A Conversation with Drew Fraser
Grégoire Canlorbe, American Renaissance, July 16, 2021
A Canadian-born academic, Andrew William Fraser was an associate professor in the
Department of Public Law at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He was pushed out
of academia because of his views on race and the White Australia Policy. He was a speaker
at the 2006 American Renaissance conference and is the author of The WASP Question.
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Grégoire Canlorbe: A striking contemporary trait in the WASP people is the propensity to
assess foreigners (including non-whites) as self-determined, free “individuals” who can
transition from one ethnic group to another one, and to welcome them into WASP territory
and give them citizenship. Is this an acquired, “cultural” trait or is it biologically anchored?
Drew Fraser: There is no radical break between biology and culture. Racial differences
generally are, in large part, biologically or genetically grounded. But culture, too, is more
than a social construct; it, too, has a substantial biological component. Deeply entrenched
cultural differences between racial groups may be reflected in their respective genomes. The
culture of any racial group is never static; it changes and develops, sometimes in tandem with
genetic changes.
One example of the interaction between biology and culture was the emergence of lactose
tolerance among peoples who gave up a hunter-gatherer way of life to engage in animal
husbandry. The concept of bioculture presupposes the co-evolution of biology and culture.
But any such co-evolution is a long process occurring within stable gene pools over
millennia. Blacks have been in America for a little over four centuries without assimilating
into the dominant white culture, much less undergoing genetic changes as a consequence.
Paradoxically, American black culture, having been released from the disciplinary matrix
formerly imposed by slavery and Jim Crow, is becoming steadily more remote from WASP
bioculture. Contemporary black Americans dependent on public welfare are reverting to the
fast-life strategies (e.g. low investing parenting of many children) associated with their subSaharan African ancestors.
WASP biocultures are generally characterized by predispositions towards individualism,
exogamy, and small nuclear families. As a consequence, WASPs display a relative lack of
ethnocentrism. Kevin MacDonald explains these biocultural traits as an evolutionary
adaptation to the rigors of life in cold, ecologically adverse climates. Natural selection
worked there to favor the reproductive success of individuals capable of sustaining “nonkinship-based forms of reciprocity.”
The Anglo-Saxon Männerbünde (all-male organizations) that invaded and settled in England
were bound together originally more by covenant than kinship. The prominent place accorded
to oath-taking and covenants in early England was associated with the growth of the
individualism later manifested in the development of the English common law of contract,
private property, and eventually impersonal corporate forms of business. All of these legal
norms required sustained co-operation between and among strangers.
The distinctive culture that emerged from the interaction between the genotype of the English
people and their environment can be understood as what Richard Dawkins calls an extended
phenotype. Like the spider’s web or the beaver’s dam, the extended phenotype of WASP
bioculture creates a feedback loop between genes and environment. If the WASP bioculture
creates a “society of strangers,” its most characteristic extended phenotype is perhaps the
modern nation-state. WASPs can be said to have invented the nation-state as the primary
institutional expression of their collective identity.
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The problem is that Anglo-Saxon states, like Frankenstein’s monster, have escaped control
of, by, and for the people who created them. WASP bioculture emerged within a high-trust
society of strangers within which the state was expected to act as trustee for the interests of
society as a whole. Today, those Anglo-Saxon nation-states have been absorbed into a more
or less autonomous and self-perpetuating, globalist system of governance.
Andrew Fraser at an American Renaissance conference.
WASPs are now vulnerable to the machinations of transnational corporate welfare states
determined to open up every formerly Anglo-Saxon country to an unending flood of mass
immigration. Predominantly non-white immigrants come from low-trust societies
predisposed to elevate kinship and tribal loyalties over impersonal norms of fairness and
justice. Individual WASPs are ill-prepared to compete with racial strangers who cooperate
with each other to advance their collective interests.
Clearly, the survival of WASP biocultures depends on successful adaptation to these altered
circumstances.
Grégoire Canlorbe: What do you think of Samuel Huntington’s classification of
contemporary civilizations — and on his claim that the twenty-first century’s struggles will
be neither economically nor racially motivated, but instead “civilizational” clashes? Did
Huntington understand the WASP civilizational model?
Drew Fraser: Huntington thought that clashes between civilizations were the greatest threat
to world peace but, at the same time, looked to an international order based on civilizations as
the best safeguard against war. He probably overestimated the unity, cohesion, and cultural
continuity of the major civilizations. Nowhere is that more obvious than in the case of
Western civilization.
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The United States, according to Huntington, is the core state of Western civilization. He
believed that the United States has a core “Anglo-Protestant culture.” He recognized that
mass immigration was a serious threat to the survival of that core culture, but held to the vain
hope that new immigrants could and would assimilate.
His analysis rested also on the assumption that the core Anglo-Protestant culture established
in the British North American colonies had survived intact to the present day. In fact, the
character of the American
people was altogether
different in the colonial and
early republican periods.
Sociologist David Riesman
described the dominant
character-type of those days
as “inner-directed.” Knowing
the difference between right
and wrong, early Americans
were “rugged individualists,”
possessing a sort of inbuilt
psychic gyroscope that
enabled them to stay on
course, whatever the
obstacles.
Nowadays, most Americans
(especially those in the
managerial-professional
elites) display an “otherdirected” character of the sort
essential to success in
corporate, government, and
academic bureaucracies.
According to Robert Jackall,
the moral ethos prevalent in
managerial circles is “most
notable for its lack of
fixedness.” The otherdirected character requires,
not an internal gyroscope, but
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Samuel P. Huntington (Credit Image: © Imago via
ZUMA Press)
a sort of radar able to pick up
minute shifts in the
fluctuating relationships with
others in a mass-mediated social order.
The rootless cosmopolitanism of an other-directed corporate culture is driven by an
“essential, pervasive, and thoroughgoing pragmatism.” In modern multiracial mass societies,
the early republican constitution of liberty was replaced by a corporatist constitution of
control promoting the growth and vitality of an increasingly plutocratic globalist system.
Amidst the ruins of their ancestral bioculture, WASPs throughout the Anglosphere have been
abandoned by Woke corporate welfare states that no longer even pretend to represent them.
WASPs are now de facto, if not yet de jure, a stateless people. Only by falling back on their
ancestral racial and ethnic identity will ordinary WASPs find the spiritual strength to turn the
tables on cosmopolitan elites. It is those faithless elites, not other civilizations, that pose the
greatest existential threat to the Anglo-Saxon peoples.
Grégoire Canlorbe: In your most recent article, you enjoin “virtuous WASPs” to “challenge
the corrupt globalist plutocracy misgoverning the Anglosphere.” Who are exactly those
plutocrats — and how should they be fought?
Drew Fraser: The modern Anglo-American business corporation is a product of the
managerial revolution. For more than a century now, ownership of the business corporation
has been separated from control. Shareholders are no longer responsible for the corporate
governance. Complex systems of corporate finance have created interlocking structures of
control, concentrating power in the hands of an irresponsible plutocratic oligarchy.
That plutocracy is made up of people from a wide range of ethnicities. Throughout the
Anglosphere, Jews play prominent roles in finance, media, academia, the law, and politics.
Other ethnic groups have found niches of their own, such as the Indians in Silicon Valley.
While no one ethnic group dominates the globalist plutocracy numerically — even WASPs
can still be found within its ranks — there is little doubt that what E. Michael Jones calls “the
Jewish revolutionary spirit” provides what amounts to its guiding ideology.
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Google CEO Sundar Pichai testified before the House Judiciary Committee on Capitol Hill.
(Credit Image: © Jeff Malet / Newscom via ZUMA Press)
WASPs are largely responsible for the invention of both the nation-state and the modern
business corporation. I believe WASPs have an ethnoreligious duty, therefore, to clean up the
mess that they and others have made of their biocultures and its extended phenotypes (or
Lebenswelt as a German might put it more poetically). Having become a stateless people, the
WASP diaspora ought to re-model itself to some degree on the experience of the other, oncestateless diaspora; namely, the Jews.
In other words, like the Jews,
WASPs should be more than
the ethnomasochistic peoplein-itself that they are at
present; they can and should
become an ethnocentric
people-for-itself. The one
essential lesson they must learn
from Jews is that it is morally
permissible, indeed obligatory,
to ask of every public policy,
corporate institution, and
religious practice one simple
question; namely, “Is it good
for the WASPs?”
WASPs need to regenerate the
ethnoreligious spirit of the
early medieval Angelcynn [an
Old English word for the
English people or nation]
church. In the time of Alfred
the Great (849-899), the
church provided the embryonic
English people with the first
intimation that they, too, could
become, a “holy nation”
destined to do God’s work in
healing a wounded world. The
most important task of a
resurrected Angelcynn church
and its ancillary educational
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Karl Barth in 1956 (Credit Image: Hans Lachmann
via Wikimedia)
institutions will be to prepare
WASPs to play a leading role
in the reconstitution of a
responsible ruling class.
Just how one major aspect of such a program might be accomplished is the subject of my
forthcoming book on the republican reformation of corporate governance. It is to be
published by Arktos Media. It is: Reinventing Aristocracy in the Age of Woke Capital: How
Honourable WASP Elites Could Rescue Our Civilization from Bad Governance by
Irresponsible Corporate Plutocrats.
Grégoire Canlorbe: You have written about the “German Church Struggle” in the 1930s—
and how the victory of the side most famously represented by Karl Barth encouraged the
cosmopolitan character of Christianity in the whole West. What alternative is there to the
deracinated universalism of mainstream Christianity?
Drew Fraser: The story of the conflict within German Protestant churches between
supporters and opponents of the National Socialist regime is known as the Kirchenkampf.
Mainstream historical writing on the church struggle typically rests on one unshakeable
premise; namely, that, even before the war, the National Socialists, generally, and Adolf
Hitler, in particular, were culpably criminal and irredeemably evil.
Karl Barth played a leading role in organizing ecclesiastical opposition to Hitler’s regime and
its German Christian supporters. At the end of the war, Barth emerged as the clear victor over
his völkische [“folkish” or national] rivals in the Protestant churches. By the 1960s, he was a
world-renowned religious thinker, even appearing on the cover of Time magazine. He gave
an enormous boost to cosmopolitan Christianity by rejecting any Volkskirche [national
church] by denying that either nations or nationality were any part of the divinely-ordained
order of creation.
Barth refused to acknowledge that the Church can “be regarded as a human production.” He
insisted that the Church does not owe its existence to this world; rather its being is “secured,
unthreatened, and incontestable only from above, only from God, not from below, not from
the side of its human members.”
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By contrast, the ideal of the Volkskirche rejected by Barth and his ecclesiastical allies held
that “in the national determination of man we have an order of creation no less than in the
relationship of man and woman and parents and children.” But mainstream Christians in
every erstwhile Anglo-Saxon country now regard their own peoples as merely historical
constructs whose purely contingent national identity cannot be identified as a command of
God or a presupposition of the divine order of things.
Barth’s complete ideological triumph has effectively licensed the virtual extinction of
Christian nationhood throughout the Western world.
Grégoire Canlorbe: What has been the fate of the Anglican Church in Australia compared to
Western Christianity’s other denominations?
Drew Fraser: The Anglican Church of Australia, especially in its Sydney Diocese, regards
itself as Christian first, evangelical second, and Anglican a distant third.In his 2012
Presidential Address, the then-Archbishop of Sydney, Peter Jensen lent fulsome support to
the transformation of Sydney into a multiracial global city. He celebrated the fact that
between 2006 and 2011 over 300,000 migrants arrived in Sydney from over 216 countries.
He was not at all worried that China and India now dominate the countries of origin.
Just this year, the Sydney Diocese elected as its new Archbishop a Buddhist adult convert to
Christianity whose Sri Lankan parents migrated to Australia when he was a young child.
Clearly, Sydney Anglicans have no interest in the survival of a national church nurturing and
preserving the ethnoreligious identity of the white Anglo-Saxon Protestants whose ancestors
founded the Church of England in Australia.
This represents a sharp departure from the hopes invested in the Broad-Church movement in
the 19th century Church of England.First John 5:6-8 tells us that the Trinitarian character of a
holy people is found in the “three who bear witness on earth: the Spirit, the water, and the
blood; and these three agree as one.”At least one Anglican theologian, Frederick Denison
Maurice (1805-1872), located the Spirit, the water, and the blood in the tripartite spiritual
constitution of every national church.
Maurice defended the Trinitarian unity of family, church, and nation. Unfortunately, the
Anglican Church of Australia and elsewhere has rejected such a traditionalist theology.
Instead, WASPs in the Australian Church have embraced the secular cult of human equality
with all the enthusiasm their middle-class English souls can muster.
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Frederick Denison Maurice
Anglo-Australian Anglicans have missed altogether the theological point and purpose of
Australian nationhood. Indeed, the Church has joined forces with the State to siphon off the
Spirit and the water from the blood-faith of its Angelcynn forebears. The amorphous mass of
individualistic WASP Anglicans must be satisfied with the thin gruel offered to them by a
“public theology” engaged in the competitive (indeed pathological) display of out-group
altruism that characterizes evangelical mission in a post-Christian world.
Grégoire Canlorbe: You suggest theology as the “queen of the racial sciences”—and race as
a trinitarian phenomenon paralleling the trinitarian deity. Thus you envision “race-asbiology,” “race-as-ethnicity,” and “race-as-theology” as the three elements of race—
especially in the white man. Please tell us more.
Drew Fraser: There are three dimensions to racial and ethnic identity. The first, race-asbiology, promises to shed light on the relationship between blood and behavior as manifested
in measurable group differences such as average intelligence, temperament, and reproductive
strategies.
By contrast, race-as-ethnicity deals with the myths and symbols that move men to collective
action. As Hannah Arendt observed, to act, “in the most general sense, means to take an
initiative, to begin . . . to set something in motion.” The actor is someone who starts
something new. Applied to the birth of an ethno-nation, her insights suggest that action
promotes the process of ethnogenesis in two stages: (1) the beginning made by a charismatic
leader; and (2) the subsequent construction of a novel collective identity by his followers.
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The valkyrie Sigrdrífa says a pagan Norse prayer in Sigrdrífumál. (Illustration by Arthur
Rackham via Wikimedia)
No wonder, then, that the imagined community of Christians appeared in late antiquity “in
the guise of a miracle.” Not even the most devout Jews longing for the messianic restoration
of national Israel expected what actually came to pass. Against all the odds, Christians—this
new race of men—were moved by the Spirit to accomplish their divinely-appointed mission.
Race-as-theology helps us to understand how Spirit and blood mingled with the life-giving
power of water to sustain the first, embryonic Christian communities. Since then, Christian
nationhood has been nourished by the continuing interplay of Spirit, water, and blood. But
disorder or dysfunction in one or more of those elements has led many nations to defeat and
destruction.
Even the most atheistic practitioners of race-as-biology concede that a shared religious faith
is likely to enhance the inclusive fitness of any race or nation. Conversely, the essentially
trinitarian character of Christian nationhood is subverted when the unitarian logic of biology
suppresses the theological dimension of racial or ethnic identity.
But a one-dimensional obsession with race-as-theology is no less productive of disastrous
consequences. The now-dominant unitarian theology of cosmopolitan Christianity asserts that
there is only one race, the human race. The denial by “anti-racists” of the fixed, intractable,
biological character of the observable differences between various groups provides
ideological cover for the deliberate displacement of white Europeans in favor of non-white
immigrants.
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Differences between Negroes, white Europeans, and Orientals are part of the divinelyordered nature of things. Race is a theological not just a biological or cultural phenomenon.
Those who refuse to recognize the theological significance of race do so at their peril.
Grégoire Canlorbe: Could you remind us of your case for a “patriotic king” in Australia, a
wording you borrow from a book by Henry St. John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751)?
Drew Fraser: Royalty plays a central role in the Bible story. Jesus the Christ traced his
descent from King David. As the very model of an English David, Alfred the Great
established a Christian kingdom in England. The hereditary monarch of the British dominions
once served as trustee-in-chief for his realm. The religious significance of the monarchy was
given formal recognition when Henry VIII and his heirs and successors were declared to be
Supreme Governors of the Church of England. The Royal Supremacy played a significant
role in the rise of the Broad-Church movement in the 19th century Church of England.
Nowadays, it has become little more than a hollow simulacrum of the putative royal authority
vested in a shapeshifting Crown. As in secular matters, the reigning monarch exercises the
Royal Supremacy as a rubber stamp for any government of the United Kingdom commanding
a majority in the House of Commons.
A major objective of a future network of Angelcynn churches throughout the Anglosphere
should be to rescue the captive Crown in right of the Royal Supremacy from corrupt
politicians with no demonstrable interest in the spiritual welfare of Anglo-Saxons “at home”
Statue of Alfred the
Great at Wantage,
Oxfordshire. (Credit
Image: Steve Daniels
via Wikimedia)
or in the diaspora. Once
Royal Supremacy over the
Church of England has been
insulated from political
control, it should be extended
to every reformed Angelcynn
Church, not just in the United
Kingdom, but throughout the
British dominions as well.In
time, it may become possible
for the Crown to charter
Angelcynn churches, even in
what remains of the
American republic.
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In the eighteenth century,
Henry St. John, Viscount
Bolingbroke, appalled by the
blatant corruption of the
ruling Whig oligarchy, hoped
that the idea of a Patriot King
would re-awaken the English
nation from its spiritual
slumbers. The appearance of
such a patriot prince would
have been a miracle. In our
own time, it is doubly hard to imagine a British prince daring to stand against a government
determined to maintain its control over the royal prerogative in ecclesiastical affairs. But, as
Bolingbroke wrote, those who pray for such a deliverance must not neglect such means as are
in their power “to keep the cause of reason, of virtue, and of liberty alive.” The blessing of a
patriot prince might indeed “be withheld from us” but to “deserve at least that it be granted to
us, let us prepare to receive it, to improve it, and to cooperate with it.”
Bolingbroke knew that were a patriot prince to campaign in defense of the monarchy, he
would be subject to a raging torrent of criticism and abuse. Yet when a good prince is seen
“to suffer with the people, and in some measure for them . . . many advantages would accrue
to him.” For one thing, the cause of the British peoples generally “and his own cause would
be made the same by their common enemies.”
What is the nature of that cause? In short, acting as the Supreme Governor of an Angelcynn
communion extending throughout the Anglosphere, a patriot prince will call forth a spirit of
resistance to both managerial statism and the abstract universalism of globalist plutocracy. He
will do everything in his power to civilize those wild and immoral forces. But the appearance
of a Patriot King is not inevitable. Indeed, only a people whose lost liberties are restored to
memory will recognize his coming as an opportunity to reshape their allegedly preordained
future.
Anglo-Saxon republicans may yet be compelled to call upon God to save the King. As things
stand now, the ritual absence of the monarch from everyday life is but one more sign that we
are no longer a serious people. Forswearing the faith of our fathers, we surrender our bodies
to the state and our souls to the degenerate society of the spectacle. It would be a sign of
spiritual and moral progress were we to wish that a Patriot King will come to save us.
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Joseph de Maistre, perhaps the most eloquent proponent of “throne and altar” ideology.
In effect, the idea of a Patriot King would serve as a Sorelian myth, inspiring WASPs to act
in opposition to an irresponsible and corrupt plutocratic system demanding automatic
obedience and mindless conformity. For the radical French syndicalist Georges Sorel (18471922), men cannot be galvanized into action through discourse or considered analysis.
According to historian Irving Louis Horowitz, Sorel viewed action as “the outcome of an
appeal to imagination and intuition, which dramatizes the consequences of an act rather than
[offering] a reasoned prediction of those consequences.”
An ethnoreligious appeal to the idea of a Patriot King will nourish WASPs around the world
“on the strength of kinship and community feeling; on the ability to act as a collective unit.”
To act as a whole, as a united people, WASPs will need to focus on a single unifying
element. As a Sorelian myth, the pragmatic value of the idea of a Patriot King will not
depend on its “objectively primary content as such, but simply the quality of making men
cohere in a common endeavour.”
Remember, though: a king is, indeed, like unto God; he cannot save those who will not save
themselves. Those who pray for the miraculous appearance of a Patriot King must make
themselves worthy of such a blessing. The resurrection of the Angelcynn church will be but
the first step in the salvation of the WASPs. Much else will need to be done if virtuous
WASPs are to create and secure “little republics” of their own on the fiercely-contested
terrain of a transnational civil society.
Grégoire Canlorbe: You studied the “theological significance of the destruction of the
Jerusalem temple in AD 70.” What would be the political, “theological significance” of the
reconstruction of the Jerusalem temple—and of the reestablishment of the priestly caste
attached to its service?
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The Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem, by David Roberts (1850).
Drew Fraser: Mainstream Christianity rests upon some version of a futurist eschatology.
That is to say, most Christians, Catholics and Protestants alike, believe that the Bible reveals
the salvation history and destiny of
humanity from the creation of planet
earth in Genesis until the end of the
world at the Second Coming of Jesus
Christ. Belief in the prophesied end of
the world takes several forms. Most
Christians are “amillennialists” who
take no firm position of when or how
the Second Coming will take place.
“Post-millennialists,” by contrast,
believe that Christ will return only after
the kingdom of God has established its
dominion to the ends of the earth.
Christian Zionists (aka
“dispensationalists”) believe that the
reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple
will inaugurate the Millennial
(thousand-year) reign of Jesus Christ
here on earth in preparation for the Last
Judgement. On this view, the
establishment of the Israeli state in 1948
was in partial fulfillment of God’s
promise of salvation to all Christians.
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Not all Christians, however, accept the deeply-entrenched (though competing) ecclesiastical
traditions grounded in a futurist eschatology. Preterists (from the Latin praeter meaning
“past”) hold that the Bible story effectively comes to an end with the destruction of the
Temple in AD 70. Their reading of the bible story suggests that those who look forward to
the return of Jesus Christ at the end of the world are misinterpreting the Bible in accordance
with presuppositions grounded in a false hermeneutic. Futurist eschatology, preterists say, is
unbiblical.
Preterists hold to a covenantal eschatology grounded in a Hebrew hermeneutic according to
which the Bible story has to do with the rise and fall of Old Covenant Israel. They insist that
the clear text of Scripture shows that all of the biblical prophecies of a new heaven and a new
earth, not just those in Revelations, were fulfilled in AD 70. In August of that year, Christ
came (the Parousia or Second Coming) to oversee the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem,
the physical center of the old heaven and old earth occupied by God’s first people. In
Revelation, we see the Old Covenant world of Israel sinking into lakes of fire, while the New
Covenant enters into history to create a new heaven and new earth. The Jerusalem Temple
makes its exit in a spectacular cataclysm. The new creation becomes incarnate in the church,
the ecclesiastical Body of Christ, which by AD 70 has been carried to the ends of the known
world. There the bible story ends.
The Old Covenant bound the holy nation of Israel to God; the New Covenant extended the
grace of God to every nation (ethnos) of the oikumene. The leaves of the tree of life in the
New Jerusalem were to serve for “the healing of nations.” Old Israel was no more. On
Judgement Day, Christ sentenced the stiff-necked synagogue of Satan to spiritual death. Only
a righteous remnant was left to carry the holy seed of Israel unto the nations. For almost two
thousand years, every Christian nation adjured Jews within their realm to recognize their
Redeemer, thus ending their age-old rebellion against God. In sharp contrast to the Jews,
Anglo-Saxons eagerly entered into the new covenant world.
A preterist biblical hermeneutic is clearly opposed to Christian Zionist dispensationalism.
The reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple by the modern Israeli state cannot be justified
theologically within the framework of covenant eschatology. (It would, of course, signal a
blasphemous desire to reverse the divine judgement on Old Covenant Israel.)
On a positive note, preterism provides a warrant for an Angelcynn ethnonational church
aiming to raise up WASPs as a holy nation in their own right. Such a warrant was clearly
exercised when the early Christian church recognized a biocultural affinity between the
covenantal language of the Bible itself and the prominent place occupied by covenants in
tribal social structures of Old England.
Conversely, once Anglo-Saxon churches downplayed the importance of blood covenants to
the spiritual life of both family and nation, the ancestral attachment of Anglo-Saxon
Protestants to the Body of Christ began to fade away. The civil religion of the modern
Anglican church, focused as it is on personal salvation, refuses to recognize itself as the
spiritual home of the large, partly-inbred extended family that constitutes the Anglo-Saxon
ethny. No such bloodless faith will ever give birth to a holy nation in the eyes of God.
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Contemporary WASPs drawing upon the wisdom enshrined in Holy Scripture will recognize
that their own ethnonation, no less than ancient Israel, must ground itself in a divinelyordained covenant between the dead, the living, and the unborn. The living members of a
godly nation will see themselves as the trustees of the family blood, rights, property, name,
and position for their lifetime. They have an inheritance from the past to be developed and
preserved for the future. Along with its warrant for nationhood and a storehouse of wisdom
for all ages, the biblical fate of Old Covenant Israel stands as a clear warning to any nation
breaching its covenantal obligations to God and man.
Grégoire Canlorbe: Thank you for your time. Please, feel free to add anything else.
Drew Fraser: Thanks for the opportunity to do this. I found your questions quite stimulating.
Grégoire Canlorbe is an independent scholar based in Paris.
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