that the primary meaning of pll is
    "intercede on behalf of." The army of great prayer figures is impressive. The prophet
    Abraham intercedes for Abimelech (Gen. 2O:7,17). Tlvice Moses averts peril threaten-
    ing the people (Nu. 11:2; 2l:7; intercessory situations without pll: Ex. 32:12ff.,30ff.;
    Nu. 12:10ff.; in Dt. 9:20,25-26, pll is used in an allusion to Ex. 32). Next to Moses,
    Samuel is the great intercessor (1 S. 7:5; 8:6; 12:19,23; cf. Jer. 15:l; Ps. 99:6). David
    and Solomon intercede vicariously for the people (2 S. 7:27; I K. 8:28ff. = I Ch. 17:25
    2 Ch. 6:19ff.). The Deuteronomist using p//
    cessor to Hezekiah (2K.19:15,20;20:2; - - extends the notion of the royal inter-
    cf. Isa. 37:15,21;38:2;2 Ch. 30:18; 32:20).
    But Hezekiah's prayers in 2 ch. 32:24 and 33:13 belong to the genre of individual
    prayer for deliverance from sickness (cf. Isa. 38:10ff.). The sequence of prophetic in-
    tercessors is continued through an anonymous figure from the northern kingdom ( I K.
    13:6), Elisha (2K.4:33;6:17-18), and finally Jeremiah, whom many consider the in-
    tercessor par excellence (Jer.7:16; ll:14; l4:ll;32:16l'37:3;42:2,4,20). In the domain
    of wisdom literature and P, Job (Job 42:8,10), Daniel (Dnl. 9:4,20), Ezra (Ezr. lO:l),
    and Nehemiah (Neh. l:4,6;2:4) are so described.
    Does this meanthatpll refers to the activity of a mediator or intercessor? By no means.
    Apart from the grammatical and semantic problems occasioned by attempts to reduce the
    communal p// texts to the common denominator of intercession and to identify the office
    responsible for making intercession (prophet? cult prophet? priest? sage?), the regnant
    interpretation2e ignores the fact that the intercessory figures especially Moses, Sam-
    uel, and Jeremiah -
    have been srylized by the postexilic community. The intercessors re-
    -
    flect the cultic practice and communal structure of the restoration period. Moses the law-
    giver and prophet is manifested in priests and Levites. His voice is heard in liturgical
    readings and corporate prayer (cf. Ps. 90:l). Samuel prays on behalf of the community
    at critical moments (l S. 7:5; 8:6; cf. I S.15:25-26). When Jeremiah's very life and voca-
    tion are under attack and the situation is hopeless, he fights for the survival of the commu-
    nity (Jer. 7:16; ll:14; l4:ll, intercession is forbidden; cf. 32:16ff.; 15:l).

    28. -+ PYI ;d'aq; l\11 qdrd'.


    29. De Boer, Hesse, Macholz, Reventlow.
    574 llo ptt

    3. Other Stems and Nouns. The occurrences of the piel and the other nouns derived
    from pll cannot in fact be connected with the hithpael and tepilld. Whether another root
    pll or pl should be postulated remains an open question.3o The scarcity of the evidence,
    as well as the uncertainty of the OT texts and the ancient versions, does little to encour-
    age a quick decision.
    The frequently proposed basic meaning 'Judge, determine"3r is highly dubious,
    probably being inspired by modern notions of order. Ps. 106:30: according to Nu. 25:7-
    8 Phinehas executes apostates; he does not issue ajudicial verdict. Ezk. l6:52: Judah
    "surpasses" Israel in sin, disgrace, and punishment (cf. Ezk.23:35; Jer. 3:11). Gen.
    48:l 1: Jacob cries out, "I never would have believed l? ld' pilldltt) that I would see you
    again." And I S. 2:25ais a proverb whose text and meaning are obscure.32 The noun
    pdlil and its derivatives might have a juridical sense in certain texts such asEx.2l:22;tt
    Job 3l:11,28; Isa. 16:3;28:7. Dt.32:31 remains opaque, and other explanations
    achieve the same degree of (im)probability.ll

    4. Personal Naines. Personal names that include the elementp/ are difEcult to inter-
    pret. The names pdlal (Neh. 3:25),p"lalyd (Neh.Il:12),'epldl (l Ch.2:37), and'"ltpal
    (l Ch. I 1:35) can be interpreted on the basis of the hypothetical meanings of the root;
    they may also be understood as formations unconnected with pll.zs The only sure ob-
    servation is that in names with theophoric elements the verb cannot mean "pray."

    III. Cult. The hithpael of pll and the noun tcpilldbelong to the language of Israel's
    cult. The original setting of the noun appears to be Israelite "occasional worship,"
    whereas the hithpael of pll and other hithpael forms come into prominence only in the
    Deuteronomic and Deuteronomistic periods. What cultic theory and practice does this
    usage reflect?

    l. Prayer a. Prayer is human speech addressed to a deity.3o It must therefore be for-


    malized and ritualized according to religious rules. Posture, gestures, tone of voice, ac-
    companying ceremonies, music, place, and time all are prescribed by norm and cus-
    tom for specific kinds of prayer:31 Ps. 5:4(3), - morning prayer and sacrifice; vv.
    2,8(1,7), invocation and proskynesis; Ps. 35:13-14, mourning rituals; Neh. l:4; Job
    16:15-17, penitential ceremonial; lsa. 44:17, caricature of idolaters; 1 K. 8:22, eleva-
    tion of hands; etc. Numerous similar rituals, many still practiced today, are familiar

    30. For the former see GesB; for the latter, Levy, WTM.
    31. GesB, 643-44: pll l; HAL, III, 933: pll A; H.-P. S$hli, TLOT II, 991.
    32. See de Ward.
    33. Justified doubts are noted by Speiser, 302-3; Budde, 7AW ll (1891) 107-8, proposes the
    conjectural emendation bannepalim, "for the miscarriage."
    34. E.9., Speiser, de Ward, and Levy.
    35. HAL, s.v.; /PN, 187-88.
    36. F. Heiler, Prayer (Eng. trans. 1932).
    37. Ap-Thomas, 225 -3O; Albertz, 34-35.
    \h ptt

    from ancient Near Eastern sources.3s The point of p/l hithpael is thus to describe the
    recitation of a prayer correctly and in conformity to the required ceremonial.
    b. Neither tepilld nor pll hithpael defines a prayer with specific content or liturgical
    form. Quite the contrary: our expressions presuppose the widest possible range of litur-
    gical prayer: lament and petition (Isa. 38:2-5; 2 Ch.33:12-13,18-19; for the most part
    also in the Psalms and I K. 8); praise and thanksgiving (2 5.7:18-27; Ps. 42:9[8]; Neh.
    ll:17;2Ch.20:22,27); vow (1 S. l:10-ll).In one rext the pl. tepillildenotes the vari-
    ous prayer genres collectively (Ps.72:2Q7.ts
    c. Prayer always involves a personal appearance before the deity, in a smaller or
    larger company, with or without the aid of a liturgist. The suffixed noun fpillAlt, "my
    prayer," occurs 22times, primarily in the Psalms.+o An additional 8 occurrences use the
    2nd or 3rd person sg. suffrx to refer to the person doing the praying (l K. 9:3; Isa. 38:5;
    Ps.109:7;2Ch.33:18-19).Prayerisamostpersonalandindividualactonthepartofa
    worshiper, even when it is liturgical in form. It is fundamentally God's "song," vouch-
    safed to comfort the believer (Ps. 42:9[8]). It is not collectivized even when it is uttered
    by the congregation (Ps. 80:5[4]; I K. 8:45,49); although it is possible to speak of "our
    prayer" (Jer. 42:2; Neh. 4:3[9]; Dnl. 9:18), this expresses the solidarity of the congre-
    gation taking part in the liturgical action.al Whether God "hears"az and grants the
    prayer depends on the individual or congregation. Woe to those who "make many
    prayers" (hirbd fpillim, par. to pdrai kappayirn, "stretch out [their] hands"), while
    their hands are full of blood (Isa. l:15).
    d. That ritual specialists should take over responsibility for the text and mode of
    prayers and even recite them vicariously on behalf of the individual and the group is
    a widespread phenomenon.a3 To view it as a process of "ossification and mechaniza-
    tion" is inappropriate.aa The structure of the community, its religious organization,
    and the cultic occasion determine how the liturgical functioning of various figures is
    perceived: the head of a clan (Gen. 2O:7; a later interpolation makes Abraham a
    "prophet" [nabtT, a man of God (1 K. 13:6, although the LXX does not use
    hilpalldl), a king (l K. 8:22-23), a prophet (Jer. 42:2ff.), a priest (2 Ch. 30:27), or a
    governor (Neh. l:4ff.). There is an unmistakable tendency to set the liturgist apart
    from the congregation as an intercessor endowed with special powers (hilpallel be'a/
    or'al,Gen.20:7;Nu.2l:7:Dt.9:20;l S.7:5; 12:19,23; I K. l3:6; ter.7:16;ll 14;
    l4:ll;29:7:37:3;42:2,20;Ps.72:15; Job 42:8,10;Neh. 1:6;2 Ch.30:18). Here rem-
    nants of a magical notion of prayer (cf. I S. 12:16-17;2 K. 4:33-34) appear to be
    preserved well into the theocratic community of the postexilic period. The tepilli
    proper is the prayer of the afflicted individual, the worshiping congregation or com-

    38. O. Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World (Eng. trans. 1979), 308-23.
    39. See II.l.b above.
    40. See II.l.a above.
    41. Reventlow,295-98.
    42. -+ VD!d,, iama'.
    43. Heiler,65-73.
    44. Contra ibid., 65, etc., see Reventlow, 228-64; Gerstenberger,6T-73, 134-60.
    \)t pu

    munity, or the leader praying in solidarity with the congregation. We need to view
    OT "intercession" with a critical eye.
    Many scholars have asserted that "intercession" was a specific function of a prophet
    and that the precise meaning of hilpall€l is "intercede on behalf of."4s Unfortunately,
    no manuals for prophets have been preserved. The intercessory function is probably a
    late accretion to the picture of a prophet.

    2. Corporate Worship.A positive statement of this point emerges from examination


    of the use of p// hithpael. Contemporaries did not seem to feel that this usage almost
    always in late texts -
    required explanation. Engaging in prayer (lchilpallEl, without at-
    - (1 S. l:12,26; 12.,23;2 5.7:27; I K. 8:54; Isa. l6: l2). Prayer is
    tribute) is stereotypical
    offered in holy places and in cultic contexts (Dt. 9:18,25-26; 1 S. l:9tr.;7:5-6;2K.
    l9:14-15; Isa. l6:12 [the Moabites!]) or privately with reference to the temple and its
    congregation (2 K. 2O:2; Jon. 2:2,4,8-9[ I ,3,7-8]; Dnl. 6: I I I l0]). The congregation is at
    times clearly the active subject (Jer.29:7,12ff.;Ps.32:6;72:15; Dnl.9:18; 2Ch.7:14-
    15) here and there, in fact, texts usingp// cite liturgical material in the lst person pl.:
    "we-have sinned" (1 S. 7:6, following "I will pray for you [pl.]" in v. 5; Dnl. 9:5ff. fol-
    lowing "I prayed" in v. 4); "we have broken faith with our God" (Ezr. l0:2; cf. v. 4, ad-
    dressed toBzra as he lies prostrate in prayer: "take action, for it is your duty and we are
    with you"); "[ pray . . . and confess the sins of the people of Israel, which we have
    sinned against you" (Neh. l:6; cf. v. ll: "the prayer ofyour servant and the prayer of
    your servants"; also 4:3[9]). There could be no more vivid demonstration of the inter-
    play between corporate prayer and prayer in the mouth of a liturgist.
    The text with the highest concentration of p/I hiphil (9 occurrences, together with 6
    occurrences of tepilld) is the literarily and redactionally complex prayer of Solomon at
    the dedication of the temple (l K.8:22-54 = 2 Ch. 6:12-:7:la; cf. the liturgical correc-
    tions such as 6:13). The passage emphasizes the congregational setting (l K.
    8:14,22,55,65).6 The festal assembly takes place within the temple (w. 5-l l). The lir
    urgist steps up to the altar, spreads his hands, and utters the great intercessory prayer
    (v.22). His primary concern is to assure that all the prayers Israel offers to Yahweh in
    the holy place will be heard (v. 30). Seven typical situations for prayer are listed (vv.
    3l-51). When an individual or the congregation addressed God in prayer in or facing
    the temple, "then hear in heaven" (vv.32,34,36,39,43,45,49). A variety of verbs refer
    to the act of supplications: "pray" (hitpallel), but also "come" (b6', vv. 31,41,42),
    "firn" ({fr!, vv. 33,35,37,48), "confess" (1tdh, vv. 33,35), "plead" (hithannEn, vv.
    33,47), "spread one's hands" @dra{ lappayim, v.38).But hilpallel is the predominant
    term (vv. 33,35,42,M,48; once yihyeh t?iUA, v. 38). The text enVisions small congre-
    gations and the great congregation engaged in occasional worship and festival obser-
    vance, in Jerusalem and in the diaspora. The "congregation of Israel" in its various
    manifestations is the body responsible for prayer and the worship that is its setting.

    45. Hesse, Scharbert, Reventlow, etc.; see the criticisms of Balentine and Sawyer.
    46.
    -)nP qdhal.
    llo ptt

    Solomon functions solely as liturgist for the congregation. This agrees totally with the
    liturgical reality we can deduce from the Psalms. When narrative and prophetic litera-
    ture pictures mighty figures of prayer, this legendary exaggeration serves edifying and
    pedagogical purposes.
    ln the nonsacrificial worship of exilic and postexilic Israel, prayers (together with
    readings from Scripture and homilies) became the dominant element of all religious
    ceremonies. The hithpael of pll and tcpilld signalize this development.

    3. Theology.In the prayer of the exilic and postexilic periods the traditions of indi-
    vidual and corporate prayer, of the festival and temple congregations, and of the
    prayers of godly individuals endowed with extraordinary powers coalesce. This is why
    the prayer of Israel is infinitely rich and theologically complex. The prayer tradition
    has preserved concepts of God emanating from different eras. Considered as a whole,
    however, Israel's prayer always presents a partnership in solidarity with God, commu-
    nicating delight in life, thanksgiving, and longing for help. It is also a way of influenc-
    ing Yahweh, of appeasing an angry deity, an attempt to persuade an indifferent God, as
    well as lament and reproach. The noun tcpilld can denote any kind of prayer.aT In the
    later period, when pll became by far the favorite term, penitence and petition become
    dominant, at least in corporate worship (1 S. 7:5-6; Ezr. l0:Iff.; Neh. 1:4ff.; 9 lwithout
    plll; DnL 9). The shock of the fall of Jerusalem and its consequent theocratic theology
    resulted in a sense of unworthiness that left its mark on prayer (cf. also the Dtr theol-
    ogy of history).

    IV. Later Developments. The OT prayer traditions, especially the tradition of litur-
    gical prayer denoted by the hithpael of pll and t"piilA, profoundly influenced the Jew-
    ish and Christian religious communities. This holds true not only formally for the sur-
    vival of many liturgical forms, but also for the fundamental theological and ethical
    values informing the prayer of Israel.
    Gerstenberger

    V. Dead Sea Scrolls.In the Dead Sea Scrolls the verb has been identified 6 times,
    the nouns tcpillt and pcltltm once each. There appears to be no notable divergence from
    OT usage. An Apocryphon of Moses describes Moses as an intercessor who prays
    (hitpallel) before Yahweh and pleads (hitl.tann€n) for mercy (2Q21 L$.In the context
    of a congregational hymn (?), lQH 17:18 illustrates the intimate connection between
    proclamation of God's mighty acts and intercessory prayer (cf. also l2:4).The contexts
    of the noun t"piilA at Qumran show clearly that the community had collections of
    prayers and hymns for specific times of day, festivals, and other occasions:48 tplt lywm
    hlgpwrym (1Q34 2:5), tplh lmw'yd (4QPrFOtesc t4Q509l fr. 10, IV 8). A series of
    superscriptions indicating the occasion of various psalms includes the words tplt mnih

    47. See III.l.b above.


    48. P. W. Skehan, CBQ35 (1973) 195-205.
    578 illl odnd

    mlk yhwdh, "prayer of Manasseh, king of Judah, when the king of Assyria took him
    captive" (4Q381 33:8). The community had a repertory of prayers and hymns for war
    (tplt mw'd hmlfimh, IQM 15:5; cf. 4QMa t4Q491l frs. 8-10, l:17). Finally, the reinter-
    pretation of the cult by the Qumran Essenes, with its new sacrificial system, is evident
    in CD I l:21: "The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination, but the prayer of the just
    is an agreeable offering." The word p"liltm in 4Q158 9:5 is a citation of Ex. 2l:22.
    Fabry

    I. Etymology, Meaning, Occurrences. II. Turn: l. Local;2. Temporal; 3. Persons. III.


    Theological Usage: l. Yahweh; 2. Israel. IV. LXX. V. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymology, Meaning, Occurrences. The root *pan, probably originally a


    biliteral (cf .Ugar. pn)r occurs in all the Semitic languages.2In Ethiopic it appears only
    as a verb. In Hebrew it is treated as a hollow verb. Because the noun panim, "face," is
    much more frequent, most scholars assume that the verb pn(h) derives from the subst.
    *por., Von Soden, too, believes that panfi(m), "turn," is a denominative from pdnul,
    "front, pl. face."+
    We may assume the basic meaning "turn" in all the Semitic languages; also associ-
    ated with this meaning are Eth. fanawa, "send," and Arab. faniya, "pass away"; cf.
    Tigr. fanna, "be transitory." Heb. pdnA may originally have meant "turn one's face,"
    then "turn" in general.s This theory may be supported by the observation that the turn-
    ing of the face is denied explicitly when the text speaks of turning someone's back (Jer.
    2:27;32:33). But other texts speak of turning the back (Josh. 7:12; Jer.48:39) or the

    pand. O. Blichli, "Von der Liste zur Beschreibung," ZDPV 89 (1973) l-14; P. Dhorme,
    "L emploi m6taphorique des noms des parties du corps en h6breu et en akkadien, III," RB 30
    (1921) 374-99; J. A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire. BietOr 19 (1967), esp. I l0-
    ll;P. Fronzaroli, Studi sul lessico comune semitico I/II. AANLR VIIV19 (1964),esp.255,269;
    E. Lipifski, "Peninna, Iti'el et I'athldte," w 17 (1967) 68-75; W. W. Mtiller, .Altstidarabische
    Beitrage zum hebriiischen Lexikon," 7AW75 (1963) 3M-16; F. Ntitscher, "Das Angesicht Gottes
    schauen" nach biblischer und babylonischer Auffassung (1924,21969); J. Reindl, Das Angesicht
    Gottes im Sprachgebrauch des ATs. ETS 25 (1970); A. S. van der Woude, *DrJD panim facel'
    TLOT ll, 995-1014; J. Ziegler, "Die Hilfe Gottes 'am Morgen,"' Alttestamentliche Studien. FS
    F. Niitscher BBB I (1950) 281-88;
    - O'I? pdntm.
    l. WUS, no.2230.
    2. Fronzaroli, 255,269; HAL, 1I1,937.
    3. Dhorme, 376 n.3; Nbtscher, 4, citing H. Holma, Die Namen der Kdrperteile im Assyrisch-
    Babylonischen ( 191 l). 13.
    4. AHw, 11,822b.
    5. Ntitscher, 3.
    itJl pdna

    shoulder (1 S. l0:9) without mentioning the face. Roughly two-thirds of all the pas-
    sages with the qal have a human subject (to which should be added some 13 in which
    Yahweh is the subj.); the subject is always human with the hiphil, and with 5 instances
    of the piel (plus 3 with Yahweh as subj.); only in 15 texts does pdnA have an inanimate
    subject. This observation suggests taking the implicit basic meaning "turn one's face"
    as our starting point.
    The verb occurs 116 times in the qal and 8 times each in the piel and hiphil. Two
    texts (Jer. 49:8:Ezk.9:2) are cited for the hophal, but this was probably not the original
    reading. Elsewhere when Ezekiel uses pand to describe the position of the gate (e.g.,
    8:3), the form is the qal participle, so that 9:2 should probably be read happoneh also.
    In Jeremiah turning to flee is expressed by means of the hiphil (46:5,211'49:24), so that
    49:8 also should probably be vocalized as hapnfi. In neither text does the meaning of
    the clause require a hophal.

    II. Iirrn.
    l. l,ocal. In many cases pdnd denotes an anticipated or incipient change of place.
    The change may be indefinite, when it is not clear where the road might lead (Gen.
    24:29). One may also turn deliberately in all directions to be sure the coast is clear (Ex.
    2:12)beforc carrying out an intended action. Frequently, however, someone turns in a
    specific direction before setting out. For example, the Philistines raiders turn in the di-
    rection they intend to go (1 S. l3:17-18). Conversely, the "daughters of Jerusalem" do
    not know in what direction the beloved has gone, whom they wish to seek in the com-
    pany of the bride (Cant. 6:1).
    An impersonal subject may also be used with pand to indicate direction. The course
    of a boundary may be defined in this way (Josh. 15:2,7). The observer follows the
    boundary as it moves. In architectural descriptions pdnA Hkewise serves to indicate di-
    rection; for example, it defines the orientation of the oxen supporting the bronze sea
    (1 K.7:25).In Ezekiel's temple visions, the gates are "turned" in the direction from
    which one approaches the building or the gates (Ezk. 8:3; 9:2; ll:l;43:l;46:1,12,19:'
    47:2). T\eir exterior or facade "faces" east. In the case of the altar (43:17), the steps
    leading up to it are on the east side of its base. The person describing the layout appears
    to be standing inside the temple. Ezk. 10:11, describing the movement of Yahweh's
    chariot throne, also fits with this oriented vision. The wheels are not allowed to turn in
    any direction they choose. The direction the front wheel faces determines the direction
    of the others.
    In the Deuteronomistic view, by describing the route and the destination toward
    which Israel must turn at God's command, Yahweh guided the occupation of the prom-
    ised land. The men Moses sent to spy out the land (Nu. l3:1, at Yahweh's command)
    turned toward the hill country (Dt. l:24), explored it, and returned with their report'
    The Lord had already decreed the beginning of the occupation, commanding the Israel-
    ites to go up into the hill country of the Amorites (Dt. 1:7). After the spies reported,
    when the people murmured and refused to believe, Yahweh revoked the command to
    enter into the promised land and decreed that Israel should turn once more to the wil-
    derness and set off in the direction of Sea of Reeds (Dt. l:40; Nu. 14:25), which they

    L
    n)l panA

    did (Dt. 2:l). After the people had spent many days fruitlessly circling Mt. Seir,
    Yahweh opened the way to Transjordan (v. 3); Israel adopted the new route ordained by
    their God, heading out along the road to the wilderness of Moab (v. 8) and then turning
    north toward Bashan (3:l; cf. Nu. 21:33). All these changes of route, commanded by
    God, are concrete signs of God's guidance. Even Israel's departure from the place cho-
    sen to celebrate Passover (Dt. 16:7) was governed by God.
    Elijah, too, even when not actively carrying out his prophetic ministry, is subject to
    the authority of God's guidance: Yahweh orders him to go to wadi Cherith to escape
    the famine (l K. l7:3).
    Texts use pdni defiberately to mark turning points in the course of a narrative.
    when someone turns from one locus of action to another, a new scene begins. The men
    who are God's messengers turn to go toward sodom (Gen. l8:22); in the account of the
    plagues, Pharaoh turns away to express his indifference (Ex. 7:23),and Moses turns
    and leaves without waiting for Pharaoh's answer (10:6). when the queen of sheba
    turns to go home (1 K. 10:13), her sojourn with Solomon is over. In the story of the
    golden calf, Moses'turning as commanded by Yahweh (Ex. 32:15) signals more than a
    simple change of scene: the narrative takes a decisive turn, the image is destroyed, the
    tablets ofthe law are shattered as a sign that the covenant has been broken (cf. also Dt.
    9:15ff.). Moses' next encounter with God is followed by a redemptive turning (Dt.
    l0:5) that marks an act of great significance for Deuteronomistic theology: Moses
    places the tablets in the ark of the covenant.
    when saul turns and sees the Amalekite (2 S. l:7), he makes the decision to end his
    life. Abner's dispute with Asahel turns to disaster for the latter: he is slain. When
    Naaman the Aramean turns away disillusioned and angry eK.5:12),he is in danger of
    losing his chance to be healed. With the statement that he will turn elsewhere, Abra-
    ham's seryant forces a decision (Gen.24:49). By turning back, both the Danites and
    Micah indicate that nothing more can be done (Jgs. t8:21,26).
    When the occupation of the land west of the Jordan is complete, Joshua releases the
    East Jordanian tribes to go to their territories (Josh. 22:4), documenting from the
    Deuteronomistic perspective that they have fulfilled Moses'commission (Dt. 3:1gff.).
    For Deuteronomistic theology it is also important not simply to state (2 K. z3il6) that
    there were tombs in the vicinity of Bethel from which bones were taken to defile the al-
    tar at Bethel, but to ascribe the initiative to Josiah: he turns, sees the tombs, and burns
    the bones on the altar, "according to the word of the Lord that the man of God pro-
    claimed" (1 K. l3:2).
    In battle, when the combatants turn and look about them, it is clear that the situation
    has shifted against them (Josh. 8:20; Jgs. 20:40; 2 ch. 13:14) or in their favor (2 Ch.
    20:24). If the situation is unfavorable and victory is out of reach, they turn their backs
    to the enemy (Josh. 7:12; Jer. 48:39) or turn to flee (lgs.20:42,45,47; Isa. l3:14; Jer.
    46:5,21;49:8,24; Nah. 2:9[Eng. v. 8]). The same thing happens when the Lord visits
    his punishment on his enemies.
    The expression "wherever he turns" (1 S. 14:47; I K. 2:3 [2nd person]) means
    "whatever he undertakes." when people turn toward their vineyard (Job 24:18), the in-
    tent is to work it, to see and harvest its fruit. In a similar vein, eohelet (2: I l-12) turns
    .i'JQ pana 581

    in his mind toward all the works he has done, considers the effort expended, and then
    turns to wisdom. He concludes that there is no real advantage or gain in either.
    The interpretation of Hag. l:9 is difficult. The prophet tells his listeners that they
    "turn to much, and lo, to little." The context, which speaks of sowing and reaping, sug-
    gests the expected harvest. The words may mean "you looked forward to much." Or
    they may refer in general to everything undertaken.
    We come finally to the piel, which has the meaning "clean up" and is also important
    in theological usage.6 Laban cleans his house (Gen. 24:31) to make room for the ser-
    vant and his small caravan. A house is to be cleaned out before the priest comes to ex-
    amine its "leprosy"T (Lev. 14:36), so that its furnishings will not become unclean and
    hence unusable.

    2. Temporal. T[rning (toward or away) naturally implies a temporal aspect, a before


    and after. Sometimes, though, it is the time periods themselves that "turn" and thus oc-
    casion a specific situation. One formula speaks of the coming of evening (Gen.24:63;
    Dt.23il2), when the day declines (Jer. 6:4), turning to depart, or the turn of morning at
    breakof day (Ex.14:27;Jgs.l9:26;Ps.46:6[5]).Atthishourof dawnthefateof Israel
    was decided at the Sea of Reeds and catastrophe was averted by God's help. This no-
    tion of divine help at dawn was then incorporated into the theology of the Holy City in
    one of the Zion psalms (Ps. 46:6[5]).8 With the coming of evening, the Deuteronomic
    theory of the purity of Israel's camp allows someone who has become unclean to wash
    with water and reenter the camp (Dt. 23:12| 11), so as not to have to remain outside the
    camp during the baneful night. But the psalmist associates the disaster consequent on
    God's anger with the turning point of all his days (Ps. 90:9): they will come to an end.
    Aware of how transitory life is, the psalmist appeals to the eternal God to have compas-
    sion on him, to deliver him from guilt, and to make glad the days of his life.

    3. Persons. T[rning clearly takes on special overtones when one turns toward a per-
    son. The result can be beneficial, as in the case of Merib-baal, to whom David showed
    favor because he did obeisance (2 S. 9:8). This turning to show favor should bring help
    in distress (cf. Jer.47:3). This is the purpose of Job's repeated request (Job 6:28; 2l:5).
    Job's friends should hear him, listen to his arguments, put themselves in his position,
    take his words seriously, and not argue at cross-purposes. In relationships between
    states and nations, observance of treaties (Ezk. 17:6) not false reliance (Ezk.
    29:16) should mark ties of favor. -but
    -
    But turning to someone is not always beneficial. Abner turns and slays Asahel (2 S.
    2:20). Elisha turns to the small boys who have been jeering at him and curses them,
    bringing about their destruction (2 K. 2:24). Someone who gives a bribe is not inter-
    ested in another's welfare but in private advantage. As Prov. l7:8 avers, bribes always

    6. See III below.


    7. -+ l19"ll tAra'a!.
    8. -+ II, 227-28.
    ;,|,J] pdna

    seem to succeed. Before passing judgment, one should address the situation and exam-
    ine it thoroughly, as Aaron did in the case of Miriam (Nu. 12: l0) and the priests did in
    the case of Uzziah (2 Ch. 26:20).
    Looking back over the varied uses of the verb pdnd, we can probably summarize
    them as follows: pand expresses a change in the course of an event or act, the begin-
    ning of an action, a purposeful orientation. What all this means specifically is ex-
    pressed by the statements of the particular context. This summary applies to the qal and
    hiphil. In the piel, however, pnh takes on the meaning "clean up, clean out." In large
    measure if not predominantly, the meaning of the verb can be expressed by the state-
    ment that someone or something "turns."9 The subsequent text describes or reveals the
    result and consequences. Similar observations may be made with respect to theological
    usage.

    III. Theological Usage.


    l. Yahweh. The Holiness Code (Lev. 17-25) is followed by a promise of blessing if
    Israel is obedient; here Yahweh promises his people: "I will
    turn toward you" (26:9;
    NRSV "I will look with favor upon you"). Vv. 9-13 expand on what this means:
    Yahweh will make his people fruitful and multiply them, will place his dwelling in
    their midst, walk among them, not abhor them, and make them walk erect once more
    after delivering them from slavery in Egypt. All these blessings are inherent in God's
    favor and are bestowed with it. The same is true of the oracle addressed to the moun-
    tains of Israel, to which the Lord will turn once more (Ezk. 36:9). They will be verdant
    and yield fruit for Israel, so that the people may return. They will be tilled and sown.
    Many human beings and animals will live there, and the towns will be rebuilt. When
    Yahweh turned away, the land fell victim to the judgment of desolation. His turning
    again in favor brings new life.
    In order to deliver his people, God can also turn to an individual, as in the case of
    Gideon (Jgs. 6:14). There follows a mandate commissioning him to deliver Israel. The
    Lord refutes Gideon's objection and declares his willingness to give a sign that he is
    with his elect. When Yahweh turns to someone, it is a serious promise of favor and
    constancy, so that the person in question can rely on Yahweh's help. In Solomon's
    prayer at the dedication of the temple, therefore, before his specific petitions, he says:
    "Turn to [NRSV 'regard'] your servant's prayer and his plea, O Lord my God" (l K.
    8:28). The psalmists address the same plea to their God with the same basic expecta-
    tion. One afflicted psalmist, suffering from a sense of guilt and persecution by ene-
    mies, pleads for God's grace and forgiveness, asking to be delivered from fear and to
    be saved (Ps.25:16). A worshiper who is unjustly persecuted prays for mercy
    (69:17[6]), a favorable hearing, God's presence, and deliverance: "Do not hide your
    face from your servant" (v. 18[7]). Another who is poor and needy finds in God's gra-
    cious favor the promise of new strength and, quite generally, effectual help (86:16).
    Also the scribe who would follow the teachings of the Lord looks for God to turn in

    9. Hn 22.
    7{Q pdna

    gracious favor (119:132) and vouchsafe instruction, steady his steps, redeem him, and
    grant him salvation: "Make your face shine upon your servant" (v. 135). A sick wor-
    shiper, praying that God will not hide his face and thus prolong the petitioner's distress
    (102:3121), expresses confidence that the Lord regards the prayer of the destitute
    (v. 18[17]).
    Insofar as sacrifice represents humble submission and a plea for forgiveness, cou-
    pled with a forthright effort to do God's will, Yahweh turns to accept it (cf. Mal. 2:13)
    and graciously favors those who offer the sacrifice. This explains why, when Korah,
    Dathan, and Abiram revolt, Moses prays that Yahweh will not turn to accept (NRSV
    "payattentionto")theiroffering(Nu. 16:15).Butif Yahwehaddressestheobduracyof
    his people, their guilt and their sin, then they are in imminent danger of being de-
    stroyed. Moses seeks to avert this destruction through his intercession (Dt. 9:27).
    IfYahweh turns away (pnh piel, Zeph. 3:15) the enemies who have beset and op-
    pressed his people, he clears the ground for them once more, as he did at the time of the
    occupation (Ps. 80: l0).
    As for Yahweh's turning in favor toward his people, at the end of the Elisha story
    (2K. 13:23) the author (probably Dtr) manages to strike a positive balance, but against
    a menacing background: the Lord turns once more toward Israel on account of his cov-
    enant with Israel's ancestors; he is not yet ready to reject and destroy Israel. Later,
    however, this author must record Yahweh's turning away and its consequences (2 K.
    r7).

    2. Israel. Israel should always turn toward their God, as a psalmist who has experi-
    enced deliverance counsels in a hymn of thanksgiving (Ps. 4O:2-l2ll-1ll): happy are
    those who trust in the Lord, who do not turn to the proud and to faithless liars (v. stal).
    Trust and confidence are in fact required of those who turn to someone in expectation
    of being accepted and receiving help. When the people, suffering hunger after the exo-
    dus from Egypt, respond to the word of Moses communicated through Aaron, it is in
    this expectation that they turn to the wilderness, to Yahweh, who also appears in his
    kabAd (8x.16:10). When the Israelites assemble against Moses and Aaron, the latter
    turn toward the tent of meeting, i.e., toward Yahweh, who again appears in his glory
    (Nu. l7:7) and punishes the people until Aaron makes atonement for them.
    In an oracle of salvation that is also addressed to other nations (Isa. 45:22), the
    prophet promises salvation to dl who turn to Yahweh. Because Yahweh is the only
    God, there is no other who can save. [t is indispensable to turn to him. In a later period,
    when faith came to picture a more transcendent God surrounded by hosts of angels,
    people in distress were apparently wont to turn to "the holy ones" (angels) who could
    serve as mediators between the supplicant and God (Job 5:1). Eliphaz probably looks
    on the appeal as a last recourse, which he nonetheless rejects.
    Deuteronomistic theology is forced to conclude that Israel's heart has turned away
    from its God (Dt. 30:17) and turned to other gods (31:18) to serve them. Then Israel
    breaks the covenant and is therefore under the curse. On that day, the Lord will surely
    hide his face. The Song of Moses (32:l-43) bears witness (31:20-21) against the peo-
    ple, unfolding God's gracious favor as well as the injustice and peril of idolatry.
    ;1Jl pdna

    Hos. 3:1b is clearly a Deuteronomistic addition, interpolating an interpretive gloss


    that intemrpts the flow of the symbolic action by drawing a premature conclusion. It is
    an expansion of the word "adulteress" (m"nd'dpe1), referring to Israel: Yahweh's love
    for his faithless people, who have turned to other gods, is here understood as peda-
    gogic. The symbolic action, however, speaks of depriving Israel of communion with
    God and its benefits (v. 4). To turn to other gods is to transgress the first commandment
    of the Decalogue. Lev. l9:4 therefore demands: "Do not turn to (other) gods [NRSV
    'idols'1."
    Jer. 2:27 and 32:22 use an eloquent image to describe the apostasy from Yahweh
    implicit in idolatry: "They turn their backs to me and not their faces." In 2:27 we may
    also have an allusion to magical ceremonies associated with the worship of foreign
    gods. Such practices are clearly behind Dt. 29117(18), which warns everyone not to
    tum away from the Lord and bless themselves in their idolatry with a blessing intended
    to contravene the curse brought on by transgression of the covenant. Isa. 8:21-22 also
    warns against turning to dark forces, including ghosts and wizards (v. l9). For those
    who do so there will be no dawn, no hope. Lev. l9:31 and20:6 accordingly forbid turn-
    ing to mediums and soothsayers. They render those who resort to them unclean, de-
    priving them of the possibility of turning to Yahweh, who will turn his face against
    them and cut them off from among the people. The people should instead consult their
    God and take refuge in him (Isa. 8:19). God has told Israel how it is to live; and wis-
    dom, too, admonishes Israel not to turn to iniquity (Job 36:21). Nevertheless, those sur-
    rounding the Suffering Servant must confess that they have turned to their own way
    and gone astray (Isa. 53:6). This passage may suggest as in the case of Israel's lead-
    ers (56:11)
    -
    that every individual is pursuing his or her own advantage.
    - to determine the precise meaning of I S. l0:9: 'And it came to pass
    It is difficult
    [reading wyfty instead of whyhl, when he [Saul] turned his shoulder to leave Sam-
    uel. . . ."10 The text appears to say that Saul turned his back on Samuel. Is it intended to
    suggest that he was already at odds with Samuel and hence with the prophet and with
    Yahweh?
    The theological meaning of pnh in the piel requires special mention. Theological
    texts make use of the meaning "clean up, remove." Isa. 40:3 promises that a way will
    be prepared in the wildemess for the return of the exiles to Jerusalem.The impv. pannA
    refers in the first instance to the removal of obstacles. The road is to be constructed by
    the heavenly powers to whom the imperative is clearly addressed. It is the way of
    Yahweh, on which he will return to Zion with his liberated people. Isa. 57: 14 cites the
    imperative of 40:3. Here it is to be understood figuratively: purge your lives and con-
    duct of everything that obstructs the coming of salvation. Isa. 40:3 is cited once again
    in 62:10: now those already dwelling in Jerusalem are called on to remove the obsta-
    cles that "prevent the many Israelites still abroad from returning to Jerusalem."ll

    10. See ibid.,59 n. 93.


    I l. C. Westermann, Isaiah 4M6. OTL (Eng. trans. 1969),379.
    nfi panA

    IV. LXX. The LXX predictably uses the roughly synonymous strdphein and its
    compounds to translatepdni (some 42 times). Equally often (some 45 times), however,
    it uses bl4pein and its compounds. In these cases the translator is probably influenced
    by pdnim. Job 5:l uses hordn, as though the text has to do with a vision of angels a
    -
    sign that Job is innocent? It is noteworthy that bldpein also appears in the Ezekiel texts
    referring to the orientation of a gate or building. A series of passages, including the
    Psalms in which the supplicant appeals to God (24lMT 251:16; 39[40]:5[a];
    68[69]:17[16]; 85[86]:16; 101[12]:18[l7]; 118[l l9l:132),we epiblipein.' the afflicted
    psalmist looks up to God, and Yahweh looks upon his people (Ezk. 36:9).
    With verbs of motion pdnd is frequently translated interpretively on the basis of its
    context and changed into a longer expression beginning with "turn." Examples include
    Ezk.29:16, alcolouthein; Dt. 29:18(17), ekHinein; Ps. 89(90):9, ekleipein; 2 K. 2:24:
    23:16, elcnertein; Isa. 56:ll, exal<olouthein; l*v. l9:4, epalalouthetn' Josh. l5:7,
    katabainein; Jer. 6:4, klfnein; Dt. 30:17, methistdn; Nu. 17:7, hormdn; Isa. 53:6,
    plaruisthai; Nu. 16:15, prosdchein. In temporal statements pdnd is translated with td
    pr6s (hesp€ran) (Dt.23:llll2l) and t6 prds (prdi) (Ps. 45[46]:6[5]).
    To translate the piel, the LXX uses aposkeudzeininl*v. 14:36, hetoimdzein in Gen.
    24:31 and Isa. 40:3, and hodopoiein in lsa. 62: l0 and Ps. 79: IO(MT 80:9). In other
    words, it associates Yahweh's "cleaning up" not with the expulsion of the nations from
    the promised land but with God's guidance of Israel along the way to Canaan.

    V. Dead Sea Scnolls. The Qumran community found in Isa. 40:3 an important in-
    sight into its self-understanding and the mission entrusted to it by God. It saw itself
    "set apart from the midst of the habitation of the men of wickedness to go into the wil-
    derness and the prepare the way of the Lord. . . . This is the study of the law that he
    commanded through Moses, to act in compliance with all that has been revealed from
    time to time, and according to what the prophets have revealed through his holy spirit"
    (lQS 8:13-16). Preparing the way means that the men of the community "walk up-
    rightly each with his neighbor in all that has been revealed to them" (9:19). The Da-
    mascus Document warns the members of the community not to reject and forsake
    God's precepts and turn aside in the stubbornness of their hearts (CD 8: 19; 19:33). In
    the Hodayot the worshiper cites Gen. I to designates the time to praise God: in the eve-
    ning and in the morning (lQH 12:5-6).In IQH 8 it appears that the teacher of righ-
    teousness thanks God for choosing him to carry out the critical task of instructing the
    community; he says: "And by my hand you have opened their spring with (its) chan-
    nels . . . to turn according to a reliable measuring line" (8:21). He pictures the commu-
    nity as a plantation, to which he vouchsafes teaching and instruction according to
    God's will.
    Schreiner
    586 i'tl? pinnn

    ill? ninna

    I. Etymology; Occurrences. II. Meaning: l. Architecture; 2. Sociology; 3. Theology. III.


    LXX. IV. Dead Sea Scrolls.

    I. Etymologr; Occurrences. The etymology of pinnd is uncertain. There are three


    possibilities: (1) it may derive from aroot*pnn not attested in Hebrew, which can be
    interpreted as a by-form of -r il1D pdni, "ttm (back)";t (2) we may be dealing with an
    independent root meaning "divide," analogous to Arab. fanna ll, "make different,
    rnix";2 (3) it may represent a nominal extension of Heb. + D!:D pdntm.3
    The word occurs 30 times in the OT: 18 times in the singular, ll times in the pl.
    form pinndg and once in the pl. form pinnim (Z,ec. l4:LO).It is distributed as follows:
    twice in Exodus; 4 times in the Deuteronomistic History; twice in Isaiah; 3.times in
    Jeremiah; twice each in Ezekiel, Zephaniah, and Zechariah; once in Psalms; twice in
    Job; 4 times in Proverbs; 3 times each in Nehemiah and Chronicles.

    II. Meaning.
    l. Archilecture.
    T)he vast majority of occurrences (23) are in structural contexts.
    Here pinnd denotes the point where the straight of a street (Prov. 7:8,12;2 Ch.28:24)
    or a wall changes direction, with a sharp bend in contrast to a curve (hanftq, Cant.7:2),
    ln particular, there was a prominent and familiar angle in the city wall of Jerusalem,
    probably on the north or northeast side (Neh. 3:24,31,32); on the northwest side (facing
    the new city?) there was a corner gate referred to as.ia'ar happinnt (2 K. 14:13; Jer.
    3l :38; 2 Ch. 26:9). Only in 7**. 14:10, where the site of eschatological Jerusalem is
    probably described in terms of the city's greatest extent, is the gate called la'ar
    happinnim. The widely accepted theory that we are dealing here with a gloss (and a
    corrupt text to boot) is dubious. More likely we have here a deliberately archaizing ex-
    pression intended to conjure up the preexilic city. This interpretation is supported by

    pinnil. l. Jeremias, "Der Eckstein I' Angelos I (1925) 65-70; idem, "Eckstein SchluBstein,"
    ZNW 36 (1937) 154-57; idem, 'Ke0afi yov(aq Arpoyrovraioq: Zf,lW 29-(1930) 2il-80;
    idem, "tr{0oq," TDNT,Iy,268-80; L. Kdhler, "Zwei- Fachworte der Bausprache in Jesaja 28,16:
    TZ 3 (1947) 390-93; J. Lindblom, "Der Eckstein in Jes 28,16," Interpretationes ad Vetus
    Tbstanentum Pertinentes. FS S. Mowinckcl. NoTT 56 (1955) 123-32; U. Maibtrg, 'Christus der
    Eckstein," Vvarium. FS T Klauser. JAC Erganzungsband I I (1984), 247-56i H. Merklein, Das
    kirchliche Amt nach dem Epheserbrief. SANT 33 (1973), esp. 144-52; H. Muszytlski,
    Fundament, Bild und Metapher in den Handschriften aus Qumran. AnBibl6l (1975); J. van der
    Ploeg, "Les chefs du peuple d'Israel et leurs titres," RB 57 (1950) 40-61; K. T. Schifer, "LaPis
    summus angularis," FS H. Liitzeler (1962), 9-23; idem,'Zur Deutung von drpoyovra{o9,"
    Neutestorflentliche Aufsiitze. FS J. Sclunid (1963), 218-U.
    l. GesB, 65O; HAL,111,944.
    2.Y.iehr,728.
    3. Cf. A. S. van der Woude, TLOT, 1I,995.
    ;tll pinnn

    the explicit words "at the location of the former gate" (ia'ar hdri'i6n), especially since
    Neh. 3 makes no more mention of this corner gate. By synecdoche, in the sense of
    "corner tower, bastionj' pinni could also mean "fortress, battlement" (Z,eph. 3:6).+
    There is no evidence that pinnA was a technical term for the salients of a stepped wall
    like that found at Arad.s
    Six texts use pinnd in conjunction with brba' for the four corners of a house (Job
    l:19), the altar (Ex. 27:2;38:2), the altar ledge (Ezk. 27:2;38:2), and the srands for
    wheeled basins (l K.7:34).
    For the theological meaning of the word, scholars (primarily NT scholars) have ex-
    tensively debated whether the phrase r|'l/'e!en pinnd denoted only the copestone of a
    buildingo or was used exclusively for the cornerstone of the foundation, the foundation
    stone.T The evidence of the OT does not permit a decision one way or the other as to the
    architectural meaning of the term. Prov. 2l:9; 25:24 (pinnal-Sdg); and 7xph. l:16
    (happinndl hagg'!6h6fl clearly require the meaning "capstone (of a roof), pinnacle"
    (cf. also 7*ph.3:6;2 Ch.26:15). On the other hand, Job 38:6 clearly refers to a "cor-
    nerstone." In Jer. 51:26 it is not clear whether lcpinnd stands in synonymous parallel-
    ism with Pmbsd!6$ and means "cornerstone" or is intended as an antithetical merism
    denoting the totality from cornerstone to "pinnacle."

    2. Sociology. [n Jgs. 20:2; I S. 14:38; Isa. 19:13 (par. fdrtm);7nu lO:4; and possi-
    bly Znph.3:6 (par. gbyim), pinnd is used figuratively for the leadership of society. The
    metaphorprtndlkol-hd'dm can thus mean both the "pillars of the community" and the
    most exalted pinnacles, "high society." It can hardly be demonstrated that a specific
    function or office was associated with this title.e

    3. Theology. In the context of an oracular threat against illusory tmst in (anti-


    Assyrian) alliances (on the part ofHezekiah against Sennacherib?), Isa. 28:16 clearly
    presents a pinna! yiqra! mfrsd! (par. 'e[en bdhan) as an alternative. The uncertain tem-
    poral reference of the main verb (hincni yissa!) makes it difficult to interpret this "pre-
    cious cornerstone of the foundation" (or possibly: "corner where one foundation wall
    meets another";;10 Are we dealing with an elective act of Yahweh in the past (the selec-
    tion of Zion as the foundation of the temple and the navel [= keystone] of the earth or
    the Davidic monarchy)? Or does the text refer to a future act (preservation of a "rem-
    nant" of the faithful [cf. Qumran] or the messiah)? Or if the oracle is exilic or even
    postexilic -
    might it not refer to the community of returnees and the new temple? Or,
    -
    as v. 16bp ("one who trusts will not panic") would suggest, is faith in the present hour

    4. W. Rudolph, Micha-Nahum-Habakuk-Zephanja. KAT Xllll3 (197 5), 286.


    5. Cf. R. de Vaux, Anclsr 1,233.
    6. J. Jeremias et al.
    7. Esp. Schiifer; see the survey of the discussion in Merklein, lU-52.
    8. See R. Moses, -+ VI. I13.
    9. Van der Ploeg, 51, 60.
    10. K6hler.
    it)l pinnd

    likened here to the cornerstone set into the foundation (LXX eis td themilia), which
    undergirds the stability and alignment of the whole building and alone gives it endur-
    ance (cf. Isa. 7:9)!tt
    Ps. 118 is the reflex of a dynamic liturgical thanksgiving ritual with several changes
    of speaker, in which an individual who has been delivered from death expresses
    thanksgiving to God in the temple, in and with the congregation. V. 22 interprets the
    worshiper's deliverance as a communal confession of faith, using the image of a stone
    that although rejected by presumably expert builders God's miraculous interven-
    - -
    tion has nevertheless made the cornerstone (lcr6'l pinn6, with rd',f probably to be un-
    derstood not vertically as the topmost stone but horizontally as the foremost; cf. Ezk.
    l2
    16:25,31; tsa. 5 I :20). This image has a complex history of interpretation: Jewish exe-
    gesis and (frequently) critical Christian exegesis interprets the "I" of the psalm collec-
    tively as standing for Israel, which recalls in a national thanksgiving observance the
    miraculous reversal of its fate when all appeared to be lost possibly following the
    -
    completion of the city wall under Nehemiah in the face of general hostility or after the
    victories of the Maccabees. There has been an increasing tendency, however, to inter-
    pret the "I" individually not so much as a specific historical figure like a king (Heze-
    -
    kiah, Josiah, Jehoiachin) or the coming messiah, but as an "exemplary I." On the basis
    of personal experience, the speaker of the psalm bears witness to God's typical way of
    dealing with human existence: God restores to life and fellowship those who seem to
    be rejected and makes proclamation of their deliverance the focus of congregational
    worship for the purpose of "edification."

    ilL LXX. The LXX usually uses gdnia or (akro)gdniaios (lithos) to trmslate pinnd,
    less frequently kampd (Neh. 3:24,31) or klima (Jgs.20:2). By the addition of ep' aut$
    in tsa. 28:16 ("one who trusts iz him*), the LXX promotes a messianic interpretation,
    which is suggested in Ps. I 18:22 as well as by inclusion of an explicative horttos ("this
    onehas become the cornerstone").

    IV. Dead Sea Scrolls. The nounpiznZ occurs 33 times in the extant Dead Sea Scrolls;
    30 of these occulrences are in the Temple Scroll. The phrasepny hmgdl in lQM 9:13 is
    uncertain: "corners or front of the tower." All but two of the occulrences refer to struc-
    tural elements. In particular, the Temple Scroll uses the noun for the corners of the altar,
    of the ideal new temple, and courts arranged in order of increasing holiness.
    ln2Q23l:6,tr un apocryphal prophetic woe pronounced upon the wicked inhabi-
    tants of a city, whose name has not been preserved (Jerusalem?), threatens them with
    being overthrown m'bn pnh, which must mean "from the pinnacle stone" (cf. 2 Ch.
    25:12). Only in what is probably the earliest section of the Community Rule (1QS 8:7)

    1 I. On the various interpretations of the cornerstone oracle see, e.g., O. Kaiser, Isaiah I 3-39.
    OTL(Eng. trans. 1974),252tr.;H. Wildbergea lesaia2S-39. BKXI3 (1982), 1075tr.
    12. O; earlier interpretations see H. Hupfeld and W. Nowack, Die Psalmen, II 1t133rr'
    521ff.; on recent proposals see H.-J. Kraus, Psalms 60-150 (Eng. trans. 1989)' 399-400.
    13. M. Baillet, DlD,lll,82-83.
    dtll panim s89

    do we find an example of figurative theological usage. Here tsa. 28: 16 is given a quasi-
    ecclesiological interpretation and made to refer to the foundation of the community,
    which understands itself as the "precious cornerstone" consisting of the ones maintain-
    ing the true faith.la
    Oeruing

    14. See Muszyriski, 174-93; C. Dohmen, RevQ ll (198284) 86-87.

    dr)l pantm

    I. Etymology. II. Distribution. III. Nominal Usage: l. Objects; 2. Cosmic Entities;


    3. Animals;4. Humans; 5. Yahweh; 6. Constructpa-nfia. IV. Idioms and Collocations: l. pdnlm
    b"fel-pdntm; 2. bql pdnim; 3. hEir pdnim: 4. hlh pdnirn; 5. n{'/Mr pdntm; 6. nty'Sym pdntm;
    7. sbb/swr/lwb pdnim; 8. ksUstr piintm;9. r'Whzh pdnim. V. Semantic and Theological
    Assessment. VI. Prepositional Usage: l. lipn€; 2. millipn€; 3. mipp.nA; 4. (mE)'al-p.nA; 5.'e!/
    m€'Z1-p'nA; 6.'el- penA; 7. Other hepositions; 8. Adverbial Usage. VII. LXX. Vm. Dead Sea
    Scrolls.

    pdntm. S. E. Balentine, 'A Description of the Semantic Field of Hebrew Words for 'Hide,'"
    l{f 30 (1980) 137-53; idem, The Hidden God (1983); J. Barr, '"Theophany and Anthropomor-
    phism in the OT," Congress Volume, Oxford 1959. SW 7 (1960), 3l-38; W. W. Graf Baudissin,
    "'Gott schauen' in der alttestamentlichen Religion: ARW 18 (1915) 173-239; repr. in
    F. Ndtscher, "Das Angesicht Gottes schauen" nach biblischer und babylonischer Auffassung
    (21969), 193-261; J. B0hmer, "Gottes Angesicht," BFCT t2 (1908) 323-47; p. A. H. de Boei
    'An Aspect of Sacrifice," Studies in the Religion of Ancient Israel. SW 23 (1972),2747, esp.
    27-36; G. C. Bottini, "'Pose la sua faccia tra le ginocchia,"' SBFIA 32 (1982) 73-84; W. H.
    Brownlee, "'Son of Man Set Your Face,"' HUCA 54 (1983) 83-ll0; J. Carmignac, ,.Le
    compldment d'agent apr0s un verbe passif dans I'H6breu et I'Aram6en de Qumr6n," Reve 9
    (1978) 409-27, esp. 421-27; E. Dhorme, "L emploi m€taphorique des noms des parties du corps
    en h6breu et en akkadien. III. Le visage," RB 30 (1921) 374-99;L. Diez Merino, "Il vocabolario
    relativo alla ricerca di Dio nell'Antico Tesramentol' BeO rl (1982) 129-45;25 (1983) 35-38;
    J. F. Drinkard, "'al pdn? as 'East of ,"' lBL98 (1979) 285-86; M. Fishbane, 'Form and Reformu-
    lation of the Biblical Priestly Blessing," FS S. N. Kramer = IAOS 103 (1983) ll5-21; M. D.
    Fowler, "The Meaning of lipnA YHWH in the OT," 7AW 99 (1987) 384-90; C. T. Fritsch, .A
    Study of the Greek Translation of the Hebrew Verbs 'to see,' with Deity as Subject or Object," FS
    H. M. Orlinslq = Erlsr 16 (1982) 5l*-57*; O. Gzrcia de la Fuente, "'David busc6 el rostro de
    Yahweh'(2 Sm 2l,l)," Aug 8 (1968) 477-54O; Y. Gil, 'tt qdran'0r p.n0 mateh," BethM 30
    (1984/85) 341-44; M. I. Gruber, "The Many Faces of Hebrew ErtD NO: 'lift up the facr-,,'* ZAW
    95 (1983) 252-60; E. G. Gulin, "Das Antlitz Jahwes im AI," AnAcScFenB l1B 0923),l-3}i
    B. Halpern, "Yhwh's Summary Justice in Job xiv,20," W 28 (1978) 472ff.; M. Haran, ."The
    d'i)l pdntm

    I. Etymologr. The noun pdnim is the Hebrew form of the common Semitic subst.
    *pan, "face":l Akk. pdnu(m), "front," pl. "face";Z Ugar. pnm, "face";3 Phoenician,
    Punic (noteworthy is the designation of the goddess Tinnit as pn b'l, "countenance of
    Baal";,+ Moabite, and Imperial Aramaic;s Arab. find', "forecourt"; Syr. penild, "side,
    region"; OSA fnwt, "front, in front of."6 The verb -r ifiD pdnA may be a denominative
    from pdnim.z Heb. pdntm never occurs in the singular and should be considered a
    plurale tantum.
    In Ugaritic and Hebrew the following appear in parallel with pdntm: 94 "back" (Ps.
    97:3); ymn, "right side" (Ps. 16:1 l;44:4lBng. v. 3]); ts4 "back, loins" (Job 15:27); pl,
    "side" (Lev. 13:41); p'm,"foot, pace" (Ps. 57:7[6];85:14[3]); tmwnh, "image, like-
    ness" (Ps. 17:15).e Of particular interest is that many collocations with pn(m) appear
    also in Hebrew. In Ugaritic we find the expressionytn pnm 'rz, "turn one's face toward"
    (cf. Heb. iym/ntn pdntm'ehal), with reference to sending or going;e cf. also wbhm pn
    6'1ro (cf. Heb. Syrn/ntn pdnim b", "tnrn one's face toward") and the prepositional ex-
    pression lpn-, "before, in(to)/from the presence of." In Aramaic, Ipn- appears fre-
    quently with the meaning "in the presence of, in the opinion/judgment of."
    Akkadian above all has many expressions closely related to Heb. pdnim colloca-
    tions. As in Hebrew, the subst. pdnu(m) means "face, front, top, appearance." Also as
    in Hebrew, it is used in connection with persons, objects, and cosmic entities (the heav-

    Shining of Moses' Facel' In the Shelter of Elyon. FS G. W. Ahlstiim. lSOTSup 3l (1984), 159-
    73; A. Jirku, "'Das Haupt auf die Knie lege4"' ZDMG 103 (1953) 372; A. R. Johnson, "Aspects
    of the Use of the Term ltrll in the OT," FS O. Eissfeldt (1947), 155-59; H.-J. Kraus, Theology of
    the Psalms (Eng. trans. 1986), esp. 3840; S. C. Layon, "'Head on Lap' in Sumero-Akkadian
    Literature," JANES 15 (1983) 59-62; S. Layton, "Biblical Hebrew 'to Set the Face' in Light of
    Akkadian and Ugaritic," UF 17 (1986) 169-81; R. W. L. Moberly, At the Mountain of God.
    JSOTSup22 (1983); J. Morgenstern, "Moses with the Shining Facel' HUCA2 (1925) l-27;
    F. Niitscher, "Das Angesicht Gottes schauen" nach biblischer und babylonischer Auffassung
    (21969); J. Reindl, Das Angesicht Gottes im Sprachgebrauch des ATs. ETS 25 (1970);
    F. Schnutenhaus, "Das Kommen und Erscheinen Gottes im AT," 7AW 76 (1964) l-22;
    K. Seybotd, Der aaronitische Segen (1977); idem, "Reverenz und Gebet," ZAW 88 (1976) 2-16;
    D. C. T. Sheriffs, "The Phrases ina IGI Dn and lipCn€y Yhwhin Treaty and Covenant Contexts,"
    INSLT (1979) 55-68; R. Sollamo, Renderings of Hebrew Semiprepositions in the Septuagint.
    AnAcScFen Dissertationes humanarwn litterarum 19 (1979); M. Tsevat, T:D '11, nP," F'S
    H. M. Orlinslq = Erlsr 16 (1982) 163-67; E. Vogt, "Die vier 'Gesichter' (panim) der Keruben in
    Ezechiel," Bibl 60 (197, 3n -47; C. Westermann, "Die Begriffe ftir Fragen und Suchen im Af,"
    KUD 6 (1960) 2-3O.

    l. Fronzaroli, AANLR VIIUI9 (1964),255,269.


    P.
    2. AHw, II, 8l8b-822a.
    3. WUS, no.2230; UT, no.2O59.
    4. KAI 78.2, with commentary.
    5. DNSI, II,918-20; cf. Biblical Aram.'arnf.
    6. Beeston, 45.
    7. HAL,tIJ,937.
    8. M. Dahood, RSP I, 313-16.
    9. Del Olmo Lrte,610.
    10. KTU 1.t2,i,33.
    E'll pantm 591

    ens, stars, the surface of the deep). Used figuratively it expresses purpose or intention:
    ana dlim pdnildu, "he intends (to go) to the city" (cf. 2 Ch. 32:2, pdndyw lammil-
    hhna\. we also find fixed idioms such as "the beaming (nawdrum) of a face," "cause
    someone's face to beam" (p. nummura), "seek/behold someone's face" (p. amdru),
    "exercise oversight" (p. wabdlum; cf. nS' pdnim), "direct one's face" (p. nadnne,
    "lower one's face" (p. quddudu), "turn one's face toward/away from" (p. sufifiuru).
    Each of these expressions can have a variety of meanings. As semiprepositions we find
    such expressions as ana piin-, "to, for, opposite," and ina pdn-, "in view of, in the pres-
    ence of, before."
    In the OT only two proper names incorporating pdntm occur: the pN pcnfi'€l (l Ch.
    4:4: 8:25 Q) and the toponym pcnfi/t'€l (Gen. 32:31-32t30-3ll).

    II. Distribution. The table on p.592 (based on Lisowsky) displays the distribution
    of pdntm separately and with its associated prepositions (including lipna in 1 K.6:17;
    excluding millipn? in I K. 6:29 and pny IQ ptl in hov. 15: l4).rr The toral in each OT
    book also includes the occurrences that will be cited below of pdn?m with other prepG.
    sitions. Under ?1 we count both the sign of the accusative and the preposition without
    distinction. Under b/ we also include the combination with kal (al-kol-pcne.
    In addition to the prepositional phrases counted in the table, we find lcpanim (used
    adverbially in the sense of "earlier"; including millcpdnim in Isa. 4l:26) (2ztimes),'et-
    mAl (8), mimmfrl (2), me'et(6), ('el-)nakah (6), negeQ (4), minnege! (t), md'im (2),.a1-
    lipnA Q), and lappdnim (l).
    Formally speaking, the prepositions (except for bl can be divided into two catego-
    ries: one of which expresses turning towaxd the object of the preposition, the other of
    which expresses turning away from the object. The first category comprises 1", 'el, Eg
    'al, 'el-mAl ndbab, and nege!; the second comprises min and its compounds. Substan-
    tively, it is interesting to note that the use of pdn?m tends to echo the content of the
    book in question: Genesis emphasizes 'al (p.nA-hd'dres, hi'ay'iintfi), the .tultic', books
    (Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy) lipnA (Yahweh, cultic objects), Esther
    fipnA ftammeleft), Ezek;:iel, Psalms, and Job pdnim without any preposition.

    IrI. Nominal usage. The. word pdnirn appears as a noun some 400 times in the or
    (402 according to Reindl);12 in most cases it is related to another substantive or a
    proper name, whether as part of a construct phrase, by means of a possessive suffrx, or,
    in a few instances, through the immediate context. A tenth of its occurrences are asso-
    ciated with objects, more than half with anthropoid beings (including animals and hy-
    brids such as cherubim and seraphim). Somewhat more than one-quarter of the texts
    refer to Yahweh. It appears semantically inappropriate to postulate for pdnima "literal"
    or original meaning in one or another of these groups.

    I l. See, respectively, M. Noth, BK, IJ&l, 100, 102; O. Pl6ger, Spriiche Salomos. BK XVII
    (t984),177.
    12. P. 8.
    I
    d'll pdn?m

    Total 'el bc 'E! lf nillf min 'al me'al None


    Gen l4l I 856 5 l5 28 520
    Ex 128 2 562 3 t7 9 t2l
    Lev lO7 4 576 4 5 5 6
    Nu ll9 2 l-83 3 l0 l3 4
    Dt 132
    Josh 9l
    Jgs 46
    3
    I
    I
    5367
    3-51
    22
    5
    a
    26
    4.,
    l5
    9
    9
    2
    l1 2
    ls 98 562 1 t2 8 , 4
    25 73 I 641 I 8 8 7
    lK 100 l0 56 3 9 l5 3 4
    2K 73 432 2 t4 7 6 7
    Isa 89 127 229 4 I 23
    Jer 128 244 445 9 6 l6
    Ezk 155
    XII 72 I 4437
    2427
    2 5 t7 64

    j
    3 l5 8 3 9
    Ps 133 549 2l 3 48
    Job 7O 2 ll16 ll ll 24
    Prov 42
    Ruth 2
    ll22
    l I
    I
    l5

    Cant 2
    Eccl 2l
    Lam ll
    I
    l0
    3
    ; I I I
    4
    3
    Est 37 130 4 : 2
    Dnl 33 315 I 1 l0
    Ezr l0 7 I 2
    Neh 3l I 23 I ; 2
    lch 63 40 4 l0 , 5
    2Ch l19 I 471 9 l0 8 tt4
    or 2,126 37 17 72 1,030 73 307 182 28 327

    l. Objects. [n conjunction with objects, pdntm/p"nA denotes the part or side facing
    the observer: the facade of the temple (Ezk. 4l:14,21;46:1) or of a gateway (Ezk.
    4O:6,15,20), the face of the moon (Job 26:9), the front of a garment (Job 4l:5[13]), a
    battlefront (2 S. l0:9; 1l:15; I Ctr. 19:10), the crux of a situation (2 S. 14:20). In Eccl.
    l1l.lo pdntm denotes the cutting edge of a weapon.l3

    2. Cosmic Entities. We fiid pdnim/p'nd in combination with various terms denoting


    elements of the geographical domain. The phrase p"n€ hd4Sdmk (Gen. 2:6; 8:13; Ps.

    13. A. Lauha, Kohelet. BKXIX (1978), 186.


    d'Jl pdntm

    104:30; Prov. 24:.31 pdnayw) refers to the surface of the earth or of the land, which
    -
    can be watered or dried, made habitable or fertile. The expressions p"nA 'ereg/hi'dreg
    (Gen. 19:28; 4l:56; Ezk. 34:6), p'nA p!€l (Isa. 14:21; 27:6), and p"nA + city names
    (Gen. 19:28) do not add any nuances to the nouns they appear with. In lob 38:30 pcnA
    lchdm is the "surface of the abyss," which can become hard like stone. [n Cant. 7:5(4)
    pcnA dammaieq indicates direction. The expressionp'n0-X, referring to elements of the
    cosmos, can be the object of a verb: renewing (l.tdl piel, Ps. 104:30) or laying waste
    (wh piel,Isa. 24:l) the face of the earth.

    3.Animals.Inconjunctionwithanimals (lion:'ary€h, Ezk. l:10; l0:14;1Ch. l2:9;


    k"ptrEzk.4l:19;eagle:Ezk.l:10; 10:14; ox: Ezk. l:10; flocks [of sheep]: Gen. 30:40)
    and cherubim (8x.25:20;37:9;Ezk. lO:14,21), p'n? refers to the front of the head. In
    Ptov. 27:23 p'nA ;dhef;n denotes the appearance or condition of the flock.

    4. Humans. a. Anatomical Meaning. [n conjunction with proper names or other sub-


    stantives denoting persons, priztm/p"nA often refers to the face in the anatomical sense:
    the face of Jacob (Gen. 50: l), Moses (Ex.34:25 [twice]), a young man (2 K. 4:29,31),
    a number of individuals (Isa. 13:8; Nah. 2:ll), a human figure (Ezk. l:10; 10:14;
    4l:19), Daniel (Dnl. 9:3; l0:15), Haman (Est. 7:8), someone dead (Job l4:20).In Gen.
    3l:2,5, pdntm refers to Laban's facial expression. In Ezk.2l:3(2O:47), without further
    specification, l<ol-pdnim refers to the face of hypothetical witnesses of a blazing fire
    that shall be scorched.
    In its literal sense the human face is the object of the verbs "wash" (Gen. 43:31),
    "look on" (nb1 hiphil, Ps. 84:10[9]), 'tause to shine" (p}/ hiphil, Ps. 104:15), "change"
    (fnh piel, Job 14:20). Spitting in someone's face (yrq bcpAn?m) is a sign of disrespect
    (Nu. 12:14; Dt. 25:9). One wraps (lwfl one's face in one's mantle as a token of fear
    (1 K. 19:13) or sharne (2 S. l9:5 lhere la'ayl), a sign of condemnation to death ([pft,
    Est. 7:8), or in order to avoid recognition (&si, Gen. 38: 15; $m s€ler Job 24: l5). Mo-
    ses covers his face with a veil (wayyittEn bl-pdndyw tnasweh, Ex. 34:33; cf. vv. 34-35)
    not as a person involved in the offrcial cult but as a private individual, insofar as he is
    not involved in proclaiming the word of Yahweh. The shining (+ llP qrn) of his face
    in the presence of the Israelites is the justification of his authority.tn
    b. Expressing Emotion. As the subject of certain verbs, pdntm in its literal sense is
    used in idioms that express emotions reflected in the face or in gesturcs involving the
    face. After Eli's words of comfort, "Hannah's face was no longer the same" (1 S. l:18).
    Worr), (ra', Gen. 40:7; Neh. 2:2) may make a face downcast; lack of proper nourish-
    ment (zd'aptm, Dnl. 1:10) can mar it. It can be angered by a backbiting tongue (Prov.
    25:23), reddened by tears (Job 16:16), made pale (bwrlsa.29:22rs) by affliction, made
    "green" by terror (Jer. 30:6), or convulsed (r'm, Ezk. 27:35) by an appalling sight.
    Faces "gleaming" with terror (qDs pd'rdr; NRSV '?ale"llo is among the traditional

    14. Haran, 163.


    15. H. Wildberger, Jesaja 2S-39. BK )V3 (1982), I135.
    16. H. W. 'l,lolff, loel and Amos. Herm (F.nB. trans. 1977), /16.
    otl? Nntn

    motifs characterizing the day of Yahweh (Joel 2:6; Nah. 2: I I t 101). Cain's anger shows
    in his face, which is downcast (npl, Gen.4:5,6;cf.v.1: S?'d1and nS'pdntm; see IV.5 be-
    low); this gesture breaks the bond established by the eyes. To throw oneselfon the face
    (npl 'aU'el- pcnA, Gen.50:1) of someone who has just died is a mark of grief. By con-
    trast, falling on one's face before (a manifestation of) the deity is an expression of fear
    and awe (bl Gen. l7:3,17;l*v.9:24; Nu. 17:10[6:451;20:6; Jgs. 13:20; I K. 18:39;
    Ezk. l:28;3:23;9:8; 'eI, Josh. 5: 14; Ezk. 43:3;44:4).It is also a mark of respect for the
    king (2 S. 9:6). It can denote anger or shame (Nu. l4:5; 16:4) as well as humble en-
    treaty (Nu. 16:22; Josh. 7:6,101. Ezk. ll:13). By falling on his face, Dagon acknowl-
    edges the sovereignty of Yahweh ( I S. 5:3,4, reading with the LXX 'al-pdmiyw instead
    of lcpAnAyw). The summons to entneat Yahweh fip'nAhem bl-yeftpArfr (Ps. 3a:6[5])
    coupled with the injunction to look on him in radiant joy suggests that shame, ex-
    pressed by bpr (often par. Dw.i), is reflected visibly in facial contortions.
    c. Figurative Usage. As the object of certain verbs, pdn?m retains something of its
    literal meaning while also taking on a metaphorical and general sense; such expres-
    sions refer to acts related to the expression or appearance of the face and the emotions
    experienced by the possessor of thepdinim, who is often the subject of the verb. The ex-
    pressions .iyt (Nu. 24:l) and kwn hiphil (Ezk.4:3,7) pdntm mean "turn one's face to-
    ward." A fixed gagp ('md hiphil, 2 K. 8:11) bespeaks sadness; a stony face ('a hiphil,
    Prov. 7:13; 2l:29, b"pdndyw), impudence. The face is lifted (rwm hiphil, Ezr. 9:6) in
    prayer. Figuratively, Yahweh causes his face to fall (npl hiphil b", ler. 3:12) in anger on
    someone or shows (r? hiphil, Jer. l8:17) someone his back rather than his face in pun-
    ishment. A face may be covered with shame (Dw,lhiphil, 2 S. 19:6[5]) or be full of dis-
    grace (ml' piel, Ps. 83:17[6]). Joy makes a countenance cheerful (.rwD hiphil, Prov.
    15:13). "Putting off a sad countenance" ('zb pdnim, Job 9:1717) drives away care.
    d. Synecdoche. In several fixed constructions (e.g., with the verbs bq.f, Mr hlh, ksh,
    n(', r'h, and .lwb,' see [V below) as well as elsewhere, pcnA denotes the actual person
    identified by the nonwn nectum: Isaac (Gen. 27:30, although mE'E! p'ni appears to be
    simply prepositional), Joseph (44:26), the poor (Lev. 19:15; Isa. 3:15), the aged (Lev.
    19:32; Lam.5:12), one's neighbor (Prov. 27:17), servants (2 S. 19:6), the eminent
    (Prov. 19:6), sages (Prov. 17:24), priess (Lam. 4:16), authorities (2 K. 18:24; Job
    34:19), the kng (l5.22:4;25.14:24fttdnay1,28,32;2K.3:14;25:19), Solomon (l K.
    10:24; 12:6), the anointed (Ps. 84:10[9]; 132:10), Pharaoh (Ex. l0:11), Job (Job 42:9),
    the wicked (Ps. 82:2). In the majority of these texts the translation "face" or "counte-
    nance" is unwarranted. Especially expressive is 2 S. 17:l l,wherepdnayld ("you your-
    self') is the subject of the verb ft//c.
    The expression n/cr (hiphil) pdnim indicated partisanship or favor in the forensic do-
    main (Dt. l:17; 16:19; Prov. 24:23; 28:21); kpr (piel) p"nA-X means "placate with
    gifts" (Gen. 32:21[2Ol); ll.tn p'nA-X (Isaj 3: 15) means "exploit" (the poor); qdm (piel)
    p"nA-X (Ps. 17:13; 89:15[4];95:2) means "come before, come into the presence of';
    lhr (pie\ pAnim (Prov.7: 15) means "seek"; Jrr (piel) '€1 pcnA-X @st. l: l0) means "at-

    17. M. Dahood, IBL 78 (1959) 303-9.


    DrJl pdnim

    tend." In Job 40:13 Yahweh challenges Job to bind the wicked in the netherworld (hbt
    pcnAhem). Prov.27:17 declares that one individual "sharpens" another's wits (knowl-
    edge? conduct?) ( ltdd pcnA-re'ehfr).
    When the text has to do with someone in authority, r'h ('e1-) pcnA-X (see IV.9 below)
    emphasizes the importance of having occasional or regular access to such a person
    (Gen. 32:21[20]; 33:10; 43:3,5; 44:23,26; Ex. 10:28; 2 S. 3:13; 14:24,28,32;2 K.
    25:19).In the majority of texts cited in this section, pdntm represents the presence of
    the object as the terminus and goal of the verb, the subject of which is not the person
    whose pdntm is involved. [n the expressions qw1 (niphal) bipnAhem (Ezk. 6:9, "be
    loathsome in one's own sight"; cf.2O:43;36:31) and'nh bcpAnAyw (Hos. 5:5; 7:10,
    "testify against oneself[?]"), pdntm denotes the prepositional object of the verb, which
    is effectively identical with the subject.

    5. Yahweh. The nounpdnim is of particular importance in conjunction with Yahweh


    as the subject of statements in Ex. 33, which belongs to the rhetorical unit Ex.32-34
    and concentrates on the various modes of Yahweh's presence. It is not impossible to
    distinguish a variety oftextual strata, but this approach does not dojustice to the unity
    of the theological problem deah with by the text as it stands. Following the destruction
    of the golden calf and the exemplary punishment of the people, Yahweh promises to
    send "his messenger" in front of Moses (mal'dki yeleS lcpAneyftn, 32:34; cf.33:2).
    Yahweh has determined not to forsake his people entirely; but the presence of his
    mal'dS instead of his presence b"qirb"f;i (33:3,5) is viewed as a less than perfect aid,
    albeit not as fraught with peril (ct.32:34).In the tent of meeting Moses uses his chance
    to talk with Yahweh pdntm'el-pdntm (33:11; see IV.l below) to ask once more whom
    Yahweh will send (v. l2). The response, pdnay yelebfr (v. 14), is deliberately vague.
    Moses demands a more precise answer in two mutually supplementary statements:'im-
    'An pdney[rt hdP$im, "if you do not go with the people," we shall not go (v. l5), and
    only b"leftt"f;n'immini wil it be known that Yahweh helps his people (v. 16). On the
    evidence of Akk. dlik pdnt, Speiser argues that the primary meaning of the expression
    is"gobefore,""actasleader,"ameaningthatwouldalsomakesensein2S. I7:1l.ts
    In Ex. 33:14,15, pdnim serves to express in some undefined sense the personal pres-
    ence of Yahweh, whether it substitutes for the personal pronoun "you"le or is meant to
    be understood as a reference to Yahweh's cultic presence. 8x.33:18-23 states more
    precisely the sole form of Yahweh's presence to which every person (cf. v. 20, 'addm)
    has access. Moses'request to be allowed to see God's glory (v. l8) receives a threefold
    answer (v. l9): Yahweh will make lcol-tfrb? pass before Moses (?r hiphil anticipates
    ba-!6r k'b64i and'a/:obfi in v.22).In v. 19 wcqdrdli lcidm yhwh (MT preserves
    yhwh as subj.) would mean that Yahweh proclaims his own name as the basis for Mo-
    ses' invocation in 34:5 (where it is unlikely that the subj. is Yahweh). Yahweh an-

    18. E. A. Speiser, "The Biblical ldiom Pdnim HoPktmi Seventy-fifth Anniversary Volume of
    IQR (1967), 515-17. See III.4.d above.
    19. See III.4.d above.
    Dt)l panim

    nounces his decision to be gracious and merciful to whomever he will in his freedom.
    The gifts bestowed by Yahweh, the invocation of his name (the possibility of knowing
    his attributes as described in34:6-7), and his free decision to bestow them go hand in
    hand with seeing only his back ('ohdrtm) and stand in contrast to seeing his face (w.
    20,23), which no mortal is allowed to do.
    lnDt.4:37 the liberating act of Yahweh bcpdndyw b"kdbd reflects the "trials, signs
    and wonders, war, mighty hand, and outstretched arm" of v. 34 (likewise inroduced by
    b1 and supplements Yahweh's appearance in the voice speaking "out of the fire" (vv.
    33,36). The expression bfudndyw does not denote a mode of manifestation distinct
    from blAd and bizrba'. While the latter expressions stress the power and might of the
    one who appears, b'pdndyw stresses the personal aspect of the divine act and implies
    that the only mode in which Yahweh manifests himself is his intervention in history.
    The context of [sa. 63:9 is an historical retrospect within the communal lament 63:7-
    64:ll;here panayw hdlt'am (it was Yahweh himself who saved them) establishes a con-
    trast between messengers (reading with LXX.Jir instead of sdt Atnal'dk) with their nor-
    mal modality of action (alliances; cf. Isa. l8:2; Prov. 13:17) and Yahweh, who saves
    through (b')his love and pity. In Lam.4:16, also, the words pcnA yhwh assign to Yahweh
    ultimate responsibility for the punishment inflicted on the inhabitants of Jerusalem.2o

    6. Construct pdnim. When pdnim appears as nomen rectum in a construct phrase,


    theemphasisof theexpressionis onthenomenregens; thewordpc-ntmoftenlosesall
    overtones of the meaning "face." The expressions maSi6' pdntm (2 Ch. l9:7) and
    hakkiral piinim (Isa. 3:9) (cf. nkr pdntm and n(' pdntm) mean "respect for persons, par-
    tiality." ln yclfr'61 pdndyw (Ps. 42:6,1215,lll; 43:5), pdndyw functions as a possessive
    pronoun ("my salvation"). The countenance is the locus of expression for psychologi-
    cal states such as shame (zt4:16[5], "shame covered my face"). [n the expression bdlel
    pdn?ru however, pdnfra emphasizes the possessive: "our/his/her own shame" (Jer. 7: 19
    with possessive suf.; Dnl. 9:7,8; Ezr.9;7;2 Ch. 32:21); here "shame" is an authentic
    rccognition of guilt, of responsibility and failure.
    The enemy who has no mercy (Dt. 28:50) and the king who destroys the nation of
    the righteous (Dnl. 8:23) are 'az-pdn?m. "Hardness of countenance" ('dz pdntm) is a
    negative trait that wisdom can alter by making the face shine (Eccl. 8:1). The hardness
    of Ezekiel's face(ndlatti'e!-pAneykA l.t"zdqtm, Ezk. 3:8), however, is a gift bestowed by
    Yahweh to enable him to withstand an impudent (qcft pdnim) and stubborn people
    (2:4). The phrase roa'pdntm (Eccl. 7:3) describes a sad expression from which a wise
    heart can benefit.
    The light of a face appears in two passages with a human person as subject. The
    spontaneous association of light and life (Ps. 36: l0[9]; 56:14) allows Prov. 16: 15 to say
    that the light of a king's countenance, like a cloud, promises rain (cf. also the same as-
    sociation inlob29:23,24), a source oflife for his subjects. A king's gesture ofpleasure
    or displeasure promises favor or punishment. Some psalms use the phrase '6r pdn?m

    20. H.-J. Kraw, Threni. BK XX (3 1968), 7 1, 79-80.


    fJ'|JQ pantm

    with reference to Yahweh. In Ps. 4:7b(6b) the petition "let the light of your counte-
    nance shine ['lift up,' reading n.f'for zsh] upon us," i.e., "turn your shining face toward
    us," is a reaction to the lament in v. 7a(6a).
    There are military overtones to'6r pAneykn in Ps. 44:4(3) (". . . gave them victory"),
    in parallel with "arm" and "right hand." In Ps. 89: 16(15) Yahweh's protective presence
    is expressed by the parallel expressions "walk in the light of your countenance" and
    tcrA'd ("festal shout"), the people's acclamation of God's victory. In Ps. 90:8 the light
    (m"'6r) of Yahweh's countenance illuminates the human heart so that it can recognize
    its sins.
    The expression lefuem (hap)pdntm (Ex. 25:30; 35:131'39:36; I S. 21:7[6]; I K. 7:48;
    2 Ch. 4:19; cf. Nu. 4:7, lulhan happdnim) denotes the loaves offered to Yahweh by Is-
    rael in recognition of the fact that he is the giver of life. Yahweh's acceptance of these
    offerings then establishes enduring table fellowship between Yahweh and the people.2l

    IV. Idioms and Collocations.


    l.pdntm b'fel-pdn?m. The explanation of the name Peniel in Gen. 32:31(30)
    "for I have seen Elohimpdnim'el-pdntm" may have displaced a different name and -
    -
    a different explanation in the pre-Israelite narrative;22 in the present story of Jacob and
    Esau, however, it is an organic element, anticipated by the thrice-repeated pdntm in
    32:21(20) (kpr pdnim, r'h pdn?m, ni'pdntm) and taken up again in 33:10 ("I come into
    your presence as into the presence of an Elohim"; see IV.9 below). In this language we
    hear echoes of the uncertainty, fear, and hope that accompanied Jacob's encounters
    with the numinous at Bethel and the Jabbok. The concluding observation wattinndgEl
    napli (32:31130]) underlines God's presence as the agent of Jacob's deliverance more
    than Jacob's amazement at having survived the encounter. This perception is empha-
    sized in the whole account of Jacob's encounter with Esau (Gen. 33; see v. 4).
    Gideon's terrified exclamation (lgs. 6:22) establishes a distinction between the
    mafdft, seen pdnim 'el-pdn?m, and 'aQdndy yhwh. T\e comforting answer "Do not fear,
    you shall not die" (v.23) confirms that it is the mal'dk, not Yahweh himself, whom
    Gideon has seen in his vision.
    When the text involves not "seeing" but "speaking," "conversing;' or "coming into
    court with," pdntm bcfel-pdntm expresses the intimate association that exists between
    participants in an event that always involves Yahweh as subject. In Ex. 33: I I it is Mo-
    ses who enjoys this familiarity. [t distinguishes Moses from all the other prophets (cf.
    Nu. 12:6-8) and is the essence of his final accolade in Dt. 34:10.
    In Dt. 5:4 this expression underlines the identification of Moses' audience with
    the generation at Horeb ("Yahweh spoke with you personally fttdntm bcpdnim) . . !');
    this statement stands in tension with v. 5, which presumes Moses' mediation. Yv.24-
    26 revert to this tension and attempt to resolve it. The promises in Ezk. 20:40-M are
    conditioned by an inescapable judgment pantm'el-pdntm (v. 35), the consequence of

    21. +Yll, 527.


    22. C. Westermann, Genesis l2-j6 (Eng. trans. 1985), 519.
    dtJl pdnim

    which will be the cleansing of the people to rid them of the rebels dwelling in their
    midst.

    2. bqi pdntm. The expression biqq€l ('e!-) pdnim means to seek out a person with
    authority (1 K. 10:24 par. 2 Ch. 9:23, Solomon; Prov. 29:26, a ruler) to learn their wis-
    dom or to request their favor This meaning appears also in the expression biqqEi p'nA
    yhwh. Yahweh promises to hear his people, to forgive them and to heal them, if they
    humble themselves, pray, "seek my face," and turn from their wicked ways (2 Ch.
    7:14). Here biqq€l pdntm does not exclude the possibility of a cultic ceremony, but it
    does not per se designate such a ceremony.23 The association with "this place" (v. 15)
    is explained by the transfer to the temple of Solomon's vision at Gibeon.
    ln Hos. 5:15, too, frliqffi pAnAy does not refer to a cultic act (although v. 6 alludes to
    such a ceremony) but rather to the attitude Yahweh expects of his people. When this at-
    titude is not present, Yahweh retreats to his "place" like a lion to its den. Successful
    seeking of Yahweh presupposes conversion (bqi par. lwb in Hos. 3:5; 7:10) and is in-
    spired by distress (5:15; cf. Ps. 78:34, where the verbs .lwb, drl, and.iftr piel express
    the same idea). Those who seek the face of (the God o0 Jacob (bq.fptcp. + paneyki,Ps.
    24:6) constitute a specific category of persons (d6r): they have clean hands and pure
    hearts (v. 4) and inquire into (drt) the will of Yahweh. Here Dq.land drJdo not function
    as "technical terms for a pilgrimage to the sanctuary";24 they summarize the condition
    of inward composure required of the faithful who would enter the temple. They relate
    to an element that precedes the pilgrimage. "Seek the face of Yahweh" is therefore a
    commandment that obtains always and everywhere.
    The words Qaqqclfi pdndyw tdmi! par. dirlfr yhwh (Ps. 105:4) point to a fundamen-
    tal attitude embracing all aspects of the relationship between human beings and God:
    to know God (as expressed by the verbs "meditate on, seek, remember") and to wor-
    ship God ("give thanks, call on God's name, make God known, sing, sing praises, glo-
    rify," vv. l-5). It is easy to understand why this was the psalm chosen for the celebra-
    tionof theentranceof thearkintothetentof meeting(l Ch. l6:8-22;cf.v. 11).Butto
    seek God does not necessarily mean to find God. In response to the command baqq"lfr
    pdndy (Ps. 27:8a; text?), the psalmist's statement of intent ('eypAneyftA'aQaqqdl, v.8b)
    does not preclude uncertainty as to meeting Gd('al-tast€r pdneykn, v. 9), fearof being
    "given up" to adversaries (v. l2), and doubt (rrre', v. 13) as to the chance to see God's
    goodness. The psalmist's naive sense of security (vv. l-6) engendered by having found
    refuge in the temple (v. 4) is followed in vv. 7-14 by a realism fraught with fear.
    In 2 S. 2t:l it is most unlikely thatbiqq€i 'e1-pcn0-yhwh refers to making inquiry of
    Yahweh through a personal oracle.25 The standard use of .17 for consulting an oracle26
    and the meaning of bqi in l-2 Samuel2T suggest that the text describes an urgent peti-

    23. Contra Reindl, lU-74.


    24. Kraus, BK, XY lls, 346.
    25. Contra A. S. van der Woude, TLOT, ll, lOlO.
    26. +ll,238.
    27. Garcia de la Fuente, 529.
    A'1? pdnim

    tion by David on behalf of the people, to which Yahweh responds by stating the reason
    for their punishment (cf. the similar meaning of biqqEi'eyhnTldhtm in 2 S. l2:l6,Da-
    vid's prayer for fb"'ad) his son, and Ex. 33:7).zt It is clear, furthermore, that in relation-
    ships between human beings and Yahweh, no distinction can be drawn between asking
    the reason for a punishment we are not dealing with a theoretical question on the
    part of an observer -
    and praying that it be mitigated or revoked.
    -
    3. h€ir pdntm. The expression h€'ir pdnim, "make one's face shine," appears 8
    times with Yahweh as subject and addressee of a volitive form. Nu. 6:25 and Ps.
    67:.2(l) use the jussive; they are prayers, respectively, for Yahweh's all-embracing
    blessing on an individual and the fertility of the land. The other 6 texts use the impera-
    tive. Ps. 31:17(16) is a confident petition spoken by an unjustly persecuted psalmist;
    hnird pdneyln bI appears in immediate conjunction with deliverance and salvation
    (n;t par. yi). "Let your face shine, that we may be saved" (Ps. 80:4,8,20[3,7,19]) is a
    nepeated refrain that divides the psalm into three sections, increasing in dramatic inten-
    sity; it comprehends all the psalmist's petitions: show yourself, come to our aid, restore
    us, return to us, look on us, avenge us, protect us, champion us. In Ps. ll9:135 hd'dr
    pdnim bc r*,ognizes the inability of humans to fulfill the commandments if Yahweh
    does not personally create the necessary conditions for their fulfillment (vv. I 33- I 34).
    In Dnl. 9 Daniel turns his face to Yahweh to pray (v. 3); he acknowledges the "shame of
    his own face and the face of the people" (w. 7-8), confesses that they have not en-
    treated the favor (l.tilld pdnta v. 13) of Yahweh, and prays that Yahweh will hd'dr
    pAneykA upon the sanctuary (v. 17). The allusions to the destruction of Jerusalem and
    the sanctuary indicate that Daniel is not praying for a mystical or cultic revelation of
    Yahweh but for the chance to rebuild life in the land. The light of Yahweh's face is the
    all-encompassing sign of God's favor. The "shining" face of the one who receives wis-
    dom (Eccl. 8:l) is a reflection of this gracious presence of God in the human world (cf.
    F'x.34:29-30).

    4. hlh pdntm. The expression hilld ('e!-) pdnim occurs 16 times in the OT, plus twice
    in Sir. 33(30):20d,22a (ms. E). Three times it refers to a human face, 13 times to the
    face of God Qt"nA yhwh 11 times, pcna 'd once [Mal. 1:9], direct address to Yahweh
    once [Ps. 119:58]). The uncertain etymology of + i'l)n lnh prohibits any certain con-
    clusions concerning the meaning of the expression. Because the semantic shift from
    "weak, sick" to "make soft, mild" is problematic, as is the treatment of Yahweh as the
    passive subject of an action that involves a certain degree of constraint (as evidenced
    by use of the piel), Seybold associates ltlh here with ltlh II, "be sweet, pleasant," at-
    tested in Hebrew in the nominal forms lrahyA and bely6.zs
    ln secular usage Ps. 45:13(12) expresses the wish that the king's bride may receive
    the homage of the nations; Job ll:19 expresses the assurance that many will entreat

    28. M. Giirg, Tzlt der Begegnung. BBB 27 (1967), 158.


    29. Seybold, "Revercnz," 4, 14.
    D'll pan?m

    Job's favor. Prov. 19:6 observes the human propensity for ingratiating conduct: people
    selfishly seek the favor of one who possesses wealth or power @adifl.
    The expression hill6 p"nA yhwh is used in situations where someone seeks favor
    with God to prevent the imposition of a punishment already determined (Ex. 32: I I ; Jer.
    26:19; cf. Yahweh's response in each cxe: wayyinndltem yhwh 'aWel-hird'A, "and
    Yahweh changed his mind about the disaster" lEx.32:14; Jer. 26:l9l), to find help in
    danger (l S. 13:1), or to avert the consequences of a punishment (l K. 13:6; 2K.13:4;
    2 Ch.33:12).
    The subject of ltilli pdntm is a person of some note: a charismatic leader (Moses,
    Samuel), a king (Hezekiah, Jehoahaz, Manasseh), or an anonymous "man of God." In
    later texts, however, the subject of hilld may be a group: emissaries from Bethel seek-
    ing guidance concerning observance of a festival (7**.7:2), non-lsraelites who join
    with Israel Phall6t'e1-p'nA yhwh (Zcc.8:21,22, par. to biqq€{ yhwh, apparently mean-
    ing nothing more than "visit the temple"), priests admonished by Yahweh to fulfill
    their cultic duties punctiliously (Mal. 1:9).
    The expression l.tilh p"nA yhwVel appea$ frequently in cultic contexts, but should
    not be equated with Moses' intercession on behalf of the people with the prayer of the
    man of God for Jeroboam (bal-nd' . . . w'hilpallel, I K.13:6), Saul's burnt offering
    ( I S. 13: 12), the correct sacrifices required of the priests (Mal. I :9), or the penitential
    rites observed by Manasseh (2 Ch. 33:l2,l3,wayyikkina' . . . wayyigall€l).Ier.26:19;
    Z,ec.7:2;8:21,22 provide no details about what ltiilA panim involved. Section b€lof Ps.
    1 19 suggests interpreting l.tilltlt paneylA (v. 58) as assurance of enjoying Yahweh's fa-

    vor by virtue of having observed his laws. Dnl. 9:13 sets ltilld pdntm in parallel with
    turning away from iniquities and obeying the voice of Yahweh. Only the sequence of
    verbs in 2 K. l3:4 (way"ltal [Jehoahaz] . . . wayyilma' [Yahweh]) points to a concrete
    act of prayer. In the remaining texts ltiil,A p"nA yhwhf€l expresses the purpose of the pe-
    tition or the cultic act, namely gaining Yahweh's favor.

    5. nS'/hdr pdntm.l\e expression niSd' pdntm (usually without 'eL except in Job 42:9)
    has a purely physical sense in 2 K. 9:32 (Jehu raises his face to look up); there are emotional
    oveftones in 2 S. 2:22 (rarsing one's face to look someone in the eye). Job will lift up his
    face in prayer (Job 22:26).In Mal. l:9 and Job ll:15, nnld' pdnim min- means "tum one's
    face away" (in the latter passage mdm marrs "what is worthless"; cf. Dt. 32:5).
    Elsewhere ndid'pdntm has a figurative meaning. Positively, it means "show consid-
    eration for" (as in the petitionyiSsd'yhwh pdndyw'eleyka [Nu. 6:26]), concretely "for-
    give" (Gen. 32:2lL2Ol) or accept (a petition [Gen. 19:21; 1 S. 25:35] or a gift [Mal.
    1:8]). In contrast, the enemy has no respect for the old (Dt. 28:50) or the priests (Lam.
    4:16). In these texts (with the exception of Nu. 6:26), pdnim denotes the person receiv-
    ing the favor; the subject of n.f is the one who bestows the favor. There appears to be
    no difference between ndfd' pdnim lc and ndid' pcnA X; Grube's translation of the for-
    mer as "smile",is based on insufficient evidence.3o

    30. Grube,253-54.
    DllJ piintm

    The recipient of the favor need not be the same person as the subject of pdntm.
    Yahweh shows Job his favor by forgiving Job's "friends" (Job 42:9,9);Elisha shows fa-
    vor to the kng of Judah by his regard for the king of Israel (2 K. 3: l4).
    Negatively, nifid'pdntm means "show partiality," especially in legal contexts (Lev.
    19: 15; Ps. 82:2;Prov. 18:5). Yahweh is the model of impartial justice, showing favor to
    none and refusing to be bribed (Dt. 10:17; Job 34:19), a model that the priests casti-
    gated in Mal.2:9 do not emulate in teaching the Torah. Job charges his enemies with
    having unjustly shown partidity toward yahweh in arguing Job's case (Job l3:g); he is
    confident, however, that Yahweh will punish them for secretly having shown partiality
    (v. l0). Elihu asserts that he will not show partiality in the discussion (32:21).
    The use of nS'pcnA kol'knperinProv. 6:35 is exceptional in that the nomen rectumis
    an object rather than a person. The reading ns' pdneyld l"kdper syntactically identical
    with Gen. 19:21, is more probable. The deceived husband witt not show friendship to
    the seducer, not even for a bribe. This reading agrees with the 2nd-person admonition
    in v. 35b. Dahood reads pny, with ay6/ of the 3rd person sg., and translates: ..No gift of
    any kind will appease him."3l on the same grounds he translates Job 4l:2(10;: ;.who
    can stand before it?"32
    The meanings of the verbal expressionnf'pdntm are reflected in the nominal phrase
    ncitt' pdnim. Positively, it describes the quality of a person whose accomplishments
    have gained the king's favor (Naaman,2K.5: l). A neutral sense ("dignitary") appears
    in Isa. 3:3. [n two texts the parallelism with "the prophet who teaches lies,' (Isa. 9:14
    [l5]) and "the violent" (Job 22:8) suggests a pejorative sense for n.ifi' pdnim: an indi-
    vidual who has gained special status by crooked dealing.
    The expression hdr pdntm33 has a positive meaning in Lev. 19:32 and Lam. 5:12
    (niphal) ("respect the countenance of an elder"); used in parallel with nd' pdn?m(..show
    improper partiality"), it has a negative sense (ld'lehdar pcn| gag6l, "youshall not de-
    fer to the great," Lev. 19:15).

    6. ntn/sym pdntm. The expression ntn ('e!-) pdndy b'x, "set one's face against X,"
    appears as a fixed idiom with Yahweh as subject. The expression has its locus between
    the formula ii ii
    mibbcnA/mibbAl yiird'dl '"Je4 which introduces a case, and the sen-
    tence, which is pronounced by means of the extermination formula "I will cut that per-
    son off from the midst of their people." In the Holiness code ntn pdndy D, condemns
    the eating of blood (Lev. 17:10), child sacrifice (20:3), and the consultation of medi-
    ums and wizards (20:6).In Ezk. l4:8 it condemns consultation of a prophet by people
    who have committed the sin of idolatry. l*v.26:17 and Ezk. l4:g use the words in a
    more general sense to introduce a threatened punishment.
    when Yahweh is not the subject of ntn pdntm. the words express a physical move-
    ment ("turn one's face toward the ground," Dnl. 10:15) or a metaphorical movement

    31. M. Dahood, Bibl5l (1970) 399.


    32. Also NRSV; MT reads: "Who can stand before me?"
    33. + III, 340'-41.
    I
    dr)l odnim

    associated closely with the literal sense ("turn to the Lord," Dnl. 9:3). In 2 Ch. 2O,,3 ntn
    pdnim /' + infinitive construct expresses not physical movement (such as visiting the
    temple) but a decision to inquire of Yahweh (drt).ln Ezk. 3:8 the subject of nrn is not
    identical with the person whose face is mentioned: Yahweh makes the prophet's face
    hard against his enemies.
    The expression itm panim b'with Yahweh as subject parallels ntn pdnim b'with the
    same meaning in Lev. 2O:5 (cf . v. 3) and Ezk. l5l.7b. Jer. 2l:10 and 44:11 add the for-
    mala l'rd'd, while retaining "handing over" or "exterminating" as a punishment. The
    words .firn pdnim be mean that Yahweh has decided to punish ("I have turned my face
    against") as distinct from the concrete form of the punishment prescribed.
    When Yahweh is not the subject, Stm pdnim may be used either literally (putting
    one's face between one's knees, I K. 18:42) or figuratively (turning one's face [i.e., at-
    tentionl in a certain direction, deciding): Stm pdnim Ie + infinitive construct. For exam-
    ple, Hazael decides to go up against Jerusalem (2 K. 12: I 8[ l7]). Jer. 42:14-15 draws a
    clear distinction between the deceptive desire to go to Egypt, the decision to set out
    (S6m tclimfrn pcnAf;em, v. l5), and the actual arrival there; Jer. M:12 is similar. In Dnl.
    I 1: 17 the "king of the north" sets his mind to establish his reign over the whole king-
    dom; in I K.2:15 iim pdnim'aI expresses the supposed expectation of the people
    not their decision, for it was not in their power to decide
    -
    that Adonijah would ac-
    -
    cede to the throne. This expression may lie behind the elliptical forms deref; h€nnA
    penAhem, "the way thither is their goal" (Jer. 50:5), and pdndyw lammilltdmA, "his in-
    tention was to fight" (2 Ch.32:2).
    The use of itm pdntm with the accusative of direction in Gen. 3 I :21 (Jacob "turrs"
    toward the hill country of Gilead) and its (rccurrences in conjunction with verbs of mo-
    tion in Jer. 42:17 ; 44:12; 2 K. 12:18(17); and Dnl. I I : 17 (where lAb6' is part of a spe-
    cial syntagm, not a verb of motion) has led Brownlee to postulate for Sym/Swm paneyka
    'eU'al in Ezk. 6:2; 13:17; 2l:2(20:46) (derek),1(2): 25:2; 28:21; 29:2; 35:2;38:2 the
    character of a formula connected with travel. Brownlee maintains that Ezekiel actually
    journeyed with a group of refugees from Jerusalem through Israel, Transjordan, Phoe-
    nicia, and Egypt. The oracles against Magog bear witness to his presence in Babylon,
    to which they contain veiled allusions. This hypothesis rests on a lexicographically du-
    bious foundation; it assumes many textual emendations and transpositions as well as a
    hyper-realistic understanding of Ezekiel's ministry. The purpose of the expression is
    probably merely to single out the recipient of the message by means of a vivid, seem-
    ingly archaic formula, intended to recall the importance of visual contact between the
    prophet and the recipient of his message (cf. Nu. 22:41;23:13;24:2).
    In Isa. 50:7 we are not dealing with the fixed expression !?m pdnim; here Stm means
    "make into, alter."

    7. sbb/swr/iwb pdnim. The expression sbb (hiphil) pdntm occurs 9 times; it means
    "turn to" someone physically (Jgs. l8:23) with a positive gesture (e.g., of blessing, I K.
    8:14 = 2 Ch. 6:3) or contrariwise "turn one's face away from" (min) with a gesture of
    resentment (l K.2l:4), solrow or despair (2K.202 = Isa. 38:2), scorn (2 Ch. 29:6), or
    challenge (2 Ch. 35:22). Only in Ezk. 7:22 is Yahweh the subject of hds€b pdnim.
    dtJJ pdntm

    When he averts his face, it means that he has ceased to defend his people; he gives the
    enemy free rein to profane the sanctuary. A similar meaning attaches to hEstr pdntm in
    2 Ch. 30:9. Hezekiah expresses confidence that Yahweh will not turn his face away if
    lsrael returns to him. Here the hiphil of srrr appears to have replaced the more usual
    histtr on purely linguistic grounds.34 The text does not really allude to "removal of
    idols" and a resulting confrontation with Yahweh.3s
    The expression heit! pdntm occurs some l0 times in the OT. When the subject of
    the verb is identical with the possessor of the pdnim, it may have a positive literal
    meaning ("turn to," Dnl. 1l:18,19) or a negative figurative meaning ("turn away from
    [eviU," Ezk. 14:6). When this is not the case, h€it! pdnimhas a negative meaning, lit-
    eral ("repulsel' 2 K. 18:24 = Isa. 36:9) or figurative ("refuse, reject") denial of a
    specific request (l K. 2:16,17,20) or total rejection of an individual,-the king (Ps.
    132:10 = 2 Ch.6:42).The specific meaning is conveyed by the expression pdnay ("my
    face, my self') or p'nA-X ('the face of X").

    8. lcsly'str pdntm. The expression l<sh pdntm, "cover one's face," occurs some ll
    times.36 When the expression is used literally (piel), the face may be covered with a
    veil (Gen. 38:15; Ezk. 12:6), wings (Isa. 6:2), or fat (i.e., grow fat, Job 15:7). Alazy
    farmer's field is covered or overgrown (pual) with thorns (Prov. 24:31).In the figura-
    tive sense a face may be covered (piel) with dishonor (Jer.51:51), shame (Ps.
    44: 16[5]), confusion (Ps. 68:8[7]), or darkness (lob 23:17).ln lob 9:24 it is Yahweh
    himself who covers (enshrouds) the faces of the judges, so that they are blind to unrigh-
    teousness.
    The expression histtr ('e1-)pdntm (min-), "hide one's face," occurs 29 times in the
    OT and 4 times in deuterocanonical literature. The subject is always Yahweh, with
    three exceptions: Moses hides his face in the presence of God (Ex. 3:6), the servant
    does not hide his face from insult (Isa. 50:6), and the people hide their faces so as not to
    have to look at the servant (53:3). The gesture is a way of taking precautions against
    persons or objects perceived as dangerous or repulsive.
    Yahweh's hiding of his face (often with rnin + personal obj.) is not simply a punish-
    ment: it signifies a radical disruption of the relationship with God. The "house of Ja-
    cob," having scorned the signs given by Yahweh, must live out its history against the
    background of silence on the part of Yahweh, who is hiding his face (Isa. 8:17). The
    punishments named in Ezk. 39:23,24 are framed by a repeated statement that Yahweh
    hid his face from Israel, although this action is not identified as a punishment. This text
    and Isa. 59:2 are based on the sequence sin-hiding of Yahweh's face-punishment.
    When Yahweh hides his face, the sinner is lulled into a false sense of security, expect-
    ing to go unpunished (Ps. l0:11), the prophets are unable to instruct the people (Mic.
    3:4), the people themselves are unable to call on his name and are therefore surren-

    34. Balentine, 109.


    35. Reindl, 123.
    36. See also III.4.a above.
    I
    O'l? pantn

    dered to the power of their iniquities (Isa. 64:6). Yahweh's hiding of his face is his most
    extreme reaction, preceding the kindling of his anger and forsaking of Israel (Dt.
    3l : 17-18; cf. 32:20; Jer. 33:5).
    The relationship between God and human beings is imponderable (Job 34:29) and is
    not conditioned absolutely by human righteousness or sinfulness. The righteous psalm-
    ist is certain that Yatrweh does not hide his face from the poor (Ps. 22:25124)); for mys-
    terious reasons, however, the face of Yahweh is hidden from the psalmist. Other psalm-
    ists ask anxiously why they have been so incomprehensibly forsaken and how long this
    state will endure (13:2[1]; 44:251241; E8:15[14]); with the cry "Do not hide your face"
    (27:9;69:181171; lO2:3I21; 143:7) they give voice to their emotions: "hear me, answer
    me, do not forsake me, do not rcject me, do not forget me, be with me, save me, deliver
    me." The psalmist is terrified at the prospect of Yahweh's hiding his face (30:8[7]),
    knowing that the most wondrous works of creation rcturn to dust when Yahweh hides
    his face (lO4:29). The psalmist, cut offfrom Yahweh's face (143l.7), must go down into
    the pit.
    The question "How long?'and the petition "Do not hide your face" frequently oc-
    cur side by side in the Psalms not in the context of a confession of sin but in an affrr-
    -
    mation of Yahweh's faithfulness despite persecution by enemies (e.g., Ps. 44:18-
    23117-221;69:19[8];143:9b);theusagercvealsthepsalmist'sawarenessthattherela-
    tionship with Yatrweh is unfathomable.
    The statement that Yatrweh will never again hide his face (Ezk.39:29) summarizes
    all Yahweh's promises, marking an end to a brief separation of Yatrweh from his people
    (Isa. 54:8). When Yahweh no longer hides his face, Job will see clearly the nature of
    his sin (Job l3:24). Then Yahweh can "hide his face" (Ps. 51:11[9]) from human sin,
    and the sinner is set free. In later texts we find the assurance that Yahweh will not hide
    his face from the p€rcon who wholeheartedly does what is tme (Iiob. 13:6). We may
    also note Tobit's prayer to Yahweh (3:6) and his admonition to Tobias (4:7) not to turn
    his face from him or from the poor, so that Yahweh will not turn his face away from
    Tobias. Sir. 18:24 admonishes the reader to think of the day of wrath, when Yahweh
    will turn away his face.

    9. ,'h/hzh pdntm. \Uith refercnce to human beings, the expression rd'd ('etfel')
    pdnim has three meanings: actually to see someone's face (Gen.3l:2,5; Ex.34:35;
    Dnl. 1:10); to meet someone (Gen.32:2ll20l; 33:10; 46:30;48:l l); or to enjoy access
    to an exalted individual (Joseph, Pharaoh, the king), occasionally (Gen. 43:3,5;
    44:23,26;Ex. lO:28,29; 2 S. 3: 13) or regularly (2 S. 14:24,28,32). The texts of the third
    group express the refusal of a meeting. The phrase rO'0 pcnA hammelek is the title of of-
    ficials with access to the king,listed by 2K.25:19 par. Jer. 52:25 together with sdrfs,
    paSU, and sAp€r (cf. also Est. 1:14).
    In the majority of its OT occurrcnces, rii'6 ('e{el-) p"nA yhwh (qal, often repointed
    as a niphal3T) is a technical term for a cultic encounter with the deity. Each of the three

    37. See the discussion in Reindl, 14748.


    D\Q pantn

    liturgical calendars (Ex.23:14-19, covenant code; Ex. 34:18-26, yahweh's preroga-


    tives; Dt. 16:l-17, Dtn version of the calendar) uses the expression twice. Following
    the regulations governing the festival of unleavened bread, Ex.23:15 and 34:20 con-
    clude with identical words: '"They shall not see my face empty-handed.'with slightly
    different words, Dt. 16:16 concludes the regulations governing the festivals: "He [i.e.,
    every male Israelite] shall not see the face of Yahweh empty-handed." Using almost
    identical language, E;x.23:17,34:23, and Dt. l6:l6a decree the obrigation of every
    male to visit the sanctuary ("see the face of Yahweh") three times a year. The associa-
    tion of this precept with the description of the three most imporiant festivals suggests
    that the texts are thinking of a (or: the) central sanctuary.
    Dt. 16:16 identifies the sanctuary with the Jemsalem temple. 8x.34:Z4likewise
    thinks in terms of a distant centrd sanctuary, stating that "no one shall covet your land
    when you go up to see the face of Yahweh your God three times in the year." Every sev-
    enth year Dt. 3l : 1 I requires the law to be proclaimed to all the people who have come
    to the (Jerusalem) sanctuary during the festival of booths "to see the face of Yahweh."
    only four times does rd'd ('e1-)pcn€ yhwh appear outside the context of liturgical
    regulations. In Isa. l:12, an accusation of cultic worship that ignores justice (vv.
    10,17), the relationship between "seeing the face" and presence in the temple is em-
    phasized by the mention of "courts"; in I S. l:22 this relationship is established by the
    concluding phrase "and he will dwell there." The interchange of qal and niphal is not
    evident here, but the construction with 'e1 suggests an active form. ps. 42:3(2) voices
    an intense yearning, not found in other texts, to behold the face of Yahweh. The cultic
    aspect is present in the allusion to the temple (v. 5[4]), the assurance of appearing be-
    fore the altar of God (43:4), and liturgical pruse (ydh).In Job 33:26 rsh and tcrfr'|
    point to a liturgical context for "seeing his face." When Yahweh shows his back instead
    of his face (Jer. 18:17, with r'ft vocalized as a hiphil), his conduct represents his re-
    sponse to the people (ler.2:17): he refuses all possibility ofhelp.
    The expression hazd p"na yhwh appears in just two psalms, where it is difficult to
    determine the meaning of the cultic element. In Ps. l l the innocent psalmist appears
    to seek refuge from persecution in the temple (vv. lap,4). The psalmist's desire to
    see the enemy punished (v. 6; within the confines of the temple?) contrasts with an
    assurance that the upright will see his (God's) face (ydldr yetl"za pdndyw lfor
    pdnamof, v. 7). The interpretation of Ps. 17:15, "l shall behold youriace in righ-
    teousness," is made difficult by the parallel in v. l5b: ..When I awake (bcbdqi;), I
    shall be satisfied by your likeness (tcmfrnd)!'Both terms point to "cult-related con-
    cepts."38 The use of hdzd instead of rd'6 is not sufficient argument to exclude a cultic
    theophany, although we risk a petitio principii. ln any case it is incontestable that in
    both psalms this expression conveys 'lthe experience of God's gracious favor in an
    act of saving deliverance."39

    38. H. F. Fuhs, Seftez und Schauen. FzB 32 (1978),273.


    39. tbid.,274.
    dtlQ pdntm

    V. Semantic and Theological Assessment. A study of pdntm based on syntactic


    and semantic categories rather than directly on thematic categories makes it possible to
    confirm some conclusions regarding its meaning that earlier studies have made in-
    creasingly clear. It is impossible to trace any direct dependencies ofthe biblical expres-
    sions with respect to the meaning or setting of corresponding expressions in ancient
    Near Eastern usage. On the purely linguistic plane, some of these expressions represent
    borrowings; but their meaning can be determined only from their actual OT context. It
    is impossible, therefore, to associate panim collocations with conjectural rituals con-
    cerning which the OT provides no information e.9., understanding biU,A pdnim as
    -
    stroking the face of a divine image or connecting "covering their faces with fat" (Job
    15:27) with ritual anointing, ndSd' pdntm with a gesture of judicial reprieve, or "the
    light of the countenance" with the cult of astral deities. Discussion of the possible ori-
    gin of such expressions (secularization of a cultic concept or elevation of a secular con-
    cept to the cultic or theological domain) derives from a highly detailed division into
    categories rather than the normal process of linguistic development; such discussion is
    therefore ultimately fruitless. In all probability the pdnitn expressions have their origin
    in the broad semantic potential of pdn?m. The face is that part of the human body, and
    hence of the person, which is most capable of manifesting differentiated appearances;
    it is only logical, therefore, that language should take the term pdntm as a point of de-
    parture in numerous collocations and idioms that refer to interpersonal relations as well
    as relations between human beings and God. To hide one's face, to show, turn, or avert
    it, to lift, lower, cover, harden it, to make it gentle or dark or bright these are natural
    -
    expressions of human comportment; language may therefore draw on them in a variety
    of idioms, the absence of which rather than their obvious presence requires ex-
    planation.
    - -
    It is therefore appropriate to return to Reindl's argument thatthe pdnim expressions
    (notjust the penA-yhwh expressions) represent not concepts but idioms and develop it
    further.ao The word pdntm did not develop until there emerged from it a precise theo-
    logical or anthropological concept that could be utilized in turn for various expressions
    by means of verbs or prepositions. The word pdntm, "facel' with its variety of possible
    overtones, can be used, and is used, in many expressions whose meaning does not de-
    pend exclusively or primarily on some postulated technical (e.g., theological) sense in-
    ferred frompantmbut rather on the collocation as a whole, with its context taken into
    account. This approach makes clear that certain expressions (e.9., ndid' pdnim, sbb
    pdntm) did not develop as fixed idioms with a unique meaning, but could be used liter-
    ally and figuratively, positively and negatively.
    Only two pdnirn expressions acquired a technical cultic sense: rd'A ('e!')pcnA yhwh
    ("visit the sanctuary") and the p,repositional phrase lipnA yhwh (see VI.l.b below),
    which qualifies theologically the majority of cultic acts (but not such acts only) that are
    performed in some sense in the presence of Yahweh. It is not impossible that the an-
    cient Near Eastern cult of images influenced the development of both expressions. But

    40. Pp. 198tr.


    dt)l pdnim

    it is also probable that the potential of the term pAnim for describing interpersonal rela-
    tions also contributed to the development of both expressions.
    As an organ more expressive than the hand and more inclusive than the eye
    which, however, belongs to it the pdnim was well suited to represent the entire hu- -
    -
    man person by a kind of synecdoche. This is the case when pdntm is the subject in the
    expressions discussed in [I.4.d and in some of the meanings of the collocations listed
    in IV. Because of its ability to express emotions and reactions , pdnim denotes the sub-
    ject insofar as it turns (pnh) to "face" others, i.e., insofar as it is the subject of relation-
    ships. The term pdntm describes relationships. The relationship is syntactically explicit
    when the subject of the verb is not identical with the subject of pdnim. when the two
    coincide, either there is a syntactic signal expressing the relationship (e.g., the face is
    hidden fromlminf someone) or the immediate context points to the nature of a relation-
    ship (Ex. 33). The relationship encompasses the present ofboth parties and the action
    ofat least one ofthem. The mode ofpresence includes seeking (biqqdt pdnim), behav-
    ior that may be general (seeing, observing, being in someone's presence) or particular,
    positive (appeasing, showing favor or favoritism, seeking or receiving benevolence) or
    negative (opposing, refusing, rejecting), and finally even refusal to meet (averting
    one's face, hiding from someone).
    The semantic possibilities of pdntm also make it a suitable tefln to use in connection
    with Yahweh. It is no more and no less anthropomorphic than any other term used in
    theological discourse; neither does it presuppose any particular adaptation of a techni-
    cal theological kind. Applied to Yahweh, pdntm says no more and no less rhan when
    applied to human beings. The semantically constitutive elements of pdntmthat make it
    appropriate for discourse about Yahweh are the same that apply to human beings: real
    personal presence, relationship, and meeting (or refusal to meet). All the fundamental
    relationships between God and human beings can be described by pdntm and its asso-
    ciated expressions.
    It does not appear expedient, however, to see in the expression pcna yhwh as such an
    aspect of Yahweh's special presence or relationship with human beings, such as a me-
    diated presence in contrast to immediate presence, or a presence that brings comfort or
    punishment. In Ps. 21:10(q'el pdneykn is the "time of presence," when yahweh will
    reveal himself; the notion of punishment derives from the verse as a whole (cf. vv. 9-
    llt8-l0l). In specific cases a translation like "anger" in texts such as ps.9:4(3);
    34:17(16);80:17(16); Eccl. 8:1; Lam. 4:16, as well as Ps. 2l:10(91,+r appropri-
    "unbe
    ate. Its systematic application, however, could easily forget the complex and profuse
    shades of meaning of pdntm.
    Insofar as pdnirn bespeaks presence, its purpose is to underline the positive aspect of
    the interpersonal relationship. The negative aspect of the relationship is expressed by
    separation frompdntm. The idiom nalan pantm D'is an exception. The expression itm
    pdnim'eLtal acquires its negative overtones only from the oracle it introduces.

    41.w.F.Albright, Yahwehan"dtheGodsof canaan(1968), ll7;M.Dahood, Bibt5l(1970)


    399; but cf. F. J. Monow Jr.,W 18 (1968) 553-59.
    dlJl panlm

    When associated with Yahweh, pdnim is a fertile term that occupies a mediating po-
    sition between the danger of a materialistic conception of the deity conveyed by im-
    ages, which the OT systematically rejects, and the danger of a nominalism that reduces
    the divine presence to an abstraction. Ex. 33 bears witness to the difEculties created by
    the incorporation of pdntm into the theological conceptuality of lsrael, Ps. 17:15
    (pdntm par. tcmAnfl to its theological value in harmonizing the different notions.
    No one has yet presented a persuasive case for viewing pdn?m as a hypostasis;+z 6r"
    extant OT material does not appear to suPport such an argument.

    VI. Prepositional Usage. The construct form p'nA is an element of several


    semiprepositions.

    l. fipnA. a. General. The various meanings of lipn€ derive.from the combination of


    l' with pdnim in the sense of "presence" and the meaning of the verb used with the
    preposition. In the static spatial sense, lipn? means "before" with such verbs as ftnh,
    ypb hithpael, and'md (Gen. 4l:46; 43:15; Ex. 8:16[20];9:13; l4:2) or verbs describing
    an action performed in someone's presence (Ex. I 1: 10). In the dynamic spatial sense,
    fipnA intrduces the person (or thing) in whose presence a movement terminates, with
    such verbs as ntn (Ex. 3O:6), 'md hiphil (Lev. 27:8), qrb hiphil (Ex. 29:10), and fim
    @0:26). "Before" can also refer to the relationship between two persons in motion, one
    of whomprecedestheother: Gen.24:7 (ilh);Bx.13:21(hlk); Dt.9:3 ('br;cf.v.l); I S.
    l0:8 (yrd);cf. also I S. 8:ll (rw;).
    Depending on the verbs used and the circumstances, the static and dynamic spatial
    senses of lipnA can take on various shades of meaning in which physical presence "be-
    fore" someone or something is no longer the central element but only a possible con-
    comitant. When the king or some other important personage is involved, 'md lipnA
    (Gen. 4l:46; 43:15; Ex. 9:10; I S. 16:22; I K. l0:8; 2 Ch.29:ll; with 'e!-p"nA, I K.
    12:6) or hyh lipnA (l S. l9:7; 29:8;2 K. 5:2) means "be at someone's disposal." This
    meaning emerges from the difference in status between the persons in a particular rela-
    tionship. tn military contexts y-sD (hithpael) lipnA (Dt. 9:2), 'md lipnA (Jgs. 2:14), and
    qwm lipnA $*v.26:37; Josh. 7:12,13) mean "resist, withstand." The expression y{'
    fipnA means "go forth at the head of'(l S. 8:20) or "go forth against" (1 Ch. 14:8;
    2 Ch. l4:9). Other combinations include nws lipnA, "flee from" (Josh. 7:4; 2 S. 24:13;
    cf . also pnh lipnA $gs.20:421); npl lipnA, "fall before" (1 S. 14: 13; 2 S. 3:34); and ngp
    (niphal) lipnA, "be struck down (by enemies)" (Lev. 26:17; I 5.4:2;7:lO;2 S. l0:15).
    The combination .fym lipn€ can mean "expound (the law to the people)" (Ex. 19:7;
    2I:l).
    In addition, lipnA can indicate that the person in whose presence something takes
    place is ofhigh rank (2 S. 2:14), supervises another (1 S. 3:l), or has the option (Eccl.

    42. Conua G. Pfeifer, Ursprung undWesen der Hypostasenvorstellungen im Judentum. AzTU


    3l (1967),69, who views pdnim as a form of Yahweh's manifestation, somehow associated with
    cultic objects, when guiding the people; cf. the critical remarks of A. S. van der Wotde, TLOI,
    [, lfi)5; idem,III, 1362-63.
    E'll pdnim

    9:1) or right to pass judgment in certain situations (Dt.25:2; Est. 5: l4). The expression
    H fipnA Q K. 25:29) means "be permitted to dine at the table of the victor," i.e., "be
    granted a reprieve"; hlt (hithpael) lipnA 0 S.l2:2) means "act in the presence of some-
    one [Yahweh, the people]" in such a way as to be assured.of a positive response. This
    meaning comes close to "in the opinion of, in the judgment of'(l
    S. 2O:l;2 K. 5:l),
    but does not emphasize the right to pass judgment. In expressions like "grant or find
    mercy and favor" (Gen. 43:14; I K. 8:50; 2 Ch.3O:9;Est.2:17), lipnA nnderscores the
    status of the person showing mercy and favor.
    The expression ntn lipnA $n contrast to simple ntn l") emphasizes the aspect of
    giving disposition over something of importance (the land, Dt. 1:8; enemies, Dt.
    23:l5U4D; lcpdneyf;n (without a verb) emphasizes directly the element of free dis-
    position (Gen. l3:9; 20:15; 24:51;47:6); cf. also npl (qal/hiphil) tcltinnd lipnA,
    "make/receive a request" (Ier. 36:7; 37:20: 42:2,9). When the word introduced by
    hpnA refers to an event rather than a person or object, lipnA @ften with the inf.
    const.) expresses temporal priority with respect to another event, whether in the past
    (Gen. l3:10; I S. 9:15) or the future (27:7), or simply priority in the context of a re-
    current situation (laws and customs such as not giving the younger daughter in mar-
    riage before the elder, 29:26).
    b. Yahweh. The use of lipnA with Yahweh does not differ from its general usage
    except in the frequent occurrence of particular meanings. The temporal meaning is
    found only in Isa.43:10: "Before me no god was formed." The dynamic spatial
    meaning in a military context is also rure: kbl (niphal) hd'dre; lipnA yhwh (1 Ch.
    22:18);,lDr (niphal) (the Cushites) lipnA yhwh (2 Ch. 14:12[3]). Both texts repeat
    fipnA and add another agent (the people, the army) cooperating with Yahweh to bring
    about the defeat. The dynamic spatial meaning with both terms in motion (one pre-
    ceding llipnfl the other) may be present in a literal sense in Josh.4:13: forty thou-
    sand armed men go (across the Jordan) lipnA yhwh; but the image appears to have
    more to do with marching in the watchful presence of Yahweh. In 6:8 br is not con-
    nected with lipnA yhwh: the priests carry the trumpets lipnA yhwh (before or in the
    presence of Yahweh). Figuratively, a windstorm (l K. 19:l l), pestilence (Hab. 3:5),
    fire (Ps. 5O:3;97:3), righteousness (Ps. 85:14[13]), a "messenger" (Mal. 3:l), and
    Yahweh's "reward" (Isa. 40:10 par.62:11) go before Yahweh when he reveals him-
    self. "Honor and majesty" (Ps. 96:6 par. I Ch. 16:27) and wisdom (Prov. 8:30) are
    fipnA yhwh as his servants.
    In the static spatial sense, Abraham (Gen. 18,,22lcf. 19:27,'e1-pcnil), the people
    (Dt. 4:10; I S. 6:20), and a member of the heavenly court (l K.22:21par. 2 Ch. l8:20)
    are described as standing before Yahweh. Moses' speaking (dbr mr) lipn€ yhwh (Ex.
    6:12,30) is a deferential variant of "speak to."
    The commonest use of lipnA yhwh (or lipnA + suf. referring to Yahweh) in the static
    or dynamic spatial sense is in cultic contexts. P localizes lipn€ yhwh: immediately be-
    fore the ark (Ex. 16:33; Lev. 16:13; Nu. 17:22171), the curtain in front of the ark (kv.
    4:6,17), the table with the bread of the Presence (Ex. 25:30), the lamp (Ex. 27:21;l*v.
    24:3), the altar in the tent of meeting (kv. 4: 1 8) and before the tent (Lev. l : 1 1 ; 16: 1 8),
    the space in front of the tent (Ex. 29:11). The majority of cultic acts take place lipnA
    Alll panim

    yhwh: the raising of the elevation offering in the hands of the priests (hentp tenfipi,Ex.
    29:24,26;Lev.7:3O;8:27,29;9:21; l0:15; 14:12,24;23:20; Nu.6:20; 8:11,21), the of-
    fering of the sacrificial gifts(hiqrt!,1*v.3:1,7,12;6:7141;9:2;10:1,19; l2:7; Nu. 3:4;
    6:16;16:17: 17:3[6:38];26:61;1 Ch. 16:1; Ezk.43:24), the slaughtering of the sacri-
    ficial animals (,ifta Ex. 29:ll; Lev. l:5,1l;4:4,15,24:'6:18[25]), the burning of the in-
    cense offering (Lev. 16:13), the ritual of atonement (kpr Lev. 5:26[6:71; lO:17;
    L4:18,29,31; 15:15,30; 19:22:23:28; Nu. 15:28; 3l:50), the sacrifice of well-being
    (zbb, Lev. 9 :4; I S. I I : I 5 ; I K. 8:62; 2. Ch. 7 :4), the burnt offering ('ali, I gs. 20:26: 2 S.
    6:17), Moses' sacrifice at the ordination of Aaron and his sons (Ex.29:ll), and the
    consecration of the Levites (Nu. 8:10). To enter the sanctuary is to "go lipnA yhwh"
    (Ex. 28:35); in fact, any priestly ministry could be so designated (cf. Ex. 28:30). tn a
    more general sense service to Yahweh is called 'md lipnA yhwl, (1 K. 17:l; 18:15; 2 K.
    3:14;5:16 [in an oath formula]; Jer. 15:19; cf. Ezk. 44:15), a formula that emphasizes
    the element of faithfulness to God.
    Outside R other texts describe the sacrifices at Bethel (Jgs.20:26) and Gilgal (l S.
    I l:15), the transfer of the ark to Jerusalem (2 S. 6:17), and Solomon's dedication of the
    temple (l K. 8:62) as taking place lipnA yhwh.
    Not just the rituals of the official cult but also private religious acts are performed
    fipnA yhwh: the prayers of Hannah (l S. l:12), David (2 S. 7:18), and Hezekiah (2 K.
    19:15), the prayer and fasting of Nehemiah (Neh. 1:4), the pouring out of the psalmist's
    heart (Ps. 62:9[8]; 102:1), worship (Ps. 22:281271), self-humiliation (2 Ch. 34:27).
    None of these gestures presupposes a cultic act associated with the sanctuary.a3
    Some gestures include a formal cultic act in certain situations but not always.
    Eating lipnA yhwh is a precisely circumscribed cultic act (Dt. 12:7,18; 14:23,26;
    15:20;Ezk.44:3), but Ex. 18:12 and I Ch. 29:22 suggest an observance that is not
    strictly liturgical. The same is true of "rejoicing lipnA yhwh)' which accompanies
    such meals (Dl l2il2,l8; 16: I I ; 27 :7) but is also found independently of them (Lev.
    23:40; Isa. 9:2[3], lcpdney[n, lipnA yhwh "bhAfum). "Weeping lipnA yhwh" may
    have been a ritual of expiation after a defeat (Dt. l:45; Jgs.20:23,26). In Nu. l1:20,
    however, wailing lcpdndyw (before Yahweh) is a gesture of supplication and simulta-
    neously of protest (cf. vv. 4,10). Religious gestures outside the cult include the bless-
    ing of Isaac (Gen. 27:7), Joshua's curse over the ruins of Jericho (Josh. 6:26), and the
    making of covenants (David and Jonathan, 1 S. 23:18; David and the elders of Heb-
    ron,2 S.5:3 par. I Ch. 11:3; Josiah, the people, and Yahweh:2K.23:3 par.2 Ch.
    34:31).In Jer. 34:15,18, the covenant lcpdnay is a covenant with Yahweh himself.
    Jgs. 11:11 (cf. v. 8), too, appears to allude to a covenant lipnA yhwh between
    Jephthah and the elders of Gilead; it is therefore dubious whether the phrase lipnA
    yhwh by itself can be considered a characteristic mark of covenant making. For ex-
    ample, Dt.29tl4(I5) shows clearly that lipnA yhwhis not an absolute prerequisite for
    making a covenant.4

    43. M. D. Fowler, 7AW 99 (1987) 384-90.


    44. See Sheriffs, 62, who compares lipn€ yhwh to r'za IGI + DN.
    Drll pantm 6ll

    "Dying lipnA yhwh" can include cultic presence (Lev. l0:2; Nu. 3:4; I Ch. 13: l0?),
    but it can also bespeak a punishment from Yahweh (Nu. 14:37; 20:3). To live lipnA
    yhwh (Gen. 17:18; Hos. 6:2) is to recognize that life depends solely on yahweh. Rec-
    ognition that Yahweh is the effective cause of everything appears in a wish uttered on
    behalf of the king: "May he be enthroned forever before God" (Ps. 6l:9t81).
    The phrase lipnA yhwh can also express the viewpoint of Yahweh and his assess-
    ment of persons and situations (Gen. 6:11; 7:l; l0:9; L.ev. l6:30; Dt.24:4;Eccl.2:26).
    whatever is at odds with the nature and work of Yahweh cannot endure ('md lipna
    yhwh, I S. 6:20; Jer. 49:19 par. 5O:44; Ps. 76:8[7]; Ezr. 9:15). Only heaven and earth
    (lsa.66:22) and those who turn to Yahweh (Jer. 15:19) can stand before him ('md lipnA
    yhwh). Because institutions and individuals can be established only before Yahweh
    (lcwn lipn€ yhwh,2 5.7:26:' I K.2:4; I Ch. 17:24; Jer.30:20;Ps. lO2:29I281), it is im-
    portant that Yahweh be reminded (z/<r [niphal] lipn€ yhwh, Nu. l0:9) of people's need
    for him. This is the significance of objects that are carried or gestures that are per-
    formed as a zikkfrrdn (E;x.28:12,29; 30:16; Nu. l0:10; 3l:54). The expression sEper
    zikl<irOn lcpandyw (Mal. 3:16) reflects the same notion.
    Pennacchini's proposal to interpret lipnAhem in Job 2l:8 as a prepositional expres-
    sion serving as a substantive ("progenitors," as a parallel to "progeny") eliminates the
    parallelism between lipnAhem and P'AnAhem.as

    2. millipnA. The meaning of millipnA adds to that of lipnA a nuance of separation or


    removal. Its use in a temporal sense is rare: nill.pAnAnfi, "before us" (Eccl. l: l0). In a
    spatial sense it is used with verbs that signify departure from someone's presence (y,r',
    Gen. 4:16; 4l:46;47:10; Ex. 35:20; nrrys, I Ch. l9:18), driving or taking away (grJ, Ex.
    23:28; yrJ hiphil, Dt. ll:23; swr hiphil, 2 S. 7:15; J/& hiphil, Ps. 5l:13[l t]; krt, I K.
    8:25 par. 2 Ch. 6:16), or hiding (slr niphal, Jer. 16:17). Verbs expressing fear or re-
    spectful distance are also used with millipnA: zle (l S. 8:18), /cn'niphal (par. &z'niphal
    mippdnay, I K.21:29), hyl (l Ch. 16:30), yr'(Eccl. 3:14). Movement, expressed by
    verbs such as qwm, can be defined more precisely by rnillipna (l K. 8:54;Ezr.10:6). In
    Gen. 23:4,8, millipn€ appears to be pleonastic in conjunction with qbrbuttle meaning
    is probably "apart from the living."
    We also fndmillipn? used to express the notion that something comes from Yahweh
    or a human authority: anger (Nu. 17:ll[6:461;2 Clt. 19:2), vindication (Ps. 17:2), a
    messenger (Ezk. 30:9). The fire that comes forth millipna yhwh either means that he
    has accepted a burnt offering (r*v.9:24) or portrays him as the source of a punishment
    (Lev. l0:2).

    3. mippcn€. The expression mippcnA emphasizes the prepositional sense of min,


    while the nominal meaning of pdntm vanishes almost entirely. It expresses separa-
    tion or physical distance and may be used with verbs either intransitive (Drlz, Gen.
    16:6,8; nws, Gen. 36:6; Ex. 4;3; ns',Ex. 14:19; sDb, I S. 18:l l) or transitive (gr.i, Ex.

    45. B. Pennacchin.i, Euntes Docete 29 (1976) 505; cf. M. Dahood, Bibl 47 (1966) 4l l.
    D'll pantm

    23:29; Ps. 78:55; yr.Ihiphil, Ex.34:24; srrhiphil, 2K.ll:2; swrhiphil, Jer.4:1; isr
    I Ch. l2: I ). The idiom qwm mippcni means to stand upright before a person of rank.
    In connection with verbs and/or in contexts that suggest fear, repugnance, or the
    need to flee or find refuge (Gen.7:7;27:46;45:3; Ex. 1:12; Nu. 20:6;22:3; Dt. 5:5;
    7:19; 28:60; Josh. 2:9; Jgs. I l:33; Jer. I : l7), mippcn€ introduces the person or thing
    from which one seeks to escape while simultaneously indicating the reason for flight
    or terror.
    A causal sense without the notion ofspatial separation appears in Gen.6:13 ("be-
    cause of them"); 47:13 ("because of the famine"); Ex.3:7 ("on account of their task-
    masters"); and 9:11 ("because of the boils"); cf. also Josh.6:l; I K.5:17(3);8:ll;
    JerT:12; 14:16;26:3; Hos. ll:2; Ps.38:4,6(3,5); 44:17(16);55:4(3). The preposi-
    tional meaning appears clearly in expressions such as mipp"nA'"!er (Ex. 19:18; Jer.
    44:23).
    The phrase mipp"nA yhwh coweys the three meanings just discussed: physical dis-
    tance (Gen. 3:8; Nu. l0:35), spiritual distance (Ex. 9:30; l0:3; I K.2l:29), and causal-
    ity (Jgs. 5:5; Jer. 4:26). More emphasis on the presence of Yahweh may be possible in
    Ps. 68:2(l); cf. the emphasis on pdnim in the next four verses.
    The meaning "(human) presence" is suggested by the context in Gen. 45:3; I Ch.
    l2:l;Lant.2:3.

    4. (m€)'al-pcn6. In the expnession 'al-p"nA, pcnilpdnim + suffix can be a substantive


    and'aI can simply mean'bn" (e.g., Gen. 50: l ; Ex. 2O:20; 2 K. 4:29 ; ler. l 3:26; Job 4: 1 5).
    As a prepositional phrase, 'al-pcn€ + personal noun means "face to face with,"
    "near," in the physical or moral presence of someone: Gen. I 1:28 (during the lifetime
    of?); Ex. 4:21; 11:10; 33:19; 34:6; Nu. 3:4b ("under the supervision of'); 2 S. 15:18;
    2K.13:14; Ps.9:20(19). In Gen. 16:12 and Nah. 2:2(l), the meaning is "against"; in
    Gen.32:22(21), "before" (spatially). In Job 6:28 and 2l:38, the emphasis is more on
    the element of challenge than hostility. In Dt. 2l:16 and probably Gen. 25:18 as well,
    'al-p"n€ means "at the expense of," "in preference to" (cf. also Gen. 16:12).
    With reference to Yahweh, 'al-p"nA emphasizes the impudence of acting contrary to
    his will in his very presence (Isa.65:3; ler.6:7; Job 1:11;2:5 [emended]). Zorell cate-
    gorizes these texts (with the exception of Jer. 6:7) as examples of adverbial usage.46
    For certain Hebrew morphemes, the prepositionaVadverbial distinction is not adequate
    (see VI.8 below). Both presence and confrontation are expressed in the commandment,
    "You shall have no other gods in my presence ('al-pdnafl [and hence as my rivals]"
    (Ex. 20:3 par. Dt. 5:77.tt
    With objects,'al-p"n€ means "on, over" (l,ev. 16:14; 2 Ch.34:4), even when the
    point is the view of a low area from a higher location (Gen. 18:16; 19:28; Nu. 2l:20;
    23:28). The phrase appears frequently with 'ere;, "land"; -damA, "ground, soil";
    idy'eh, "field"; mayim, "water"; mi/bdr "wilderness"; and tchdm, "deep." Except in

    46. IzxHebAram,656.
    47. See the comms.
    d'll panim 613

    cases wherepanim as a substantive can mean "surface" (Gen. l:29; 7:18,23),aB 'al-pcnA
    means simply "over" (Gen. l:2; 8:9; ll:4,8,9; Ex. 16:14; 32:20;33:16).
    With toponyms,'al-pcnA means "near, opposite, in the direction of' (occasionally
    ""u., oit4e)! Gen.23:19 (Mamre); 25:18 (Egypt); Nu. 2l:ll (Moab); 33:7 (Baal-
    zephon); Dt. 32:49 (Jericho); Josh. l7:7 (Shechem); Jgs. 16:3 (Hebron); I K. l l:7 (Je-
    rusalem); cf. also Josh. 13:25; 18:14; 19:ll; 1 S.26:1,3; 25.2:24;1 K. l7:3,5.
    with structures or objects associated with the temple, 'al-p"na means "in front of'
    or sometimes "at the head of' (l K.7:6,42;8:8; 2 Ch. 3:17: Ezk. 42:8).
    The expressionmd'al-pcnd refers to separation from persons (Gen. 23:3) and often
    their violent removal from the land or the earth (Gen. 4:14; 6:7;7:4: Ex. 32:12 Dt.
    6:15; I S. 20:15; I K. 9:7; 13:34; Jer. 28:16;Am.9:8; 7*ph. L:2,3\. With the exception
    of 2 ch. 7:20, m€'al-p"na yhwh appears almost exclusively in the vocabulary of Jere-
    miah and in Deuteronomistic texts, always following verbs that denote rejection: J[],
    I K.9:7; Jer. 15: l; .ll& hiphil, 2K. l3:23;24:20;Jer. 7: 15; 52:3;2 Ch.7:20; swr hiphit,
    2 K. 17:1,23:.23:27;24:3; Jer.32:31; nt{, Jer.23:39.

    5. 'e/m€'€!-pcnA. The phrase 'e1-pcn€ X denotes spatial (Gen. 33:18; figuratively,


    Prov. l7 :24) or personal proximity ( I S. 2: I I ; 22:4; I K. 12:6). The precise meaning
    (guarding, supervising, protecting) depends on the context. The combination me'e!-
    p"nA adds the element of separation from a place or a person (Gen. 27:30; 43:34;Bx.
    l0:ll;2 K. 16:14). With Yahweh,'e!mE'd1-p'zd deno0es Yahweh's nearness or dis-
    tance. In these expressions pdnim is synonymous with "prcsence." The lament of
    Sodomandthesinof Eli'ssonsarc great'e1-pcnAyhwh(Gen.19:13; I S.2:l7).Abra-
    ham returns to the place where he stod'e1-p"ni yhwh (Gen. 19:27); Samuel serves in
    the presence of Yahweh ( I S. 2: l8). The rcmpter g @s ot me'e! p"nA yhwh (lob 2:7 pan
    m€'irn in I : I 2). In Ps. 16: I l; 2l:7 (6), joy finds expression 'e!-pAneykA ("in your pres-
    ence"). In Ps. 140:14(13) the dwelling of the upright b!-pdneyka suggests participation
    in the temple liturgy; it also suggests dwelling in the land in contrast to the banishment
    that the psalmist prays Yahweh will inflict on his enemies (v. l2[l l]).

    6. 'el-p"nA. [n conjunction with objects or places, 'el-p"nA signifies direction ("to-


    ward"), without emphasis on the front of that object or place (Lev. 6:7114l;9:5; 16:2:
    Nu. 17:8[16:431;20:10;Ezk.4l:4,12,15;44:4'). The prcpositional sense is strength-
    ened when the expression appears together with mil (Ex.28:27; Nu. 8:2,3) or n1ftatt
    (Nu. 19:4). In all these texts we arc often dealing with objects to which respectful rev-
    erence is due: the head covering of the priest, the altar of sacrifice, the tent of meeting,
    the lamp, the sacrificial offering, the court of the temple, the temple, the rock of Moses.
    The expression 'el-pcn€ bespeaks a respecffirl distance in dealing with these objects
    (but cf. Neh. 2:13).
    Used with a personal object, 'el-p"n0 appears to emphasize strongly the person to

    48. See Itr.2 above.


    49. Drinkard.
    6t4 dtll pdnim

    whom an action is addressed: Yahweh (Ex.23:17;so Job 13:15); the king (2Ch.19:2);
    the wicked (Dt. 7:10). [n such texts as I*v.6:7(14);9:5; Josh. 5:14;2 S.14:22;Ezk.
    4l:25: 42:3, 'el may have taken the place of 'al.

    7 . Other Prepositions. The expressi on bipni indicates opposition. With


    'r?r/ and the
    hithpael of y,sb, it means "withstandf' (Dt.7:24;Josh. 10:8; 2l:44).It also appears with
    "testify (against)" (Hos. 5:5; Job 16:8).
    Both n1lafi pcnA (Jer. 17:6; Lam 2:L9;Ezk. 14.,3,4,7) and nege/ p"n€ (lsa.5:21;
    Hos. 7:2; Lam. 3:35; I 5.26:20 fminnegeS]) mean "before, in the presence of' or (1 S.
    26:20) "away from the presence of." In the context of Lam. 3:35 and I S. 26:20,
    Yahweh's presence is in the land of Judah. There is no difference in meaning between
    these expressions and lipnA, 'el-pcnA, or millipnA.
    In Ex. l0:lO nege/ pcnAhem should not be taken as a prepositional expression;
    panim appears in place of "you," and the meaning of the statement is, "You have some
    evil purpose in mind."
    The idiom 'el-'e!er pdndyw (Ezk. l:9,12; 10:22) means "straight ahead."

    8, Adverbial lJsage. Used adverbially, pdntm appears in a variety of expressions. In


    a spatial sense pdnim wc'dl.rdr means "front and back," in the description of a scroll
    (Ezk. 2:10). In military contexts (l Ch. 19:10;2 Ch. 13:14; 2 S. 10:9, mippdnirn
    fimd'dhbr), it refers to a line of battle that is dangerously close in every direction. Figu-
    ratively (ethically), in a dynamic spatial sense, it means "go b:tckward rather than for-
    ward" (le'dhdr w'la' lfdnim, Jer.7:24).
    Elsewhere lcpdntm has a temporal sense, referring to a period in the past, generally
    not precisely defined, when a people lived in a particular region (Dt.2il0,l2,20; I Ch.
    4:40), a city was a capital (Josh. l1:10) or had a different name (Josh. 14:15; 15:151
    Jgs. l:10,11,23), customs were different (Jgs. 3:2; I S.9:9; Ruth 4:l) or did not exist
    (Neh. l3:5), or an event took place (1 Ch. 9:20). With reference to Yahweh,
    (mil)lepdnim refers to the time of Yahweh's initial acts (Isa. 4l:26, his foreknowledge
    of the future;Ps. 10:261251, creation).

    VU. LXX. In the LXX pr1sdpon is the term most commonly used to translate
    pdntm; it embraces all the latter's meanings almost without exception: face, side, front,
    surface. It is used for objects, cosmic elements, animals, persons, and Yahweh. It can
    be used literally or figuratively, and can occur in prepositional phrases and fixed idi-
    oms. The most important of these are always represented by the same verb. Thus
    biqqei panim is regularly translated zdtein t6 pr6sbpon; iim pdnim is st€rizein t.p.;
    histir pdn?m is regularly apostrdphein tp. (but twice kriptein); bill6 pdnim is
    litaneilein, therapeilein, or deisthai; rd'A pdnim is honin or bl4pein t.p.; ndSd' pdntm is
    thaumdzein t.p.; pdntm 'el-pdntm is prdsdpon pr6s prdsdpon.
    When pdntm is the subject of a verb (Ex. 33:14,15;Dl 4:37i Isa. 63:9), the LXX

    50. But see IV.9 above.


    d')l panin 615

    prefers aut6s. ln cultic regulations with rh pdntm (Ex. 23:.17; 34:23; Dt. 16:16), the
    LXX, like the MT, uses a pasiive form: ophthiisetai endpion/enantion.
    In the majority of cases lipn| is translated as an ordinary preposition (en6pion, 218
    times; enantion, l8l times; 6nanti, 153 times; dmprosthen,80 times).
    Literal translations, hebraizing rather than idiomatic, include pr6 pros6pou (67
    times) and katti pros6porz (65 times). Other semiirepositions are usually translated by
    pr6sdpon plus a preposition.sl This is true of mipp'n/ which is rendered 194 times by
    ap6 pros1pou, 2l times by ek pros6poz, ll times by pr6 prosdpou,2g times by ap6,
    and 15 times by did plus an accusative. We find mitlipnA represented by ap6 pros6pou
    34 times, by ek pros6pon l0 times; 'al-pcnA is represented by epi pros6pou/prdsdpon
    29 and 28 times, respectively, by katd prdsdpon 20 times; me'al-pczd is represented by
    ap6 pros6poz 11 times, 'el-p'nA by katd pr6sdpon l0 times. In all these cases
    nonidiomatic translations account for 50 to 66 percent of the total. For the remaining
    semiprepositions, the paucity of the evidence prohibits drawing any conclusions. Freer
    translations are common in the Hexateuch, lsaiah, Proverbs, and Job.
    Including its prepositional and adverbial ases, pdntm is represented by 45 different
    expressions (counting the numerous collocations with prdsdpon as a single expres-
    sion).s2

    VIII. Dead Sea Scrolls. As a substantive and in various adverbial expressions,


    pdntm appears more than three hundred times in the Dead Sea Scrolls. For the most
    part its meanings and usages correspond to the spectrum found in the OT, e.g.: ndid'
    pdnim (lQS 2:4,9; lQH 14:19; lQSb 3:1,3, alluding to Nu. 6:26); hEir panim (lQH
    4:5,27:3:3; IQSb 4:27);hilldpanim(lQH 16:II); hist?rpdntm (CD I:3;2:8);'al-p'nA
    mayim (lQH 3:13,26; 5:8; 6:24); mal'ak pdntm (lQSb 4:25-26).s3In IQM pdntm ap-
    pears at times to take on a special technical sense when it designates the front rank of
    the eschatological army (5:3,8; 7:12; 9:4: etc.; cf. p"nA hammigdal, "front of the
    tower," a military formation). According to lQM 5:5,1l, pdnim refers to the gleaming
    surfaces of the weapons of the "sons of light."
    Simian-Yofre

    51. See Brockelmann, VG, 383; Sollamo, 1.


    52. For a discussion of pr6sdpon in general, see E. Lohse, TDNI VI,768-80.
    53. For adverbial use see Carmignac.

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