Children of Mercury: New Light on the Members of the Florentine Company of St. Luke (c. 1475-c. 1525) Author(s): Dennis V. Geronimus and Louis A. Waldman Source: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 47. Bd., H. 1 (2003), pp. 118-158 Published by: {kif}, Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz, Max-Planck-Institut Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27655332 Accessed: 23-07-2017 22:52 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz, Max-Planck-Institut is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms CHILDREN OF MERCURY: NEW LIGHT ON THE MEMBERS OF THE FLORENTINE COMPANY OF ST LUKE (c. 1475-c. 1525) by Dennis V. Geronimus and Louis A. Waldman In the Middle Ages and the Renaissance members of various professions relying on a combina tion of arte (technical skill) and ingegno (innate talent) were considered to be under the tutelary influence of Mercury. Baccio Baldini's engraving illustrates a number of professions, such as those practiced by gold and silversmiths, sculptors, painters, and makers of organs and clocks, which we would today consider the "fine arts" and others that would fit the modern definition of "applied" or "minor arts" (Fig. 1). Nonetheless, if Baldini's print suggests that artists and artisans working in different professions were seen as conjoined, the reality was somewhat more complex. Though the idea was emerging, already by the end of the fifteenth century, that the visual artist belonged to a larger body of professions united by manual and intellectual skill or virtu, the statutes of the guilds and the confraternity indicate that their members were in fact governed by strict regula tions that frequently emphasized their separate character and their diverse individual interests. Corporate bodies of artists reflected ways of thinking about the nature of art that were marked by a distinct dichotomy between liberal togetherness and the rigid rules dictating the relations within the guilds and confraternities that existed at the time. In Renaissance Florence painters and sculp tors belonged to different guilds, and even carvers in wood and stone had different guild associa tions. The striving for social, religious, and economic solidarity, on the other hand, appears to have remained a constant. As early as the 1330s, this desire for community was officially ex pressed in the formation of a collective that united painters, members of affiliated trades (gilders and makers of frames and panels), and a small number of sculptors: the Florentine painters' con fraternity of St. Luke, so named after its patron saint, the first-century Evangelist, physician, and painter (Fig. 2).1 In the past, an artist's mention in the "Libro Rosso" of the Compagnia di San Luca was equated by scholars with an entry into the society at that particular date.2 The "Libro Rosso" served as the debt and payment ledger of the artists' brotherhood and its members for the years 1472-1520; this invaluable record of accounts is now located in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze (Accademia del Disegno, no. 2). It has been most frequently assumed that the words in the "Libro Rosso" from 1503-5 represent the total membership of the confraternity, since the 1503-5 register provides the most complete listing of membership since the records of 1472 in the same ledger. It should be noted, however, that the 1503-5 entries are only partial remnants of a once larger archive, provid ing us with a fragmentary picture. Four documents of the Company of St. Luke for the years 1477,1482,1484, and 1499 introduced in the second half of this study allow us to peer deeper into the social and professional lives of painters working in the late Quattrocento.3 Such a gradual reconstruction is further facilitated by the addition of four Cinquecento records, dating 1504, 1509, 1520, and 1525. Together these previously unknown membership rosters include names both distinguished and virtually anonymous, ranging from Botticelli to the puckish Nunziato d'Antonio Puccini, called "Il Nunziata", a painter of fantocci (puppets) and master of firework displays.4 In contrast to the flagellant and landest brotherhoods (both combining devotion and charity) that formed the majority of Florentine confraternities, the Company of St. Luke was a confrater nity whose members all practiced the same or a related trade.5 In its status as a 'professional' confraternity, the company was not unique, but it was unusual. From among the hundred and This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke sixty or so confraternities recorded in medieval and Renaissance Florence, fewer than a dozen were restricted by trade or profession. Entry to such professional confraternities was generally confined to members of a single guild, as illustrated by the members of the Compagnia di Sant'Eligio (company of goldsmiths), all of whom belonged to the Arte della Seta (Guild of Silk Merchants and Goldsmiths).6 In contrast with the norm for such trade confraternities, the members of the Compagnia di San Luca could belong to two different guilds. The painters of pictures and the painters of fabrics and clothing belonged to a major guild, the Arte dei Medici, Speziali e Merciai (Guild of Doctors, Apothecaries, and Grocers), while the sculptors, stonemasons, woodworkers, and panel-makers belonged to a minor guild, the Arte di Pietra e Legname (Guild of Workers in Stone and Wood). Before branching off into their own self-governing body, the painters of Florence retained only a qualified autonomy within a complex hierarchy of subgroups falling under the regulatory constraints of the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries.7 The Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries was perhaps the most extreme of the Florentine Arti in its diversity of membership. At first an association of spice and drug merchants, by the end of the thirteenth century the guild came to include barbers, glassblowers, cutlers, booksellers, potters, and makers of masks, lanterns, tennis racquets and balls, ornamental swords, and veils. Even Paolo Toscanelli, most renowned as an astronomer and cosmographer, was the son of a physician and was counted among the members as zfisico, or a doctor of medicine.8 Members of different trades who in the course of their dealings came into contact with each other were often united under the aegis of the same guild. This proved to be the case with the painters, who placed themselves under the guild's jurisdiction in the last years of the Dugento and became classed specifically under the speziali (apothecaries).9 The com mercial motivation for this grouping was undoubtedly reciprocal, since the painters' supply of pigments was dependent on the apothecaries, who were responsible both for preparing and sell ing the herbal and mineral components of the pigments (often the same ingredients used for me dicinal purposes), and for procuring them from their agents abroad (Fig. 3).10 The guild's chief areas of control with regard to the painters were mostly limited to interven tion in contractual disputes and the safeguarding of quality controls. The earliest surviving code of statutes of 1313-16 divided the guild into its three branches. The statutes delineate the specific licensing requirements and regulations that shaped the professional lives of the guild members.11 This included rigid points of discipline, such as those concerning fraudulence. In the case of the painters the latter involved such prohibited practices as the mixture of silver with gold or the selling of German azzurro in place of genuine ultramarine blue. To turn to its beginnings, the Company of St. Luke gained limited independence from the guild on 17 October 1339, a move that presumably led the way to the admission of artisans who belonged to the Guild of the Workers in Stone and Wood. The enactments of 1339 saw the ratifi cation of the company's earliest known capitoli or statutes, as the society ? referred to as the "Compagnia di Santo Lucha Evangelista" for the first time ? became a constituted corporation, though still remaining reliant in part on the greater guild and possessing no special political or social distinction.12 The statutes also established the governing body, consisting of four capitani (captains) and four consiglieri (counselors) ? who, together, led the company's meetings ? along with two camarlinghi (bursars/treasurers). Although women were not barred from the company and receive mention in a statute concerning attendance at confession and communion (as well as the matter of reduced dues for all Florentine residents), none appear within the surviving mem bership rosters. Soon after the promulgation of the society's statutes of 1349, the company acquired the right to assemble in the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, which remained the chief site of its meetings for more than 150 years (Fig. 4). It is important to note that the gathering place was not the cappella maggiore of Sant'Egidio, the official church of Santa Maria Nuova and a part of the This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 119 120 D..V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke hospital since c. 1314.13 The cappella maggiore of Sant'Egidio, built in 1345-1450, was under the patronage of the Portinari family and was never shared by the Company of St. Luke, as early scholars believed. The Cappella di San Luca was instead originally located in the oratory at the center of the male ward of the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, also known as the Chiesa di Santa Maria Nuova.14 On 10 September 1349, in the year following the devastating plague in Florence and ten years after the first enactment of the company's statutes, the structure of the larger, governing Arte was confirmed in a revised statute of its own. It was then that the artists officially enrolled themselves as the "Compagnia e Fraternita di San Luca", under the special protection of the Virgin Mary and Sts. John the Baptist, Zenobius, and Reparata.15 The statutes of 1349 were the most influential ones drafted during the guild's formative period, setting the chief precedents that the smaller con fraternity was to follow for the next two centuries. In a statute of 28 January 1406 the captains of the guild intervened to raise the prestige of the company and to improve its current state through a better organization of its structure.16 The statute also included the provision that twice a month the painters should congregate in a house belonging to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova and there, in a chapel consecrated in the name of St. Luke, should celebrate mass and other divine offices in honor of God and their patron saint. It must be emphasized that not necessarily every painter mentioned in the company's lists was also enrolled in the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries. Those working as pupils or apprentices were not required to register with the guild, although they could join the Company of St. Luke, which unlike the major guilds was not a Magistratura de lio S tato (magistracy of the state) and thus had no official legal standing as a public body. In some instances, even well-established artists joined the guild at a significantly later date than they entered the brotherhood. A good example is Botticelli, who did not join the former body until the age of fifty-five.17 Granacci's surviving mem bership records reveal at least a twenty-three year gap between his first recorded participation in the Company of St. Luke (1499) and the guild (1522), while Piero di Cosimo's first documented activity in the confraternity (1482) and the guild (1504) was at least twenty-two years apart.18 The Company of St. Luke, like a guild, soon grew into its own amalgam of various types of artisans, though painters of pictures still dominated the ranks. Baccio Baldini's engraving of the professions associated with the influence of the planet Mercury (Fig. 1), in its emphasis on the alliance of various trades having to do with the skilled making of objects, reflects to some extent the diversity of this heterogenous body. Baldini's print portrays painting, sculpture, drawing, and other arts as professions linked by their emphasis on ingegno; in a similar fashion, the Compagnia di San Luca united painters and sculptors with such varied tradesmen as goldbeaters, miniaturists, painters on glass, cloth stainers, playing card makers, and shield decorators.19 As Ronald Weissman has noted, all brotherhoods, including the Company of St. Luke, served as a "primitive type of social insurance"20, with various shows of solidarity and mutual assistance. In return for the payment of dues, each member was entitled to medical and burial benefits and, if necessary, the provision of a daughter's dowry or weekly cash payments if he fell ill or encoun tered a serious financial setback, such as the forced closing of a shop.21 Many Florentine confrater nities were diverse in socioeconomic makeup, but membership of the Company of St. Luke was essentially made up of members of the artisan class, even if the economic fortunes of individual members could vary significantly. The matriculation fee for the guild is recorded in the late Quattrocento and early Cinquecento as six soldi for natives and twelve soldi for foreigners, while annual dues for the company are recorded early in the Quattrocento as ten soldi.22 Like all confraternities, the company's social function was inseparable from its devotional prac tices. These are explicitly spelled out in the confraternity's earliest surviving statutes of 1339, which decreed that all members were to recite daily five Paternosters and five Aves, and if memory should fail, the omission was to be rectified the next day.23 Extant payments made by the confraternity, This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke such as those surviving from 1472, include pennons for the trumpets used during the processions on St. Luke's Day and candles for the feast of Santa Maria Candelaia on the 2nd of February.24 The celebration of St. Luke's Day every 18th of October was naturally of greatest importance and observed with much preparation. It was on this day, beginning in the last quarter of the seven teenth century, that all the finest pictures not in situ were gathered from the masters' workshops and exhibited in the chapel of St. Luke and the adjoining cloisters of SS. Annunziata. The location of the company's residenza (meeting place or seat) varied over the centuries fol lowing the society's foundation. On 22 January 1504 a contract between the society and Leonardo Buonaf?, the spedalingo (hospital director) of Santa Maria Nuova, finally formalized the long standing agreement granting the company the license to gather and worship in the church (see Appendix, A, VI). The contract also records the conditional rental of a room near the hospital, previously used to store straw, for seven lire a year.25 The company began to conduct its bi-monthly meetings there, while continuing to use their chapel for its religious services. But by the second decade of the sixteenth century Buonaf? appears to have appropriated the company's meeting chamber for the hospital's expansion. It was at this time that the final north arm of the hospital's male ward was finished, completing the ward's large cruciform plan.26 The building expansion must have been finished by 1515, for it was in this year that Buonaf? transferred the headquarters of the Company of St. Luke to another building within the hospital-complex ? but detached from the buildings' original base ? on Via della Pergola.27 The company presumably still enjoyed access to their chapel in the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova on days of festivals or ceremony. On occasion, however, the artists were denied the use of the room on Via della Pergola as well.28 Evicted from this room in 1550, the company was paid 200 lire in compensation for its invest ments related to improvements made to the space. From that year onward the society was without a fixed meeting place, and, according to official accounts, this transience was accompanied by a growing neglect and a flagging of members' interest.29 This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 122 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 2 Neri di Bicci, Annunciation with Sts. Apollonia and Luke, 1458. Florence, Accademia. The confraternity continued in its relatively depressed state until the creation of the Compagnia ed Accademia del Disegno, founded on 13 January 1563 under the protection and control of Duke Cosimo I de' Medici.30 As the old guild of the Medici e Speziali lost its influence, the Academy came to control all matters related to art production from the 1570s onward and in 1584 was officially incorporated as a guild with all of its accompanying privileges.31 It should be noted, however, that the Academy was generally recognized as a revival of the former brotherhood, and in reality ? despite its new name, influenced by earlier literary academies and other more infor mal gatherings of virtuosi32 ? it retained many of the religio-fraternal functions of the old confra ternity. While embracing its past devotional functions, the Academy also sought to promote and teach elements of theory and practice necessary for the arts of disegno. In this latter function the society apparently failed to achieve its most ambitious goals. As revealed by some members' com plaints, most vigorously expressed by Federico Zuccaro in a proposal for a number of improve ments he drafted in 1575-78, the formal education of young artists was at times overlooked. Nonetheless, in the face of Nicholaus Pevsner's focus on such apparent disillusionment regarding the efficacy of teaching reforms, Charles Dempsey has shown that the Academy showed "an urgent desire" to remedy such failings and actively sought to provide artists with solid founda tions in both theory and practice, providing lessons in anatomy at the Ospedale di Santa Maria Nuova and architecture, perspective drawing, and mathematics at the Academy's headquarters in the Borgo Pinti.33 According to the evidence of its many activities, the Academy demonstrated a "collective creative energy, governed by open competition" (Dempsey), as illustrated in prepara tions and designs for public events ranging from festivals and weddings to the funeral of Michelangelo in 1564. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Turning to the new archival evidence, the modest thrills hidden in the trail of members' names and records of their decisions taken, often surrounded by thickets of legal formulae, are realized at least in part through a feat of the imagination. Envisioning a candle-lit room at the residence of a Bartolomeo di Niccol? Moschini in the parish of Santa Maria in Campo on 18 October 1477, we become privy to a gathering of thirty-six men, among them Domenico Ghirlandaio, Filippino Lippi, Botticelli, Francesco Botticini, and Jacopo del Sellaio, seated side by side perhaps and en gaged in conversation. The artistic associations and partnerships so often discussed in terms of stylistic lineage gain a physical immediacy and sense of place. In this spirit we begin with the first document of the Company of St. Luke presented here, describing a meeting of 1477 (Appendix, A, I). Domenico di Zanobi di Piero Mori is elected as the society's procurator, invested with the power to represent the society in any legal matters in the city's tribunals and empowered to act in cases involving the rental of shops or property, the confirmation of payments, monetary claims from debitors, agreement renewals, and peace-making between members. The document notes that "duas partes et ultra" of the total membership of the confraternity at this time is represented by the thirty-six attendees. The presence of over two-thirds of the mem bership is repeated in the recorded meetings of 1504,1520, and 1525, hence suggesting that it may have been necessary for the company to have a two-thirds quorum to transact official business. This specification also allows us to make some conjectures about the entire size of the company during those years. The estimates would thus project at least fifty-four members in 1477; forty two in 1504; thirty-five in 1520, and a significant rise, reaching fifty-nine or more members, in 1525. Of those members mentioned as present in 1477, approximately nineteen to twenty-three can be verified as (at least) second time attendees on the basis of the rolls of 1472 in the "Libro Rosso". These include three of the four captains, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Filippo di Giuliano di Matteo34, and Piero del Massaio di Jacopo35; and at least two of the three counselors, Baldo di Piero d'Antonio36 and Piero di Lorenzo Pratese.37 The best candidate for Francesco di Lorenzo di Francesco, the third mentioned counselor, is the printmaker, miniaturist, mapmaker, and brother of Cosimo Rosselli: Francesco di Lorenzo Rosselli (1448-1513).38 Other members present at the meeting of 1477 who were already mentioned in the rolls of 1472 include Jacopo del Sellaio, who partnered Filippo di Giuliano di Matteo in their workshop in Piazza di San Miniato fra le Torri in 149039, together with the even more noticeable presence of the twenty-year old Filippino Lippi and the more established figures of Sandro Botticelli, Giusto d'Andrea di Giusto40, Francesco Botticini41 and the seventy-one year old Giovanni di ser Giovanni (called "Lo Scheggia"), younger brother of Masaccio.42 Markedly more inconspicuous is the second-time mention of an unfamed figure such as Spigliato di Spigliato.43 Perhaps the most familiar of the artists who are mentioned among the membership for the first time in 1477 is Bernardo di Stefano Rosselli (1450-1526), appearing at the age of twenty-seven.44 Much less recognizable first mentions belong to Piero d'Antonio di Niccol? and Piero di Paolo di Francesco.45 The society convened again on 25 November 1482 in the guild hall of the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries near the church of Sant'Andrea (Appendix, A, II).46 The dating of this document is chronologically significant in its relation to the just-completed Sistine Chapel project and the subsequent return to Florence of many of the painters responsible for its decoration.47 The chief purpose of the meeting on the 25th of November was the granting of the power of general attor ney to Vettorio Ghiberti (1418-1496), sculptor and bronze-founder who maintained the work shop created by his father, Lorenzo, for the casting of the Baptistry doors.48 The contract also contains a valuable roll call of those members present. In all, the document mentions twenty-two names, including such prominent figures as Botticelli, Filippino Lippi, Alesso Baldovinetti, Jacopo del Sellaio, as well as Neri di Bicci49 and his one-time pupils Cosimo Rosselli and Cosimo's second cousin Bernardo di Stefano Rosselli. Biagio d'Antonio, Francesco di Lorenzo Rosselli, and This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 123 124 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Francesco di Jacopo50 are noted as the three captains. Lorenzo di Piero51, Bartolomeo di Giovanni (sargiaio or fabric-painter)52, and Davide Ghirlandaio53 appear as the society's three counselors. Most prominent among the three members never before mentioned among previously known documents relating to the company is Piero di Cosimo (1462-1522), referred to in the documents as Piero di Lorenzo di Piero. Aged twenty at the time, Piero would have remained a part of the Cosimo Rosselli bottega, which he is known to have already entered as an apprentice by 1480.54 Further research has also yielded several additional signposts in Piero's early biography, together with the surname of Ubaldini that the painter assumed late in his life.55 The first of two lesser known artists making their first appearance in 1482 was a miniaturist by the name of Donato d'Antonio (d. 1512), who was also a member of the flagellant Compagnia di San Paolo, of which he was the Sacristan in 1476 and the Governor in 1494-95 and 1499.56 Sandro di Giovanni d'Andr?a (1443-1516), a magistervetri (glass painter) and another newly documented arrival, is perhaps best known for having executed a window for the choir of Santa Maria Novella on the designs of Domenico Ghirlandaio's cartoons.57 Eight of the names on the list ? arguably eight of the most established at that time ? are also found in the records of the "Libro Rosso"58, mentioned as owing and paying ten soldi on the same date of 25 November 1482 and thus almost certainly present at the same meeting.59 The lone artist who is included in these payments but who remained unmentioned in the notarial record of the meeting is Andrea di Marco della Robbia (1435-1525).60 Another document, drafted a little more than two years later on 29 January 1484 (Appendix, A, III), names the company's three newly elected procurators as Vettorio Ghiberti, Neri di Bicci, and Cosimo Rosselli. The first half of the document again provides us with the names of the company's three captains at this time ? Domenico Ghirlandaio, Filippino Lippi, and Zanobi d'Antonio del Ticcia61 ? along with the names of ten other artists (and one goldbeater) in a list of those present at the meeting.62 Nine names from the document of 1482 are now absent, while three others have made a new appearance. The latter group consists of Gesue d'Antonio Santi, who was entered in the registers of 1472, together with two men previously missing completely from older records: Jacopo del Pace and Giovanni di Mich?le di Lorenzo da Larciano, nicknamed "Il Graffione". The documented presence of these last two artists is made all the more precious in light of how little is otherwise known about their biographies or artistic productivity. The sole clue that we have relating to Jacopo del Pace, for example, comes from Gaetano Milanesi, who suggested that the artist may be identical with a pupil of Castagno named Jacopo del Corso.63 Only slightly more is known about "Il Graffione" (1455-1521)64, albeit for the most part through the pen of Vasari, who first mentions him in the Life of Alesso Baldovinetti.65 No secure works by "Il Graffione" appear to survive, despite Herbert Home's attribution of a Nativity, placed in the middle section of Baldovinetti's Sant'Ambrogio altarpiece that replaced the tabernacle for the Relic of the Sacra ment, to the younger master's hand on the basis of a rather willful reading of the documented payments.66 Vasari's sole attribution to the painter is also an incorrect one: a God the Father with some angels, in fresco, over the portal of Santa Maria degli Innocenti, now documented as ex ecuted by Giovanni da Rovezzano.67 Instead, the Aretine focuses his critical eye on "Il Graffione"'s supposedly provocative personality, describing the painter as a "bizzarra e fant?stica persona", his thoughts and eccentric actions the product of a "stravagante cervello".68 The fourth and final Quattrocento document relates to a meeting of the confraternity of paint ers on 18 October 1499 (Appendix, A, IV). Unlike the previous two documents, drafted at the seat of the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries near Sant'Andrea, this lengthy text was composed in the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. The business at hand is again the election of two procura tors. The list of those present has greatly expanded since the two meetings in the 1480s, now citing fifty-six members. Botticelli, Filippino Lippi, and Lorenzo di Credi (with Cosimo Rosselli as This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 3 Anonymous, Interior of an apothecary's shop. Issogne, Castello, loggia. substitute) are noted as captains, while the counselors consist of Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari69, Bernardino di Jacopo del Cammello, Francesco Granacci, Andrea di Salvi Barili, and Zanobi d'Antonio del Ticcia. The document records many of the most notable names mentioned in the society's ranks since 1472: Perugino (1472), Botticelli (1472, 1477, 1482, 1484), Filippino Lippi (1472,1477,1482,1484), Cosimo Rosselli (1472,1482,1484), Biagio d'Antonio (1472,1482,1484), Davide Ghirlandaio (1472, 1482), Jacopo del Sellaio (1472, 1477, 1482), Antonio del Pollaiuolo (1472,1482,1484), and Piero di Cosimo (1482).70 Three equally well-known figures make their first documented appearances in the company, before all reappearing again in 1503-5. The first, Lorenzo di Credi (1459-1537), surely had been a standing member for some time, as he is already noted as an elected captain of the society by this date.71 Francesco Granacci (1469-1543) also receives his first surviving mention72, as does Mariotto di Biagio (di Bindo di Biagio), better known as Mariotto Albertinelli (1474-1515). After 1494 and the exile of Piero de' Medici, his most illustrious patron, Albertinelli had already reentered his partnership with Bartolomeo della Porta, as he was called in secularibusy at the time of the 1499 document.73 Shifting our attention to Bartolomeo himself, the soon-to-be Frate may also be included among the list of 1499. Near the bottom of the roster we find listed a "Bartolomeus Pauli", a possible reference to the friar's full patronymic of Bartolomeo di Paolo di Jacopo. Bartolomeo would have taken his first vows as a Dominican friar at the convent of S. Domenico, Prato (and changed his name to Fra Bartolomeo) less than two years later, on 26 July 1501, before later joining the con vent of San Marco in Florence on 18 November 1504.74 An illuminator by the name of Bartolomeo di Paolo (d. 1529) is also known to have worked in Florence during this period, however, and it is possible that he, and not Fra Bartolomeo, was the artist mentioned.75 This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 125 126 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Continuing on, the list also includes the rather enigmatic Piero di Francesco d'Antonio Donzello (1452-1509), a pupil of Giusto d'Andrea who is known to have worked in the service of King Ferdinand at Poggio Reale in Naples after 1481, along with his younger brother Ippolito.76 Like wise mentioned for the first time is Giovanni di Anton Francesco Scheggia (1472-1546)77, a painter but not to be confused with his uncle Giovanni di ser Giovanni di Simone, called "Lo Scheggia". The document also introduces the sons of two previously recorded members: Alesso di Benozzo (1473-1528), the son of Benozzo Gozzoli, and Raffaello di Francesco (1477-d. post 1530), son of Francesco Botticini.78 Both offspring were minor painters in their own right. Pietro Perugino's last mention in the "Libro Rosso", on the other hand, dates as far back as June 1472, prior to his departure for Perugia, where he remained until the late 1470s, and he does not appear again among the lists until 1499.79 It was in 1499 that, after taking on several commis sions in Perugia (for the Disciplinati of Santa Maria Novella and the confraternity of San Francesco), Perugino returned to Florence, where he worked on a triptych for the Certosa of Pavia in August and September of that year. On the 1st of September ? approximately a month and a half before our document ? his name appears inscribed in the list of matriculated members of the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries.80 Only three days following the San Luca mandatum (power of attor ney) ? on 21 October 1499 ? Perugino appears to be in his native city of Citt? della Pieve, as a "Magister Petrus Pictor" is noted among the city's priori.81 The complete list of first time mentions has grown close to thirty in 1499. A few, like Giovan Maria di Bartolomeo, Piero di Matteo di Piero, and Fra Girolamo da Brescia, are almost un known, rarely or never appearing in contemporary documentation.82 Among this number is found the usual range of the company's various professions, which includes a small group of miniaturists and mettidori (gilders)83, a battiloro (goldbeater) and a sargiaio (painter on fabric)84, together with "Il Nunziata", the painter of puppets. Most of the new documented additions remain painters, comprising: Andrea di Donato85, Bertoldo di Bartolomeo86, Cornelio di Giovanni87, Domenico di Piero di Guccio88, Francesco di Piero dell'Orto89, Jacopo di Francesco di Filippo90, and Lorenzo di Piero Faina.91 Two of the society's counselors were also first-time mentions. Although identified in documents primarily as a painter, Andrea di Salvi Barili's only known work is in fact zpietra serena relief representing the arms of Pope Leo X for the fa?ade of the Palazzo Comunale in San Marcello Pistoiese.92 Bernardino di Jacopo del Cammello (later included in the 1503-5 and 1525 lists) also appears for the first time. The del Cammello family was one of several Florentine lines that upheld its artistic tradition for several generations, producing a number of painters ? albeit of little fame ? that included Bernardino's sons Domenico and Jacopo, recorded in the company in 1520, and their own offspring.93 A document drafted on 7 January 1504 brings our research on the confraternity into the Cinquecento (Appendix, A, V). Here we find twenty-eight members naming Lorenzo di Credi and Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini as procurators with authority to take out a lease from Leonardo Buonaf? for a site on the grounds of the hospital on which to build a meeting place (mansio) for the confraternity. Among the most distinguished names the gathering includes Botticelli, Filippino Lippi, Davide Ghirlandaio, Biagio d'Antonio, Francesco Granacci, and Mariotto Albertinelli. None of the officers are specified in this instance, and only one member's name emerges for the first time: Miniato di Piero di Miniato94, a member of a Prato family who fathered two other future painters, named Piero and Antonio. The mention of Jacopo di Domenico di Papi, the father of Pier Francesco di Jacopo Foschi and sometime assistant of Botticelli, over laps with his mention in the "Libro Rosso" records of 1503-5.95 More revealing is a lengthy notarial document of 18 November 1509, recording a meeting of the company in its new location in the church of SS. Annunziata, convened to resolve issues surrounding the society's purchase of land from the sculptor Pietro di Torrigiano Torrigiani (1472 1528) (Appendix, A, VII). Torrigiani, who appeared in the "Libro Rosso" in 1505, had been for This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 127 bidden from selling his inherited property by the testament of his brother, who most likely left it to him. The Compagnia was therefore appointing Davide Ghirlandaio as their procurator to re solve this matter with Torrigiani, instructing him to obtain the refund of the full price paid to the sculptor (or even of a higher sum than originally paid, if possible).96 Lorenzo di Credi, Sebastiano Mainardi, Bernardo di Giovanni di Zanobi, and Francesco Franciabigio are now identified as the captains, while Antonio di Carlo di Segna, Pandolfo de' Baiis, a specchaio (mirror maker) from Germany, and Giuliano Bugiardini served as the term's counselors.97 Andrea di Giovanni di Lorenzo Feltrini occupied the post of camerarius (treasurer). The cloth painter Tommaso di Bartolomeo di Giovanni Masini, who has been identified as a partner of Filippino Lippi during the last years of Filippino's life, acted as the provisor (business manager).98 Botticelli, Biagio d'Antonio, Francesco Granacci, and Ridolfo Ghirlandaio lead the procession of the most prominent names, joined by Raffaellino del Garbo (listed here by his first name and patronymic, Raffaello di Bartolomeo)99, Giovanni di Lorenzo Larciani100, and Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini.101 Ten members make their debut among the forty-two names listed, headed most prominently by the twenty-three year old Andrea del Sarto (1486-1530), who is joined by his frequent partner Andrea Feltrini (1477-1548), soon to be recognized as a master of ephemeral carnival decorations. Feltrini appeared as early as 1504-5 in the "Libro Rosso" and, like Sarto, also worked in SS. Annunziata, beginning in 1506.102 Other lesser known first time entrants include Battista del Piccino, the son of Francesco di Jacopo di Piero (Raffaelli) del Piccino (Appendix, A, I-III) and a member of a long-lived but little acclaimed family of artists, Domenico di Ventura, Gherardo dei Gherardi, Giovanni di Bartolomeo di Jacopo d'Antonio (sargiaio)103, Giovanni Battista d'Agnolo104, Giovanni Gualberto di Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari105, Leonardo di Bernaba, and Lorenzo di Giovanni di Mich?le, the son of "Il Graffione".106 On 16 October 1520 twenty-three members of the Compagnia di San Luca convened in the church of San Mich?le delle Trombe, this time to appoint two goldbeaters, Jacopo di Piero di Matteo Benti and Francesco Bernardi, to represent them in obtaining reimbursement from the Spedale di Santa Maria Nuova for sums the confraternity had spent in remodeling a house belong ing to the hospital which they used as their meeting place (Appendix, A, VIII). The office of the captaincy is now divided between the painters Antonio di Jacopo (also known as Antonio Giallo)107 and Giovanni di Lorenzo Larciani, Antonio di Piero di Lorenzo (battiloro\ and Giovanni di Bartolomeo (sargiaio).m The counselors consist of Andrea del Sarto, Francesco di Bernardo (battiloro), and the painters Andrea di Donato and Francesco di Giovanni d'Antonio (de' Riccomanni).109 Also appearing of note are Ridolfo Ghirlandaio110 and Giovanni Battista Cianfanini, along with ten artists mentioned for the first time. One of these masters, Jacopo d'Antonio Giallo (c. 1502-c. 1560) ? who is joined at the gathering by his father and captain of the society, Antonio di Jacopo ? was only about eighteen years of age at the time of the meeting. According to Vasari, after 1523 Jacopo already accompanied the sculptor Raffaello da Montelupo and Giovanni del Trombetta, an ossaio or painter on bone, to Rome, where he appears to have settled. There Jacopo flourished as an illuminator, receiving various papal commissions throughout the 1530s, ranging from the arms and insignia of the late Pope Clement VII for his funeral in 1534 to the gilding of various flags and standards for Castel Sant'Angelo in 1535. In 1537 the painter traveled to Venice (to which he returned c. 1540), where he illuminated the frontispiece of the Ducal Commission for Giovanni da Legge, procurator of San Marco, and executed miniatures in a choral book, be fore arriving in Rome in May 1538 to undertake designs of standards.111 Among the newly documented members in 1520 we also find Bastiano di Lorenzo, better known as Aristotile da Sangallo (1481-1551).112 This citation follows Aristotile's return to Flo rence from Rome and his assistance in the decoration of the triumphal arches erected for Pope Leo X's entry into the city in November 1515. Aristotile's association with his eldest brother, This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 128 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Giovan Francesco, and his study of architecture and perspective with Bramante in Rome, must have fired his enthusiasm in undertaking projects such as the Palazzo Pandolfini after 1520 and the production of perspectival architectural stage sets (prospettive) for contemporary comedies in Florence.113 Ultimately, Aristotile's fame stemmed in large part from his close involvement with Michelangelo, underscored by Vasari in his biography of Michelangelo, in which the Aretine describes the younger artist's copy of the Battle of Case?na cartoon; in fact, Aristotile's painted version of 1542 was supposedly made at Vasari's own insistence. Vasari's narrative also mentions Michelangelo's invitation to assist him in the decoration of the Sistine Chapel ceiling, soon fol lowed by the master's abrupt change of mind and unceremonious dismissal of Aristotile, along with other masters in fresco painting (namely Granacci, Bugiardini, Jacopo di Sandro del Tedesco, Jacopo dell'Indaco114, and Agnolo di Donnino).115 Other first appearances in the company's con tract of 1520 include Antonio di Niccol? (battiloro)116, Battista di Stefano (battiloro), Domenico di Bernardino del Cammello117, his brother Jacopo di Bernardino del Cammello118, Francesco di Giovanni d'Antonio, Giovanni di Giovanni di ser Francesco (Formiconi?)119, Andrea del Verrocchio's nephew Giovambattista di Tommaso del Verrocchio120, and Luca di Cosimo. 4 Stefano Buonsignori, Map of Florence, S. Maria Nuova (detail), 1584. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke The final meeting to be discussed here, convened in the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova on 15 October 1525, was attended by thirty-nine members, sixteen of them appearing in the records of the society for the first time (Appendix, A, IX). Andrea del Sarto, Andrea di Cosimo Feltrini (here listed as Andrea di Giovanni del Fornaio), and Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini are named as the three captains. The counselors are Arcangelo di Jacopo del Sellaio121, Jacopo di Francesco dal Prato, Girolamo di Clemente del Buda, and Giovanni d'Antonio dello Scheggia.122 Battista di Francesco di Jacopo del Piccino served as the lone business manager, while Mariotto di Francesco Dolzemele (or del Zufolo) fulfilled the role of treasurer. The most notable of the other previously undocumented attendants are Tommaso di Stefano di Tommaso Lunetti, Domenico Puligo, and Jacopo di Giovanni di Francesco, nicknamed "Il Jacone". One of the society's longest living and most multitalented members, active as a painter, miniaturist and architect, Tommaso di Stefano (c. 1490-1564) was a pupil of Lorenzo di Credi and worked together with Andrea Feltrini in 1510 on the chiaroscuro design for the fa?ade of SS. Annunziata, the younger artist painting the Virgin Annunciate and the Angel Gabriel in two niches.123 His achievements as an architect include the rebuilding of the bridge of the Ponte a Sieve and, to Vasari's praise, the design for the bridge of San Piero a Ponte over the Bisenzio river. Tommaso was also responsible for the designs of the Medici Chapel cupola.124 Born into a family predominantly engaged in the blacksmithing trade, Domenico di Bartolomeo di Domenico degli Ubaldini, known as Domenico Puligo (1492-1527)125, instead trained as a painter in the workshops of Ridolfo Ghirlandaio, Antonio del Ceraiuolo, and Andrea del Sarto, while also becoming strongly influenced by the more 'classicizing' manner of Fra Bartolomeo and Raphael. Vasari's highly rhetorical and didactic account of the career of "Il Jacone" (d. 1553) in the Life of Aristotile da Sangallo makes for some of the most lively reading in the "Vite", revealing some of the biographer's personal biases and his convictions about the inevitable influence of one's lifestyle on artistic success.126 Only briefly mentioning a number of his prestigious artistic commissions, Vasari's instead dwells on the painter's squandering of ability as a result of his brutish lifestyle and habit of slandering others.127 Another member of the Barili family, already introduced by the painter and sculptor Andrea Barili, now appears in the person of Giovanni di Salvi d'Andrea di Domenico Barili (b. 1486), called "II Gaiola", a painter who matriculated in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali in the following year, on 16 January 1526. He is also joined by his son Clemente di Giovanni Barili, who likewise appears for the first time in the lists and entered the guild on the same date as his father in 1526.128 The bursar Mariotto di Francesco del Zufolo129, Francesco di Filippo (Cecchino del Frate?)130, Gabriello Rustici131, Giovanni di Bartolomeo da Montelupo132, Giovanni di Giovanni Formiconi, Girolamo di Clemente del Buda, Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico di Filippo133, Lorenzo di Nazzaro da San Gimignano134, Piero d'Antonio del Piccino135, Raffaello d'Andrea di Lorenzo136, and Silvestro di Piero137 represent the more obscure, minor masters to be found among the first time appearances. A number of names are particularly conspicuous in their omission from the document of 1525. These include Francesco d'Ubertino Verdi, nicknamed "Il Bachiacca", and Jacopo Carucci, better known as Pontormo.138 According to Dominic Colnaghi, both masters do appear in other San Luca records for the year 1525, namely the capitoli of the Compagnia di San Luca now preserved in the fondo Accademia del Disegno in the Florentine Archivio di Stato. These citations appear to be unreferenced, however. The case is the same with Antonio di Stefano d'Antonio (noted as Antonio di Stefano del Battiloro), Bernardino di Simone del Mangano, Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico di Filippo, Lorenzo di Giovanni di Mich?le (son of "Il Graffione"), Giovanni di Giuliano Boccardi (Boccardino il Vecchio), and Lorenzo di Credi's pupil Giovanni Antonio Sogliani ? all of whom are said to appear in capitoli lists (Colnaghi) but not the notarial record. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 129 130 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Taking into account a larger overview of the documents gathered here ? although, no doubt, still incomplete ? and following the membership of the society in its chronological trajectory, a number of names emerge with prominence by reason of their faithful participation in the Compagnia's assemblies. Four painters demonstrated a particularly strong attachment, recorded in at least six separate documents of the Compagnia from 1472 to 1525: Biagio d'Antonio, Davide Ghirlandaio, Filippino Lippi, and Sandro Botticelli. Another five members appeared in five in stances during the same documented period: Cosimo Rosselli, Francesco di Benedetto di Pacino, and Francesco di Jacopo del Piccino, together with Bartolomeo di Jacopo d'Antonio, a cloth painter, and Antonio di Piero di Lorenzo, a goldbeater. Four-time mentions prove significantly more common, the most prominent including Domenico Ghirlandaio, Bernardo di Stefano Rosselli, Francesco di Lorenzo Rosselli, Filippo di Giuliano di Matteo, Francesco Granacci, Giovanni di Lorenzo Larciani, and Lorenzo di Credi. Included among their company are a host of much less recognizable figures, such as Andrea di Salvi Barili, Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini, Antonio di Jacopo d'Antonio Giallo, Filippo di Lorenzo Dolciati, Giovanni d'Antonfrancesco Scheggia, and Zanobi d'Antonio del Ticcia. Of equal interest are those missing from the lists. Perhaps the most conspicuous absence is Rosso Fiorentino (Giovanni Battista di Jacopo), although he is known to have been a member of the Arte dei Medici e Speziali, his matriculation recorded on 6 February 1517. The absence from the society's records of a less celebrated painter, Niccol? di Jacopo di Giovanni Soggi, who en tered the guild on 6 August 1507, is another example.139 Lack of reliable evidence for Fra Bartolomeo's participation in the confraternity (see the possible mention of him in Appendix, A, IV) perhaps could be explained by his entry into the convent of San Marco in 1504. More likely, however, membership into the Compagnia di San Luca was limited to the laity. Religious or secu lar clergy were instead represented at times by afrate correttore, a spiritual guardian and advisor overseeing the administration of the organisation's statutes and the moral behavior of the con stituents.140 Although Fra Girolamo d'Antonio da Brescia appeared in the list of members in 1499, while serving as a friar in San Maria del Carmine, it appears that he was an exception, for unlike Fra Bartolomeo he had received a dispensation from the Carmine allowing him to live with his mother outside the convent, probably so that he could better attend to his painting.141 Such an explanation remains speculative, however, and it is highly possible that secure documentation of these men's activity in the confraternity simply has not yet been found or no longer survives. Reading through the hastily scribbled lists of the company's members, responsible for voting upon the company's matters great and small throughout the years, we bear witness to a most varied assembly of some of the city's greatest artificers, joined together above all else by the very notion of skill. Among the diversity there also emerge continuities that shaped the patterns of artistic production of the period, running from master to pupil, from father to son. Such traceable kinships, whether rooted in the traditions of a family trade or visible in the networks of active workshops in Florence, producing everything from painted candles to monumental altarpieces, confirm the great importance of collaboration, the bottega tradition, and ancestry in dictating modes of art practice. As Herbert Home aptly wrote, in relation to a particular Compagnia di San Luca document of 1472, "The document is of value since it preserves the names of the foremost master-painters then working in Florence; not only of the artists whose works have come down to us, but of the merely successful tradesmen of whom memorials are only to be found in records of this kind".142 We too offer the new documents in the hope that they may serve to illuminate the biographies of artists both celebrated and obscure. As for the unknowns, perhaps the documentation of their lives and works furnished here will inspire future research which will help us better understand the contri bution of these forgotten masters to the diverse panorama of Florentine Renaissance painting. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 131 APPENDIX /. Document of 18 October 1477, containing a list of members present at a meeting of the Company of St. Lu the parish ofS. Maria in Campo. Domenico di Zanobi di Piero Mori is appointed as a procurator, to represent society in all legal matters, not only material but also spiritual. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 9283 (Giovanni Gini, 1468-77), fol. 268r-v [In margin:] Sindicatus Societatis Pictorum in Dominichum olim Zenobii Pieri Moris pictorem de Floren presentem et adceptantem, pro uno anno [...] 1477, indictione XI.a Item postea dictis anno, indictione XIa et die XVIIIa mensis Ottobris. Actum Florentie, in populo S?nete Mar Canpo, et in loco eorum sollte residentie infrascriptorum constituentium, et presentibus testibus etc., videli Bartolomeo Nicholai Moschini dicti populi et Iacobo olim Lionardi Tigliamochi, habitatore hospitalis S Marie Nove de Florentia etc. et ser Uffo olim Corradi cappellano in dicto hosptali et alias. Pateat omnibus evidenter quod etc. Dominichus Tommasii Corradi Dominichus Francisci Iohannis Pierus Massai Iacobi et Filippus Ieronimi Mattei, honorandi capitanei Societatis Pictorum [cancelled: civitatis] Sancti Luce Florentie Marchus Buoni Marci Pierus Laurentii Pratesis Francischus Laurentii Baldus Pieri Antonii, honorandi consiliarii dicte Societatis Dominichus Nicholai Pieri Iohannes olim ser Iohannis Mori Matteus Bindi Dominici Laurentius Pieri Martini Iacobus Pieri Antonii Giustus Andr?e Iusti Francischus Iohannis Dominici Antonius Martini Vannis Iacobus Archangeli Iacobi Laurentius Pieri Iacobi Alexander Mariani Vannis Sander Iohannis Andr?e Bernardus Stefani Rosselli Filippus alterius Filippi Tommasi Bartolomeus Iohannis Francisci Franciscus Iacobi Pieri Pierus Pauli Francisci Pierus Antonii Nicholai Taddeus Iohannis Georgii Andreas Iohannis Georgii Spigliatus alterius Spigliati Iohannis Lucas Fruosini Luce Bartolomeus Iacobi Antonii Bernardus Iohannis Zenobii A[n]tonellus Nicholai Iacobi Francischus Benedicti Pacini Pierus Antonii Iacobi Dominichus Bartolomei Dominici, omnes homines dicte Societatis Pictorum civitatis Florentie insimul in eo loco sollte residentie collegialiter coadunad pro factis et negotiis utiliter peragendis dicte Societatis, asserent affirmantes se esse duas partes et ultra hominum et personarum dicte Societatis et se representare totam di Societatem et posse facer? [cancelled: to] omne totum id quod facer? posset tota dicta Societas ut et tan homines dicte Societatis et pro et vice et nomine dicte Societatis et pro dicta Societate et ad cautelam mis factum inter eos solempni et secreto scruptinio ad fabas nigras et albas et demum obtento partito per omnes f nigras et etiam viva voce, omni meliori modo, via, iure et forma quibus magis et melius potuerunt fecerunt constituerunt et [illegible] et solempniter ordinaverunt eorum et dicte Societatis et per dictam Societatem v et legiptimum [cancelled: sindichum et] procuratorem, actorem, factorem et certum nunptium specialem et sindic providum virum Dominicum olim Zenobi Pieri Moris pictorem de Florentia, ibidem presentem et prese mandatum in se sponte subscipientem et adceptantem generaliter in omnibus et singulis dicte Societatis ca litibus, questionibus, controversiis et differentiis quam et seu quas dicta Societas habet, haberet et seu habitur vel erit durante present? mandato tarn in agendo quam in defendendo quacumque ratione iure modo vel cum quacumque et seu quibuscumque persona vel personis loco eorum Collegio, Societate vel Universitat coram iudice preside rectore vel officiale et tarn ecclesiasticis quam secularibus et tarn corporalibus spiritualibus et eorum et cuiusque ipsorum vicariorum, notariorum et curie et tarn civitatis Florentie quam comitatus [...] [Rest is legal formulas, outlining all of the possible circumstances upon which the procurator act. He is elected to this office for one year.] This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 132 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 77. Procuratorial document of 25 November 1482, containing a list of members present at a meeting of the Company of St. Luke in the Guild Hall of Doctors and Apothecaries near the church ofS. Andrea. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 13292 (Francesco Masi, 1482-84), fols. 37r-38v Item postea, dittis anno, indictione, die vero vig?sima quinta mensis Novembris. Actum Florentie, in domo Artis medicorum, aromatariorum et merc[i]ariorum civitatis Florentie, presentibus testibus Antonio Francisci Francisci, populi Sancti Michaelis Vicedominorum de Florentia, et Elia Michaelis, populi S?nete Marie Novelle de Florentia, testibus etc. Pateat omnibus et singulis qualiter prudentes viri Francischus Laurentii, Blasius Antonii et Francischus Iacobi, pictores, cives florentini et capitanei et rectores Sotietatis Sancti Luce Evangieliste, vulgariter nu[n]cupate la Compagnia de' dipintori, una cum Laurentio Pieri pictore, Bartholomeo Iohannis sarg[i]ario, Davit Tommassi pictore, eorum et ditte sotietatis consiliariis, et una cum infrascriptis ar[r]otis et hominibus ditte Sotietatis, quorum nomina sunt hec, videlicet: Neri [sie] Bicci pictor Cosmus Laurentii Rosselli etiam pictor Alexus Baldovinetti de Baldovinetis pictor Sander Mariani Botticelli pictor Filippus Filippi pictor Iacobus Arcangeli pictor Tomasus magistri Antonii pictor di Pulci Bernardus Stefani Rosselli pictor Dominicus Tomasii Curradi pictor Zenobius Ticce etiam pictor Filippus Iuliani pictor Sander Iohannis de' Vetri etiam pictor Petrus Laurentii Petri pictor Donatus Antonii pictor Petrus Iacobi Antonii pictor dicentes et asserentes qui capitanii [sie], consilieri et ar[r]oti omnia facer? posse que facer? potest tota ditta Societas si tota esset, et omnes homines et persone ditte Sotietatis secundum capitula et ordinamenta ditte Sotietatis, omnes ipsorum concordes, ipsorum nomine discrepante, et obtento partito inter eos ad fabas nigras et albas, et per omnes fabas nigras, et omni meliori modo, via, iure et forma, quibus magis et melius potuerunt, eorum nominibus et vice et nomine ditte Sotietatis, non revocando aliquos alios eorum et ditte Sotietatis sindicos et procuratores, sed potius confirmando, fecerunt, constituerunt et ordinaverunt eorum et ditte Sotietatis verum et legiptimum sindichum et procuratorem, actorem, factorem et certum nu[m]ptium spetialem providum virum Vettorium Laurentii Bartoli Ghiberti, presentem et dittum mandatum in se recipientem, gieneralem, in omnibus et singulis eorum et ditte Sotietatis causis, litibus, questionibus et controversiis, civilibus et criminalibus, ecclesiasticis et secularibus, presentibus et futuris, coram quocumque regimine, presidente, offitio, iudice ordinario, delegato vel subdelegato, spirituali et temporali, presenti vel futuro, quocumque nomine nuncupato et vel quacumque autoritate et seu offitio vel balia fingatur, tarn in civitate Florentie quam in quacumque alia civitate, terra vel loco, et in quacumque curia sive foro, cum quacumque persona, loco, comuni, collegio et universitate [...] 777. Procuratorial document of 29 January 1484, containing a list of members present at a meeting of the Company of St. Luke in the Guild Hall. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 13292 (Francesco Masi, 1482-84), fols. HOv-lllv Item postea, dittis anno, indictione, die vero vig?sima nona mensis Ianuarii. Actum Florentie, in pop?lo Sancti Andr?e et in domo Artis medicorum, aromatariorum et merc[i]ariorum civitatis Florentie, presentibus testibus Luca Pieri Iohanis et Antonio Iuliani Antonii, ambobus populi Sancti Laurentii de Florentia, testibus etc. Pateat omnibus et singulis qualiter prudentes viri Antonius Mariani Philippi batiloro Dominicus Tomasii Curradi pictor Filippus Philippi pictor et Zenobius Antonii del Ticcia pictor, This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 133 capitanei et rettores Sotietatis Sancti Luce, vulgariter nu[n]cupate la Compagnia de' dipintori, una cum infrascriptis eorum et ditte Sotietatis consiliariis, videlicet: Alexandro Mariani Philippi pictore Giesue Antonii Santis Francischo Iacopi pictore ac etiam una cum infrascriptis arrotis, videlicet: Alexio [blank] de Baldovinettis Petro Iacobi pictore Philippo Iuliani pictore Francischo Laurentii pictore Iohanne Michaelis pictore Iacobo Pacis pictore Dominico Tomasii pictore Sandro Iohannis vetraio Qui capitanei una cum dittis consiliariis et arrotis habent autoritatem, potestatem et baliam vigore statutorum et ordinamentorum ditte Sotietatis omnia et singula infrascripta facendi, et advertentes ad ea quod cedunt in honorem et utilitatem ditte Sotietatis omni modo etc, per se et dittam Sotietatem et omni modo etc, fecerunt, constituerunt et ordinaverunt eorum et ditte Sotietatis veros et legitimos sindicos et procuratores, actores etc. pr?vidos viros Vettorium olim Laurentii Cionis de Ghibertis Nerium Bicci pictorem et Cosimum Laurentii pittorem, presentes, etc, generaliter in omnibus et singulis eorum et ditte Sotietatis causis etc, ad agendum etc. Item a[d] locandum ad cedendum, tarn ad fittum quam ad pensionem et seu ad livellum et in emphiteosim, infrascripta bona ditte sotietatis, videlicet: [blank] cuicumque conducere [et] ducere volenti, tarn ad fittum quam ad livellum et seu emphiteosim, cum pattis, modis, tenoribus et obligationibus et pactis et eo modo et forma et prout dittis sindicis et procuratoribus etc. videbitur et placebit, et pro predittis ad obligandum dittam Sotietatem etc. Item ad substituendum etc, et generaliter etc, dantes etc, promittentes etc, sub ypoteca etc. IV. A power of attorney (mandatum) made in the residence of the Compagnia in the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova on 18 October 1499. Fifty-six names are mentioned; ten (all but one painters) are repeated from the documents of 1482 and 1484. Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari and Filippo di Giuliano di Nello are appointed as procurators, to represent the confraternity in all legal matters. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 5985 (Giorgio Dainelli, 1498-99), fols. 176r-177v MCCCCLXXXXVIIII. Indictione predicta, die vero XVIII mensis ottobris. Actum in ospitale S?nete Marie Nuove et in loco congregationis infrascriptorum hominum, presentibus Alessandro Pieri et Elia Michaelis, familiaribus Artis aromatiorum, testibus etc. Convocatis et congregatis omnibus et singulis infrascriptis hominibus Sotietatis Sancti Luce pictorum in loco eorum congregationis sito in ospitale S?nete Marie Nove civitatis Florentie pro infrascripti omnibus et singularibus peragendis, quorum nomina sunt infrascripta, videlicet: This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 134 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Alexander Mariani Alexius Benozzi Filippus Filippi Arcangelus Iacopi Laurentius Credi, Iohannes Blaxii de Vetris capitanei dicte Sotietatis Numptiatus Antonii Cosimus Laurentii, substitutus icapitaneusl Bartolomeus Iacopi sarefilarius Zenobius Iohannis de Adimaris Pierus Matei Pieri Bernardinus Iacopi Filippus Laurentii Dolciati (?) Franciscus Andr?e Granacci Antonius Iacobi pictor Andreas Salvi Stefanus Pieri battilorus Zenobius Antonii del Ticcia, Frater Ieronimus Antonii consiliarii [dicte Sotietatis] Pierus Matei pictor Iohannes Antonii battilorus Bartolomeus Iuliani Iacopus Pieri Piccini Bartolomeus Pauli Bartolomeus Iohannis sargiarius Mariottus Blaxii Laurentius Pieri Faina Lucas Fruosini Luce Pierus Iohannis Ghucci Laurentius Francisci della Scalla Blaxius Antonii pictor Pierus Laurentii Pieri Monte Iohannis miniator Bernardinus Simonis Iacobi Pierus del Donzello Raphael Francisci Davit Tomasi Iohannes Antonii Francisci Scheggia Filippus Iohannis Nelli Dominicus Pieri Ghucci Sperandeus Iohannis Antonius Tomasi miniator Pietrus Christofani Perugino Iohannes Maria Bartolomei Franciscus Benedict! Pacini Bertoldus Bartolomei Franciscus Niccolai del Grasso Andreas Donati Niccolaus Antonii battiloro Iacopus Francisci Filippi Dominicus Matei Bartoli Cornelius Iohannis et Iohannes Iuliani miniator Franciscus Pieri dell'Orto Antonius P?tri Laurentii In primis confirmaverunt sive refirmaverunt suprascriptos capitaneos dicte eorum Societatis pro aliis quat mensibus proxime futuris initiandis die prima mensis Novembris proximi futuri et ut sequitur finiendis [illegible] et auctoritate et aliis offitio dictorum capitaneorum dicte eorum Sotietatis concessis. Item simili modo refirmaverunt consiliarios pro dicto tempore. Item simili modo refirmaverunt provisorem pro dicto tempore. Item simili modo refirmaverunt camerarium pro dicto tempore. Item presentibus dictis testibus viva voce omnes suprascripti exceptis dictis Zenobio de Adimaribus et Filippo Nellis omnes insimul etc. renovando etc. constituerunt eorum et dicte eorum Sotietatis sindicos et procurat etc. dictos Zenobium Iohannis de Adimaribus et Filippum Iuliani de Nellis, ambos in concordia etc. et generalit etc. ad agendum item ad exigendum et exactis finiendum [...] Rogantes etc. V Document of 7 January 1504 (1503 st. f.), containing a list of members present at a meeting of the Company St. Luke and noting the election of Lorenzo di Credi and Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini as procurators, will represent the society in all legal matters. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 19175 (Simone Dini, 1502-6), fol 10Sr-v [In margin:] Sindichatus. 1503, indictione VII, die vero VII mensis Ianuarii. Actum in audientia consulum Artis Aromatariorum de Floren presentibus testibus Iohanne olim Andr?e Iohannis, calzolario populi S. Stephani a Ponte de Florentia, et Ieroni Bartolomei Tendi, sutore populi S. Laurentii florentini, et aliis. Congregad et coadunad insimul in supradicta audientia infrascripti homines et persone Societatis Sancti Lu pro negociis dicte Societatis utiliter peragendis, in qua coadunatione intervenerunt omnes infrascripti homine persone, et quorum nomina sunt infrascripta, videlicet: Laurentius Pieri Randelli, Zenobius Antonii del Ticcia, Nicholaus Simonis Nicholai, Iacobus Dominici Pap Sander Mariani Vannis, Antonius Stefani Antonii, Antonius Tommasii Andr?e, Filippus Filippi Lippi, Laurentiu Andr?e di Credi, Franciscus Benedicti Pacini, Davit Tommasi Curradi, Dominichus Antonii Mathei, Meus Iac Antonii, Bernardus Iohannis Zenobii, Sperandeus magistri Iohannis Sperandei, Franciscus Pieri dell'Orto, Bla This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 135 Antonii Tuccii, Iacobus Alexandri Iohannis, Raphael Alexandri Iohannis, Marianus Antonii Mariani, Franciscus Andr?e Granacci, Filippus Laurentii Dolciati, Dominichus Marci Pauli, Antonius Iacobi Antonii, Stephanus Pieri Mathei, Dominichus Franciscii Antonii, Iohannes Benedicti Iohannis et Mariottus Blaxii Bindi. Asserentes et affirmantes se esse duas tertias partes et seus [sie = seu] ultra hominum et personarum dicte Societatis Sancti Luce et qui totam integram dietam Societatem repr?sentant, continue attendentes semper omni honore Dei in augmentum et utilitatem dicte Societatis, habito inter eos colloquio etc., omni meliori modo etc., unanimiter viva voce et nemine discrepante, fecerunt, ut quilibet ipsorum vice et nomina dicte Societatis fecit, eorum et cuiusque ipsorum et dicte totius Societatis veros et legitimos sindicos et procuratores etc. pr?vidos et discretos viros Laurentium olim Andr?e di Credi et Iohannem Benedicti Iohannis etiam de dicta Societate, presentes et acceptantes in ambos in concordia, spetialiter et nominatim ad conducendum et seu in consignatione et allocatione reeipiendum a Venerabili religioso viro domino Leonardo Buonaf?, moderno hospitalario hospitalis S. Marie Nove de Florentia, et seu a quacumque alia persona vices suas habente, quendam situm et locum in habitationibus died hospitalis positum, pro inibi per prefatos homines dicte Societatis edificando mansionem et locum in quo de cetero pro negotiis dicte Societatis utiliter peragendis congregan et coadunan possint. Ipsisque sindicis et procuratoribus et ambobus in concordia dederunt et quilibet ipsorum dedit etc. plenissimam au[c]toritatem et potestatem ipsam talem concessionem recipiendi, cum pactis, modis et condictionibus prout ipsis sindicis videbitur expedir?, ipsique domino hospitalario etc. per instrumentum publicum et seu quovis alio modo observantiam omnium premissorum promictendum, ipsamque Societatem et homines eiusdem in forma s?lita obligandum etc. Et generaliter etc. VI. A Santa Maria Nuova document of 22 January 1504 [1503 st. f], concerning the Company of St. Luke's congregation site on the Hospital's property on Via di S. Gilio. The document sets out the amount of the annual payments and stipulates all of the agreement's other conditions. ASF, Archivio Santa Maria Nuova, 1213, Filza di Canceller?a, 11, fol. 8Ir Nota di quanto deve fare la Compagnia de' dipintori, attenenti all? Spedale di Santa Maria Nuova. Compagnia de' dipintori. Condussono a di 22 di Gennaio 1503, rogato ser Cetto da Loro, a cominciare a di primo di febbraio 1503, per il tempo parr? alio spedale, Uno sito posto nella via di Sancto Gilio sotto el granaio. Hanno a dare ogni anno lire 7 per fare una piatantia alla sacrestia. Et debbono fare ogni anno la festa di S. Luca alio altare dello spedale con 6 fa[l]cole. [In margin:] Pigione a fitti A, c. 25. Et debbono fare tutti e loro officii nella chiesa dello spedale o a decto altare. Et quando lo spedale rivolessi decto luogho, habbi loro a rendere lire 200, havendogli spesi loro in muramenti es[s]i [a]vevo[n] messo. Et quando da per loro lo relassassino, lo spedale non ? tenuto loro a cosa alcuna et torna con ogni miglioramento. Et cosi non facendo le cose predette, e beni ricaggino. Appare ancora a fitti B, c. 13. Tornorono poi nel nostro luogho lasciatoci da ser Giovanni di Domenico di Neri drento alia porta a Pinti, et pagavanci Panno libbre 4 di cera la [sic - false start of dittography "Panno"?], come apare al detto libro A, a c. 122. Item appare a fitti B, c. 48, che tennono detto luogho di Pinti per dette libbre 4 di cera; condussonla rogato ser Giovanni da Romena sotto di 27 di Marzo 1509. A di XI d'Ottobre 1518 la soprascritta stanza fu allogata per monasterio a madonna Lisabetta, rogato ser Alfonso Corsi; a fitti D, c. 122, fitti E, c. 115. VII. Procuratorial document of 18 November 1509, containing a list of members present at a meeting of the Company of St. Luke convened in the church of Santissima Annunziata. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 633 (Agnolo da C?scese, 1509-13), fols. 73r-74v [In margin-^] Sindicatus Societatis Pictorum. In Dei nomine amen. Anno Domini incarnationis 1509, indictione 13 et die XVIII Novembris. Actum Florentie, in domo et edibus habitationis fratrum, ecclesie, capituli et conventus S?nete Marie Annunptiate de Servis de Florentia, et in refectorio foresterie dicte conventus, presentibus testibus etc., videlicet Pieri Mattei, battiloro populi Sancti Laurentii de Florentia, et Bastiano Antonii, battiloro populi Sancti Georgii de Florentia, testibus, presentibus etc. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 136 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Pateat evidenter qualiter infrascripti homines et persone, quorum nomina inferius describuntur, ut et tanquam homines et persone Societatis et Congregationis Pictorum de Florentia, que habet locum sue solite residentie et congregationis apud hospitale S?nete Marie Nove de Florentia, et ut et tanquam homines et persones totam ipsam Societatem et Congregationem representantes, et ut et tanquam auctoritatem infrascripta et alia quecumque negocia pro dicta Societate et Congregatione faciendi per eorum partitum et seu partita huiusmodi prout infra, tarn ex eorum consuetudine quam etiam ex dispositione capitulorum et ordinamentorum dicte Societatis, congregad ipsi infrascripti homines et persone dictis modis et nominibus et ut supra capitulariter in suprascripto refectorio foresterie dictorum fratrum S?nete Marie Annumptiate de Servis de Florentia, et facta eis per infrascriptum Laurentium Andr?e Credi, pictorem et unum ex modernis capitaneis dicte Societatis, narratione et expositione et persuasione inferius annumptiatis et squictinatis [...] dicti homines et persone dictam ipsam ut supra representantes, non tarnen nominibus eorum propriis nee pro aliquo eorum proprio vel particulari interesse vel iure, sed pro interesse et iure Societatis predicte et pro ea etc. constituerunt etc. eorum dictis modis et nominibus et dicte eorum Societatis et Congregationis et totius corporis eorumdem sindicum et procuratorem etc. supraseriptum Davit Tommasii Bighordi, presentem et acceptantem etc., specialiter et nominatim ad faciendum quameumque et quascumque conventionem et appretiationem [...] de et supra infrascripto petio terre et bonis de quibus infra [...] cum [blank] filio olim Torrigiani de Torrigianis de Florentia, fratre carnali infrascripti Pieri Torrigiani de Torrigianis. Qui Pierus [illegible] dictum petium terre Societati alias [illegible] ut infra, prietandente [i.e., pret?ndeme] ut dicitur dicto fratre dicti Pieri, et quod ad eum pertinet et sibi restituendum et seu reddendum sit petium terre predictum, quod fuit alias iure [blank] vel circa [illegible] per dictum Pierum eius fratrem dicte Societati pro pretio florenorum sexaginta sigili vel pro maiori vel minori quantitate, prout apparet in instrumento publico [...] Quod petium terre et bona predicta positum et seu posita, est vel sunt in loco et sub confinibus et de mensura [illegible] de quibus in dicto instrumento dicitur apparere. Quod petium terre et bona cum [illegible] pervenisse dicitur in bonis hereditariis dicti olim Torrigiani et eius [illegible], non poterant alienari [illegible] prohibitione [illegible] in testamento dicti fratris dicti Pieri [illegible]. Et propterea maxime expositis et narratis predictis, de commissione infrascriptorum Capitaneorum dicte Societatis, de consilio etiam infrascriptorum Consiliariorum, redditum per dictum Laurentium Andr?e Credi, pictorem, unum ex dictis Capitaneis ut supra, dictis omnibus infrascriptis ibidem ut predicitur congregatis, et facto per eum eis debita persuasione super premissis, tandem ipsi omnes infrascripti homines [...] constituerunt [...] procuratorem etc. ad predicta et infrascripta ut supra etc., supradictum Davit Tommasii Bigordi, pictorem et civem florentinum, presentem et acceptantem etc., ad faciendum cum dicto fratre dicti Pieri de Torrigianis, venditoris predicti, dictam conventionem, institutionem et appuntamentum et concordiam de et super predictis ut supra et eo modo et forma et prout dicto sindico videbitur et salvis tarnen, ut predictum, omnibus infrascriptis etc. Et ad dandum et restituendum, tradendum et si opus fuerit vel dicto sindico videbitur, vendendum seu revendendum vel retrocedendum dicto fratri dicti Piero [blank] vel alii cui ipse vel dictus sindicus voluerit, dicta bona et supra per dictum Pierum de Torrigianis vendita dicte Societati et quocumque titulo vel iure dicto sindico placuerit etc. [...] Et ad conveniendum de pretio et per predicta vel aliquod predictorum debendo dicte Societati, et ad illud depositan et solvi faciendum hospitali S?nete Marie Nove de Florentia infra et, facta tali depositione, ad confitendum dictam Societatem dictum pretium habuisse etc. et ad renumptiandum [...] omni exceptioni non numerate pecunie etc. [...] Cum hac tarnen conditione quod constitutio dicti sindici non habeat effectum nisi casu quo et quatenus in acto vel contractu per eum faciendo in et de et super concessione vel translatione dictorum bonorum per viam venditionis vel restitutionis vel alio modo ut supra restituatur et solvatur dicte Societati et seu hospitali S?nete Marie Nove de Florentia, pro ipsa Societate, quantitates pretii et seu tanta quantitas pecuniarum quantum fuit pretium exbursatum pro dicta Societate pro habendo dicta bona a dicto Piero, vel maior quantitas si maior poterit haberi. Et nisi quantitas ipsa solvenda et restituenda dicte Societati non veniat ad manus dicti sindici, sed solvatur et seu deponatur penes hospitale S?nete Marie Nove de Florentie et per ipsum dando, solvendo et restituendo dicte Societati vel eius sindico legiptime ab ea constituendo cum sufficienti mandato etc., libere et absque conditione vel exceptione aliqua et ad omnem requisitionem dicte Societatis vel dicti sindici constituendi etc., et de quo pretio describi debeat super libris dicti hospitalis in creditum liberum et absque ulla conditione vel exceptione [...] Et generaliter etc., dantes etc., salvis tarnen predictis etc. Promictentes etc., obligantes etc. solum et dumtaxat dicte Societatis et Congregationis et eorum successorum [...] et bona dicte Societatis, non autem ipsos constituentes nee alios de dicta Societate in spetie nee in particulari nee nominibus eorum propriis nee eorum heredes vel bona modo aliquo etc. Rogantes etc. Quorum quidem hominum et personarum predictorum et predictarum, predicta singula constituentium et seu qui redierunt partitum predictum pro dicta constitutione dicti sindici, et qui in dicto loco ut supra congregati fuerunt nomina et prenomina sunt ista, videlicet: Laurentius Andr?e Credi, pictor de Florentia suprascriptus, et Bastianus Bartoli de Sancto Geminiano, pictor, et Bernardus Iohannis Zenobii de Florentia, pictor, et Franciscus Christofani Francisci, pictor de Florentia, Capitanei dicte Societatis, et Antonius Caroli Segni, pictor de Florentia et This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 137 Pandolfus de Baiis de Alamannia, spechiarius, et Iulianus Piero Bugiardini de Florentia, Consiliarii dicte Societatis, et Andreas Iohannis Laurentii, pictor de Florentia, Camerarius dicte Societatis, et Thomasius Bartholomei Iohannis Masini, sargiarius de Florentia, Provisor dicte Societatis et Blasius Antonii, pictor de Florentia, et Sander Mariani Vannis, pictor de Florentia, et Davit Tommasii Bighordi, pictor de Florentia suprascriptus, et Dominicus Antonius Mattei, targonarius de Florentia, et Filippus Laurentii Dolciati de Florentia, pictor, et Iacopus Dominici Papii, pictor de Florentia, et Bartolomeus Iuliani Baptiste, pictor de Florentia, et Minias Pieri Miniatis, pictor de Florentia, et Iohannes Benedicti Cianfanini, pictor de Florentia, et Stefanus Pieri Mattei, battilorus de Florentia, et Antonius Pieri Renzi, battilorus de Florentia, et Bartolomeus Iacobi Antonii, pictor sargiarum de Florentia, et Laurentius Iohannis Michaelis, pictor de Florentia, et Pogginus Zenobii Poggini, pictor de Florentia, et Iohannes Laurentii, pictor de Florentia, et Raffael Iohannis Antonii, pictor de Florentia, et Antonius Stefani Antonii, pictor de Florentia, et Andreas Pieri del Piccino, pictor de Florentia, et Baptista Francisci Iacobi, pictor de Florentia, et Gherardus dei Gherardi, pictor de Florentia, et Andreas Angeli, pictor de Florentia, et Iohannes Bartholomei Iacobi Antonii, sargiarius de Florentia, et Andreas Salvii, pictor de Florentia, et Raffael Bartholomei, pictor de Florentia, et Franciscus Andr?e Granacci, pictor de Florentia, et Iohannes Antonfrancisci Scheggia, pictor de Florentia, et Rodulfus Dominici Tommasii, pictor de Florentia, et Leonardus Bernab?, pictor de Florentia, et Iohangualbertus Zenobii Iohannis Adimari, pro et vice et nomine dicti Zenobii, sui patris, de Florentia, et Iohanbaptista Angeli, pictor de Florentia, et Niccolaus Antonii, battilorus de Florentia, et Dominicus [blank] de Venturis de Florentia, et Raffael Iohannis, fa le tavole, de Florentia. Rogantes quod dictum eorum partitum, omnes suprascripti me Angelum Notarium infrascriptum quod de predictis et singulis publicum conficiam instrumentum. Ego ?ngelus ser Alexandri Angeli da Chascese, notarius publicus florentinus, de predictis rogatus fui etc. VIII. A Santa Maria Nuova document of 16 October 1520, recording a meeting of the Company of St. Luke, held in the church of S. Mich?le delle Trombe. ASF, Archivio di Santa Maria Nuova, 1213, Filza di Canceller?a, 11, fols. 437r-438r A copy of this document is found in ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 14325 (Zaccheria Minori, 1519-24), fols. 42v-43v MDXX, indictione nona, die vero XVI mensis Octobris. Actum est etc., presentibus etc. Pateat omnibus evidenter qualiter convocatis et coadunatis omnibus et singulis infrascriptis hominibus Societatis Pictorum, et servatis omnibus de iure servandis in predictis et infrascriptis, ob quam convocationem in dicto super asserto loco coadunati pro factis et negociis dicte Societatis etc., Antonius Pieri Renzi, battiaurus, Iohannes Bartolomei, sargiarius, Antonius Iacopi, vocato Antonio Giallo, et Iohannes Laurentii, pictor, honorabiles capitanei dicte Societatis Pictorum, et Andreas Angeli del Sarto, Franciscus Bernardi, battiaurus, Andreas Donati, pictor, et Franciscus Iohannis Antonii, consiliarii dicte Societatis, et Bernardinus Iacopi, pictor, Iohannes Bartolomei, sargiarius, Iacobus Pieri, battiaurus, Lucas Cosmi, pictor, Iohannesbaptistas Tommasii del Lavachio [sic Verrocchio], Redulphus [sic] Dominici del Grillandaio, Iacobus Bernardini, pictor, Laurentius Iohannis, Iohannes Benedicti de Cianfaninis Bastianus Laurentii, Iohannes Mangiabotte, Baptistas Stefani, battiaurus, Iacobus Antonii Gialli, Iohannes alterius Iohannis Francisci, Dominicus Bernardini, pictor. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 138 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Asserentes se esse duas partes et ultra omnium dicte Societatis et in eis esse totam vim et potestatem omnium dicte Societatis, non revocando etc., omni meliori modo etc., obtento prius inter eos solemni partito ad fabas nigras et albas, fecerunt etc. eorum et dicte Societatis syndicos et procuratores prudentes viros Iacobum Pieri Mattei de Bentis, battiaurum, et Franciscum Bernardi, battiaurum, ambos in concordia, specialiter et nominatim ad calculandum hospitalario S?nete Marie Nove de Florentia et eius ministris, et ponendum in salda etc. de omnibus et singulis proventibus et spectantibus ad dictam Societatem, et de hiis que dicta Societas restaret creditrix occasione quorumdam melioramentorum et expensarum factarum in quadam domo dicti hospitalis et in qua dicta Societas et homines eiusdem congregabantur et coadunabantur ad petendum et exigendum a dicto hospitalario et hospitale predicto et de receptis finiendum etc. Et illud quod exegerint impendendum et emendum bona inmobilia sub nomine dicte Societatis a quoeumque etc. et pro illo pretio etc., et eo modo et forma et prout et sicut dictis procuratoribus vel substituendis ab eis videbitur et placebit. Item ad substituendum etc. Quod quidem syndicatum durare voluerunt et vires habere per unum annum proxime futurum ab hodie. Et generaliter etc. Dantes etc., promittentes etc., obligantes etc., renumptiantes etc., guarantigia etc. Rogantes etc. Ego Zacharias Antonii Iohannis de Minoris, notarius publicus et civis florentinus, de predictis rogatus, in fidem me subscripsi. IX. A notarial document of 15 October 1525, containing a list of members in attendance at a meeting in the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova. ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano 4128 (Girolamo Cantoni, 1525), fols. 84v-85v [In margin-^] Sindacatus Societatis Pictorum de Florentia. Item dictis anno, indictione, et die 15 present?s mensis Ottobris. Actum in populo Sancti Egidii de Florentia et in conventu hospitalis S?nete Marie Nove de Florentia, ubi infrascripta societas habet eorum mansionem, presentibus Antonio Caroli Bartolomei de Mugello [...] (?) et Francisco Mariani (?) Francisci populi Sancti Ambrosii de Florentia, servitore Dominorum Zeche de Florentia, testibus. Convocati et cohadunati infrascripti homines et persone Societatis pictorum de Florentia in loco eorum solite residentie, videlicet: Andreas Angeli pictoris, Andreas olim Iohannis del Fornaio, Iohannes Benedicti Cianfanini, Capitanei dicte Societatis, Arcangelus olim Iacobi del Sellaio, Iacopus olim Francisci dal Prato, consiglieri dicte Societatis, Hieronimus olim Clementis de Buda et Iohannes olim Antonii dello Schegg[i]a, consiglieri dicte Societatis. Batista olim Francisci Iacobi, provisor dicte Societatis, et Mariottus Francisci del Zufolo, camerarius dicte Societatis, Bernardus olim Stefano Rossegli, Gabriel Hieronimi, Tomasius olim Stefani, min[i]ator, Bastianus Nicholai de Montecarlo, Iohannes olim Salvi del Gavi?le, Iohannes Francisci Mazabotti, Clemens olim Iohannis de Barile, Raffael olim Iohannis, pictor, Iohannes Laurentii Larciani, Iacobus Iohannis Francisci, Iohannes olim Iohannis Formiconi, Antonius olim Iacopi Giallo, Raffael olim Andr?e, pictor, Nicholaus Simonis, pictor, Franciscus olim Filippi, pictor, Laurentius Nazari de Sancto Geminiano, Iohannes Bartolomei de Montelupo, Raffael Antonii, pictor, Bernardinus olim Iacobi del Carmeli [sic], Dominicus olim Bartolomei, pictor, Pogginus olim Zanobi Poggini, Antonius olim Arcangeli, pictor, Dominicus Bernardini del Cameli, Antonius Pieri, battilaurus, Andreas Salvi Barili, Batista olim Tomasi del Verochio, Iohannes Bartolomei, sarg[i]arius, Silvester olim Pieri, pictor, Pierantonius olim Francisci Sachi, Franciscus Bernardi, battilaurus, Iacopus Francisci Dominici Filippi, omnes homines et persone dicte Societatis, dicentes et asserentes se esse duas partes et ultra hominum et personarum dicte Societatis et qui repr?sentant totam dictam Societatem et homines eiusdem. Et advertentes qualiter iam sunt plures et multi anni quod simul non se coadunarent et presentim respectu pestis et epidimie, et quod dicta de causa dicta eorum Societas erat iam derelicta: et volentes providere a quampluribus et multi opulentiis et negotiis dicte Societatis et ad duobus sindacis et procuratoribus qui habeant auctoritas et possint facer?, et que in eorum sindicatu dicetur ut melius dicta Societas possit se agere et gubernare cum sit quod de continuo non possit se simul coadunare de facili, et confidentes in prudentia et sagacitate et industria Iacobi et Bernardini, qui sunt etiam de dicta Societate, et valde sperant utilitatem dicte Societatis. Et propterea habito prius maturo tractatu, dicti Capitanei, una cum dictis eorum consiliaris, de sufficiente bonitate dictorum et infrascriptorum Iacobi et Bernardini, et misso prius inter eos solempni et secreto squitineo ad fabas nigras et albas, et demum ottento inter eos partito [...] albas, eorum partito et deliberatione comuni, meliori modo quo potuerunt, fecerunt, constituerunt et ordinaverunt eorum et dicte Societatis veros et legitimos sindacos, actores, factores et certos numptios spetiales, pr?vidos viros Iacobum Francisci Dominici Filippi et Bernardinum olim Iacobi del Carmello [sic], ambos dicte Societatis, et quilibet eorum in solidum, generaliter in omnibus et singulis dictorum constituentium litibus etc. [...] Et hoc mandatum durare voluerunt [...] per annos duos proxime futuros ab hodie. Rogantes etc. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 139 B. Cross-referenced list of Florentine Compagnia di S. Luca members, based on new documents in Appendix A and on previously known Libro Rosso references (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 2, 1472-1520), noted in Colnaghi (and here abbreviated as LR) Other abbreviations: Reg. A: ASF, Accademia del Disegno 4 (Registro intitolato "Entrata e uscita della Compagnia di S. Luca", Libro Rosso segnato "A" (1535-56) Reg. B: ASF, Accademia del Disegno 3 (Registro intitolato "Debitori e creditori e ricordi", Libro Rosso segnato "B" (1538-56) SL: unreferenced citations in the Compagnia di S. Luca (for 1525), according to Colnaghi Corresponding document citations from Appendix A: 1477: App. A, Doc. I 1482: App. A, Doc. II 1484: App. A, Doc. Ill 1499: App. A, Doc. IV 1504: App. A, Docs. V, VI 1509: App. A, Doc. VII 1520: App. A, Doc. VIII 1525: App. A, Doc. IX Alesso Baldovinetti 1472 LR, 1482 & LR, 1484 Alesso di Benozzo (di Lese, or Gozzoli) 1499,1503 LR Andrea d'Aun?lo del Sarto 1509,1520, 1525 Andrea di Donato 1499, 1503 LR, 1520 Andrea di Donato Tromba (probably same as above) 1520 LR Andrea di Giovanni del Fornaio (Andrea Feltrini) 1504-5 LR, 1525 Andrea di Giovanni di Giorgio 1477 Andrea di Giovanni di Lorenzo 1509, 1520 & LR Andrea di Piero del Piccino (LR: Pucini) 1472 LR, 1503-5 LR, 1509 Andrea di Salvi Barili 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1525 Antonio d'Arcangelo di Giuliano (Antonio del Ceraiuolo) 1520-21 LR, 1525 Antonio di Martino di Vanni 1477 Antonio di Carlo di Segna 1503-5 LR, 1509 Antonio di Jacopo 1499 Antonio di Tacopo d'Antonio Giallo (same as above?) 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1520 & LR, 1525 Antonio di Mariano di Filippo (Filipepi), batdloro 1472 LR, 1482 LR, 1484 Antonio di Niccol?, batdloro " " 1520 (only in ASF, NA 14325) Antonio di Piero di Lorenzo, battiloro 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1520 & LR, 1525 Antonio di Stefano d'Antonio 1503-5 LR (as "Antonio di Stefano del Batilo dipintore"), 1504, 1509, 1525 SL Antonio di Tommaso d'Andr?a, miniatore 1472 LR, 1499, 1503 LR, 1504 Arcangelo di Tacopo d'Antonio del Sellaio 1499, 1504-5 LR, 1525 Antonello di Niccol? di Jacopo 1477 Baldo di Piero d'Antonio * 1472 LR, 1477 Bartolomeo di Giovanni, sargiaio 1482, 1499 Bartolomeo di Giovanni di Francesco 1477 Bartolomeo di Giuliano di Battista 1472 LR, 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1509 Bartolomeo (Meo) di Tacopo d'Antonio, sargiaio 1477, 1499, 1503 LR, 1504, 1509 Bartolomeo di Paolo (miniatore, per Colnaghi) 1499 Bastiano di Bartolo da San Gimignano (Mainardi) 1503-5 LR, 1509 Bastiano di Lorenzo (Aristotile da Saneallo) 1520 & LR, 1538 Reg. A. Bastiano di Niccol? di Bastiano da Montecarlo 1525 Bastiano di Niccol? da Montopoli (same as above?) 1520 LR Battista di Francesco di lacopo (Battista del Piccino) 1509, 1525 Battista di Stefano, batdloro 1520 This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 140 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Bernardo di Giovanni di Zanobi 1477, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Bernardino di Jacopo (del Cammello) 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1520 & LR, 1525 Bernardo di Simone di Jacopo 1499 Bernardino di Simone del Manghano (same as above?) 1503-4 LR, 1525 SL Bernardo di Stefano Rosselli 1477, 1482, 1503-5 LR, 1525 Bertoldo di Bartolomeo di Francesco Savelli 1499 Biagio d'Antonio Tucci 1472 LR, 1482, 1484, 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Clemente di Giovanni Barili 1525 Cornelio di Giovanni di Currado (di Verrando, tedesco) 1499, 1503-5 LR Cosimo di Lorenzo Rosselli 1472 LR, 1482 & LR, 1484, 1499, 1503-5 LR Davide di Tommaso di Currado (Ghirlandaio) 1472 LR, 1482 & LR, 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Domenico d'Antonio di Matteo, tarzonaio143 1472 LR, 1503 LR, 1504, 1509 Domenico di Bartolomeo (Domenico Puligo) 1525 Domenico di Bartolomeo di Domenico 1472 LR? (if same as Dom. di Bart, batdloro). 1477 Domenico di Bernardino del Cammello 1520, 1525 Domenico di Francesco d'Antonio 1504 Domenico di Francesco di Giovanni 1477 Domenico di Marco di Paolo 1503 LR? (a D. di M. da Pisa listed there, per Colnaghi), 1504 Domenico di Matteo di Bartolo 1499 Domenico di Niccol? di Piero 1472 LR (forzerinaio), 1477 Domenico di Piero di Guccio 1499, 1505 LR Domenico di Tommaso di Currado (Ghirlandaio) 1472 LR, 1477, 1482 & LR, 1484 Domenico Venturi 1509 Domenico di Zanobi di Piero 1472 LR, 1477 Donato d'Antonio, miniatore 1482 Filippino di Filippo Lippi 1472 LR, 1477, 1482 & LR, 1484, 1499, 1504 Filippo di Giovanni di Nello 1472 LR? (F. di G. called "La Pipa" listed there Colnaghi), 1499 Filippo di Giuliano (di Matteo) 1472 LR; 1477, 1482 & LR, 1484 Filippo di Lorenzo Dolciati 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Francesco d'Andr?a Granacci 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Francesco di Benedetto di Pacino 1472 LR, 1477, 1499, 1503 LR, 1504 Francesco di Bernardo, batdloro 1503-5 LR, 1520, 1525 Francesco di Cristofano di Francesco (Franciabigio) 1503-5 LR, 1509 Francesco di Filippo (d'Antonio Forestani, alias Cecchino del Frate) 1525 Francesco di Giovanni d'Antonio (di Tommaso Riccomanni) 1520, 1535 Ree. A Francesco di Giovanni di Domenico Botticini 1472 LR, 1477 Francesco di lacopo di Piero (Raffaelli) del Piccino 1472 LR, 1477, 1482, 1484, 1503-5 LR Francesco di Lorenzo di Francesco (Rosselli) 1472 LR, 1477, 1482, 1484 Francesco di Niccol? del Grasso (Francesco Dolzemele) 1499, 1503-5 LR Francesco di Piero di Donato dell'Orto 1499, 1503 LR, 1504 Fra Girolamo d'Antonio da Brescia 1499 Gabriele di Girolamo (Gabriele Rustici) 1525 Gherardo dei Gherardi 1509 Giesue d'Antonio di Santi 1472 LR, 1484 Giovanni d'Antonio, batdloro 1472 LR, 1499 Giovanni d'Antonio di Francesco Scheggia 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1525 Giovanni d'Antonio di Giovanni di Francesco 1520 Giovanni di Bartolomeo di Jacopo d'Antonio, sargiaio 1509, 1520, 1525 Giovanni di Bartolomeo (di Giovanni) da Montelupo 1525, 1535 Reg. A. Giovanni Battista d'Agnolo 1509 Giovanni Battista di Tommaso del Verrocchio 1520, 1525 Giovanni di Benedetto Cianfanini 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1520, 1525 Giovanni di Benedetto di Giovanni (probably same as above) 1504 Giovanni di Biagio de' Vetri, vetraio 1472 LR, 1499, 1503 LR This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 141 Giovanni di Francesco (d'Andr?a) Mangiabotti 1503-5 LR, 1520, 1525 Giovanni di Giovanni di Francesco 1520 Giovanni di Giovanni Formiconi (same as above?) 1525 Giovanni di ser Giovanni del Moro 1477 Giovanni di ser Giovanni di Simone ("Lo Scheggia") 1472 LR, 1477 Giovanni di Giuliano (Boccardi, or "Boccardino il Vecchio"), miniatore 1499, 1505 LR, 1525 SL Giovanni Gualberto di Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari 1509 Giovanni di Lorenzo Larciani 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1520, 1525 Giovan Maria di Bartolomeo 1499 Giovanni di Mich?le di Lorenzo (Scheggini, or "Il Graffione") 1484, 1503-5 LR Giovanni di Salvi Barili ("Il Gaiola") 1525 Girolamo di Clemente del Buda 1525 Giuliano di Piero di Simone Bugiardini 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1538 Reg. A Giusto d'Andr?a di Giusto 1472 LR, 1477 Jacopo d'Alessandro di Giovanni (del Tedesco) 1503 LR, 1504 Jacopo d'Antonio Giallo, miniatore 1520 Jacopo d'Arcangelo (Jacopo del Sellaio) 1472 LR, 1477, 1482 Jacopo di Bernardino (Jacopo del Cammello) 1520 Jacopo di Domenico di Papi 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico di Filippo 1525 SL, 1525 Jacopo di Francesco di Filippo 1499, 1503-5 LR Jacopo di Francesco dal Prato (same as above?) 1525 Jacopo di Giovanni di Francesco (called "Il Jacone") 1525 Jacopo del Pace 1484 Jacopo di Piero di Matteo Benti, battiloro 1503-5 LR, 1520 Jacopo di Piero (d'Antonio, 1477), called del Piccino 1472 LR, 1477, 1499, 1503-5 LR Leonardo di Bernaba 1509 Lorenzo d'Andr?a d'Oderigo (Lorenzo di Credi) 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Lorenzo di Piero di Papi dell'Acciuga 1472 LR, 1482?, 1503 Lorenzo di Piero di Jacopo 1477, 1482? Lorenzo di Piero di Martino 1477, 1482? Lorenzo di Piero Faina (same as above?) 1482?, 1499 Lorenzo di Piero Randelli 1472 LR, 1482?, 1503 LR Lorenzo di Francesco della Scala (1503 LR) 1499, 1503 LR Lorenzo di Giovanni di Mich?le (son of "Il Graffione") 1509, 1520, 1525 SL Lorenzo di Nazzaro da San Gimignano 1525, 1538 Reg. A. Luca di Cosimo 1520 Luca di Fruosino di Luca 1473 LR, 1477, 1499, 1503-5 LR Marco di Buono di Marco 1477 Mariano d'Antonio di Mariano (Filipepi) 1503-5 LR, 1504 Mariotto di Biagio di Bindo Albertinelli 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504 Mariotto di Francesco del Zufolo (Dolzemele) 1525 Matteo di Bindo di Domenico 1477 Miniato di Piero di Miniato 1503, 1503-6 LR, 1509 Monte di Giovanni, miniatore 1499 Neri di Bicci (di Lorenzo di Bicci) 1472 LR, 1482, 1484 Niccol? d'Antonio, batdloro 1472 LR, 1499, 1504-5 LR, 1509 Niccol? di Simone di Niccol? (N. di S. Squarcialupi) 1503-4 LR, 1504, 1525 Nunziato d'Antonio Puccini (called "Il Nunziata") 1499, 1503-5 LR Pandolfo de'Bans d'Alemagna 1509 Piero d'Antonio di Francesco Sachi (Piero d'Antonio delPiccino) 1525 Piero d'Antonio di Jacopo 1477 Piero d'Antonio di Niccol? 1477 Piero di Cristofano Perugino 1472 LR, 1499, 1503-5 LR Piero di Giovanni di Guccio 1472 LR, 1499 Piero di Francesco d Antonio Donzello 1499, 1504 LR This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 142 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke Piero di Jacopo d'Antonio (Piero del Pollaiuolo) 1472 LR, 1482, 1484 Piero di Lorenzo di Piero (Piero di Cosimo Ubaldini) 1482, 1499, 1503-5 LR Piero di Lorenzo Pratese (called Piero di Lorenzo Zuccheri, 1472 LR) 1472 LR, 1477 Piero del Massaio di Jacopo 1472 LR, 1477 Piero di Matteo di Piero Randelli 1499, 1503-5 LR Piero di Paolo di Francesco 1477 Poggino di Zanobi di Poggino 1504-5 LR, 1509, 1525 Raffaello d'Alessandro di Giovanni del Tedesco 1503-5 LR, 1504 Raffaello d'Andr?a (di Lorenzo) 1525 Raffaello d'Antonio 1503-4 LR, 1509, 1525 Raffaello di Bartolomeo (di Giovanni di Carlo = Raffaellino del Garbo) 1503-5 LR, 1509 Raffaello di Francesco (di Giovanni = Raffaello Botticini) 1499 Raffaello di Giovanni d'Antonio 1503-4 LR, 1509, 1525 Ridolfo di Domenico Ghirlandaio 1503-5 LR, 1509, 1520 Sandro di Giovanni (Agolanti) 1482, 1503-5 Sandro di Giovanni d'Andr?a 1477 Sandro di Mariano di Vanni Filipepi (Sandro Botticelli) 1472-3 LR, 1477,1482 & LR, 1484,1499,1503-5 LR 1504,1509 Silvestro di Piero 1525 Sperandio di Giovanni di Sperandio 1472 LR, 1499, 1503-4 LR, 1504 Spigliato di Spigliato di Giovanni 1473-74 LR, 1477 Stefano di Piero di Matteo, battiloro 1499, 1503-5 LR, 1504, 1509 Taddeo di Giovanni di Giorgio 1477 Tommaso d'Antonio de' Pufci 1472 LR, 1482 Tommaso di Bartolomeo di Giovanni Masini 1503-5 LR, 1509 Tommaso di Stefano di Tommaso Lunetti 1525, 1535 Reg. B. Zanobi d'Antonio del Ticcia 1472 LR, 1482, 1484, 1499, 1504 Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari 1472 LR, 1499, 1503-5 LR NOTES We are most grateful to Wolfger Bulst and John Henderson for their insightful comments and suggestions during the preparation of this article. Many thanks are also due to David Franklin for generously sharing a number ofS. Luca-related documents appearing in Appendix A and to Vieri Mazzonifor his assistance with a number of tran scriptions in the Florentine state archives. Note: All of the dates are indicated in modern style rather than conforming to the Florentine calendar, in which the year began on March 25 (the feast day of the Annunciation). 1 According to the New Testament, Luke was a Greek physician and a disciple of St. Paul, and the author of the Acts and third Gospel. The tradition that he was a painter is based on the story of him painting an icon of the Blessed Virgin. See Cyril Mango, The art of the Byzantine Empire, 312-1453, Englewood Cliffs 1972, p. 40; and Eunice D. Howe, "Luke", in: Jane Turner, ed., The Dictionary of Art, XIX, New York 1996, pp. 787-789. Also see Gregor Martin Lechner, "Lukas Evangelist", in: LCI, cols. 448-464. For the specific biblical refer ence to Luke as healer see Colossians 4:14 ("Luke, the beloved physician [...]") 2 Earlier than known entrants include Bernardo di Stefano Rosselli (1477), Piero di Cosimo (1482), Boccardino il Vecchio (1499), Francesco Granacci (1499), Lorenzo di Credi (1499), Mariotto Albertinelli (1499), and Andrea del Sarto (1509), to name the most prominent examples. 3 The document for the 1482 meeting was briefly cited in an isolated entry for Cosimo Rosselli, with no men tion of any other St. Luke members in Colnaghi, Dictionary, pp. 145, 232-233. Colnaghi does the same in the biography of Jacopo del Pace with reference to the 1484 contract (although the date is given mistakenly as 1483). The source is uncited. 4 "Numptiato d'Antonio", who is mentioned among these craftsmen, must be Nunziato d'Antonio Puccini, called "II Nunziata" (1475-1525), mentioned in the "Libro Rosso" ledger (hereafter cited as LR) in 1503-5. Describing Nunziata as "an amusing and facetious person", Vasari notes that his portrait was painted by This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 143 Ridolfo del Ghirlandaio in his Christ Carrying the Cross (Palazzo Antinori, Florence) (Vasari-Milane si, VI, p. 535, n. 4). Also see Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 191. Antonio di Piero di Lorenzo is probably the same Antonio di Piero, goldsmith, listed in the accounts of 1503-5; Bartolomeo di Jacopo, cloth painter, also receives his first mention. 5 The other artisan confraternities included one of the oldest in that of the cobblers or calzolai (SS. Giovanni Battista e Crespino), along with those of the goldsmiths or orafi (S. Eligi?, called S. Al?); smiths or fabbri (S. Lorenzo); makers of scissors and knives (S. Leo); porters or portatori (S. Giovanni Decollato); farriers or manescalchi (SS. Eligi? e Lorenzo, called S. L6); shoemakers (caligai) and tanners (conciatori) (S. Maria del Giglio e S. Giuseppe); and two from the textile trade: the dyers or tintori (S. Onofrio) and silk weavers or tessitori (S. Croce dei Tessitori, based in S. Marco). Unfortunately there is little surviving documentation about artisan companies in the Trecento and Quattrocento and much confusion remains concerning founda tion dates and other matters. For more on the trade-organized companies see John Henderson, Piety and charity in late medieval Florence, Oxford 1994, p. 45 and Appendix, 47a, 52a, 53a, 67a, 84a, 103a, 132a. Also essential: Ronald Weissman, Ritual brotherhood in Renaissance Florence, New York 1982, pp. 64-67. For the painters' and goldsmiths' confraternities in particular, see mentions in Richard Goldthwaite, The building of Renaissance Florence, Baltimore 1981, pp. 267, 415. 6 Such an inclusion is a more logical one than may initially seem, since the silk weavers also worked as spinners of gold thread for vestment cloth and similar precious materials. 7 The guild was one of twenty-one corporations of various masters established by the Ordinances of Justice in 1293. Among these, the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries belonged to the seven arti maggiori or "greater guilds", which also included those governing the judges and notaries, moneychangers, members of the wool and cloth industries, and farriers. Each functioned as its own political body, with its particular constitution and power structure. 8 The crafts subordinated to the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries are listed in Edgcumbe Staley, The guilds of Florence, London 1906, pp. 262-263. The guild also included librai (booksellers) and presided over print ing (including wood and copper block engraving) and bookmaking, along with other literary matters. For this reason, we find among the lists the likes of Dante, Marsilio Ficino (medicus, philosophus, theologus), and fellow humanist Matteo Palmieri (historian and apothecary). It must be said that the nature of Staley's study is rather dilettantish and must be used with caution. A modern and more reliable replacement is sorely needed but can be said to be provided, in part, by Werner Jacobsen, Die Maler von Florenz zu Beginn der Renais sance, Munich/Berlin 2001. Especially useful are Ch. 2 ("Der institutionelle Rahmen des Malerberufs", pp. 35-48, in which the author discusses the guild and Compagnia di S. Luca, as well as tracing the origins of the Accademia del Disegno in the Compagnia) and Ch. 3 (pp. 49-66). In the latter Jacobsen discusses the panoply of different kinds of painters active in Florence: painters of walls, panels, furniture, arms, glass, playing cards, wax-tapers, fabrics, rooms, and fa?ades, together with amateur painters, mosaicists, miniaturists, and sellers of plaster reliefs. Also see Raffaele Ciasca, L'arte dei medici e speziali nella storia e nel commercio fiorentino dal sec?lo XII al XV, Florence 1927. 9 Staley (n. 8), p. 269. The Florentine painters placed themselves under the protection of the guild around 1297. The first organization of the painters, as a distinct body with its own regulations, appears to date from 1303. 10 A typical apothecary's shop must have been a colorful sight; along the walls, on the upper wooden shelves, stood the earthenware, beautifully decorated albarelli (tall ceramic jars), holding artists' pigments along with a wide assortment of other contents (perfumes, soaps, spices, manna, dried fruit, and sweetmeats). 11 See Katherine Park, Doctors and medicine in Early Renaissance Florence, Princeton 1985, pp. 15-18. For the 1313-16 ordinances, see Florence, Archivio di Stato (hereafter ASF), Medici e Speziali (hereafter Med. e Spez.), Statuto no. 1. Transcriptions are found in Raffaele Ciasca, Statuti dell'arte dei medici e speziali, Florence 1922, pp. 7-53. For the Statuto del membro deipittori del 1315, see ibidem, pp. 77-84. Article XII deals with the fraudulent use of cheaper materials. Also relevant: Carlo Fiorilli, I dipintori a Firenze nell'arte dei Medici, Speziali e Merciai, in: Arch. Stor. Ital., II, 1920, pp. 5-73 (Appendix of Statutes: pp. 42-72). 12 For the 1339 ordinances see ASF, Accademia del Disegno 1 (hereafter Ace. del Dis.) (1339-1550), fols. lr-2v. Published in Gaye, Carteggio, II, pp. 32-43 (including first two amendments of 1335 and 1406); and Luigi Manzoni, Statuti e Matricole dell'arte dei Pittori delle citt? di Firenze, Perugia, Siena, Rome 1904, pp. 117-120. 13 The church of S. Egidio was rebuilt and enlarged by Bicci di Lorenzo in 1418-20, marking the painter's most accomplished architectural project: Paatz, Kirchen, IV, pp. 2, 5,10. In his Life of Jacopo del Casentino, Vasari mentions a St. Luke Painting the Virgin by Jacopo (later replaced by Niccol? di Pietro Gerini's version of the same subject in 1383) adorning the church's high altar. This altar was subsequently decorated with works by Lorenzo Monaco and Baldovinetti, before the much celebrated arrival of Hugo van der Goes's Adoration of the Shepherds (Uffizi, Florence), commissioned by Tommaso Portinari, in May 1483. The church interior also housed a Coronation of the Virgin by Fra Ang?lico for the tramezzo, together with a fresco cycle by Alesso Baldovinetti, Andrea del Castagno, Domenico Veneziano, and Piero della Francesca, painted between This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 144 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 1439 and 1461 (detached remnants in the Museo del Cenacolo di Sant'Apollonia). For mention of these decorations, see: Vasari-Milanesi, I, pp. 674-675; II, p. 516; II, p. 592, n. 3. Also see Richa, VIII, 1759, p. 202; Paatz, Kirchen, IV, pp. 23-24, 49-52 ns. 95-99. 14 For this clarification, see Anna Padoa Rizzo, Luca della Robbia e Verrocchio. Un nuovo documento e una nuova interpretazione iconogr?fica del tabernacolo di Peretola, in: Flor. Mitt., XXXVIII, 1994, pp. 4-50; and John Henderson, Healing the body and saving the soul: hospitals in Renaissance Florence, in: Renaissance Studies, XV, 2001, pp. 188-216, esp. 207 n. 55. Also consult idem, The Renaissance hospital, London/New Haven 2002, which deals in considerably more detail with the art and architecture of major medical hospitals in Renaissance Florence. 15 ASF, Med. e Spez., Statuto 2, no. 2. For a transcription see Ciasca (n. 11), pp. 93-201. While the Arte could admit practitioners of art-related crafts other than painting (such as decorators of stone, wood, metal, glass, stucco, and leather), certain administrative offices were restricted to painters. The statutes also outlined the common participation in ceremonial life; the attendance of religious observances and banquets associated with particular saints; the payment of the matriculation fee; the guild's claim to monopolize the practice of their profession in Florentine territories; the observance of common regulations concerning the treatment of apprentices, rental of shops, and general honesty; the handling of infractions; material aid offered to those members in need; and the attendance of funerals by a delegation of consuls and a guild representative. The statutes required not only a swearing of allegiance to the guild (denying entrance or assistance in a member's workshop or home to anyone who had not sworn the oath), but also to the Guelf party and church of Rome. Park{n. 11), p. 18; and Fiorilli (n. 11), p. 11. 16 For the 1406 document see ASF, Med. e Spez., Statuto no. 2, fol. 149v; see Ciasca (n. 11), pp. 298-309. Other provisions followed, such as those governing the valuation and judging of paintings (24 January 1470), as well as the prohibition against painting the Virgin or other saints "in alcuno luogo nella e per la citt? di Firenze dove sia usitato pisciare o fare altra bruttura, ne farvi croci se prima non otterr? licenzia [...]" (16 December 1506). The two statutes are found, respectively, in ASF, Med. e Spez., 49, fol. 16r; and ASF, Med. e Spez., reg. 267 {Provvisioni e Ricordi A), fol. 46r. 17 For a discussion of Botticelli's late enrollment of 1499 in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali, see Herbert Home, Botticelli, Princeton 1980, 2nd ed. (1st ed. London 1908), pp. 280-281. The issue is also discussed in Martin Wackernagel, The world of the Florentine Renaissance artist: projects and patrons, workshop and the art market, Princeton 1981, pp. 300-303, esp. p. 302. 18 Earlier in 1504 ? on 25 January ? Piero was invited to take part in the voting panel chosen to decide the placement of Michelangelo's David. This inclusion warrants the conclusion that the painter was already a well-respected, established figure within the artists' circle, despite his absence from the Arte. For the meeting's deliberations see: Saul Levine, The location of Michelangelo's David: The meeting of January 25, 1504, in: Art Bull, LVI, 1984, pp. 31-49. 19 In 1472, 112 painters were listed in the company, not including the goldbeaters, wax-figure makers, and several carvers. See Home (n. 17), p. 30. 20 Weissman (n. 5), pp. 65, 202-203, explains how the more open, socially heterogeneous confraternal organiza tions of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries grew more homogenous (bound by shared allegiance to a particular class, neighborhood, and the values of courtly culture) in the sixteenth century under the Medici dukes, a time of widespread growth for craft companies. 21 A confraternity's duties in caring for the sick and the dead ? such as the presence of a physician and priest during a member's last hours, the provision of funerals, commemorative services, and special "criers of the dead" ? are investigated m John Henderson, Religious confraternities and death, in: Peter Denley/Caroline Elam, eds., Florence and Italy. Renaissance studies in honour of Nicolai Rubinstein, London 1988, pp. 384 385, 390. 22 The fee is stipulated in a reform of 28 January 1406 (ASF, Med. e Spez., Statuto no. 2, fol. 149v) (see n. 16). In the 1470 and 1516 regulations, the established fee was six soldi for natives and twelve for non-Florentines. 23 ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 1. See Fiorilli (n. 11), pp. 42-72 (Appendix of statutes, no. 4); or Gaye, Carteggio, II, pp. 32-43. 24 ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 2, LR (Registro intitolato Debitori e Creditori e Ricordi), fols. 144r-145r. The 1472 payments are transcribed in Home (n. 17), p. 30 and App. II, Doc. XI (pp. 346-348). 25 The members were to make all of the necessary repairs in the conversion of the room to their use and were to maintain it at their own expense. In addition, the company was to vacate the space if the hospital was to require it, with compensation for the investment of the repairs to be made up to 200 lire. ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 2, fol. 230v. For a transcription of the contract see Gamillo Jacopo Cavallucci, Notizie storiche intorno alla R. Accademia delle arti del disegno in Firenze, Florence 1873, pp. 13-14. This and other residences are discussed in Karen-edis Barzman, The Universit?, Compagnia, ed Accademia del Disegno, Ph.D. Diss., The John Hopkins University, Baltimore 1985, p. 42. Also: Annamaria Bemaccbioni, Le botteghe di pittura: This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 145 luoghi, strutture e attivit?, in: Mina Gregori et al., eds., Maestri e botteghe: pittura a Firenze alia fine del Quattrocento, exh. cat. (Florence 1992), Cinisello Balsamo 1922, p. 26. 26 Henderson, 2001 (n. 14), pp. 205-209. 27 Nicholas Pevsner, Academies of past and present, London 1940, Appendix 1, p. 296; see also Henderson, 2001 (n-14) 28 As seen in the 1516 and 1520 ricordi of the "Libro Rosso", in 1514 the company met ? along with the Compagnia di S. Antonio ? at the Porta a Faenza and another time in the church of S. Maria della Tromba, in the Mercato Vecchio. Barzman (n. 25), p. 43 n. 28. For a transcription, see Cavallucci (n. 25), pp. 14-15 [Doc. 3]). 29 ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 4, fol. 39r. As Barzman notes ([n. 25], pp. 45-46), approximately thirty members still participated in the society, all of them painters, with Agnolo Bronzino and Pier Francesco di Jacopo Foschi the most notable and active among them. At the end of 1553 and the beginning of 1554, the meetings moved to the Cappella dei Popoleschi in S. Maria Novella and for some months in 1563 took place in Brunelleschi's Scolari Oratory at S. Maria degli Angeli. These changes of location post-1550 are noted in Fiorilli (n. 11), p. 40, n. 3. 30 The most complete account of the Accademia del Disegno and its genealogy is offered in Barzman (n. 25) and Karen-edis Barzman, The Florentine Academy and the early modern state: the discipline of disegno, Cam bridge 2000. For a list of the society's members, see Cavallucci (n. 25), pp. 15-18. For the Academy's statutes, beginning with the capitoli of January 1563 (BNF, Cod. Magliabechiano, II, I, 399), see: Francesco Adorno/ Luigi Zangheri, Gli Statuti dell'Accademia del Disegno, Florence 1998. Vasari's account of the Company's origins is set within his Life of Montorsoli: Vasari-Milanesi, VI, pp. 655-656. It was Fra Giovanni Montorsoli who offered his family chapel in SS. Annunziata as the headquarters of the Academy (known thereafter as the Cappella del Capitolo) in 1565. Barzman writes: "The revived company of Saint Luke in its expanded form would bring together for the first time artists of different media who collectively formed a productive com munity vital to the promotion of Cosimo's state, and especially if he had the means of maintaining its con trol" {Barzman [n. 25], p. 97). 31 The affiliation with the guild lasted until December 1571, at which time the painters requested and received permission to break its traditional associations (see ASF, Accad. del Dis. 25, fols. 15v ff.). 32 The term accademia is discussed in Turner (n. 1), I, pp. 101-102. Poggio Bracciolini's description of his villa near Florence as "my 'Academy' in Val d'Arno" in a letter of 1427 marked the earliest known use of the word in the Renaissance. It must also not be forgotten that the Accademia del Disegno of 1563 was overseen in part by Vincenzo Borghini, the philologist, historian, and Cosimo I's artistic advisor, who served as luogotenente (lieutenant) of the society on behalf of Duke Cosimo I and who helped shape its constitution. The most noteworthy precedent for the artistic academy in Florence was the Medici sculpture garden near S. Marco. Headed by Bertoldo di Giovanni, the academy famously included artists such as the young Michelangelo, Giovan Francesco Rustici, Torrigiano Torrigiani, Francesco Granacci, Niccol? Soggi, Lorenzo di Credi, Giuliano Bugiardini, and Andrea Sansovino. For a recent conspectus of research on the Giardino di S. Marco, see Caroline Elam, Il giardino delle sculture di Lorenzo de' Medici, in: Il Giardino di San Marco. Maestri e compagni del giovane Michelangelo, exh. cat. (Florence, Casa Buonarroti 1992), ed. Paola Barocchi, Cinisello Balsamo 1992, pp. 157-172; eadem, Lorenzo de' Medici's sculpture garden, in: Flor. Mitt., XXXVI, 1992, pp. 41-84; and Nicoletta Baldini, Quasi Adonidos hortum. Il giovane Michelangelo al giardino mediceo delle sculture, in: Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt et al., eds., Giovinezza di Michelangelo, exh. cat., Florence 1999, Florence/Milan 1999, pp. 49-63. Also: Vasari-Milanesi, IV, pp. 258-259 (Life of Pietro Torrigiani). The term accademia was first applied to an association of artists (rather than literati) by the sculptor Baccio Bandinelli, who gave the name to an informal school he ran in his Vatican workshop during the 1530s, and subsequently transferred to Florence; see Zygmunt Wazbinski, L'Accademia medicea del disegno a Firenze nel Cinquecento: idea e istituzione, Florence 1987, I, pp. 53-74; Barzman (n. 30), pp. 4-5; and Louis Alexander Waldman, Bandinelli and the Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore: privilege, patronage and pedagogy, in: Margaret Haines, ed., Santa Maria del Fiore: the Cathedral and its sculpture, Acts of symposium Florence, Villa I Tatti 1997, Fiesole 2001, pp. 217-252. 33 Zuccaro's proposal appealed for the restoration of the Academy's educational purposes, both manual and theoretical and ranging from life drawing classes to lectures on mathematics and physics. Zuccaro also sug gested the awarding of prizes, a proposal that later became realized in his Rome Academy. See Pevsner (n. 27), pp. 50-52. For Dempsey's convincing refutation of Pevsner, see Charles Dempsey, Some observations on the education of artists in Florence and Bologna during the later sixteenth century, in: Art Bull., LXII, 1980, pp. 552-569, esp. 556-557 (for evidence of the Academy's activity and artists' training). 34 The painter Filippo di Giuliano di Matteo (1449-1503), who reappears in the records of 1482 and 1484, lived in the parish of S. Maria dei Magnoli and in the catasto of 1498 was documented as possessing a house in Via del Sole, which he had let since 1484, together with a farm in the commune of Larciano (see Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 100). His son Piero became rector of the church of S. Silvestro at Larciano, occasionally appointing his This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 146 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke father to do business in Florence on his behalf: ASF, Notarile Antecosimiano (hereafter NA) 15532 (1502-9), fol. Ir. Filippo has been identified with the Master of the Fiesole Epiphany in Anna Padoa Rizzo, L'altare della Compagnia dei tessitori di San Marco a Firenze: dalla cerchia di Cosimo Rosselli al Cigoli, in: Antichit? viva, XXVIII, 4,1989, pp. 17-24. He is described in a document 27 July 1490 as being in partnership with two other painters, Zanobi di Giovanni di Bartolomeo and Jacopo del Sellaio, "consociis in arte picture": ASF, NA 15918 (1488-93), fol. 50v. In 1499 and 1501 Filippo was still in partnership with Zanobi di Giovanni, his "socius in arte picture", and the two took out a pair of two-year leases on a shop belonging to the illuminator Stefano di Tommaso Lunetti: NA 16797 (1484-1512), fol. 79r-v; and NA 16791, fols. 35v-36r. His residence is given as the parish of S. Cristofano in a document of 11 October 1487: NA 11124 (1487-97), sub die. For a time he was also employed as "custos puerorum Bigalli": NA 10087 (1485-89), fol. 43lr. He owned a house in Via dei Fossi that he leased out for income: NA 3333 (1474-77), fols. 268v-269r. For other mentions of Filippo, see also NA 1974, fol. 153r; 7895 (1494-95), fol. 258r-v; NA 10189 (1476-78), fols. 27v-28r; NA 10192 (1478 81), fol. 126r-v; NA 11121 (1467-73), fol. 69r; 11122 (1473-78), fol. 62r; NA 11640 (1480-1527), no. 21; NA 13668 (1499-1501), fol. 127v; and NA 17864 (1496-1501), fol. 81r. 35 The 1472 LR list mentions Piero del Massaio di Jacopo (b. 1420) as possessing a workshop in S. Maria in Campo. Piero was noted in the account books of S. Maria Nuova in 1450, 1454, and 1460. Colnaghi also identified this master with Pietro di Paolo del Massaio, entered in the books of the Servi on 23 September 1475 as receiving payment. In 1456 the painter collaborated with Piero Chellini (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 178). Some unpublished references to this painter include: ASF, NA 2344 (1466-74), fol. 154r (witness to third party agreement, 18 September 1470); NA 3530 (1454-58), fol. 44r; NA 7399 (1449-53), fol. 219r, 303v, 334r; NA 7527 (1475-80), fol. 150r (witness, together with another painter, Simone di Benedetto di Niccol?, 1 November 1478); NA 7528 (1480-83), fols. 123r, 128r (laudum, or arbitration dispute); and NA 7913 (1446 59), fol. 135r (20 February 1450, witness to a third party agreement together with painter Piero Chellini). He had a son named Antonio di Piero del Massaio, also a painter and mentioned in: NA 7307 (1477-83), fol. 123r (1 October 1481, noted as a witness); andNA 12861 (1482-91), fols. 55v-56v (promissum agreement involving a debt, 23 September 1484). 36 Little is known about the painter Baldo di Piero d'Antonio (1425-1490). For the most recent mention see Tom Henry, Cesare da Sesto and Baldino Baldini in the Vatican Apartments of Julius II, in: Burl. Mag., CXLII, no. 1162, 2000, pp. 23-34. Baldo's full name appears in a document of 1537, posthumously mention ing a Baldo di Piero d'Antonio di Baldo, painter and resident of the parish of S. Paolo (ASF, NA 18328 [1533 38], fol. 322r). Other unpublished documents include: NA 15826 (1477-88), fol. 37v; NA 8876 (1481-87), fol. 54v; NA 10087 (1485-89), fol. 382v; and NA 20262 (1487-92), unpaginated (mandatum, 18 July 1490). 37 Some confusion clouds the relation of Piero di Lorenzo Pratese (1412/13-1487) to Piero di Lorenzo Zuccheri. Both Bolaffi (Dizionario enciclop?dico Bolaffi dei pittori e degli incisori italiani dall'XI al XX sec?lo, Turin 1975, IX, pp. 45-46) and Thieme)Becker (XXVII, p. 22) warn that the two names belong to separate painters. Colnaghi, conversely, believed that Piero di Lorenzo di Pratese (di Bartolo) was also called Piero di Lorenzo Zuccheri: "There appears little doubt but that Piero di Lorenzo di Pratese and Piero di Lorenzo Zuccheri are identical. Both had a bottega in the Corso degli Adimari, both at one time lived in the Borgo S. Friano [Frediano], and Antonio, the barber, and brother of Piero di Pratese, had a son Giovanni, who is described as Giovanni di Antonio Zuccheri" (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 213). A Piero di Lorenzo does indeed appear as a member of the Society of S. Frediano in 1472,1479, and 1481 (ASF, NA 7525 [1464-75], fol. 125r; 7527 [1475-80], fol. 188v; and 7529 [1481-89], fol. 75r). These references, however, appear to refer to the son of Lorenzo di Piero di Martino, from the parish of S. Felice in Piazza (see n. 51). In 1497 the brother and sister of the deceased "Piero di Lorenzo pictor" presented a house to the hospital of S. Paolo (13644 [1471-1509], fol. 322v). About Piero di Lorenzo Pratese we know that he matriculated in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali in 1440, and suc ceeded Luca della Robbia as the treasurer of the Company of St. Luke in 1472. In 1453 he formed a partner ship with Pesellino and Zanobi di Migliore. Upon Pesellino's death in 1457, Piero may have contributed to Fra Filippo Lippi's completion of Pesellino's Trinity (The National Gallery, London), ordered by the Compagnia della SS. Trinit? for its church in Pistoia in 1455. For Piero's various dealings in overseeing pay ments relating to the altarpiece, se Dillian Gordon, The fifteenth century: Italian paintings. The National Gallery, London, London/New Haven 2003, p. 273. Of related interest: P?leo Bacci, Il Pesellino, Fra Filippo Lippi, Domenico Veneziano, Piero di Lorenzo, Fra Diamante, Domenico discepolo di Fra Filippo Lippi etc. e la tavola pistoiese della "Trinit?" nella Galleria Nazionale di Londra, in: idem, Documenti e commenti per la storia dell'arte, Florence 1944, pp. 113-151. 38 The Francesco di Lorenzo mentioned here is almost certain to be the same member that appears in the LR entries of 1472 as "Francesco di Lorenzo dipintore in Via di San Ghallo". In the payments for candles (to be offered on the feast of S. Maria Candelaia) on 2 of February of same year, he is listed as one of the Company's four captains. See ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 2, LR, fol. 145r. For a transcription see Home (n. 17), pp. 347-348. As the working partner, and probably pupil, of Liberale di Giacomo da Verona, Francesco Rosselli appears in This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 147 a group of 1470-71 documents showing him as working in Siena on the choral books of the cathedral. Trained as an illuminator, Francesco traveled to Budapest in 1480, possibly to illuminate a manuscript for King Mathias Corvinus; after returning to Florence in 1482, he was recorded as being in Venice in 1505 and 1508. For a brief biography see Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 233; and Levi dAncona, Francesco Rosselli, in: Commentari, XVI, 1965, pp. 56-76 (including catasti from 1469 and 1480). For more on Francesco Rosselli's career as printmaker, including discussions of particular engravings, see Suzanne Boorsch, in: Cosimo Rosselli. Painter of the Sistine Chapel, ed. Arthur R. Blumenthal, exh. cat. Florida 2002, pp. 208-244, 247-248 (bibliography). The work shop inventory of Francesco's son, Alessandro (d. 1525), in 1527 lists most of the tools and other possessions relevant to his father's printmaking practice. For a discussion of the inventory, see David Landau/Peter Parshall, The Renaissance print 1470-1530, New Haven 1994, pp. 12-13, 375, n. 38. Francesco's name also appears prominently in an unpublished contract of 28 February 1499 (ASF, NA 20824 [1498-1500], fol. 151r). In the brief record we find a doctor of law and lawyer of Florence, Francesco Ambrosini, promising to pay four broad florins for a map ("pictura Italie") that he had purchased from Francesco Rosselli. Presumably Ambrosini was buying the map to give or to sell to the Duke of Milan, for the contract stipulates that the debt would have to be paid the following May, but only if Lodovico Sforza remained in control of Milan; if Lodovico was out of power by that time, Ambrosini would be allowed to keep the map for free. Earlier documents include a revocado (revocation) of 1469, referring to a "Francesco di Lorenzo di Filippo miniator", from the parish of S. Pier Maggiore (NA 20250 [1468-69], fol. 73r). Dowry payments, involving Francesco di Lorenzo di Francesco, from the parish of S. Lorenzo, appear on 26 October 1480 (ASF, NA 10086 [1480-84], fol. 62r); and again on 9 August 1488 (NA 10087 [1485-89], fol. 395r). A locado (lease agreement) of 1484 lists Francesco as a resident of the parish of S. Maria del Fiore (NA 11123 [1478-87], fols. 170v-171r), while a mandatum of 1489 mentions the illuminator as living in the parish of S. Ambrogio (NA 12861 [1482-91], fol. 184r). See also NA 17863 [1488-96], fols. 165v-167v, 170v-171v (dated 1494). 39 For this partnership with Filippo di Giuliano and Zanobi di Giovanni di Bartolomeo see n. 34. Jacopo del Sellaio (1442-1493) appears earlier in a locado of 1475 (ASF, NA 11122 [1473-78], fol. 77r), dealing with property in the parish of S. Miniato. Both residents of the parish of S. Frediano, Jacopo and his son Arcangelo were included among the members of the Society of S. Frediano in 1482 (NA 7529, fols. 8v-9r). Jacopo also appeared as a witness in 1470,1480, and 1484: NA 7526 (1470-75), fol. Ir; NA 20097 {Testamenti, 1480-1520), no. 1; and NA 18724 (1484-1530), fol. Ir. 40 Giusto d'Andr?a (1440-1498) was first a pupil of Neri di Bicci, in whose shop he worked from 1458-61, and later assisted Benozzo Gozzoli, with whom Giusto participated on the fresco project in S. Agostino at S. Gimignano. The catasto of 1480 notes his possession of a house in Via Fiesolana, parish S. Piero Maggiore, and a workshop in Via della Studio since 1466. {Colnaghi [n. 3], pp. 169-170). In an unpublished lease agree ment from 1468 Giusto is noted as a resident of the parish of S. Margarita (ASF, NA 11121 [1467-73], fols. 14v-15r). Giusto later appeared as a witness in 1486 (NA 18723 [1484-88], fol. 116r) and took part in a trans action involving grain and farming matters in 1488 (NA 13182 [1481-1503], fols. 22r-23v). 41 Another pupil of Neri di Bicci, Francesco Botticini (1446-1497) was first listed in the LR as "Francesco di Giovanni del Borgo Ognisanti in 1472". He is documented in 1484 as having executed the tabernacle for the high altar of the Company of St. Andrew of the White Habit in the then Pieve of Empoli. This work was completed later by his son Raffaello, a S. Luca member in 1499. See Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 51-52; and Lisa Venturini, Francesco Botticini, Florence 1994. For Francesco's S. Spirito altarpiece, St. Monica Venerated by Augustinian Nuns, see: Anabel Thomas, Neri di Bicci, Francesco Botticini and the Augustinians, in: Arte Cristiana, LXXXI, 1993, pp. 23-44; and Andrew C Blume, The Chapel of Santa Monica in Santo Spirito and Francesco Botticini, in: Arte Cristiana, LXXXIII, 1995, pp. 289-292. 42 For more on "Lo Scheggia" (1406-1486) see Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 141; Luciano Bello si/Margaret Haines, eds., Lo Scheggia, Florence 1999; and Laura Cavazzini, Il fratello di Masaccio: Giovanni di ser Giovanni detto lo Scheggia, Florence 1999. 43 "Spigliatus olim alterius Spigliati, pictor populi Sancti Petri Maioris" appears as a witness in a document of 5 April 1474 (ASF, NA 2348 [1472-75], fol. 21r). 44 Bernardo Rosselli, also a member of the Compagnia di S. Zanobi, painted three walls and the ceiling of the Sala de' Signori in Palazzo Vecchio in 1488-90 and nine years later executed a panel for the Rucellai altar in S. Pancrazio. His workshop at the Porta Rossa specialized in painting candles. See Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 230-231; Bemacchioni (n. 25), p. 26; and Anna Padoa Rizzo, Dinastie di pittori, in: Maestri e botteghe (n. 25), pp. 104 105. Also of great interest: Anna Padoa Rizzo, Cosimo and Bernardo Rosselli's work for lay confraternities, in: Cosimo Rosselli. Painter of the Sistine Chapel (n. 38), pp. 61-73, 171-177; and Everett Fahy, ibidem, pp. 253-255 (bibligraphy). The most arresting of a group of new documents regarding Bernardo's life and career is a brief contract of 30 June 1504 in which the painter appoints a procurator to collect money for an unpaid for altarpiece, commissioned by ser Giovanni di Benedetto, rector of SS. Jacopo e Cristoforo at Casalecchio di Bibbiena, a small village in the Val d'Arno Casentinese, in the diocese of Arezzo (see ASF, NA 13470 This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 148 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke [1486-1513], fol. 479r-v). Other mentions include Bernardo's appearance as a witness in documents of 1476 (NA 21168 [1452-68], fol. 95r [matrimonium]; and 1503 (NA 2319 [1499-1503], fol. 258v [dado annuali]). On 13 March 1491 Bernardo was appointed mundualdus (but for no specified purpose) by Piera, the widow of Bartolomeo di Antonio di Bartolomeo and daughter of Lorenzo Rosselli, from the parish of S. Lorenzo (NA 13643 [1490-1536], unpaginated). Bernardo is again noted as a mundualdus in 1523, taking part in a transaction on behalf of an unmarried woman and her father, the painter Francesco di Piero di Donato (ASF, NA 3614 [1523-27], fol. 76v). Also see NA 1595 (1512-16), unpaginated (minor biographical document of 3 December 1513); NA 17866 (1505-9), fols. 31v-32r, 105r; and NA 15793 (1513-38), fols. 16v, 84r, 98r-v, lOOr (the last set of documents constitute a concordia et finis generalis involving the payment of debts in 1521 by the jailed Lorenzo di Jacopo Rosselli to Bernardo), 107v (procuratorial document), 146r (receipt of owed money). 45 Piero d'Antonio di Niccol? was a resident of the parish of S. Maria Novella and appeared as a witness in a document of February 1490 (NA 4383 [1512-29], fol. 65v). Also noted as living in the parish of S. Maria Novella, Piero di Paolo di Francesco was documented as selling some farmland on 19 January 1495 (NA 7530 [1489-97], fol. 119r). 46 The Arte resided in what was once the Palazzo dei Lamberti in Via dei Cavalieri, near the church of Sant'Andrea in the Mercato Vecchio. On 22 February 1448, the guild bought the Torre dei Caponsacchi (as then called), beside the Palagio degli Amieri, from Giovanni di Borromeo Borromei for 595 florins. See Fiorilli (n. 11), p. 17, n. 1. It was to this meeting of 1482 that Home referred when noting that "the libro de'partiti, referred to in this entry [of Botticelli's], has not been preserved among the records of the Florentine Academy, and so, it is no longer possible to say on what occasion this resolution was passed by the company" (Home [n. 17], p. 108). Despite the absence of this book, we now know the purpose of the meeting and its full list of attendees. 47 The artists' presence in Florence has been known from documents of the 5th of October, relating to another ambitious, but unfinished, project: the frescoing of the Palazzo della Signoria's Sala dei Gigli. On this day, the Op?rai (elected officials) of the Signoria allotted commissions to Biagio d'Antonio and Perugino (later re placed by Filippino Lippi), Piero del Pollaiuolo, Domenico Ghirlandaio, and Botticelli. Only the Hall's east wall with Domenico's paintings of the enthroned S. Zanobi and surrounding figures was actually executed. For the contracts and payments see Gaye, Carteggio, I, pp. 577-580. For a fuller account: Home (n. 17), pp. 106-107. The late-November meeting of the Compagnia di S. Luca took place less than two months follow ing the commission in the Sala dei Gigli, and it involved all the masters who worked on the Sala dei Gigli commission save Perugino. 48 First working as an assistant in Lorenzo Ghiberti's workshop in the 1430s, Vettorio Ghiberti served as his father's junior partner after 1444, before becoming heir to his father's business after Lorenzo's death in 1455. For Vettorio Ghiberti and his participation in the execution of the Baptistry doors (as seen in the frame of Andrea Pisano's South Door), see Krautheimer, Ghiberti, pp. 6-9, 165-167, 212-213. 49 Both Neri di Bicci and the painter Piero del Massaio (see n. 35) are included, along with numerous gold smiths, in the membership roll of the society of SS. Angeli in S. Maria del Carmine on 6 September 1467 (ASF, NA 7525 [1464-75], fol. 55v). 50 Francesco di Jacopo must surely be Francesco di Jacopo di Piero d'Antonio del Piccino, the father of Rosso Fiorentino's good friend Giovanni Battista del Piccino (see App., Doc. VII). This connection is mentioned in David Franklin, Rosso in Italy, New Haven 1994, pp. 38, 52-53 (with regard to Giovanni Battista's employ ment for a painted curtain and coat of arms in the Ripoi chapel at Ognissanti in 1520, as well as him standing witness for Rosso's rental agreement in 1518); and Louis A. Waldman/David Franklin, New evidence for Rosso Fiorentino in Piombino, in: Paragone, L, 1999, pp. 105-112. Francesco's own father, Jacopo di Piero, was an artist and is mentioned in S. Luca documents of 1472,1477, 1499, and 1503-5 (LR and App. A, Docs. I, IV). On 13 April 1496 Jacopo was mentioned among the members of the society of S. Frediano (ASF, NA 7530 [156v], fol. 119r). Francesco was one of the Company of St. Luke's most consistent members, appearing in 1472, 1477, 1482, 1484, and 1503-5 (LR and App. A, Docs. I-III). In the earliest instance, he is noted as Francesco di Jacopo di Piero Rafaegli. We know from documentary evidence that Francesco lived in the parish of S. Pier Maggiore, although a 1496 document, noting him as a witness to an aditio hereditatis (accep tance of an inheritance) regarding Buonaccorso Ghiberti, puts him in the neighboring parish of S. Ambrogio (NA 626 [1496-98], fol. 83r). He was married to Antonia di Domenico di Piero in 1469 (see matrimonium of 1 October 1469: NA 17858 [1467-74], fol. 78v). Together, they had a daughter named Cassandra; a document involving her dowry can be found in NA 18321 (1506-9), fol. 270r. On 27 April 1488, Francesco is listed as a member of the Society of St. Roch, along with two other painters, Sperandio di Giovanni and Jacopo di Piero (NA3131 [1486-90], fol. 57v). Francesco died prior to 13 January 1511, as Cassandra is named in a procura of that date as the daughter of the deceased "Francesco di Iacopo di Piero di Antonio pittore" (NA 18322 [1510 13], fols. lllv-112r). The del Piccino family members, appearing in the S. Luca lists from 1472 to 1525, were described as "somewhat undistinguished painters and decorators" by Colnaghi ([n. 3], p. 87). This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 149 51 This Lorenzo di Piero must be one of several individuals of that name; the three leading candidates bear the surnames of Acciuga, Randelli, and Martino. It is quite possible that the last two names in fact refer to the same man {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 163). Lorenzo di Piero dell'Acciuga (b. 1440) appears in the company's registers in 1472 and again in 1503-5. In a document of 1472 relating to a payment for candles, Lorenzo di Piero dell'Acciuga is cited as one of the company's four counselors (ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 2, LR A, fol. 145r). Lorenzo's full name was Lorenzo di Piero di Papi dell'Acciuga, as he is noted in a finis generalis (a "quit claim", marking the end of payment) of 3 November 1506, in which he appears together with his son Zanobi and is described as a resident of the parish of S. Lorenzo (ASF, NA 21075 [1505-32], fol. 54v). Only a few months earlier, Zanobi appointed his father as his procurator (NA 21075 [1505-32], fol. 27v). A painter also named Lorenzo di Piero, living in the parish of S. Lorenzo, appeared as a witness in 1497 and paid his daughter's dowry in 1512 (respectively in: NA 5867 [1494-1509], fol. 45r; and NA 10091 [1507-13], fol. 251v). Born in 1430, Lorenzo di Piero Randelli of Borgo SS. Apostoli (the site of Lorenzo's shop?) appears in the registers as early as 1448 and again in 1472 and 1503-5 (ASF, Accad. del Dis., no. 1 [Primo Registro], fol. llv; and Accad. Dis., no. 2, LR A, fol. 14r). Both Lorenzos had children who also later joined the company: a Zanobi di Lorenzo Acciuga is inscribed in 1503-4, while a Zanobi (1468-1527) and a Piero di Lorenzo Randelli (b. 1475) appear in the LR in 1503-4. Although no archival notices mention the surname Randelli in conjunction with the name Lorenzo di Piero di Martino (a resident of the parish of S. Felice in Piazza), the latter name boasts the greatest amount of other archival evidence. Lorenzo di Piero di Martino's earliest mention occurs as early as 1455, as a witness: NA 21155 [1450-56], fol. 249r. He appears as a witness again in 1480, 1489, 1498, and 1500 (found respectively in NA 19228 [1480-81], fascicle I, fol. 25r; NA 3540 [1483-91], fol. 42v; NA 6644 [1470-1500], Ins. 2, fol. 13r; and NA 5957 [1500-8], fol. 8r. On 21 August 1474 "Laurentius Pieri pictor populi S?nete Felicis in Piazza de Florentia" was made a procurator of the Societ? di S. Maria delle Laude, called the Compagnia dello Spirito Santo, which met in the homonymous church (NA 7918 [1472-1507], fol. 17v). Lorenzo is mentioned as a member of the society approximately a quarter of a century later, on 21 December 1501 (NA 7916 [1481-1504], fol. 371r); he is cited as a member again on 3 February 1503 on fol. 386r. It appears that Lorenzo was relatively prosperous, having been documented as leasing a house in 1476 and appointing a procurator to clear a person from his land in 1485 (respectively in: NA 7918 [1472-1507], fol. 87r; and NA 9872 [1484-89], fol. 70r). It is possible that Lorenzo di Piero di Martino was, in turn, iden tical with a Lorenzo di Piero called "Faina", who is also noted as living in the same parish of S. Felice in Piazza in a compromissum of 1495: NA 7895 (1494-95), fol. 175v. 52 A sargiaio worked with light fabric, usually wool or linen, painted in vivid colors. The material was most often used for the production of cortinaggi (curtains), but items of clothing were often decorated as well. The same Bartolomeo di Giovanni reappears in the S. Luca document of 1499. For the distinction between this Bartolomeo di Giovanni Masini, the cloth painter, Bartolomeo di Giovanni di Miniato, the bookseller, and Bartolomeo di Giovanni di Domenico, the painter (and assistant to Domenico Ghirlandaio and Botticelli) mentioned in the company's list of members in 1472, see the documentary evidence in Nicoletta Pons, Precisazioni su tre Bartolomeo di Giovanni: il cartolaio, il sargiaio e il dipintore, in: Paragone, XLI, 1990, pp. 115-128. 53 For Davide's (1452-1525) brief biography and career trajectory as a painter and mosaicist see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 121-122. Davide was mentioned as a resident of three different parishes: S. Marco in 1496 (ASF, NA 2446 [1491-1498], fol. 287r); the contiguous parish of S. Maria del Fiore (specified by Colnaghi, p. 122) in 1485 and 1496 (NA 14420 [1484-86], fol. 54r [cited as a witness]; NA 2446 [1491-1498], fol. 291 [witness]); and S. Lucia di Ognissanti in 1504 and 1515 (NA 2881 [1495-1508], fol. 336r [land lease]; NA 15929 [1515-16], fol. 25r [compromissum]). For Davide's will of 15 January 1513 consult: NA 18250 (1505-13), fols. 181v-183v. In the document, drafted in the convent of S. Pancrazio, the painter stipulates his desire to be buried in S. Maria Novella. He leaves 300 florins and household items (such as linen) to his second wife, Tommasa di Luigi dei Mossi; a house on Via della Scala is bequeathed to his sister Alessandra and the daughters of Domenico Ghirlandaio, Antonia and Costanza. Davide's nephew and fellow painter Ridolfo Ghirlandaio (1483-1562) is named as the executor of the will. In another new document, Davide leased a house and some farmland to the goldsmith Giovanni di Ambrogio di Giovanni in 1497 (NA 5983 [1496-97], fol. 181r). In 1500 we are intro duced to one of Davide's apparent neighbors, a book printer {stampator librarum) named Giovambattista di Mich?le di Piero, who became involved in a dispute with the painter over the boundaries of a garden (NA 14189 [1501-10], fol. 138v). For documented links with Davide's more renowned older brother Domenico, with whom Davide shared a number of projects in Rome (1475-76), Passignano (1476), Pisa (1492-93), Rimini (1494) and Florence, see Domenico's appointment of Davide as his procurator in a mandatum of 2 Novem ber 1492 (NA 17863 [1488-96], fol. 133v); and a confessio of 25 May 1500 involving both brothers (NA 16275 [1499-1502], fols. 163r-165r). Archival evidence also facilitates connections between Davide and Ridolfo, who most likely joined his uncle in running the Ghirlandaio workshop upon Domenico's death in 1494. A gabella (duty tax) payment of 1511 mentions Davide along with Ridolfo (NA 17905 [1510-15], fol. 33r). A This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 150 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke quitclaim of 1536 refers to Davide's will of 1513, citing Ridolfo as his universal heir (NA 8655 [1535-37], fol. 308r-v). On 27 June 1515 Davide and Ridolfo were involved in a dispute with the convent of S. Maria degli Angeli in Florence; the parties appointed a doctor of canon law, Leonardo di Piero Dati, and a lawyer named Bono Boni to resolve their disagreement (NA 15929 [1515-16], fol. 25r). Ridolfo painted a number of fres coes for this convent, of which only a damaged Last Supper, considered his last fresco (1543), has survived in the convent's refectory. Three years later, on 6 July 1518, Davide and Ridolfo Ghirlandaio found themselves involved in another legal dispute: NA 11693 (1517-20), fols. 46r, 51v-52r. Davide also appointed Ridolfo as a procurator in a dowry-related contract: NA 18251 [1513-24], fol. 109v. 54 At age eighteen, Piero was mentioned in his father's tax declaration (1480) as an unsalaried apprenticed in Cosimo's studio: "Piero mio figluolo ist? al dipintore e nona [non ha] salario riparasi in botega di Chosimo [Rosselli] a Santo Maria in Champo". 55 For findings on Piero's birth and earliest family life, see Dennis Geronimus, The birthdate and early life of Piero di Cosimo, in: Art Bull., LXXXII, 2000, pp. 164-170. For a reconsideration of Piero's final years and the painter's assumption of the surname Ubaldini see Louis A. Waldman, Fact, fiction, hearsay: notes on Vasari's Life of Piero di Cosimo, in: Art Bull., LXXXII, 2000, pp. 171-179. 56 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 94. An unpublished document of 1 December 1498 names "Donatus Antonii miniator" among the members of the Compagnia di San Giovanni Battista: ASF, NA 17919 (1488-1503), fol. 237r. 57 Ibidem, p. 7. In the service of the Op?rai del Duomo from 1478 to 1515, Sandro was paid on 17 November 1490 for a window in the "Aula Dominantium" of the Palazzo della Signoria. For this document see Gaye, Carteggio, I, p. 583. An unpublished compromissum (mutual agreement to abide by the decision of an arbiter) of 12 October 1496 refers to windows that Sandro made some years earlier for Giuliano da Maiano and intended for S. Maria di Loreto. The document calls for the appointment of two judges, one of them the painter Piero di Francesco del Donzello, to settle the dispute between Sandro and Giuliano and Giuliano's brother Benedetto (see n. 76). 58 Those mentioned in the LR records are: Alesso Baldovinetti (fol. 12r), Andrea della Robbia (fol. 13r), Botticelli (fol. 15r), Cosimo di Lorenzo Rosselli (fol. 35r), Davide di Tommaso Ghirlandaio (fol. 46r), Domenico di Tommaso Ghirlandaio (fol. 48r), Filippo di Giuliano (fol. 50r), and Filippo di Frate Filippo (Filippino Lippi) (fol. 57r). 59 ASF, Accad. del Dis, no. 2, LR A, fol. 200r. 60 Andrea trained with and assisted his uncle, Luca della Robbia, in Luca's workshop and in 1458 enrolled in the Arte dei Maestri di Pietra e Legname as an intagliatore, or carver. He is again described as a carver, from the parish of S. Lorenzo, in a vendido (property sale) of 15 September 1492, around the time that Andrea was engaged in carving the grand marble altar (1487-93) for the sanctuary of S. Maria delle Grazie in Arezzo: ASF, NA 12148 (1484-93), fol. 148r-v. In 1472 the LR records Andrea making payments for candles as the society's treasurer. For transcriptions of documents relating to his work see Allan Marquand, Andrea della Robbia and his atelier, Princeton 1922,1, Introduction xix-lxi. While Marquand includes a general notice of Andrea's marriage in 1466 found in the Spogli dello Strozzi (Intro, xxi, Doc. 20), a notarial document fixes the precise date of his marriage to Nannina di Piero di ser Lorenzo Paoli of Florence as 14 January 1466: NA 20611 (1465-80), fol. 2r-v. Another matrimonial document regarding Andrea appears on 10 November 1467: NA 20665 (1464-72), fol. 346r. 61 Zanobi d'Antonio di Jacopo di Bartolo del Ticcia appeared a number of times as a witness to drafted contracts in 1466,1469,1475,1476, and 1499 (respectively in: ASF, NA 19085 [1461-71], fol. 149r; 10406 [1467-72], fol. 88r; NA 11122 [1473-78], fol. 77r; NA 16032 [1476-88], fol. 7v; and NA 3133 [1496-1502], fol. 67r). A resi dent of the parish of S. Firenze in 1466, it appears that Zanobi moved to the parish of S. Felice in Piazza, south of the Arno, by 1476. 62 Domenico Ghirlandaio appears to be listed twice, as "Dominicus Tomasii Curradi pictor", captain, and "Do minicus Tomasii pictore", the second name from the bottom of the list. 63 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 143. This Jacopo was so named because of the location of his workshop in the Corso degli Adimari. Two documents of 1480 and 1485, in which Jacopo del Pace appears as a witness, note his residence as the parish of S. Frediano (ASF, NA 9603 [1477-81], fol. 187r; and NA 6240 [1466-89], fol. 131v). 64 "II Graffione"'s sole dated appearance in the records of the LR falls in 1503-8, when he is entered as "Giovanni di Mich?le Schegini, dipintore" (here Larciano is crossed out and replaced by "Schegini"). ASF, Accad. del Dis, no. 2, LR A, fol. 64r. "Il Graffione", a resident of the parish of S. Ambrogio, was involved in a laudum in 1486 (NA 18723 [1484-88], fol. 78r) and appeared as a witness in documents dating 1500, 1501, 1504, and 1506 (NA 9647 [1500-1], fol. 72r; NA 7781 [1500-1], fol. 19r; NA 7899 [1503-4], fol. 141r; and NA 17865 [1502-4], fol. 76v). 65 Other sources include Herbert Home, A newly-discovered altarpiece by Alesso Baldovinetti, in: Burl. Mag, VIII, 1905, pp. 51-59; and Louis A. Waldman, The "Master of the Kress Landscapes" unmasked: Giovanni Larciani and the Fucecchio altar-piece, in: Burl. Mag, CXL, 1998, p. 461, n. 35. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 151 66 Home's attribution rests largely on the fact that four of the five payments (totaling eight florins) made be tween 5 January 1485 and 3 September 1485 for the Nativity were received by "Il Graffione" on Baldovinetti's behalf. Stylistically, there is little secure evidence to either attribute the central scene entirely to "II Graffione" or to judge the actual execution as mediocre, since ? as Home acknowledged ? the painting was in a ruin ous physical state ("a very indifferent condition") when he saw it. Home (n. 65), pp. 52-55. 67 For the correct attribution, see Burton B. Fredericksen, Giovanni di Francesco and the Master of Pratovecchio, Malibu, Cal. 1974. For Giovanni da Rovezzano's (d. 1459) altarpiece of 1457 for the chapel of the notary Giusto di Giovanni Giusti in the Camaldolite abbey of Anghiari, see Louis A. Waldman, Florence Cathedral: the fa?ade competition of 1476, in: Source, XVI, 1996, p. 5, n. 7. 68 Vasari-Milanesi, II, p. 598. The supposed oddity of "II Graffione" is said to have manifested itself in his taking of all meals at a table covered with nothing but the leaves of his cartoons and never sleeping in any bed other than a chest full of straw. 69 The painter's full name was Zanobi di Giovanni di Bartolomeo di Baldo Adimari. For evidence of Zanobi's association with companies of painters in the catasti of 1469, 1480 and 1498, see Nicoletta Pons, Zanobi di Giovanni e le compagnie di pittori, in: Riv. d'arte, XLIII, 1991, pp. 221-227. Unpublished biographical docu ments include Zanobi's partnerships with Jacopo del Sellaio and Filippo di Giuliano di Matteo (in 1490) and later Stefano di Tommaso di Giovanni and Filippo di Giuliano (in 1501): see n. 34. On 1 December 1498 Zanobi was listed as a member of the Compagnia di S. Giovanni Battista in a power of attorney drawn up the society's members (ASF, NA 17919 [1488-1503], fol. 237r). Noted as a resident of the parish of S. Pier Maggiore, Zanobi also surfaces as a witness in documents dating 1495 and 1508 (NA 16837 [1495-98], fols. 58r, 60r; and NA 5434 [1508-11], fol. 8r). In 1477, however, Zanobi apparently lived in the parish of S. Giorgio on the opposite side of the Arno, as stated in a compromise agreement (NA 16032 [1476-88], fol. 17v). 70 The remaining repeated names (from ten in all) in the 1482 and 1484 documents belong to Zanobi d'Antonio del Ticcia and Bartolomeo di Giovanni, cloth painter. 71 For Lorenzo d'Andrea d'Oderigo, called di Credi, see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 79-81; Robert Brewer, A study of Lorenzo di Credi, Florence 1970; Gigetta Dalit Regoli, Lorenzo di Credi, Milan 1966; Louis A. Waldman, The Mary Magdalen in Santa Trinita by Desiderio da Settignano and Giovanni d'Andrea, in: Pantheon, LVIII, 2000, pp. 13-18; and idem, The date of Rustici's "Madonna" relief for the Florentine silk guild, in: Burl. Mag., CXXXIX, 1997, pp. 869-872. A resident of the parish of S. Marco in 1498 and S. Pier Maggiore in 1500, the painter appeared as a witness to documents drafted in 1498, 1500, 1504, 1508, 1515, and 1521 (twice), found respectively in: ASF, NA 5429 (1486-99), fol. 173v; 2319 (1499-1503), fol. 93r; 21123 (1504-10), fol. 24v; 5434 (1508-11), fols. 23v-24r, 66r; 5437 (1515-16), fol. 9v; 11308 (1521-23), fol. 31v; and 15793 (1513-38), insert 1, fols. 95v-97v. Lorenzo is mentioned again in a donado causa mortis in 1510 (NA 1231 [1509-11), fols. 47r, 88r, 107r) and as an appointed mundualdus in 1524 (NA 267 [1521-25], fol. 374v). 72 On Francesco d'Andrea di Marco Granacci, see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 139-140; and Christian von Hoist, Francesco Granacci, Munich 1974, pp. 209-212. Unpublished notices include Francesco's receipt of his dowry on behalf of his new wife Felice, daughter of ser Antonio d'Angelo Lapini, in 1510 (ASF, NA 3360 [1541-45], fol. 162r v); his leasing of a house in 1516 (14294 [1510-17], fol. 347r-v); and the rental of a house on Piazza S. Pancrazio, with his brother Raffaello, a weaver, in 1517 (NA 3346 [1512-14], fol. 99r). On 7 May 1499 Granacci was recorded as a member of the societies of S. Bonaventura and S. Bartolomeo, along with fellow artists Maso Finiguerra, Jacopo di Lazzaro and Giovanni Battista di Lazzaro, and Giovanni d'Anton Francesco Scheggia (NA 17919 [1488-1503], fols. 246r-247v). Granacci is also documented as a witness in 1503, 1517, 1534, and 1537 (respectively in: NA 17865 [1502-4], fol. 88r; NA 3346 [1512-14], fol. 83v; NA 9322 [1534-35], fol. 25r; and NA 17165 [1532-63], fol. 156r). 73 For Albertinelli, see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 5-7; Ludovico Borgo, The works of Mariotto Albertinelli, New York 1976; and Serena Padovani, ed., L'et? di Savonarola. Fra Bartolomeo e la "scuola di San Marco", exh. cat. Venice 1996, pp. 29-45, 320, and individual cat. entries. Albertinelli is mentioned on several occasions by Savonarola's famed notary, Lorenzo Violi: as a witness in 1501 (ASF, NA 21122 [1500], fol. 16v); procurator of Fra Bartolomeo {ibidem, fol. 24v); witness in a procuratorial document of Lisa Bini {ibidem, fol. 85r); and renter of a house in Via Gualfonda {ibidem, fol. 129v). Giuliano Bugiardini agreed to rent the same house after the expiration of Albertinelli's lease {ibidem, fol. 130r; see n. 97). On 29 December 1505 Albertinelli served a witness, along with fellow painters Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico and Filippo di Lorenzo di Filippo, to the will of Camilla d'Antonio di Giano Morelli, drawn up in Albertinelli's home parish of S. Lucia d'Ognissanti (NA 21123 [1504-10], fol. 83v). 74 For Fra Bartolomeo see Fra Bartolomeo e la "scuola di San Marco" (n. 73); Chris Fischer, Disegni di Fra Bartolommeo e della sua scuola (Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, LXVI), Florence 1986; and the more exhaustive idem, Fra Bartolommeo. Master draughtsman of the High Renaissance, Rotterdam 1990. Brief documented mentions of 1500 show him as a witness and a participant in a procuratorial document (ASF, NA 21122 [1500], fol. 2r-v). This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 152 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 75 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 37. In the Libro dei Morti of the convent of the Servi, there is an entry for four pounds of small candles in 1529 for the funeral service of a Bartolomeo, a miniaturist, whom Milanesi tentatively iden tified with the same Bartolomeo di Paolo. For his involvement as one of three arbiters in a dispute of 1517 regarding a missal illuminated by Boccardino il Vecchio see n. 83. Listed as a resident of the parish of S. Ambrogio, Bartolomeo appears as a witness to a will of 1492 (ASF, NA 19017 [1492-1518], fol. 7r); and a will of 1497 (NA 7961 [1497-99], fol. 31v). In two sixteenth-century documents, Bartolomeo is noted as living in the parish of S. Marco (NA 15793 [1513-38], Ins. I, fol. llv [appointment of a procurator in 1515 to demand money from a miller]; and NA 13602 [1527-28], fol. 84r-v). On 25 October 1526 Bartolomeo is recorded as renting a house: NA 20033 (1521-28), fol. 105r. 76 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 94. Also see the entry by Nicoletta Pons, in: Dinastie di pittori, in: Maestri e botteghe (n. 25), pp. 100-101; Everett Fahy, Some followers of Domenico Ghirlandaio, New York/London 1976, pp. 41 42, 187, 220-221 and Thieme/Becker, IX, pp. 457-458. In a compromissum of 12 October 1496, Piero di Francesco del Donzello (who may be identical with Piero di Francesco di Jacopo) was chosen to judge a dispute concerning some windows made years earlier by the vetraio (and bidello of the Studio Fiorentino), Sandro di Giovanni d'Andr?a on behalf of Giuliano da Maiano, for the basilica at Loreto (see n. 57). Further biographical references to Piero di Francesco di Jacopo include: ASF, NA 1862 (1511-12), fols. 267r, 268r, 274r, 274r, 435v, 474r-477r; NA 9650 (1506-7), fol. 318r; and NA 11537 (1497-99), fols. 182v-183v. For Piero's involvement with Bertoldo di Bartolomeo in 1520, see n. 86. Piero's brother Ippolito ("Ypolito Francisci Antonii pictor populi Sancti Michaelis Vicedominorum") is mentioned as a witness to an emptio contract of 1 March 1486 (ASF, NA 17862 [1485-88], fol. 74r). 77 Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 124, 167, 216. Also see Margaret Haines, in: Luciano Bellosi/Margaret Haines, eds, Lo Scheggia, Florence 1999, p. 64; and Margaret Haines, Nota sulla discendenza di Giovanni di ser Giovanni, in: Riv. d'arte, XXXVII, 1984, pp. 257-268. Giovanni became matriculated in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali on 29 June 1546, when he was noted as the guild's treasurer. He was a friend of Ridolfo del Ghirlandaio, who, according to Vasari, was assisted by Giovanni in producing his Christ Carrying the Cross for the Church of S. Gallo. Giovanni is known to have worked in Pisa with Mainardi, Davide and Benedetto Ghirldandaio, Granacci, and Poggino Poggini around 1494 (Domenico Ghirlandaio's death). In 1495, along with Poggini, he began painting the Tribune of the Duomo in Pisa. 78 Alesso di Benozzo di Lese appears in the LR in 1502 as Alessandro di Maestro Benozzo da Pisa (referring to his father, Benozzo Gozzoli), evidently returning to Florence after his father's death in Pisa in 1499. See Anna Padoa Rizzo/s entry on the Gozzoli in: Dinastie di pittori, in: Maestri e botteghe (n. 25), pp. 94-95, 116; and Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 138. Unpublished documents include Alesso's appearances as a witness to a marriage contract in 1511 (ASF, NA 10933 [1510-16], fol. 18v) and as a guarantor to a contract of 1519 (18347 [1519], fol. 165v). Raffaello Botticini was trained by his father, Francesco (1446-1497), whose painting for the Collegiata of Empoli he completed in 1504 (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 52). See Federico Zeri, Raffaello Botticini, in: Gaz. B.-A, LXXII, pp. 159-170. Also see mentions in Lisa Venturini, Francesco Botticini, Florence 1994; eadem, in: Dinastie di pittori, in: Maestri e botteghe (n. 25), pp. 102-103; and Waldman (n. 65), pp. 456-469. 79 For Perugino's chronology during this period, based on documentary evidence, see Fiorenzo Canuti, Il Perugino, Foligno [et a.] 1983 (reprinted from: La Diana, 1931 [s. pp.]), II. Also see Pietro Scarpellini, Perugino, Florence 1983, pp. 63-65. On 11 August 1501 the painter appointed procurators for unspecified business, as found in ASF, NA 21153 (1500-15), fol. 47v. 80 Canuti (n. 79), p. 298. 81 Ibidem, p. 300. Unfortunately the riformanze of 1499 are lost, making it impossible to verify Perugino's occupation of the honored post. From January to March of 1500 Perugino is mentioned in both Florence and Vallombrosa, before departing for Perugia by late April of that year. 82 Giovan Maria di Bartolomeo may possibly be a match with Giovanni di Bartolomeo di Giovanni da Montelupo (1495-1545), son of the sculptor/architect Baccio da Montelupo, matriculated in the Guild of Doctors and Apothecaries on 13 May 1531 and mentioned in the S. Luca records in 1535. Another possible match is Giovanni di Filippo di Bartolommeo da Como, a painter who matriculated in the guild on 2 November 1499 (for both men see Colnaghi [n. 3], pp. 129-130). Either the mention of a Piero di Matteo di Piero may refer to Piero di Matteo dei Sermatelli (d. 1525), who in 1519 was paid thirty lire and eighteen soldi for painting "righole e cornici" for the Convent of the Servi (ibidem, p. 213). For Fra Girolamo d'Antonio da Brescia, a brother of the Florentine convent of S. Maria del Carmine (in which he executed a number of frescoes) from 1490 until his death in 1529, see Andrea G. De Marchi, Girolamo d'Antonio: pittore eccentrico nella Firenze rinascimentale, in: Paragone, XLIV, 1993, pp. 3-20. A new altarpiece commission and related documents about the frate's life are also presented in Jonathan K. Nelson/Louis A. Waldman, La questione dei dipinti postumi di Filippino Lippi: Fra Girolamo da Brescia, il "Maestro di Memphis", e la pala d'altare a Fabbrica di Peccioli, in: Franca Falletti/Jonathan Nelson, eds. La Deposizione di Filippino Lippi e del Perugino per l'altar maggiore della SS. Annunziata a Firenze (forthcoming); and Louis A. Waldman, Documenti inediti su This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 153 Filippino e le sue opere, ibidem, nos. 27-32. 83 The miniaturists are Monte di Giovanni and Giovanni di Giuliano, who is most likely Giovanni di Giuliano di Tommaso Boccardi or Boccardino il Vecchio (1460-1529), a pupil in his youth of Zanobi di Lorenzo and a miniaturist also recognized as a cartolaio (stationer). He appeared again in the LR in 1503-5 and in the regis ters in 1525. See Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 37,44-45; and Annarosa Garzelli, Miniatura fiorentina del Rinascimento 1440-1525, Florence 1985,1, pp. 341-346. For a previously unrecorded payment dispute of 15 May 1517 over a missal illuminated by Boccardi for Antonio de' Nerli, the canon of S. Maria del Fiore, see ASF, NA 9783 (1515-17), fol. 153r. The gilders ? who were also occasionally painters ? include Bernardo di Jacopo; Bernardo di Simone di Jacopo (also a painter), who, with Zanobi di Lorenzo, gilded a frame in 1515 for a marble Virgin and Child for an altar in the oratory of the Bigallo; and Francesco di Niccol? del Grasso, who may be identical with Francesco di Niccol? di Tommaso Forzetti, called Francesco Dolzemele (1462-1516). Dolzemele worked as a painter but above all was considered a gilder, as noted in the LR in 1503-4. Between 1504-14 Francesco was employed by the Servite monks of SS. Annunziata for various projects {see Jonathan K. Nelson, The High altar-piece of SS. Annunziata in Florence: history, form, and function, in: Burl. Mag., CXXXIX, 1997, pp. 84-94). In 1511 Francesco assisted Andrea Feltrini in painting and gilding the antechamber of the Palazzo Strozzi. Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 39, 89. 84 Antonio di Piero di Lorenzo is probably the same Antonio di Piero, goldsmith, listed in accounts of 1503-5; Bartolomeo di Jacopo, cloth painter, also receives his first mention. 85 Andrea appears in the S. Luca registers of 1502 as Andrea di Donato. Colnaghi refers to an Andrea di Donato d'Andrea Tromba (d. 1527), a painter resident in the parish of S. Paolo, who becomes a member of the Arte dei Medici e Speziali on 23 January 1511 (Cod. X). He appears in the LR in 1520 {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 15). A document pertaining to Andrea also appears in Waldman (n. 65), p. 462 n. 47. "Andreas Donati Andr?e pictor populi Sancti Pauli de Florentia" is mentioned, along with another painter, Francesco di Lazzaro di Bartolomeo, as a witness to a third party's contract drawn up in Florence on 10 September 1511 (ASF, NA 1232 [1511-14], fol. 28v). On 4 December 1523 he took on an indentured servant, the twelve-year old Francesca d'Andrea di Gonsalvo di Gino da Campi (?), for a period of ten years (NA 17547 [1519-25], fol. 391r). 86 This is almost certainly Bertoldo di Bartolomeo, who in 1520 painted seventeen coats of arms of Leo X and of the Cardinal de' Medici for the Opera del Duomo (for which he was paid 122 lire 5 soldi). Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 40. His full name is given as Bertoldo di Bartolomeo di Francesco Savelli in a number of the following docu ments, including a mundualdum and vendido agreement dated August 1509: ASF, NA 1861 (1504-11), fols. 248r, 261r-v; and a tregua (truce) of 30 April 1510: NA 8008 (1510-13), fols. 12v-13v, 174v-175r (17 August 1511); a mundualdum agreement involving his wife, Marietta: NA 8879 (1498-1502), fol. 81r; a sale of land: NA 9786 (1520-21), fol. 50r; zfideiussio (standing of surety) of 28 March 1512: NA 12782 (1506-15), fol. 336r; 2,prorogado compromissi witnessed by Bertoldo on 3 December 1505: NA 18303 (1504-6), fol. 297v; afideiussio document involving another painter, Piero di Francesco d'Antonio (Donzello), 14 March 1520: 11544 (1519 22), fol. 164r-v. The surname "Savelli" is misspelled "Fanegli" in a document of 25 October 1504 in which the painter leased property from the convent of S. Apollinare: NA 13637 (1502-5), no. 63. Further unpublished biographical documents mention Bertoldo di Bartolomeo di Francesco, living in the parish of S. Pier Maggiore, appointing Antonio di Francesco da Sangallo as his procurator for unspecified business (NA 1859 [1501-5], fol. 35r); a fideiussio of 3 June 1502 regards a debt owed to Bertoldo di Bertoldo Gianfigliazzi (NA 8537 [1513-16], fols. 18r-19r). See also NA 9788 (1523-24), fol. 227r; and NA 18325 (1522-24), fol. 124r. 87 The full name of Cornelio di Giovanni, a painter of German descent, is given as "Cornelio di Giovanni di Currado pictor populi S?nete Marie [in Verzaria]" in ASF, NA 2319 (1499-1503), fol. 259v (10 August 1503). Cornelio is also entered in the LR in 1503-4. On 6 September 1480 he was paid eight lire and fifteen soldi for some paintings done in the cloister of the Servi. He was the father of Giovanni di Cornelio (pupil of Ridolfo Ghirlandaio) and Cornelio di Cornelio, a child born after his father's death who was to become a painter and pupil of Francesco Riccomanni, called "Il Verde" [see n. 109]. Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 78. 88 Domenico di Piero di Guccio (d'Aghinetti) (1474-1533), appeared in the LR in 1505 and joined the guild on 2 January 1500. He formed a partnership with Donnino del Mazziere, with whom he painted a tondo depict ing Sts. Thomas and Thomas Aquinas (1503-4); he later undertook to paint an altarpiece for the Hospital of S. Lucia, near the Porta S. Frediano, for officers of the Bigallo in 1515 {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 3). This artist may be identical with a painter called Domenico di Piero di Giovanni, resident in the parish of S. Ambrogio, men tioned in a document of 28 April 1506 as a guarantor for a workshop lease taken out by another painter, Bastiano di Carlo di Francesco Buti: ASF, NA 20771 (1505-7), fols. 90v-91r. Domenico's father may have been a painter named Piero di Giovanni, who appeared together with Clemente dTppolito, Zanobi di Manno, and Piero di Giovanni ? all painters ? in the society of S. Frediano, of which Jacopo del Sellaio was also a part (see n. 39) (NA 7529 [1481-89)], fol. 121r). 89 Francesco di Piero di Donato di Baglione, called Francesco dell'Orto (d. 1506), reappeared in the LR in 1504 and joined the Arte on 17 March 1502. Francesco painted decorations in Palazzo Vecchio during Piero Soderini's This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 154 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke term as the elected standardbearer of Justice (on 24 December 1502 he received six lire for painting a quadro above a door and a window in the room of Piero Soderini). He later painted other private rooms of Soderini (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 108). Francesco appeared as a resident of the parish of S. Felice in Piazza in documents of 1500,1502, and 1503 (ASF, NA 10808 [1499-1504], fol. 53r; NA 3134 [1502-5], fol. 19r; and NA 17919 [1488 1503], fol. 364v). A year before his death, in 1485, Francesco is noted as a resident of the nearby parish of S. Niccol?, leasing a house in that parish from a woodworker named Francesco di Domenico di Bartolomeo for a period of five years, beginning on the 15th of May of that year (NA 15826 [1477-88], fol. 92r). Francesco was included among the members of the laudesi society of S. Maria e Sant'Agnese delle Laude, which met in S. Maria del Carmine, in 1489, 1491, and 1503 (NA 7535 [1519-25], fols. 166v [dated 1489], 180r [1491]; and NA 3134 [1502-5], fol. 45v). 90 Jacopo can most likely be identified with Jacopo di Francesco dal Prato, one of the society's counselors, in 1525. By extension, the master may be equated with Jacopo di Francesco di Filippo, a painter from the parish of SS. Apostoli who appears as a witness in a document of 11 October 1500 (ASF, NA 13886 [1498-1502], fol. 129v), along with the painter Domenico di Francesco Fecci (or Fetti?). This Jacopo is not to be confused with Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico di Filippo, who was also present at the company's meeting of 1525. The latter was a resident of the parish of S. Lucia di Ognissanti. On 15 February 1515 Jacopo took out a lease on an apotheca (storehouse) in the parish of S. Cristoforo (NA 2311 [1513-15], unpaginated); he leased out half of a house on 17 May 1527 (NA 19221 [1526-29], fol. 101r-v). Connections with other painters arise in two instances. On 6 October 1525 Jacopo and Cecchino del Frate leased half a house in Borgo Ognissanti, parish of S. Lucia Ognissanti; the document is complete with specifics such as borders, descriptions of rooms in question, and outlining of various changes to the rooms (NA 19219 [1515-26], insert 2, no. 103). On 17 October 1526 Jacopo and Bernardino di Jacopo del Cammello of S. Pier Maggiore leased some farmland together (NA 19221 [1526-29], fol. 40r-v). 91 In his notes Leonardo mentioned that on 24 September 1513 he left Milan en route for Rome (passing through Florence in October on his way) in the company of Giovan Francesco Melzi, Salai, Lorenzo (del Faina?), and Il Fanfoia. See Leonardo da Vinci, On Painting, ed. Martin Kemp, London 1989, p. 267. For Lorenzo di Piero Faina's possible identification with Lorenzo di Piero di Martino see n. 51. 92 This sole securely documented work (of 1516) by Andrea di Salvi Barili is published along with other related documents on the artist in Louis A. Waldman, The painter as sculptor: a new relief by Andrea di Salvi Barili, in: Flor. Mitt, XLIII, 1999, pp. 200-207. 93 Domenico did not join the Arte until 22 August 1546. His son Piero also became an artist, enrolling in the guild on 12 May 1560, and, in turn, was followed in the profession by his own three sons Domenico, Zanobi, and Filippo. Jacopo di Bernardino joined the same guild on 14 September 1547. Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 63-64. 94 Miniato was also included in the LR for the years 1503, 1505, and 1506 (Colnaghi [n. 3], pp. 183-84). In a meeting of the Societ? di San Salvatore, in its "domus congregationis" in the parish of S. Lorenzo, on 21 February 1505 Miniato di Piero di Miniato ("Miniatem Pieri Miniatis pictorem, hominem etiam dicte eiusdem societatis") was appointed as a procurator for unspecified business by the society of S. Salvatore in 1505 (ASF, NA 3477 [1502-10], fol. 15r). The meeting included the painters Piero di Francesco ("Pierus Francisci, pictor populi Sancti P?tri Maioris de Florentia") and Giovanni di Francesco Mangiabotti ("Iohannes Francisci Mang[i]abocti, pictor populi S?nete Felicitatis de Florentia"). Miniato served as a mundualdus in 1516 (NA 9747 [1516-22], fol. 16v). As a witness, Miniato was noted as a resident of the parish S. Maria in Campo in 1507 and S. Lorenzo in 1510 (NA 9650 [1506-7], fol. 318r; and 9655 [1484-1516], fol. 241r). 95 New information on Jacopo can be found in Louis A. Waldman, Three altarpieces by Pier Francesco Foschi: patronage, context and function (with notes on some assistants in the workshop of Botticelli), in: Gaz. B.-A., CXXXVII, 2001, pp. 22-23. 96 Coincidentally, Davide sold some land to Pietro Torrigiani in 1516: ASF, NA 9654 (1514-17), fol. 210v. 97 Nothing further appears to be known of Pandolfo de' Baiis. For Giuliano di Piero Bugiardini, see Laura Pagnotta, Giuliano Bugiardini, Turin 1987. The most revealing unpublished biographical documents trace Bugiardini's connection with Mariotto Albertinelli. In 1500 Bugiardini agreed to rent Albertinelli's house after the expiration of its lease (ASF, NA 21122 [1500], fol. 130r). On 20 March 1510 the fellow painters appear as witnesses in a financial agreement involving one Ugolino di Amadore di Ugolino and his siblings: "1509. Item postea dictis anno, indictione et die XX.a martii. Actum Florentie, in populo S?nete Marie No velle, presentibus Mariotto Blaslii [sic] Bindi, pictore, et [deleted: Iohanne Pie] Iuliano Pieri Bugiardini, pictore etc." (NA 11690 [1509-11], fol. 5r). In 1526 Bugiardini is documented as accepting an inheritance (NA 845 [1524-27], fol. 190r-v). Other unpublished biographical signposts include Bugiardini's appearances as a wit ness in 1510,1521, 1527,, 1533, and 1536: found respectively in NA 5434 (1508-11), fol. 191v; NA 540 (1520 40), fol. 38v; NA 18354 (1527), fols. 140v-141r; NA 3353 (1532-34), fol. 122v; and NA 14335 (1534-38), fol. 249r. In the document of 1521 Bugiardini serves as a witness along with another painter, Bartolomeo di Domenico di Lorenzo, also from the parish of S. Lorenzo. We are grateful to David Franklin for this citation. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 155 Bugiardini's little-known brother Anton Francesco, who worked as a sculptor, is noted in: NA 7302 (1497 1507), fol. 135r; NA 242 (1501-10), fols. 19v-20r; NA 9537 (1517-24), fol. 91r-v; NA 17243 (1525-28), fol. 66v; and NA 10159 (1522-29), fol. 241r-v. 98 For Masini and his relationship with Filippino Lippi, see Nelson/Waldman (n. 82); and Waldman (n. 82), nos. 23-24. 99 There is as yet no monographic study on Raffaellino del Garbo. Instead, see Carlo Gamba, Dipinti ignoti di Raffaello Garli, in: Rassegna d'arte, VII, 1907, pp. 104-109; Alfred Scharf, Die fr?hen Gem?lde des Raffaellino del Garbo, in: Jb. d. preu?. Kslgn., LIV, 1933, pp. 151-166; Katherine B. Neilson, Filippino Lippi, Cambridge, Mass. 1938, pp. 186-207; Craig Hugh Smyth, The earliest works of Bronzino, in: Art Bull., XXXI, 1949, pp. 209-210 ("The Raffaellino del Garbo problem"); Maria Grazia Carpaneto, Raffaellino del Garbo, in: Antichit? viva, IX, 4,1970, pp. 3-23 and X, 1,1971, pp. 3-19; and Paula Nuttall, Raffaellino del Garbo, in: Turner (n. 1), XXVIII, pp. 847-849. 100 Giovanni di Lorenzo Larciani's true identity has been uncovered on the basis of new archival evidence by Waldman (n. 65), pp. 456-469; also see David Franklin, A painting by Giovanni Larciani in Rouen, in: Burl. Mag., CXL, 1998, p. 470; and Louis A. Waldman, The rank and file of Renaissance painting: Giovanni Larciani and the "Florentine Eccentrics", in: Italian Renaissance Masters, exh. cat. Milwaukee 2001, pp. 22-43. 101 A pupil of Botticelli and Fra Bartolomeo, Cianfanini was also a close acquaintance of Lorenzo di Credi, for whom Cianfanini worked as an assistant in 1523 and served as a witness during the drafting of Lorenzo's will in 1531. Milanesi notes that in 1511 Cianfanini painted and gilded a base of a wooden putto that struck the hours of a clock on the Torre del Saggio in the Mercato of Florence and painted a curtain for Monte del Fora's mosaic head of S. Zanobi in the Duomo in the same year. See Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 71. 102 Andrea Feltrini received payments in 1506 and 1510 for work executed in the convent of the Servi and in 1510-11 painted chiaroscuro designs on the fa?ade of SS. Annunziata (no longer extant). Widely recognized for his skills in designing public festivities, Feltrini, together with Sarto, assisted with the decorations of the Carro della Morte in 1511, so highly praised by Vasari in his Life of Piero di Cosimo. Vasari also credited Feltrini for incorporating the grotesques that he observed in Rome ? the motifs visible in newly excavated examples such as the Domus Aurea ? in his sgraffito decorations of palace fa?ades and his collaborative projects with other painters, including Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and Jacopo Pontormo in the Cappella dei Papi, S. Maria Novella. For relevant articles, see John Shearman, Rosso, Pontormo, Bandinelli, and others at SS. Annunziata, in: Burl. Mag., CII, 1960, pp. 152-156, esp. p. 155; Christel and G?nther Thiem, Andrea di Cosimo Feltrini und die Groteskendekoration der Florentiner Hochrenaissance, in: Zs. f. Kgesch., XXIV, 1961, pp. 1-39; Janet Cox-Rearick, Dynasty and destiny in Medici Art: Pontormo, Leo X and two Cosimos, Princeton 1984; and Ilaria Ciseri, L'ingresso trionfale di Leone X in Firenze nel 1515, Florence 1990. 103 Giovanni di Bartolomeo di Jacopo, a painter in the parish of S. Lorenzo, served as a witness to a. finis docu ment dated 2 October 1520: ASF, NA 17227 (1517-22), fol. 407r. 104 This figure may be Giovanni Battista di Agnolo Fei, a Florentine painter commissioned to execute various works for the Duomo in Orvieto in 1490. Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 132-133. 105 This artist was probably the son of Zanobi di Giovanni Adimari, whose name appears in the LR in 1503-5 and who worked in the convent of the Servi in 1469. Ibidem, p. 283. 106 Enrolled in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali in 1521, Lorenzo entered the guild with no fee, as a benefit of his deceased father. See ibidem, p. 139. Lorenzo served as a witness in 1506 and 1510 (ASF, NA 17865 [1502-4], fol. 76v; and NA 14294 [1510-17], fol. 13r) and participated in a dowry agreement in 1517 (NA 3463 [1514 51], fol. 60v). 107 Little documentation survives for this artist. In 1517 Antonio appears in a dowry related contract: ASF, NA 1865 (1517-19), fol. 132r. An Antonio di Jacopo, a painter from the parish of S. Maria Novella, also appears in a locado at the much earlier date of 10 February 1458 (NA 21156 [1456-60], fols. 542v-543r). 108 Giovanni di Bartolomeo was the son of Bartolomeo di Giovanni Masini, also a cloth painter, mentioned in n. 52. 109 Francesco di Giovanni d'Antonio di Tommaso de' Riccomanni ? not to be confused with Francesco di Giovanni di Domenico, who is Francesco Botticini ? went by the nickname "Il Verde" and is next seen in ASF, Arte del Disegno 4, Reg. A. 1535. As Colnaghi notes, the painter was the master of Cornelio di Cornelio di Giovanni and the father of another future painter, Mariotto di Francesco (Reg. A. 1535). See Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 229. no Seen. 53. m Vasari-Milanesi, IV, p. 557, n. 4. Also see Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 124. 112 A group of unpublished documents, dated from 1528 to 1551, help to illuminate Aristotile's biography to some extent. In 1528 Aristotile is included in a compromissum relating to the Pandolfini family and is also mentioned as working in Rome (ASF, NA 20033 [1521-28], fols. 352r, 355v). In 1531 he served as a witness to the collection of twenty-four and a half scudi from Alessandro Lupi of Bologna (NA 8662 [1509-46], fol. 11 Or). For a mention in 1532 see NA 15536 (1526-32), fols. 369v-370v. Aristotile makes several appearances in This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 156 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke notices of 1533: NA 17165 (1532-63), fols. 27r, 29v, 35v (all as a witness), 37v (as a mundualdus), 38v, 45r-v (a locado document), 45v-47r, 52r; Aristotile also appears as a witness in NA 21101, fol. 149v. Most interesting is Artistotile's inclusion in yet another list of S. Luca members, dated 9 October 1533 and drafted in the parish of S. Reparata (NA 7214 [1530-35], fol. 164r-v). Here the artist is noted as living in the parish of S. Mich?le Visdomini. In 1535 he was one of the arbiters chosen by Francesco di Jacopo di Clemente and his brother (NA 7214, fol. 270v). Aristotile and his father, Giovanfrancesco, appear in a document regarding the latter's estate in 1538 (NA 6440 [1531-32], fol. 18v). In the following year Aristotile was appointed as a guardian of his nephew, Mich?le di Paolo di Gianfrancesco da Sangallo (NA 17165 [1532-63], fols. 226r-227r); the docu ment also includes two paintings made by Paolo di Gianfrancesco ("uno quadro d'una Vergine Maria con S. Giovanni e Giuseppe con ornamento messo a oro" and "uno quadro con Ercole et Anteo con fornamenti messi d'oro"). Finally, Aristotile's will of 21 March 1551 and death date (2 August 1551) are found in NA 17165 [1532-63), fols. 238r-242r. 113 See Adriano Ghisetti Giavarina, Aristotile da Sangallo, architettura, scenografia e pittura tra Roma e Firenze nella prima meta del Cinquecento: ipotesi di attribuzione dei disegni raccolti agli Uffizi, Rome 1990; and the corpus of writings in Christoph Fr?mmeltNicholas Adams, eds. The architectural drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and his Circle, New York 1994. 114 Jacopo di Lazzaro di Pietro Torni (1476-1526), as Jacopo dell'Indaco was known by his full name, is very sparsely documented and does not surface in any of the new S. Luca documents. He does, however, appear in a recognitio bonorum (formal acknowledgment of property/possessions) document of 1496, also involving Davide Ghirlandaio: ASF, NA 2446 (1491-98), fol. 287r. Jacopo also appears in the membership lists of the societies of S. Bonaventura and S. Bartolomeo in 1499 (see n. 72). For brief descriptions of Jacopo's career and that of his younger brother Francesco, likewise a painter, consult Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 146. For additional mentions see Fiorella Sricchia Santoro, Del Franciabigio, dell'Indaco e di una vecchia questione, in: Prospettiva, LXX, 1993, pp. 22-49; and LXXI, 1993, pp. 12-33; and Louis A. Waldman, Two foreign artists in Renaissance Florence: Alonso Berruguete and Gian Francesco Bembo, in: Apollo, CLV, June 2002, pp. 26, 28, n. 28. 115 Vasari-Milanesi, VII, pp. 160-161, 175. Aristotile's great interest in Michelangelo's Battle cartoon is also de scribed at the beginning of his own biography: ibidem, VI, pp. 433-434. Also of interest: William E. Wallace, Michelangelo's assistants in the Sistine Chapel, in: Gaz. B.-A, CX, 1987, pp. 203-216; and Gaetano Miarelli Mariani, La critica del Vasari e la setta sangallesca, in: Vasari storiografo e artista, Congresso internazionale nel IV centenario della morte (Arezzo/Florence, 1974), Florence 1976, pp. 567-585. 116 Antonio's son Bastiano d'Antonio di Niccol? was also a goldbeater and a painter, as evidenced by a document of 24 May 1527: ASF, NA 19221 (1526-29), fols. 102v-103r. 117 For more on the del Cammello family of artists, see n. 93. Domenico di Bernardino appeared as a witness in 1527 (ASF, NA 3885 [1527-31], fol. 23v) and again in a document involving the dissolution of a partnership in the rigattiere (second hand goods dealer) business in 1538 (NA 11676 [1532-45], fol. 69r). 118 For a document of 12 July 1539 concerning the marriage of Jacopo's daughter: ASF, NA 20876 (1539-40), fols. 20v-21r. 119 Giovanni di Giovanni di ser Francesco, a resident of the parish of S. Pier Maggiore, appears in zpromesso ad vendendo [sic] of 1518 (ASF, NA 3345 [1512-22], fol. 105r) and a land lease of 1519 (NA 6647 [1517-21], fol. 315r). A Giovanni di Giovanni di ser Francesco da Poppi from the parish of S. Pier Maggiore ? almost certainly the same painter ? leased out land on 18 June 1519 (NA 6647 [1517-21], fol. 315r). 120 Giovambattista di Tommaso di Mich?le di Francesco del Verrocchio (1494-1569) was the nephew of Andrea del Verrocchio, son-in-law of Baccio da Montelupo, and brother-in-law of Giovanni Larciani (Waldman [n. 65], p. 459 n. 14). He joined the Arte four years earlier, on 27 May 1516, reappeared at the S. Luca meeting of 1525, and later gained membership to the Company of the Accademia del Disegno, although it is not recorded if he was an Academician (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 277). Giovambattista's oeuvre has been partially reconstructed, on the basis of a documented altarpiece in the Badia di Buggiano, in Waldman, 2001 (n. 100), pp. 34-36. 121 A pupil of his more well-known father, Arcangelo (or Michelangelo) di Jacopo del Sellaio (1478-1530) joined the painters' guild on 29 November 1507 (Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 245). On 2 December 1505 Arcangelo is docu mented as leasing out a shop from a ser Stefano di Clemente di Stefano Orlandini in Borgo Santi Apostoli, for three years to begin 1 November just past (ASF, NA 15922 [1504-6], fols. 171v-172r). Three years later, on 7 May 1508, Arcangelo was listed as one of the officials of the society of S. Maria delle Laude, a company meeting in the Carmine (NA 3135 [1506-9], fol. 140v). Arcangelo's son Giovambattista also worked as a painter, as stated in the wills of Giovambattista and his wife from 1548 (NA 18328 [1533-38], fols. 361r-362v). 122 Giovanni d'Anton Francesco, living in the parish of S. Simone, is mentioned in ASF, NA 13229 (1519-21), fol. 52v (regarding the return of a dowry on 1 October 1520); NA 3417 (1517-23), fols. 41v-42r (Giovanni is involved in the arbitration of an unspecified dispute, drawn up in the parish of S. Stefano, on 23 July 1518); and NA 3417, fol. 209v (Giovanni is mentioned together with two appointed procurators and all other nota ries connected with their storehouse, for unspecified business on 26 January 1521). This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms D. V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 157 I23 Tommaso's father was a miniaturist and architect, whose example, as Vasari maintains, Tommaso was eager to follow. For Vasari's mentions of Tommaso's apprenticeship with Credi and his later work at SS. Annunziata, see Vasari-Milanesi, IV, p. 570. Tommaso matriculated in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali on 15 July 1535. Also: Bernhard Degenhart, Die Sch?ler des Lorenzo di Credi: der Meister von Santo Spirito, Tommaso di Stefano (Lunetti), M?nchner Jb., IX, 1932, pp. 147-156; and Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 165. Unpublished mentions in docu ments include: ASF, NA 3357 (1536-38), fols. 51v (land sale), 321 (witness); NA 3880 (1509-17), fols. 517v, 595r (regarding property); and NA 9261 (1482-90), fols. 120r-121r (dowry documents). i24 William Wallace, The Lantern of Michelangelo's Medici Chapel, in: Flor. Mitt., XXXIII, 1989, pp. 17-36; and idem, Two presentation drawings for Michelangelo's Medici Chapel, in: Master Drawings, XXV, 1987, pp. 242-259. 125 For Vasari's appraisal of Puligo, whom the Aretine judged as particularly lazy, and his mentions of Puligo's commissions for Cestello and S. Benigno in Genoa, see Vasari-Milanesi, IV, pp. 466, 472. For a brief biogra phy and Puligo's artistic output, see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 223-224. Also: Louis A. Waldman, Puligo and Jacopo di Filippo fornaciaio: two unrecorded paintings of 1524, in: Source, XVIII, 1999, pp. 25-27; Elena Capretd, Un'aggiunta al Puligo maturo, in: Paragone, XLII, N.S. 26-27,1991, pp. 59-65; and Sheila M. Bruce Lockhart, The work of Domenico Puligo, MA thesis, University of London, Courtauld Institute 1973. For Puligo's portraits, see Elena Capretd, Ritratti e alcune "teste" del Puligo, in: Antichit? viva, XXXII, 3-4, 1993, pp. 5 14; and Carlo Gamba, Di alcuni ritratti del Puligo, in: Riv. d'arte, VI, 1909, pp. 277-280; cfr. now Domenico Puligo (1492-2527). Un protagonista dimenticato della pittura fiorentina, exh. cat. ed. by Elena Capretd/ Serena Padovani, Florence 2002. On Puligo's participation in the lay Compagnia del Paiuolo, a small "lei sure" group of artists founded by Giovan Francesco Rustici, is treated in Riccardo Spinelli, Giovanni della Robbia, Domenico Puligo e i 'compagni del Paiuolo' alia badia del Buonsollazzo, in: Flor. Mitt., XXXVIII, 1994, pp. 118-129. Puligo was noted as a resident of three different parishes: S. Felicita in 1517 (ASF, NA 3880 [1509-17], fol. 361r); S. Lorenzo in 1520 (Puligo's acceptance of his father's inheritance) (NA 13229 [1519-21], fol. 5 lr); and S. Ambrogio in a will of 1527 (NA 9317 [1522-27], fol. 267v). 126 For recent studies see Philippe Costamagna/Anne Fahre, Di alcuni problemi della bottega di Andrea del Sarto, in: Paragone, XLII, 1991, pp. 15-28; and Marco Ciatd, La tavola della Trinit? e Santi dello Jacone, in: OPD Restauro, II, 1987, pp. 122-124. Also see Antonio Pinelli, Vivere "alia filos?fica" o vestir? di velluto?: storia di Jacone florentino e della sua "masnada" antivasariana, in: Ricerche di storia dell'arte, XXXIV, 1988, pp. 5-34. i27 Vasari-Milanesi, VI, p. 453. 128 For both father and son, see Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 32; Waldman (n. 92), p. 207, n. 13. Giovanni was noted as a witness to a will in 1540: ASF, NA 12205 (1540-53), fol. 54r: "Giovanni di Salvi pictor populi S. Marie Alberighi". 129 Tnis Mariotto di Francesco del Zufolo is most likely identical with Mariotto di Francesco di Niccol? Dolzemele (1477-1548), a painter-gilder who was the son of a gilder and minor painter named Francesco di Niccol? di Tommaso Dolzemele. Mariotto joined the Arte dei Medici e Speziali on 17 May 1516 {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 89). Mariotto was the probable recipient of payments for the Virgin and Child with Sts. Jacob, Francis, Clare, and Lawrence, executed by Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and Mich?le Tosini for the high altar of SS. Jacopo e Lorenzo in the Via Ghibellina and now in the Museo di S. Salvi (see David Franklin, Towards a new chronology for Ridolfo Ghirlandaio and Mich?le Tosini, in: Burl. Mag., CXL, 1998, p. 453, n. 32). For Mariotto's partnership with Giovanni Larciani (from 1525 to 1527) and his hypothetical identification as the strangely awkward and idiosyncratic "Master of Serumido", see Waldman, 2001 (n. 100), pp. 28-33. It is intriguing to speculate about Mariotto's musical talents, as "Zufolo" was a cylindrical instrument, usually made of wood, while a "Dolzemele", or dulcimer, was an instrument with wire strings of graduated lengths stretched over a sound box, played by striking or plucking the strings {Tullio De Mauro, Grande dizionario della lingua italiana, Torino 2000, II, p. 759; VI, p. 1149). Larciani's partner is not to be confused with another gilder and accom plished decorator named Mariotto di Francesco di Mariotto (1499-1561), mentioned by Vasari in the Life of Andrea Feltrini as having partnered Andrea and the gilder Raffaello di Biagio. For Vasari's praise of the latter master, whom the Aretine described as one of the most masterful practitioners of his profession, skillful in obtaining commissions and shrewd in conducting business, see: Vasari-Milanesi, V, pp. 208-210. 130 A pupil of Fra Bartolomeo, the painter Cecchino del Frate is probably the "Francesco di Filippo di Firenze" mentioned in a joint contract with the Frate of 1 January 1516. A Francesco di Filippo d'Antonio Forestani (d. 1527) also appears on the S. Luca list of 1525 and is most likely the same person {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 68). This Francesco di Filippo d'Antonio leased half of a house in Borgo Ognissanti, in the parish of S. Lucia Ognissanti, from the painter Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico di Filippo on 6 October 1525 (ASF, NA 19219 [1515-26], Ins. 2, no. 103). 131 Gabriello di Girolamo di Marco de' Rustici, another student of Fra Bartolomeo, may have been the cousin of the painter and sculptor Giovan Francesco Rustici, a follower of Leonardo. According to ASF, NA 13519 (1520-27), fol. 108v, the painter was indeed a relative of Rustici. Gabriello matriculated in the Arte dei Medici e Speziali nine years later, on 15 May 1534 {Colnaghi [n. 3], p. 238). An unpublished document of 23 August This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 158 D.V. Geronimus, L.A. Waldman / The Florentine company of St. Luke 1530 records that one of the Priors of the Signoria named Agnolo d'Ottaviano della Casa leased to the painter Gabriello di Girolamo Rustici a shop "ad usum barbitonsoris" in Via dei Calderai (parish of S. Maria del Fiore) "et e contra Sancto Giovannino" on 19 February 1528 for a term of three years and 2 months. The lease was then canceled: NA 6244 (1529-32), fol. 13r. 132 Giovanni, the son of the sculptor and architect Baccio da Montelupo and the brother of a sculptor named Raffaello, entered the Arte six years later, 13 May 1531. According to Vasari, the family's name was Sinibaldi. Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 129; and Vasari-Milanesi, IV, p. 549. 133 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 144. Jacopo di Francesco di Domenico Filippi (or Lippi) (d. 1527), appeared in the LR in 1503 and matriculated in the Arte (Cod. X) on 30 March 1501, with no fee as a benefit of his father. A pupil of Botticelli (Vasari-Milanesi, III, p. 319), Jacopo was also a member of the Compagnia di S. Paolo in 1502, before being expelled for disobedience in 1507. 134 Colnaghi (n. 3), p. 162. 135 Piero d'Antonio, another son of Francesco di Jacopo del Piccino (see n. 50) was also a painter, matriculating in the Arte on 8 August 1508. Ibidem, p. 88. 136 Ibidem, p. 225. Raffaello appears as a witness to a will of Niccol? di Giovanni Sernigi on 8 February 1502: ASF, NA 7536 (Testamenti, 1473-1525), fol. 200r. His name is also found in NA 367 (1513-21), fol. 135v (dowry related), 160v; and NA 1860 (1505-8), fol. 251r. 137 Unpublished documents for Silvestro include his appointment of a procurator: ASF, NA 14914 (1517-18), fol. 141r; and a recognitio debiti dated 23 November 1520: NA 3881 (1517-22), fol. 331v. In the former, Silvestro is said to be resident in the parish of S. Pier Maggiore, in the second S. Ambrogio. 138 For "Il Bachiacca" (joining the Arte dei Medici e Speziali on 29 July 1529) and Pontormo (in the Arte on 5 June 1526), see Colnaghi (n. 3), pp. 275 and 219 respectively. The presence of "Il Bachiacca" in the Compagnia di S. Luca in 1525 is noted in: ASF, Accad. del Dis, no. 1 (Compagnia di S. Luca, Capitoli), fol. 8v. For Pontormo's 1525 mention: ASF, Accad. del Dis, no. 1 (Primo Registro), fol. lOv. 139 Nicoletta Baldini, Niccol? Soggi, Florence 1997. 140 Henderson (n. 5), pp. 65-66. 141 For Fra Girolamo d'Antonio da Brescia see n. 82. 142 Home (n. 17), p. 347 (App. II, Doc. XI). 143 A targonaio was a craftsman who fabricated, decorated, and sold targoni (shields or bucklers of large dimen sions, round or rectangular in shape, and painted with emblems, coats of arms, or other ornaments). RIASSUNTO A partir? dal 1339, gli artisti e artigiani fiorentini si riunirono a formare la confraternita dei pittori, o di S. Luca. Come altre confraternit? del Rinascimento, quella di S. Luca offriva una struttura istituzionale di solidariet? sociale, religiosa ed econ?mica ai suoi membri, che comprendevano la larga maggioranza degli artisti del periodo. Il registro delle finanze della confraternita, che si ? conservato, il "Libro Rosso", che va dal 1472 al 1520, ? noto da tempo agli Studiosi come fonte primaria di prove documentarie sulla vita e la carriera di artisti fiorentini. Tuttavia, i nomi degli artisti che vi son? registrad sopravvivono solo come tracce parziali di un archivio un tempo pi? vasto. Nel trattare della prima storia e governo di questa societ? di pittori, questo articolo introduce nuove prove documentarie che arricchiscono la nostra conoscenza della compagine della confraternita oltre i limiti del "Libro Rosso". Nove documenti pubblicati qui, che vanno dal 1477 al 1525, gettano nuova luce sul modo di trattare gli affari alPinterno della societ? e sull'avvicendamento nelle cariche, metiendo astri dell'arte fianco a fianco con artigiani da tempo dimenticati. Photo Credits: from Hind: fig. 1. -from Berenson, Pictures, Flor: fig. 2. - KIF: figs. 3-4. This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Sun, 23 Jul 2017 22:52:05 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms